2016_Excursions in density- Case studies for densifying Perth

Since 1990 Perth has had overarching planning policies that called for urban consolidation. Despite this, Perth typically achieves 32% urban infill development – less than its urban infill target of 47%. Given Perth’s population is projected by the Australian Bureau of Statistics to increase from 1.8 million to 6.6 million people by 2061, perpetuating outer suburban growth could have significant societal, economic and ecological effects. In order to address this situation this report reviews spatial case studies and regulatory, communication, fiscal, and governance strategies by which urban infill development could be facilitated, and reflects on their possible application in Perth.

Excursions in density

Case studies for densifying Perth

Executive summary

Excursions in density / Executive summary

This executive summary distills the key lessons from the case study projects featured in this report...

Outer suburban development is a major feature of contemporary urbanisation. In countries such as the USA and Australia, expansive suburbanization consisting of single-family, free standing residential development is pervasive. Despite this, further perpetuating a model of outer suburban development has a number of significant issues. These include potential challenges in relation to peak oil, the sterilisation of agriculturally productive land in periurban regions, the destruction of biodiversity, mounting infrastructure provision costs, long commuting times for outer suburban residents, and the concentration of economic and social vulnerabilities on the city’s fringes.

Since Perth’s ‘Metroplan’ strategy launched in 1990 Perth has had metropolitan planning which aims to consolidate urban infill development in relation to public transport routes and nodes. Despite the long term application of Activity Centre, Activity Corridor, and background urban infill policies Perth achieved thirty-seven per cent urban infill development in 2014, below its target of 47%. So as to contribute positively to this situation, this report sets out infill development case studies, from broadly similar contexts around Australia and the world, which contain spatial design initiatives which could applied in Perth to achieve more urban infill.

The main findings of this exercise are that Perth could benefit from:

 Density mitigation policies which deal with the potentially adverse effects of urban infill. Such strategies could include upgraded parks and

streetscapes, libraries, childcare, community centres funded in part by developers paying public amenity contributions. Such policies would give communities who are resistant to urban infill a reason to change their mind.

Refer to the Grey to green initiative, Portland, USA, case study for more information (Page 350)

 Regulatory protection of mature trees. Research shows that perceived density decreases with the volume of vegetation in the same development site. In this respect the protection of mature vegetation can be used to alleviate negative perceptions of density. Policies which ensure, where possible, the protection of mature trees, as well as incentivising the planting of new trees, are likely to increase support for urban infill development, as well as increasing the liveability and ecological performance of existing suburbs.

Refer to the AUDRC Fremantle Housing Diversity Strategy, Fremantle, Australia, case study for more information (Page 94)

 Better design of urban infill, particularly at the background infill scale. Studies conducted both in Dublin and the United Kingdom concluded that the way density is configured and designed is likely to be more important to the ‘perceived density’ than the actual density figure. To address this situation in Perth, architect designed housing templates, with pre-approval from permitting agencies, could allow cost efficiencies but also insure that infill dwellings are well-designed.

Refer to the CityLAB proposal, Los Angeles,

United States of America, case study for more information (Page 100)

 Subtle ‘hidden’ urban infill. Where community resistance to infill is particularly contentious, urban infill can be effectively ‘hidden’ from public view in a way that ‘protects’ local streetscapes. Examples of this are secondary suites where an existing house is divided in two, or ancillary dwellings whereby another dwelling is allowed on a property but the landownership is not divided- meaning that the visually obstructive fencing and driveways are avoided.

Refer to the EcoDensity Charter, Vancouver, Canada, case study for more information (Page 62)

 The provision of adequate car parking. In the end suburban cities are to a large degree driven by the spatial requirements of cars – indeed car use is still growing across Australia. Following this one of the primary reasons given as to why residents oppose infill development in their neighbourhood is an expected increase in car-parking hassles and cars ‘littering’ previously quiet residential streets. Given the nature of Perth’s dispersed employment and typically car dependent form planners should creatively allow for the car parking required, rather than negating/ minimizing it, so as to avoid antagonising local communities who tend to prize their leafy and uncongested streetscapes.

Refer to the AUDRC carport street proposal, Perth, Australia, case study for more information (Page 76)

 Conducting a spatial audit of potential

sites for urban infill, which complements the analysis currently being conducted in the Urban Growth Monitor publication. ‘Greyfield audits’ developed in the United States identify potential urban infill sites (including for instance strip malls, public or private golf courses, and carparks). While the redevelopment of such sites is not without controversy however their development can be one way of unlocking community resistance to density as it they allow planners to offer local communities’ trade- offs, i.e. is it worth allowing the partial redevelopment of a private golf club for urban infill development if it means the rest of the suburb can remain at a low suburban density. Perth has a substantial proportion of its Central Sub Region in a non-developed state–including substantial public and private golf courses, carparks, river foreshores and regional sporting facilities etc. While urban infill development is beginning to occur in these areas this approach could have substantial further application.

Refer to the Kyme Place, Melbourne, Australia, case study for the redevelopment of carparks (Page 326)

Refer to the Eastern Golf Club, Melbourne, Australia, case study for the redevelopment of golf courses (Page 252)

Refer to the Waverley Park, Melbourne, Australia, case study for the redevelopment of regional sporting facilities (Page 228)

Glossary

Activity Centre = The medium to high density redevelopment of commercial or public transport nodes

Activity Corridor = The medium to high density redevelopment of sites along public transport corridors

Background infill = The subdivision of suburban lots for 2-5 group dwellings

Brownfields = Post–industrial sites; often disused ports

Central Sub Region (CSR) = Perth’s suburban core where most urban infill development is planned to occur

Deep planting zone = Zone on natural ground to encourage the retention and planting of mature vegetation and generally provide better quality amenity and environmental outcomes

Developer contributions = A fee or contribution charged against a development for the provision of infrastructure

Development Application = A formal request for consent to carry out development

Directions 2031 = Perth’s overarching planning document prepared by the Western Australian Planning Commission and the Department of Planning

Ecosystem services = The benefits to

humans provided by nature, including for example the provision of clean drinking water, and the decomposition of wastes.

Greenfields = Large areas of land zoned for suburban development on the urban periphery

Greyfields = Middle ring suburbs

Heavy rail system = A electric railway with the capacity to handle a heavy volume of traffic (Perth’s rail lines are ‘heavy’ rail)

Light rail system = A electric railway using rolling stick similar to a tramway but operating at a higher capacity

Mixed use = the compatible mixing of a range of uses, integrated in close proximity to each other to improve the efficiency and amenity of neighbourhoods, reduce travel demand, increase walkability, and make more efficient use of available space and buildings

Multi-unit development = An infill development where one dwelling is vertically placed above another dwelling

Multiple-unit development= See above

Non-urbanised= An area upon which no substantial buildings have been constructed

Plot ratio = The ratio of a building’s total

floor area in relation to the size of the site upon which the building is constructed. Also known as Floor Area Ration (FAR)

Public/ private development = A development which is funded and operated through a partnership of government and one (or multiple) private sector companies.

Public open space = Land used, or intended for use, for recreational purposes by the public and includes parks, public gardens, playgrounds, and sports fields.

Residential Design Codes (R codes) = Residential Design Codes produced by the Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission to provide a comprehensive basis for the control of residential development throughout Western Australia.

R15 = 15 dwellings per hectare or typical suburban density

R25- 40 = 25-40 dwellings per hectare or typical group dwelling subdivision density

R40- 80 = 40-80 dwellings per hectare or typical multi-unit dwelling density

Subdivision = The process that includes the division of a parcel of land to create multiple green title, strata and survey

strata lots

Suburban lot = This generally equates to a quarter-acre block, which had a frontage of 20 metres and a depth of 50 metres, creating a 1,000 sqm parcel, however this parcel size can vary.

Transport orientated development = Urban development typically within a walkable catchment of a public transport node

Walkable catchment = The area served in a 400 metre (five minute) or 800 metre (10 minute) walking distance from generally measured from a public transport stop

Urban infill = Urban development with existing urban areas

Urban consolidation = See urban infill

Urban heat island effect (UHI) = A metropolitan area that is warmer than surrounding rural areas due to human activities.

Urbanised= An area upon which substantial buildings have been constructed

Introduction

Excursions in density / Introduction

The method of this report is to briefly review relevant case study projects and reflect on the possible application of their underlying strategies in Perth.

Outer suburban development is a major feature of contemporary urbanization. In countries such as the USA and Australia, expansive suburbaniszation consisting of single-family, free standing residential development, is pervasive.1 Despite this, further perpetuating a model of outer suburban development has a number of significant issues. These include potential challenges in relation to peak oil,2 the sterilisation of agriculturally productive land in periurban regions,3 the destruction of biodiversity,4 mounting infrastructure provision costs,5 long commuting times for outer suburban residents,6 and the concentration of economic and social vulnerabilities on the city’s fringes.7 So

1 Annemarie Schneider and Curtis E. Woodcock, “Compact, Dispersed, Fragmented, Extensive? A Comparison of Urban Growth in Twenty-Five Global Cities Using Remotely Sensed Data, Pattern Metrics and Census Information,” Urban Studies 45, no. 3 (2008).

2 Jago Dodson and Neil Sipe, “Unsettling Suburbia: The New Landscape of Oil and Mortgage Vulnerabilty in Australian Cities,” (Brisbane: Griffith University, 2008).

3 Karen C. Seto, Robert K. Kaufmann, and Curtis E. Woodcock, “Landsat Reveals China’s Farmland Reserves, but They’re Vanishing Fast,” Nature 406, no. 6792 (2000).

4 Volker C. Radeloff et al., “Housing Growth in and near United States Protected Areas Limits Their Conservation Value,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 107, no. 2 (2010).

5 Peter Murphy, “The Metropolis,” in Planning Australia: An Overview of Urban and Regional Planning, ed. Paul Maginn and Susan Thompson (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 166; Scott Bernstein, “The New Transit Town: Great Places and Great Nodes That Work for Everyone,” in New Transit Town: Best Practices in Transit-Oriented Development, ed. Hank Dittmar and Gloria Ohland (Washington: Island press, 2004), 235.

6 Anne Arvola and Kyosti Pennanen, “Understanding Residents’ Attitudes Towards Infill Development at Finnish Urban Suburbs,” in World SB14 Barcelona, ed. Unknown editor (Barcelona: World SB14 Barcelona, 2014), 1.

7 Dodson and Sipe, “Unsettling Suburbia: The New Landscape of Oil and Mortgage Vulnerabilty in Australian Cities; Zhenxiang Zhao and Robert Kaestner, “Effects of Urban Sprawl on Obesity,” Journal of Health Economics 29, no. 6 (2010); R. Sturm and D. A. Cohen, “Suburban Sprawl and Physical and Mental Health,”

as to mitigate the impacts of an outer suburban growth model, there is an increasing emphasis placed on achieving residential infill development in many cities worldwide. Indeed the current crop of Australian capital city plans all share similar goals around urban consolidation.8 Nonetheless while Australian capital city planning policies stress the need for urban infill development,9 too often these statements of vision have not been implemented 10 As Jago Dodson explains ‘…despite more than two decades of consolidation policy, across Australia’s major cities there are vast suburban regions of low density development…’11

This situation can be explained by a number of factors, such as typically unplanned approaches to infill development, a lack of fiscal incentives, poor coordination of the infrastructure required and, perhaps – most importantly – community resistance.12

Public Health 118, no. 7 (2004); Thomas J. Nechyba and Randall P. Walsh, “Urban Sprawl,” The Journal of Economic Perspectives 18, no. 4 (2004).

8 Murphy, “The Metropolis,” 159.

9 Glen Searle, “Urban Consolidation and the Inadequacy of Local Open Space Provision in Sydney,” Urban Policy and Research 29, no. 02 (2011): 203.&quot; <style face=”italic”>Urban Policy and Research</style> 29, no. 02 (2011

10 Jane-Frances Kelly and Paul Donegan, City Limits: Why Australian Cities Are Broken and How We Can Fix Them (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2015), 149; Robin Goodman and Susie Moloney, “Activity Centre Planning in Melbourne Revisited,” Australian Planner 41, no. 2 (2004): 49.

11 “In the Wrong Place at the Wrong Time? Assessing Some Planning, Transport and Housing Market Limits to Urban Consolidation Policies,” Urban Policy and Research 28, no. 4 (2010): 495.

12 Arvola and Pennanen, “Understanding Residents’ Attitudes Towards Infill Development at Finnish Urban Suburbs,” 1; Stephen Wheeler, “Infill Development in the San Fransisco Bay Area: Current Obstacles and Responses,” in Annual Conference of the Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning (Cleveland: Association of

Indeed in countries such as Australia, Canada, the USA, the UK and Finland13 community opposition to higher density housing and infill development is’ alive and well’14, and indeed in Australia there exists, what one former council official referred to as, a ‘public sullenness’ around proposed densification of existing suburbs.15 Those who oppose urban infill development make several claims; that the design qualities of medium-density and high-density housing are generally poor; traffic in residential streets is likely to increase and streetscapes will suffer;16 the introduction of populations of renters into areas of single-family, owneroccupied housing might adversely affect the social mix17 and potentially create future ‘slums-like conditions18; that there

Excursions in density / Introduction

will be a loss of mature vegetation19 and Collegiate Schools of Planning, 2001), 11.

13 Arvola and Pennanen, “Understanding Residents’ Attitudes Towards Infill Development at Finnish Urban Suburbs,” 5.

14 Wendy Sarkissian, “Wendy Sarkissian on Nimbyism, Community Resistance and Housing Density,” The Fifth Estate, http://www.thefifthestate.com.au/spinifex/nimbyism-community-resistance-and-housing-density/45397.

15 Kelly and Donegan, City Limits: Why Australian Cities Are Broken and How We Can Fix Them, 129. 16 J-F Kelly, P Breadon, and J Reichl, “Getting the Housing We Want,” (Melbourne: Grattan Institute, 2011), 25.

17 Murphy, “The Metropolis,” 167; City of Stirling, “Minutes: Ordinary Meeting of Council,” (Perth: City of Stirling, 2014), 9.

18 Clinton Stiles-Schmidt, “Australia’s Recipe for Urban Decay,” newgeography, http://www.newgeography. com/content/004971-australia-s-recipe-urban-decay.

19 Julie Brunner and Paul Cozens, “‘Where Have All the Trees Gone?’ Urban Consolidation and the Demise of Urban Vegetation: A Case Study from Western Australia,” Planning Practice & Research 28, no. 2 (2013): 232.

a decrease in privacy, a loss of open space, sunlight, views,20 and even ‘possibilities for relaxation’;21; that biodiversity and flora and fauna habitats will be affected;22; that opportunities for domestic production will be compromised;23 and that infill development threaten the unique identity of particular suburbs.24 . In broad terms, opponents of densification see it as negatively affecting their amenity.25

Infill development in Perth

Since Perth’s ‘Metroplan’ strategy launched in 1990 (and more recently the 2004 ‘Network City’ plan and 2010 ‘Directions 2031’ plan) Perth has had metropolitan planning which aims to consolidate urban infill development in relation to public transport routes and nodes26 in Activity Corridors and Activity Centres. In essence these plans cast Perth as a ‘connected city’ with medium to high residential densities around transport nodes and areas of employment.27 Despite Activity Centre and Activity Corridor being the flagships of state government Transport Orientated Development (TOD) planning

20 Arvola and Pennanen, “Understanding Residents’ Attitudes Towards Infill Development at Finnish Urban Suburbs,” 2.

21 Ibid., 7.

22 Brunner and Cozens, “‘Where Have All the Trees Gone?’ Urban Consolidation and the Demise of Urban Vegetation: A Case Study from Western Australia,” 250.

23 Patrick Troy, “Saving Our Cities with Suburbs,” in Griffith Review: Dreams of Land, ed. Julianne Schultz (Brisbane: Griffith University, 2004), 120.

24 Arvola and Pennanen, “Understanding Residents’ Attitudes Towards Infill Development at Finnish Urban Suburbs,” 1.

25 Murphy, “The Metropolis,” 167..

26 Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission, “Draft Perth and Peel @3.5 Million,” (Perth: Western Australian Planning Commission, 2015), 12.

27 Ibid.

a significant amount of low density urban infill development is occurring through the subdivision of suburban backyards in Perth’s Central Sub Region. This form of urban infill development is referred to as ad hoc subdivision or ‘background’ urban infill – namely small projects yielding fewer than five group dwellings.28 This is certainly not a uniquely Perth situation; – a comparatively recent study completed in the City of Monash in Melbourne revealed that 98% across the entire Local Government Area during this period was housing infill comprising two to seven dwellings.29 The issue with this density of urban infill development is that because of strata titling it will be very difficult to ever redevelop these areas at a higher density.

Furthermore, despite the long term application of Activity Centre, Activity Corridor, and background urban infill policies (and a target that forty-seven per cent of all new residential development be urban infill development) Perth achieved thirty-one per cent urban infill development in 2014, just above its historical average of thirty-two per cent.30

Arguably the most significant reason why infill targets are not being met, and the infill that is being delivered is generally low density, is a lack of

28 “Urban Growth Monitor: Perth Metropolitan, Peel and Greater Bunbury Regions,” (Perth: Western Australian Planning Commission, 2014), 107.

29 Shane Murray, “Infill Precincts,” in Made in Australia: The Future of Australian Cities, ed. Julian Bolleter and Richard Weller (Perth: University of Western Australia Publishing, 2013), 291.

30 Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission, “Urban Growth Monitor: Perth Metropolitan, Peel and Greater Bunbury Regions,” (Perth: Western Australian Planning Commission, 2016), 5.

community support. Around Australia only 11% of% of communities support infill development in their neighborhood31 – a figure may be substantially lower in Perth given its lower average density than cities like Adelaide, Melbourne, and Sydney. Indeed in a recent survey conducted in a Perth middle ring suburb, 76% of ratepayer respondents supported a motion to prohibiting multiple unit development which would have brought higher residential densities to the suburbs.32 The most extreme public hostility towards infill development has been found in Perth’s leafy beachside suburbs. In response to a planning amendment proposal to allow dual sets of two-storey dwellings to be built on properties larger than 900 square meters several hundred people attended a six-hour Cambridge council meeting, 100 people picketed the meeting prior to it starting and 2,500 public submissions were sent to council during a consultation period, – with a substantial 82% of people arguing against the proposed amendment.

33

Subsequently the Mmayor , Simon Withers, who was a staunch supporter of infill, lost a local government election and has been replaced by one of the residents responsible for orchestrating the protests against densification.34 Clearly the ‘public sullenness’ towards suburban infill development identified by 31 Kelly, Breadon, and Reichl, “Getting the Housing We Want.”

32 Chris Cornish, 13.07 2015.

33 De Polioni Gian, “Cambridge High-Density Housing Plans Given Green Light by Council Despite Community Opposition,” ABC News, http://www.abc.net. au/news/2015-07-02/cambridge-infill-high-housing-density-vote/6587796.

34 Rebecca Carmody, “Ratepayers Send Clear Message on High-Density Housing, Cambridge Mayor Says,” ABC News, http://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-1019/future-of-cambridge-infill-plans-in-doubt/6866770.

Jane-Frances Kelly and Donegan,35 in localities such as Cambridge would be better expressed as outright public hostility.

Method

This report, as per our agreed ‘research program’ involves a study of international and national projects which have attempted to densify suburban settings. These projects are analysed with respect to their overall success or failure at achieving urban densification, the qualities of the open space and built form which resulted, and the degree to which the projects were embraced by the community, and the strategies that were used to communicate the projects to local communities. s… While the case studies necessarily explore key issues

Excursions in density / Introduction

such as design/ planning approaches to infill development, the role of fiscal incentives, and the coordination of the infrastructure, these issuesare – as they apply to Perth – are well covered in the literature.36 As such this report will apply significant focus on community resistance to infill development as this ‘issue’ remains largely unresolved.

There a wide variety of strategies, spatial and non-spatial, which can be applied

35 City Limits: Why Australian Cities Are Broken and How We Can Fix Them, 129.

36 Steven Rowley and Peter Phibbs, “Delivering Diverse and Affordable Housing on Infill Development Sites,” (Melbourne: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, 2012); Urban Development Institute of Australia (National), “Housing Affordability in Australia,” (Canberra: Urban Development Institute of Australia (National), 2008).

to the issue of community resistance to infill. First and foremost planners, urban designers, and elected officials need to ‘engage with NIMBY responses with engagement processes that are deeply respectful…’ rather than ‘resisting, vilifying or dismissing communities’ resistance to change’.37 In addition, Furthermore as the OECD explains, urban infill development policies require ongoing, not just cursory, community consultation and information dissemination: ‘The public needs to be involved from an early stage and in various ways: different types of meetings with citizens, provision of information, requests for input on policy implementation, on whether or not to take a decision with feedback loops from citizens, NGOs, business and academia’.38 Furthermore ‘meaningful, grassroots participation from the outset of the planning process and throughout implementation of plans is needed’ if community goals and issues are to be incorporated and have legitimacy.39 These typically non-spatial processes are well set out in the existing literature . As such, this report will focus principally on spatial design strategies by which resistance to urban infill development in suburban settings could be alleviated. The method for this is to briefly review relevant case study projects in relation to its ‘vital statistics’ – including the urban infill strategy, density, land use

37 Sarkissian, “Wendy Sarkissian on Nimbyism, Community Resistance and Housing Density”.

38 OECD, “Compact City Policies: A Comparative Assessment,” (OECD Green Growth Studies, 2012), 218.

39 David Bengston, Jennifer Fletcher, and Kristen Nelson, “Public Policies for Managing Urban Growth and Protecting Open Space: Policy Instruments and Lessons Learned in the United States,” Landscape and Urban Planning 69(2004): 282.

mix, aAccess to public transport, proponent, development model, development incentives, resident resistance,40 community incentives, replicability in Perth,41 and key lessons for Perth. The ‘vital statistics’ section is then followed by a detailed discussion of the project,; the emphasis of which shifts in relation to the key issues presented by the case study.

In the ensuing body of the report the case study projects are organised in relation to the ‘site’ they are located in (for example freeway reserve, private suburban lots, or river foreshores) and each case study is preceded by a discussion of each particular landscape type in Perth to understand its potential to accommodate urban infill development.

The table on the pages overleaf sets out the essential urban infill strategies which are discussed in this report cross referenced with key case study projects. The intention is that this table will direct readers seeking information on a particular infill strategy to the appropriate

40 In the case of constructed/ under construction projects resident resistance is determined with respect to views expressed at community meetings, and generally as evidenced in the literature (scholarly or otherwise). In the case of speculative projects potential resident resistance is determined with respect to how it will impact on the existing suburban/ urban area in spatial and in symbolic terms. In both case resident resistance is hard to quantify exactly and this assessment should be considered as indicative only.

41 This has been principally determined by considering whether spatially the case study strategy could be accommodated in Perth. For instance Perth does not have the reserves of laneways that Vancouver has and as such adoption a laneway houses strategy in Perth is unlikely to yield substantial numbers of infill dwellings. Furthermore this is also determined by whether a particular case study strategy is likely to resonate with people in Perth. In both cases the assessment of ‘replicability in Perth’ should be considered as indicative only.

report section.

Case studies guide

Subdivide and develop private suburban lots for fewer than five dwellings in uncoordinated manner

Use upgraded streetscapes as a communal recreational space for residents of adjacent infill dwellings Suburban

Develop small infill dwellings on private lots along laneways

Replicability in Perth

Allow multiple dwellings, with reduced carparking provision, on suburban lots previously zoned at a low to medium density

Strategically manage dispersed suburban infill development for construction efficiencies, shared facilities and district sustainability systems

Projects

Background infill, Perth, Australia

Laneway houses, Vancouver, Canada (√)

Multi-unit infill, Perth, Australia

Ashwood, Melbourne, Australia (Monash University)

Constructed Constructed Constructed Speculative

Perth, Australia (AUDRC)

Sydney, Australia (Neeson Murcutt)

Suburban lots

Strategy Site

Suburban lots

Use suburban infill housing templates with pre-approval from permitting agencies to improve development feasibility and insure design quality

Replicability in Perth

Protect deep soil zones in suburban infill development process to maintain mature tree planting

Develop urban infill development around upgraded open space near transit

Densify transit corridor

Redevelop brownfield site for urban infill Suburban lots

Projects

Pacoima, USA (cityLAB)

Status

Speculative

Fremantle, Australia (AUDRC)

Speculative

Bayswater, Australia (AUDRC)

Speculative

Transforming Australian Cities, Melbourne, Australia

Urbanising the Avenues policy, Toronto, Canada

City of Prospect, Adelaide, Australia

North Milwaukee Avenue Corridor Plan, Chicago, USA

Green Square, Sydney, Australia (√)

Bo01, Malmo, Sweden (√)

Knutsford, Australia (AUDRC)

Docklands, Melbourne, Australia

Construction ongoing

Construction ongoing

Construction ongoing

Construction ongoing

Constructed

Constructed

Speculative

Constructed

District Centres

Strategy Site

Parks (and ovals)

Parks (and ovals)

Golf courses

Golf courses

Redevelop of district shopping centre (and car parking) for retail and urban infill

Replicability in Perth

Sell publicly owned sporting facility to private developer for urban infill, with sporting functions partly retained

Develop poorly utilised public land for upgraded public open space and urban infill

Sell off private golf course to private developer for urban infill

Relocate golf club to fringe, sell public golf course land to developer for urban infill

Claremont Quarter, Perth, Australia (√)

The Village, Balgowlah, Sydney, Australia (√)

Waverley Park and residences, Melbourne, Australia (√)

Heller St Park, Melbourne, Australia (√)

Brookridge Golf Club, Kansas City, USA

Eastern Golf Club, Doncaster, Melbourne, Australia

Under construction

Strategy Site

Redevelop underutilised public foreshores for urban infill with rationalised yet upgraded public domain

Replicability

Trench of freeway and redevelop of freeway reserves for urban infill

Construct multi-storey car parking structures and redevelop surface level car parking for urban infill

Construct underground car parking and redevelop surface level car parking for urban infill

Develop airspace above public surface level carpark for urban infill

Projects

Elizabeth Quay, Perth, Australia (√)

Under construction

Ronda de Dalt- Gran Via, Barcelona, Spain

East Harlem, USA (Institute for Public Architecture)

Goderich Street, Perth Australia (√)

Del Mar Station Transit Village, Los Angeles, USA (√)

Speculative Constructed Status Page

Constructed Constructed

Kyme Place, Melbourne, Australia (√)

Constructed

Strategy Site

Develop public land next to existing intermodal public transport hub

Replicability in Perth

City centre public realm upgraded to complement and support developers’ investment

Pilot projects developed as part of comprehensive marketing strategy

Mitigate adverse effects of urban density

Use housing exposition to market denser urban lifestyles

Projects Status Page

Cockburn Central, Perth, Australia (√)

Constructed

Postcode 3000, Melbourne, Australia (√)

Under construction

Postcode 3000, Melbourne, Australia (√)

Under construction

Grey to green initiative, Portland, USA (√)

Constructed

Bo01, Malmo, Sweden (√)

Constructed

Densification case studies

Excursions in density / Case studies

This section reviews urban infill case study projects, and reflects on their possible application in Perth

This following sections review urban infill projects (implemented or speculative), and reflect on the possible application, of their underlying principles, in Perth.

The table on the pages overleaf sets out the essential urban infill strategies which are discussed in this report cross referenced with key case study projects. The intention is that this table will direct readers seeking information on a particular infill strategy to the appropriate report section.

In the ensuing body of the report the case study projects are organised in relation to the ‘site’ they are located in (for example freeway reserve, private suburban lots or river foreshores) and each case study is preceded by a discussion of each particular landscape type in Perth to understand its potential to accommodate urban infill development.

In order to establish some consistency between the urban infill case studies the ‘vital statistics’ of the projects are listed including the urban infill strategy, density, land use mix, Access to public transport, proponent, development model, development incentives, resident resistance, community incentives, replicability in Perth and key lessons for Perth. The ‘vital statistics’ section is then followed by a detailed discussion of the project; the emphasis of which shifts in relation to the key issues presented by the case study.

Suburban lots

Excursions in density / Suburban lots

Perth’s suburban form was a sprawled reaction to the density and overcrowding of European cities in the industrial revolution...

For the first century of Perth’s growth, suburban form was attractive to English migrants because it offered a freer, more spacious life than was available in their home country. By virtue of Perth being founded after the industrial revolution that had ravaged Europe, Perth’s suburban form was a sprawled reaction to the density and overcrowding of European cities. The DNA building block of Perth’s suburban form was the classic quarter-acre block, which had a frontage of 20 metres and a depth of 50 metres, creating a 1,000 sqm parcel.1 Like many of the spatial standards that underpin Perth’s suburban form, the quarter-acre block has hazy origins. In the first instance large lots sizes reflected the fact that settlers had to provide or grow much of their own food on site.2 The quarter-acre block also became a convention largely because it measured one chain by two and a half chains, the then-standard measurement of distance, and was a convenient parcel to survey.3 Finally an allotment area of a quarter of an acre was regarded as the appropriate size in most soil conditions to cope with the waste flows – a requirement which was removed by the introduction of reticulated sewerage systems.4

In Perth’s first metropolitan plan, released in 1955, enshrined a preference for suburban living into zoning regulations. Its authors

1 George Seddon, “The Australian Back Yard,” in Australian Popular Culture, ed. Ian Craven (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 27.

2 Patrick Troy, “Saving Our Cities with Suburbs,” in Griffith Review: Dreams of Land, ed. Julianne Schultz (Brisbane: Griffith University, 2004), 117.

3 Seddon, “The Australian Back Yard.”

4 Troy, “Saving Our Cities with Suburbs,” 118.

advocated:

…with comprehensive planning the cities and communities in the Metropolitan Region could grow in a spacious and orderly arrangement on either side of the broad Swan River as convenient, happy places.5

In their estimation, suburban happiness equated to about 142 m2 of private garden space per person.6 Despite significant infill development since the 1970s, each person within Perth’s suburban core now has on average 132 m2 of garden space, just less than Stephenson and Hepburn’s recommendation. Despite this comparatively high figure the subdivision of Perth’s suburban backyards for ad hoc, background infill development is causing a number of significant issues. The following case studies explore issues associated with background and multi-unit infill in Perth and look at a number of possible alternatives.

5 G Stephenson and J A Hepburn, “Plan for the Metropolitan Region Perth and Fremantle 1955 Report,” (Perth: Government Printing Office 1955), 6. 6 Ibid., 91.

Perth suburban lots

Perth’s suburban lots comprise approximately 10,340ha of land

Please note: This map is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only

Suburban lots densification case study/ Background infill, Perth, Australia

Excursions in density / Suburban lots densification case study/ background infill/ Perth, Western Australia

While Activity Centres are the flagship of State Government infill strategy, a large amount of infill development is has occurred through the ‘do it yourself’ subdivision of backyards.

Name = Background infill

Strategy = Allow the subdivision of private suburban lots for fewer than five dwellings

Status = Constructed/ under construction

Density = Low to medium

Mix = Residential

Access = Generally not coordinated with public transport

Proponent = Local governments (various)

Development model = Private development by suburban landholders

Development incentives = Financial gain for existing landholders

Community resistance = Low to moderate

Community incentives = Dispersed, low density built form

Replicability in Perth = High

Key lessons for Perth = Uncoordinated background infill does not necessarily increase public transport usage or produce cultural amenityfurthermore it can have a negative effect on the urban forest

Discussion

While Activity Centres and Activity

Corridors are the flagship of the current Western Australian Government infill strategy, a large amount of infill development is has occurred since the 1990’s through the ‘do it yourself’ subdivision of backyards. This form of infill development is referred to as ‘ad

hoc subdivision’ or ‘background’ infill –namely small projects yielding fewer than five group dwellings. 1 (Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission 2014, 107). This background infill is characterised by semidetached, survey strata, group dwellings (generally single storey) organised around a communal driveway space leading to private garages adjacent to the dwellings.

The prevalence of background infill development is confirmed by Perth’s Urban Growth Monitor publication; –indeed between 2011 and 2012 , infill projects where development resulted in between one and five dwellings (i.e. background infill) accounted for 81% of all the infill dwellings constructed in that period and, and infill dwellings resulting from developments of more than ten dwellings per lot accounted for just under 20%.2(Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission 2014, 113). The data for 2011-2012 is not an anomalyeither –this breakdown of infill dwelling types being generally consistent with the historical average across the Perth metropolitan and Peel regions.3 (Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission 2014, 113).

The predominance of background infill development is a result of the political structure by which infill development is realised. This political structure is divided between local and state levels where the

1 Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission, “Urban Growth Monitor: Perth Metropolitan, Peel and Greater Bunbury Regions,” (Perth: Western Australian Planning Commission, 2014), 107..

2 Ibid., 113..

3 Ibid..

Prior to substantial background infill occurring

Image source: Google Earth

38 Bayswater, Perth 2002

Bayswater, Perth 2015

Post substantial background infill occurring

Image source: Google Earth

state sets infill targets for local government areas, yet local councils take much of the responsibility for infill development decisions.4 (Dovey and Woodcock 2014, 68). ‘Spatially anachronistic local authorities’5 (Jones 2010, 206)are frequently ‘elected to enforce the anti-development views of their residents’ and as such disperse as much infill development in a form which is as palatable to existing residents as possible (i.e. in a low to medium density and dispersed pattern)(Dovey and Woodcock 2014, 68) 6 As Debra Goostrey, President of the Western Australian Urban Development Industry Association, explains: ‘some local Governments aren’t supportive of the state policies and that makes it very difficult to get things through the

Excursions in density / Suburban lots

system ’7 (Moodie and Trigger 2015).

As a result of the situation described, there exists a ‘divergence between the compact city imagined in metropolitan

4 Kim Dovey and Ian Woodcock, “Intensifying Melbourne: Trasit-Orientated Urban Design for Resilient Urban Futures,” (Melbourne: Melbourne School of Design, The University of Melbourne, 2014), 68..

5 Roy Jones, “Local Government and Metropolitan Planning for Perth: A Catchweight Contest or a Prize Fight?,” in Planning Perspectives from Western Australia: A Reader in Theory and Practice, ed. I Alexander, S Greive, and D Hedgcock (Perth: Fremantle Press, 2010), 206.

6 Dovey and Woodcock, “Intensifying Melbourne: Trasit-Orientated Urban Design for Resilient Urban Futures,” 68.

7 Claire Moodie and Rebecca Trigger, “Perth Infill Backlash: Suburbs Fighting High-Density Development,” ABC News, http://www. abc.net.au/news/2015-06-08/perth-infill-backlash-suburbs-fighting-high-density-development/6521460?WT.ac=localnews_perth..

plans and what is occurring on the ground in Australian cities.’8 (Gray, Gleeson, and Burke 2010, 336).The following sections will explore the nature of this background infill development in relation to the Western Australian State Government’s goals to create a sustainable and liveable urban form. Perth’s overarching planning document ‘Directions 2031’ aims to achieve a city which is ‘liveable, prosperous, accessible, sustainable and responsible(Western Australian Department of Planning 2010, 43).’9 The following sections of this chapter will explore whether background infill development, as it is being currently delivered by local governments in Perth’s inner and middle ring suburbs, has delivered the liveability and sustainability that the state government is aspiring to.

Sustainability

One effect of background infill development in Perth’s inner and middle ring suburbs has been a decline in urban forest cover; – while there are some exceptions the suburbs with the highest percentage of urban forest cover tend to be those that have resisted background infill. Multiple examples of the effects of infill development on urban forest cover can be found in the inner and middle ring suburbs of South Perth, Bayswater, Stirling, and Canning (all which have high infill development targets) with the percentage of total 8 Rowan Gray, Brendan Gleeson, and Matthew Burke, “Urban Consolidation, Household Greenhouse Emissions and the Role of Planning,” Urban Policy and Research 28, no. 3 (2010): 336.. 9 Western Australian Department of Planning, “Directions 2031 and Beyond: Metropolitan Planning Beyond the Horizon,” (Perth: Department of Planning, 2010), 43.

vegetation cleared between 2001-2004 amounting to 13%, 12%, 11% and 11%.10(McManus 2010, 350). One reason that background infill development has resulted in the removal of urban forest cover is a large proportion of urban trees are situated on private land – indeed this can be more than 60%(In Brunner and Cozens 2013, 234).11 Compounding this, trees and mature vegetation, are often ‘treated as trimmings to the designed urban environment and are afforded little or no protection against the exigency of meeting development aspirations.’12 (Brunner and Cozens 2013, 232).

The clearing of this substantial urban forest has a number of potential ramifications for the provision of ecosystem services and sustainability more generally. In short, the urban forest provides environmental benefits, including reducing air pollution, sequestering greenhouse gasses(Brunner and Cozens 2013, 232),13 infiltrating and cleaning stormwater, minimising the impact of heat islands, ameliorating the local climate, providing habitat and supporting biodiversity . The partial clearing of an urban forest for background infill development threatens the provision of these ecosystem services – services which are often 10 Phil McManus, “Planning with and for Trees in Perth: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow,” in Planning Perspectives from Western Australia: A Reader in Theory and Practice, ed. I Alexander, S Greive, and D Hedgcock (Perth: Fremantle Press, 2010), 350..

11 In Julie Brunner and Paul Cozens, “‘Where Have All the Trees Gone?’ Urban Consolidation and the Demise of Urban Vegetation: A Case Study from Western Australia,” Planning Practice & Research 28, no. 2 (2013): 234.

12 Ibid., 232..

13 Ibid.

provided in traditional, un-subdivided, vegetated suburban form (Seddon 1994, Hall 2010, Troy 2004)..14

Sustainability in the state government’s definition also centres on reducing energy usage and greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to water scarcity , so how does background infill development contribute to meeting these goals? Data from the Curtin University Sustainability Policy institute (CUSP) indicates that ad hoc background subdivision is producing positive outcomes in terms of both energy use and greenhouse emissions in comparison to greenfield settings. Their data suggests that in a green fields outer suburban situation15 a typical person requires 64 gigajoules of total energy annually 16 (ARUP and Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute 2013, 21).In a greyfields17 background infill situation a typical person requires 47 gigajoules of total energy annually(ARUP and Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute 2013, 21)18 – a significant saving.19 These figures are mirrored in greenhouse gas emissions.

14 George Seddon, “The Australian Back Yard,” in Australian Popular Culture, ed. Ian Craven (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Tony Hall, The Life and Death of the Australian Backyard (Collingwood Victoria: CSIRO Publishing, 2010); Patrick Troy, “Saving Our Cities with Suburbs,” in Griffith Review: Dreams of Land, ed. Julianne Schultz (Brisbane: Griffith University, 2004)..

15 Considered to be greater than 20 km from the CBD and an average lot size of 420 m2 ARUP and Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute, “Reducing the Materials and Resource Intensity of the Built Form in the Perth and Peel Regions,” (Perth: Department of Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities, 2013), 21.

16 Ibid..

17 Considered to be 5 - 20 km from the CBD and an average lot size of 150 m2 ibid.

18 ibid.

19 Considered to be less than 5 km from the CBD and an average lot size of 80 m2 ibid.

Background infill and urban forest

Percentage urban forest cover by Central Subregion (CSR) suburb overlaid with background infill. Wealthy suburbs which have tended to resist infill typically have a higher percentage of forest cover ~20%). In the north eastern suburbs of the Central Subregion background infill tends to be correlated with ~10% forest cover. The areas with least forest cover (~5%) are industrial areas (GIS data courtesy of the Western Australian Department of Planning and Landgate).

A typical resident in an outer suburban setting produces 8 tonnes of greenhouse gasses annually, and a resident in an infill greyfields situation, 5.9 tonnes of greenhouse gasses(ARUP and Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute 2013, 21).20 While this represents a significant saving it should also be considered in relation to an infill resident in an inner city situation who according to CUSP requires 32 gigajoules of energy and produces 4 tonnes of greenhouse gasses annually(ARUP and Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute 2013, 21).21 According to this data, background infill results in a decrease in greenhouse gas emissions in comparison to the outer suburbs, but not nearly as much as infill in the city centre.

Excursions in density / Suburban lots

Maintaining adequate drinking water supplies in Perth for a growing population presents environmental, social, and economic challenges.22 (Western Australian Department of Planning 2010, 65).This is particularly the case in Perth that is experiencing a rapidly drying climate. Perth currently receives its water supply from a shallow groundwater aquifer that exists under the entire coastal plain, the deep confined aquifers to the north and south of the city, the hills catchments to the

east of the city in the Darling Ranges,23 (Hedgecock 2010, 87), and increasingly desalination plants. Despite the relative reliability of desalination plants, environmental scientist Tim Flannery, has gone as far as to predict that, in relation to the declining availability of water, ‘Perth will be the 21st century’s first ghost metropolis. ’24 (Hedgecock 2010, 102).

So to what extent does background infill development lessen demands for water? Data from CUSP indicates that annual water usage declines from 70 Kilolitres per person in an outer suburban situation,25 to 42 Kilolitres of water in a greyfield background infill situation,26 and 35 Kilolitres in an inner city infill situation.27 This water saving between greenfield and greyfield settings is reflective of the reduction in lot size (from 420m2 to 150m2) and the amount of water typically used for the irrigation of gardens. While high level of water usage per capita in greenfield suburbs can be attributed in part to our proclivity for verdant gardens, reductions in water use in greyfield background infill reflects the fact these areas do not provide significant outdoor space –something which reduces irrigation requirements, but has negative effects

23 David Hedgecock, “Watering a Thirsty City: Planning for Perth’s Water Regime,” in Planning Perspectives from Western Australia: A Reader in Theory and Practice, ed. I Alexander, S Greive, and D Hedgcock (Perth: Fremantle Press, 2010), 87., 24 Ibid., 102..

20 ibid.

21 ibid.

22 Western Australian Department of Planning, “Directions 2031 and Beyond: Metropolitan Planning Beyond the Horizon,” 65..

25 Considered to be greater than 20 km from the CBD and an average lot size of 420 m2 ARUP and Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute, “Reducing the Materials and Resource Intensity of the Built Form in the Perth and Peel Regions,” 21.

26 Considered to be 5 - 20 km from the CBD and an average lot size of 150 m2 ibid.

27 Considered to be less than 5 km from the CBD and an average lot size of 80 m2 ibid.

for ecosystem service provision and liveability as the following section will discuss.

Overall an assessment of the potential of background infill to produce a sustainable urban form, as defined by the state government, would appear to be mixed. On one hand background infill development as it is currently being delivered poses a serious threat to Perth’s urban forest and the ecosystem services it delivers – particularly biodiversity. On the other hand it is associated with a reduction in energy and water usage when compared to outer suburban green field development. Given this mixed situation it cannot be argued to be systematically achieving the proposed sustainability mandate.

Liveability

The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), which is responsible for the calculation of the EIU’s well-regarded liveability index, employs a number of criteria to determine urban liveability which are based on a city’s spatial characteristics.28 (The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 2012, 7). These include natural assets – access to nature is a key factor in the quality of urban life, cultural assets, access to public transport and conversely isolation and pollution . The criteria of open space amenity (taken to be related to natural assets), cultural assets and access to public transport, which are also referenced in ‘Directions 2031’(Western Australian Department of

28 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited, “Best Cities Ranking and Report: A Special Report from the Economist Intelligence Unit,” (London: The Economist, 2012), 7..

Planning 2010, 45)29 will form the basis for the following discussion on liveability.

One facet of liveability that features in the above matrices is open space. As Tone Wheeler explains ‘a century of freestanding homes has left Australians in love with the possibilities of indoor and outdoor private life.’30 (Wheeler 2010, 51).Indeed the Australian lifestyle is famed for the ability to ‘live outdoors, in private’ – a situation enabled by freestanding houses with front and back gardens, set out at a typically low density.31 (Wheeler 2010, 47).

Not surprisingly background infill development tends to provide much less garden area per person, than an un-subdivided ‘classic’ quarter acre block that provided approximately 1000 m2 per household . Compounding this situation much of the open space that is provided in a background infill situation is residual space, generated by the R-codes which dictate a 1.5m setback between lot lines and building edges, and driveway space.32 (State of Western Australia 2010). A proclivity for private car parking adjoining private dwellings also means that, in many cases 38% of the lot area is dedicated to car parking and movement.

The loss of private open space is only partly compensated for in the public realm. While local government areas

29 Western Australian Department of Planning, “Directions 2031 and Beyond: Metropolitan Planning Beyond the Horizon,” 45.

30 Tone Wheeler, “Garden Cities of Tomorrow: Upside Down, inside out and Back to Front,” in Griffith Review 29: Prosper or Perish, ed. Julianne Schultz (Brisbane: Griffith University, 2010), 51.. 31 Ibid., 47..

32 State of Western Australia, “State Planning Policy 3.1: Residential Design Codes,” (Perth: State of Western Australia, 2010)..

such as Stirling in Perth’s northern suburbs – provides a vast 75m2 of public open space per person – it tends to be of a poor quality and is often not well utilised – evidence of which can be found in data concerning physical inactivity levels in residents. Perhaps this is because, across Perth’s inner and middle ring suburbs where most background infill is occurring parks are poorly designed being typically turfed, sometimes having only scattered remnant trees. Reflecting this, among the parks in this area, 22% have no trees, only 10% have significant wildlife function, and only 1% have wetlands (despite the fact that Perth was historically a landscape of wetlands) . Furthermore, 74% of parks have a pervasive underlay of reticulated turf

Excursions in density / Suburban lots

poorly suited to Perth’s drying climate, 54% have no walking paths, 16% have picnic tables and only 9% of parks have barbecue facilities.33 (Centre for the Built Environment and Health 2013).

Despite the significant amount of background infill development that has occurred, as the data above attests there has been no systematic upgrade of the public domain to service these higher density residents. This is in contrast with New South Wales where developers are required to make 33 Centre for the Built Environment and Health, “Public Open Space (Pos) Geographic Information System (Gis) Layer,” University of Western Australia http://researchdata.ands.org.au/public-open-space-pos-geographic-information-system-gis-layer..

contributions to local councils for open space needs, resulting from new development under Section 94 of the EPA Act 1979.34 (Searle 2011, 202).The failure of Perth’s open spaces to be upgraded to compensate for the loss of private open space is important because research tells us that higher density residents require quite different things from the public space than their suburban counterparts. In a study on the visitation of local parks and wetlands in smaller lot developments of 500m2 or less (such as produced in background infill) it was found that there is increased visitation of wetlands but not parks(Syme, Fenton, and Coakes 2001, 168).35 These wetlands are characterised by ‘natural vegetation at the lakeside through which visitors can walk, birdlife, remnants of native trees, playground equipment and some lawn for sports’36 (Syme, Fenton, and Coakes 2001, 163). Extrapolating from this finding it would seem residents in smaller lots (such as found in background infill) are seeking a connection with ‘nature’ that may be missing in their much reduced and typically residual private open space domains. While the question of the appropriateness of an open space area standard for urban consolidation remains open(Searle 2011, 207), 37 initial

34 Glen Searle, “Urban Consolidation and the Inadequacy of Local Open Space Provision in Sydney,” Urban Policy and Research 29, no. 02 (2011): 202.&quot; <style face=”italic”>Urban Policy and Research</style> 29, no. 02 (2011.

35 Geoffrey Syme, Mark Fenton, and Sheridan Coakes, “Lot Size, Garden Satisfaction and Local Park and Wetland Visitation,” Landscape and Urban Planning, no. 56 (2001): 168.

36 Ibid., 163..

37 Searle, “Urban Consolidation and the Inadequacy of Local Open Space Provision in Sydney,” 207.&quot; 207.</DisplayText><re-

research would seem to suggest that Perth’s public open space is inadequate for meeting the needs of many residents of background infill. Compounding this situation, access to major regional open spaces, which function as nature reserves in Perth, are also limited in many of the middle ring suburbs. Given the dearth of appropriate public open space, the relative inaccessibility of regional open space and a relative absence of private open space, background infill is arguably leading to a diminished quality of life for its residents, at least in this particular respect.

Another facet of liveability is defined as access to cultural assets by the Economist Intelligence Unit.38 (2012, 8). Cultural assets is a vague term and at one end of the scale, can refer to world class cultural assets such as an opera house and at the other end of the scale, a local community centre or café. So to what degree is background infill resulting in this latter form39 of cultural assets in Perth? While it is difficult to find mapping it would appear that the dispersed nature of background infill does not result in the densely populated precincts required to support significant cultural cord><rec-number>1414</rec-number><foreign-keys><key app=”EN” db-id=”re5wdd2e6ex0dmedt95xsx02pf09fsxzt090”>1414</key></ foreign-keys><ref-type name=”Journal Article”>17</ ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Searle, Glen</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>Urban Consolidation and the Inadequacy of Local Open Space Provision in Sydney</title><secondary-title>Urban Policy and Research</secondary-title></titles><periodical><full-title>Urban Policy and Research</full-title></periodical><pages>201-208</pages><volume>29</volume><number>02</number><dates><year>2011</year></ dates><urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote>

38 “Best Cities Ranking and Report: A Special Report from the Economist Intelligence Unit,” 8.. 39 The former not being an appropriate expectation of Perth’s suburbs.

and commercial assets. As Debra Goostrey, Chief Executive of the Western Australian Urban Development Industry Association explains:

When you get to (infill development) precincts, you can suddenly justify a small bar and a restaurant but you have to have enough people in and around that area, so density brings with it the coffee effect, that great vibrancy that comes through. [But] when you’ve got small little bits of density, you don’t get the coffee shop effect… .

In quantitative terms – while the Activity Centre policy defines 6250 residents per km2 as a desirable density to support Neighbourhood Centres (based on R25 gross density) even with background infill many Perth local government areas (such as the City of Stirling) only achieve a gross residential of 2100 people per km2(Australian Bureau of Statistics 2012).40 Thus while planning reports concerning compact cities are often reference images of café culture, it is not clear that the planning which perpetuates background infill is actually delivering this lifestyle. Beyond such population density stumbling blocks, the planning policies that produce background infill do not enforce developers to contribute to cultural amenities for local communities. This is in contrast to cities such as Vancouver, which use an ‘amenity bonus programme’, in which developers provide public amenity contributions as part of their urban development project

40 Australian Bureau of Statistics, “3218.0 - Regional Population Growth, Australia, 2011-12,” Australian Bureau of Statistics, http://www.abs.gov. au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/3218.0/.

(both in dollars and in the form of libraries, parks, childcare and community centres) partly to compensate for the impacts of higher density development on the existing community.41 (OECD 2012, 120).

Because of the small scale, dispersed and ad hoc nature of background infill in Perth such policies have not been pursued.

Both the Economist Intelligence Unit and the Western Australian state government define another defining characteristic of urban liveability as being accessibility to public transport.42 (Western Australian Department of Planning 2010, 45, The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 2012). As background Perth is a car-centric city. Indeed ‘over the past 40

Excursions in density / Suburban lots

years, the number of cars in Perth has grown faster than the population and it now has more cars per capita than any other Australian capital city with some 83 vehicles per 100 people.’43 (Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission 2015, 46). Reflecting this in 2011, 77% of Perth residents drove to work. Of this 41 OECD, “Compact City Policies: A Comparative Assessment,” (OECD Green Growth Studies, 2012), 120..

42 Western Australian Department of Planning, “Directions 2031 and Beyond: Metropolitan Planning Beyond the Horizon,” 45; The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited, “Best Cities Ranking and Report: A Special Report from the Economist Intelligence Unit.”.

43 Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission, “Draft Perth and Peel @3.5 Million,” (Perth: Western Australian Planning Commission, 2015), 46..

group, 9 % drove alone. Only a meagre 4% travelled to work either by cycling or walking(Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission 2015, 47)..44 So to what degree is this accessibility to public transport provided in background infill across Perth’s inner and middle suburbs?

Perth’s heavy rail system, the backbone of Perth’s public transport system, consists of five major rail lines radiating from the city centre. Much of the background infill development that is occurring in middle ring suburbs is in the substantial areas between the radiating rail lines. Subsequently mapping of Perth’s existing train stations in combination with background infill development which has occurred to date reveals that little of the background infill is within a short walk of train stations – in this map shown as an 800m or 10 minute walk. Apparently this situation is not unusual – in Sydney and Melbourne the highest concentration of medium- and even high-density housing is often in areas not served by rail services.45 (Troy 2004, 122, Dodson 2010).

Due to this situation public transport users in these background infill areas rely on Perth’s bus system which either feeds into the rail system or accesses the city centre directly. While significantly more of the areas of background infill are serviced by bus routes than trains, the bus system tends to emphasise

44 ibid., 47..

45 Troy, “Saving Our Cities with Suburbs,” 122; Jago Dodson, “In the Wrong Place at the Wrong Time? Assessing Some Planning, Transport and Housing Market Limits to Urban Consolidation Policies,” Urban Policy and Research 28, no. 4 (2010)..

coverage (i.e. short walking distances and the minimisation of bus transfers) at the expense of the frequency and legibility of the service.46 (Mees and Dodson 2011, 18). Perhaps due to such issues mapping of the proportion of people (in some cases over 70%) who drive, or are driven, to work reveals a high vehicular dependency in suburbs with a large amount of background infill, particularly in the northern ring of middle suburbs.

As this preceding section indicates, background infill is delivering mixed results in respect to urban liveability. Arguably the public open spaces in these densifying urban areas are not well adapted to the needs of people living in background infill – a situation that is compounded by diminished, residual outdoor space provided in much of this development. Furthermore because of the incremental and ad hoc way background infill is delivered it is not producing the dense precincts that can support cultural and commercial assets to any large degree. Finally much of the background infill is not well connected to public rail transport a situation that is reflected in stubbornly high levels of car usage for commuting to work.

Fuelling community resistance

One of the by-products of some of the negative liveability and sustainability aspects of background infill has been an increasing resistance by local communities to infill development. Expression of this is recent attempts by

46 Paul Mees and Jago Dodson, “Public Transport Network Planning in Australia: Assessing Current Practice in Australia’s Five Largest Cities,” Griffith University Urban Research Program, no. 34 (2011): 18..

Stirling and Bayswater city council’s plan to ban multi- unit developments on suburban blocks zoned below R60(Pollock 2014)47– discussed in the following section. Around Australia only 11% of communities support infill development48 (Kelly, Breadon, and Reichl 2011) – a figure may be substantially lower in Perth given its lower average density than cities like Adelaide, Melbourne and Sydney. One reason for this community sentiment is that the adverse effects of background infill (for example the clearing of the urban forest, erosion of neighbourhood identity, exacerbated Urban Heat Island effects and car parking hassles) are not being adequately dealt with in planning at the local government level. To deal with such potential adverse effects of infill development policies, some cities incorporate minimisation policies into their policies. High profile examples include Portland’s green infrastructure initiatives for re-establishing the hydrologic cycle and combating urban heat islands 49 (OECD 2012, 22). Ultimately if background infill cannot be delivered in a way that enhances the quality of life of urban residents (such as in Portland), it is likely to work against future attempts to achieve infill development in Perth.

47 Stephen Pollock, “R60 Limit Will Impact Prices,” The Perth Voice Interactive, http://perthvoiceinteractive.com/2014/06/05/r60-limit-will-impactprices/.

48 J-F Kelly, P Breadon, and J Reichl, “Getting the Housing We Want,” (Melbourne: Grattan Institute, 2011).

49 OECD, “Compact City Policies: A Comparative Assessment,” 22..

Train stations and background infill

Train stations and their 800m walkable catchments overlaid with background infill. Due to Perth’s radial rail line pattern large areas of background infill are not within walking distance of train stations (GIS data courtesy Landgate).

Bus stops and background infill

CSR Bus stops with more than 10 services per hour (morning peak) and their 400m walkable catchments overlaid with background infill (GIS data courtesy Landgate).

car travel and background infill

Proportion of workers commuting to work by car (alone) overlaid with background infill. Background infill development appears to have achieved a negligible decrease in car usage (GIS data courtesy of Australian Bureau of Statistics 2011 census and Landgate).

Regional open space and background infill

Regional open space overlaid with background infill. A significant proportion of background infill development in Perth’s northern CSR is poorly served for Regional Open Space (GIS data courtesy of the Western Australian Department of Planning and Landgate).

Excursions in density / Suburban lots densification case study/ multi unit urban infill/ Perth, Western Australia

It was considered that higher density, multi-unit development is ‘significantly out of character with the family community’ and streetscapes of ‘quiet residential streets’...

Project name = Multi-unit infill, Perth, Australia

Strategy = Allow multi-unit developments on suburban lots previously zoned at a low to medium density

Status = Constructed/ under construction

Density = R40-R80

Mix = Residential

Access = Sometimes coordinated with public transport

Proponent = State government (Department of Planning)

Development model = Private development

Development incentives = Requirements for car parking reduced, permissible building heights and plot ratios increased

Community resistance = High

Community incentives = None

Replicability in Perth = Low

Key lessons for Perth = Local communities are highly resistant to multi-unit developments outside of Activity Centres and arterial road corridors.

Discussion

Residential development in Western Australia is primarily controlled through the Residential Design Codes (the R-Codes). In 2010, the Western Australian Planning Commission changed the residential codes (R-codes) to include a new Part 7 of the R-Codes

(referred to as the Multi Unit Housing Code or MUHC) to provide guidelines for the design of multi-unit and mixed use developments .1

The MUHC applies to development applications across the State for multi-unit developments in areas zoned R30 or higher (a multi-unit dwelling is basically defined as one dwelling vertically placed above another dwelling) and residential development within Activity Centre Zones.2 The MUHC saw a number of changes to R-Code provisions for single and group housing. These include lower minimum car parking requirements,3 increased building heights 4 in areas zoned R50 and above.5

The MUHC was met by strenuous objections by several Perth councils including the cities of Vincent and Stirling.6 Objections to multi-unit developments tend to concern a number of key themes.

First and foremost there is a concern

1 City of Bayswater, 2011)

2 City of Bayswater, “Multi Unit Housing Code,” City of Bayswater, http://www.bayswater. wa.gov.au/cproot/1073/2/Multi%20Unit%20Housing%20Code%20Information%20Sheet.pdf.

3 0.75 bays per small apartment Emma Young, “High-Density Housing Backdown Will Cost Wa Homebuyers in the Long Run: Property Council,” WA today, http://www.watoday.com.au/wa-news/ highdensity-housing-backdown-will-cost-wa-homebuyers-in-the-long-run-property-council-20150722gii7o1.html.

4 In R50 and R60 zones, building height limits are 12 metres to the top of a pitched roof or 10 metres to the top of concealed (flat) roof, which could provide for three storeys. In R80 zones, a height limit of 15 metres to the top of a pitched roof or 13 metres to the top of a concealed (flat) roof applies, which could provide for four storeys City of Bayswater, “Multi Unit Housing Code”..

5 Ibid.

6 Young, “High-Density Housing Backdown Will Cost Wa Homebuyers in the Long Run: Property Council”.

that residents/tenants would have visitors and residents of this development parking on their verges and across the footpaths.7 This reflected the fact that multi-unit developments ‘have a lesser requirement for car parking which further exacerbates street parking availability’.8 Furthermore it was considered in some cases that ‘increased traffic due to the multi-unit development will impact severely on the safety of residents and children’.9

It is also considered that higher density, multi-unit development is ‘significantly out of character with the family community’ and streetscapes of ‘quiet residential streets’.10 This sentiment was summed up by Bayswater councillor Chris Cornish in a recent letter to the electorate:

Question - Why should you, or your family, be told you can’t have the Australian dream? The changes from the Department of Planning in 2011 concerning the rules around multiple dwellings have created great concern for many residents. After my successful motion at council to explore prohibiting multiple dwellings in certain areas, a staggering 75.8% of ratepayer respondents to the community consultation were in support of my motion banning them. They no doubt feel as I do that they should not be unduly impacted by excessive ‘urban infill’ and do not accept the argument that preventing a further few kilometres of ‘urban sprawl’ should stop them from continuing to enjoy their, or their

7 City of Stirling, “Minutes: Ordinary Meeting of Council,” (Perth: City of Stirling, 2014), 9.

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid., 9.

children’s, own private space and lifestyle.11

Finally it is regarded that an increase to the usage of power and water will compound the infrastructural systems which are already under stress.12

With the City of Stirling putting forward an amendment to the planning scheme to prohibit multi-unit developments on residential lots zoned below R6013 the Property Council prosecuted the case for in favour of multi-unit housing. As Property Council executive director, Joe Lenzo said that while the City of Stirling’s main objection to multi-unit developments was parking issues this problem could be fixed by ‘Parking permits, public transport, better infrastructure’.14 In short, that the problem is not the developments themselves but rather the larger infrastructural and management issues. These sentiments are echoed by City of Vincent Mayor John Carey:

I am concerned that the government is pushing European-style high density but not providing the necessary public transport to support it. We’re building high density but people still have two cars ... unlike in Europe with its great public transport, we don’t have these services and people still rely on their cars and the government’s not addressing that issue. 15

In response to local government level protestations in 2015 Planning Minister 11 Chris Cornish, 13.07 2015.

12 (City of Stirling, 2014, p. 9

13 Young, “High-Density Housing Backdown Will Cost Wa Homebuyers in the Long Run: Property Council”.

14 ibid.

15 Ibid.

John Day announced that he had wound back the MUHC changes ‘to better control apartment development in suburban areas’.16 In particular, fewer apartments will be able to be built on higher density-zoned blocks – as Minister Day explains:

Since 2010, the number of apartments allowed on a block has been subject to a different calculation (plot ratio) to other infill developments such as units or townhouses. This has seen an increase in apartments being built in established suburbs with predominantly single homes. Today’s changes will bring the rules for apartments in line with units and townhouses to ensure the number of dwellings on a block is appropriate for the location 17

The changes reintroduce the ‘site area per dwelling’ calculation, reducing the number of apartments that can be built on blocks zoned R30 and R35. Requirements for land coded R40 and above however will remain the same.18 Furthermore parking requirements have also been increased from 0.75 bays per apartment to 1 per apartment.19 Finally, the changes will also encourage local councils to rewrite regulations to limit apartment developments to ‘appropriate’ areas near community hubs and train station precincts.20

16 ibid.

17 Ibid.

18 Ibid.

19 (Young, 2015

20 Young, “High-Density Housing Backdown Will Cost Wa Homebuyers in the Long Run: Property Council”.

Multi- unit urban infill

Multi-unit urban infill in Mt Lawley adopts Federation stylings as a response to the traditional housing of the area.

Multi- unit urban infill

Multi-unit urban infill close to Bayswater station

Multi- unit urban infill

Multi-unit urban infill in construction close to Bayswater station

Excursions in density / Suburban lots densification case study/ laneway houses/ Vancouver, Canada

Vancouver’s EcoDensity Charter promotes a gentle, hidden, invisible form of density – in the form of laneway houses...

Image source: Mirvac

Name = Laneway housing, Vancouver, Canada

Strategy = Allow the construction of small infill dwellings on private lots along laneways

Status = Constructed/ under construction

Density = Medium

Mix = Residential and home office

Access = Generally coordinated with public transport

Proponent = City of Vancouver

Development model = Generally private development by suburban landholders

Development incentives = Private gain for existing landholders

Community resistance = Low to moderate

Community incentives = Dispersed, low density built form generally not visible from streets

Replicability in Perth = Low to moderate due to relative shortage of laneways

Key lessons for Perth =

 Infill development along laneways can provide affordable housing which is unlikely to aggravate existing communities

 New suburbs should as much as possible be planned with laneways to provide future urban infill development potential

Discussion

The City of Vancouver’s EcoDensity Charter commits the city to making environmental sustainability a primary goal in all city planning decisions in ways that also support housing affordability and liveability. Through its initial programmes, the EcoDensity initiative examines how density can: create more complete communities and reduce the carbon footprint through housing diversity within walking distance of shops and services, and accessible transport; take advantage of existing infrastructure and reduce development pressure on agricultural lands and natural habitats; allow for new green systems that more efficiently use energy, water and materials; and finally introduce urban agriculture to reduce ‘food miles’ (the distance it takes to get food to homes) and strengthen local food security.1

The EcoDensity Charter also promotes a gentle, hidden, invisible form of density – in the form of secondary suites (referred to as invisible density) and laneway houses (referred to as hidden density). Secondary suites are not only a densification tool but also a solution for communities facing a shortage of affordable housing. They increase the supply of rental housing, increase the affordability of home ownership (financial institutions take the income into consideration in the mortgage calculation) and provide more housing while retaining a neighbourhood character. Laneway Houses (the subject of this case study) have been permitted in Vancouver’s single-family neighbourhoods since July 2009.

1 OECD, “Compact City Policies: A Comparative Assessment,” (OECD Green Growth Studies, 2012), 133.

Homeowners may add a Laneway House while retaining the existing main house or a laneway house may be built alongside a new main house. A Laneway House can be the third dwelling unit on a site, in addition to the main house and a secondary suite; it is intended to respond to the need for diverse kinds of rental housing in Vancouver.2

The City of Vancouver is currently yielding 22.1 dwellings per hectare3 and since July 2009, when essentially all single-family lots were rezoned to allow laneway housing to be constructed, over 1000 permits for Laneway Housing have been issued and roughly 60,000 land parcels have become eligible for new dwellings.4 If realised, these figures could see laneway housing absorb a population increase of almost 20%. A significant figure considering Vancouver is already Canada’s densest city with just over 640,000 residents within 115 square km (around 5,000 residents per square km).5 It could also be estimated that if every dwelling within the city were to build a laneway home, the number of dwellings per hectare in Vancouver could potentially double, resulting in a successful infill strategy and a more compact city.

Laneway housing has become a means for accessing affordable housing within areas which boast close proximity to efficient public transport networks. Laneway housing is hoped to assist in 2 Ibid.

3 The City of Vancouver, “West End: Exploring the Community, Community Profile 2012,” The City of Vancouver, http://vancouver.ca/files/cov/profile-westend-2012.pdf.

4 Matthew Soules, “Back to Front,” The Canadian Architect 56, no. 11 (2011).

5 Ibid.

achieving Vancouver’s affordable housing needs by providing a more diverse range of housing options within the city.6 To this end, the average cost of a laneway home is between $250,000 and $270,000CAD ($257863$278492AUD), which is substantially lower than the average price of a home in the City of Vancouver, which is a massive $1.36 million CAD (around $1.4 million AUD).7 Consequently they have also become popular with students and adult children who rent laneway houses from their families as a “kind of de facto starter home”8 and a means of remaining in what is currently an expensive neighborhood. This could also be seen to result in retention and expansion of the community, as family members are not forced to move from the area and direct relationships are more easily maintained.

In terms of sustainability, laneway housing is considered to maximize land use, whilst also ideally encouraging a decrease in car ownership through the residential densification around major transit nodes. The homes mostly range from 55sqm to 84sqm and each house takes around 18 weeks to complete.9 Laneway homes can also provide a second source of income for homeowners without the need to purchase additional land.

Initially, there were some issues with developing an effective laneway typology

6 Michele Brunoro, “Vancouver Laneway Housing: “Gentle Densification”,” CTV News, http://bc.ctvnews.ca/vancouver-laneway-housing-gentle-densification-1.1476170.

7 Kenny Wong, “Is Building a Laneway House in Vancouver Worth It?,” PHW homes.

8 Ibid.

9 Brunoro, “Vancouver Laneway Housing: “Gentle Densification.”

due to the homes being modelled on larger, more traditional Vancouver dwellings. Forcing the design of a large dwelling into the envelope of the laneway homes was causing the spatial quality to be significantly compromised, leading the homes to feel cramped internally.10 In recent years there has been substantial refinement in the quality of the interior space of the homes, and a growing number of design firms specializing in laneway home designs are emerging in Vancouver.11 The main design issues affecting feasibility appear to be light, privacy, ventilation and –most importantly – space maximisation. Light and privacy have become growing issues for current residents in the area, with overlooking from taller laneway homes, and the shadows they generate, becoming an increasing problem with existing residents. These issues, however, are fundamental design challenges that with careful consideration have been overcome by architects and designers and resulted in a laneway home typology with the potential to become a highly livable infill option. Such a typology within city or suburban laneways, which already have the advantage of ease of access, would provide greater connectivity to jobs, services, and facilities, and assist in developing a more compact urban environment.

10 Soules, “Back to Front.”

11 Ibid.

In recent years there has been substantial refinement in the quality of the interior space of the homes, and a growing number of design firms specializing in laneway home designs are emerging in Vancouver.

Image source: http://www.lanefab.com/

Perth Central Subregion Laneways

With the Central Subregion only the inner most suburbs tend to have laneways suitable for laneway housing.

Excursions in density / Suburban lots densification case study/ Precinct densification case study/ Ashwood, Melbourne, Australia (Monash University)

Image source: Murray, Shane (2013)

Name = Precinct suburban densification, Ashwood, Melbourne

Strategy = Strategically manage otherwise uncoordinated suburban infill development for construction efficiencies, shared facilities and district sustainability systems

Status = Speculative

Density = Medium

Mix = Residential, home office

Access = Not generally coordinated with public transport

Proponent = Monash University, Art Design and Architecture (Peter Newton, Shane Murray, Ron Wakefield, Catherine Murphy, Lee-Anne Khor and Tom Morgan)

Development model = Public/ private

Development incentives = Management and construction efficiencies

Potential community resistance = Low

Community incentives = Public realm upgrades

Replicability in Perth = Moderate within middle ring suburbs

Discussion

Early sections of this report have discussed the problems associated with ad hoc background infill development which is currently being delivered in Perth’s middle ring suburbs. These problems relate to declining liveability and sustainability outcomes experienced in this form of development.

The following speculative case study focussed on the middle ring Melbourne suburb of Ashwood and explored how this kind of ‘ad hoc development could be strategically managed.’ This includes reviewing a range of issues—including how lots could be assembled for higher-density infill development at the scale of precinct and how ‘innovative design and construction methods could make these developments more socially and environmentally sustainable.’1

First published in 20112 this research proposed that even a series of ‘noncontiguous, dispersed allotments, redeveloped by a single entity as a precinct, could achieve considerable advantages.’3 According to the proponents these advantages potentially include:

 The diversity of building types and designs enabled through an infill precinct method could accommodate a wider range of household types and professions and respond to ‘societal shifts emerging in pressured housing and rental markets.’ This might include multi-generational families, home offices, shared ownership or leasing options.4

 Infill precinct redevelopment also allows management and construction advantages through economies of scale over ad hoc development. These include efficiencies due to increases in scale and proximity advantages, such as the use

1 Peter Newton et al., “Towards a New Development Model for Housing Regeneration in Greyfield Residential Precincts,” (Swinburne/ Monash: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, 2011), 3.

2 Ibid.

3 Shane Murray, “Infill Precincts,” in Made in Australia: The Future of Australian Cities, ed. Julian Bolleter and Richard Weller (Perth: University of Western Australia Publishing, 2013), 293.

4 Ibid.

of prefabricated materials and alternative supply-chain processes, the cost of which can be spread across the wider precinct redevelopment.5

 The potential for shared facilities and open-space improvements are benefits of a coordinated approach to infill redevelopment over several lots. Facilities and equipment could be collectively ‘pooled’ offering cost reductions to residents and encouraging greater social interaction. For example, workshops and recreational equipment along with tools could be shared by a community rather than duplicated repeatedly by individual households. Other advantages might include ‘informal child-minding arrangements in common spaces or concentrating car

Excursions in density / Suburban lots

parking to prioritize pedestrian and bicycle movement throughout the remainder of a precinct.’6

 District-wide systems relating to energy, water storage and reuse and waste management are more effective and viable on a precinct level. Benefits such as these could also ‘extend beyond the boundary of a precinct redevelopment whereby new infrastructure upgrades, community programs or open space enhancements are utilised by surrounding residents and businesses.’7

Conceptualising and realising dispersed

5 Ibid., 295.

6 Ibid.

7 Ibid.

urban infill projects in a precinct-based approach could yield benefits in many areas which would also flow onto community support for urban infill development – currently a major stumbling block to the delivery of urban infill in Australian suburbs.

Precinct infill

As its proponents explain: ‘The proposed infill precinct is designed across several noncontiguous allotments where informal redevelopment has taken place between 2006 and 2012. It demonstrates an alternative approach that increases dwelling density, housing diversity and design quality for the well-serviced middle regions of our cities. The compact dwelling designs accommodate four times the number of people than conventional detached housing but only increases the building mass by threefold. The precinct design enables more appropriate siting and orientation of higher density building forms; program distributions can be reconsidered across the precinct and better open space relationships to support the higher density environments’ (Murray, 2013).

Images and captions source: Murray, Shane (2013), ‘Infill Precincts’, in Julian Bolleter and Richard Weller (eds.), Made in Australia: The future of Australian cities (Perth: University of Western Australia Press), 290-97.

Excursions in density / Suburban lots densification case study/ street section densification/ Bayswater, Perth, Australia (AUDRC)

The failure of suburban streetscapes to be considered as POS in which people may recreate or choose to spend time reflects the situation in which up until recently residents have had a generous provision of private open space...

Name = Street section densification, Bayswater, Perth, Australia

Strategy = Use upgraded streetscapes as incentive to local communities to accept a higher than usual urban infill densities

Status = Speculative

Density = Medium

Mix = Residential, home office

Access = Within a 5 minute cycle of major public transport hubs

Proponent = AUDRC

Development model = Public/private partnership

Development incentives = Increased permissible residential densities

Potential resident resistance = Medium

Community incentives = Public realm upgrades

Replicability in Perth = Moderate within middle ring suburbs

Discussion

Studies of the nature and function of POS in Perth have tended to focus primarily on parks.1 However, within the Bayswater Local Government Area (the study area for this research) the area of verges comprises roughly 9 times the area of the parks. As such, verges

1 Australian Institute of Landscape Architects, “State Public Parkland Strategy: Current Issues,” Australian Institute of Landscape Architects; David Hedgecock, “City of South Perth Open Space Research: Part 2- Public Open Space Strategy,” (Perth: City of South Perth, 2012); Centre for Sport and Recreation Research, “Active Open Space (Playing Fields) in a Growing Perth-Peel,” (Perth: Department of Sport and Recreation, 2013).

potentially offer a greater source for amenity and ecosystem services provision than parks do. The enormous land area bound up in verges can be explained by extremely generous road reserves; despite the significant length of Local Roads in the study area (some 250 linear km) and their arrangement in both gridded and curvilinear plan forms the same street generous street section is unremittingly applied. This section constitutes a typically 20.2m wide road reserve which contains wide verges (6.5m on each side of the road) and a wide roadway (7.2m). This streetscape condition is dictated by infrastructural requirements, services being laid horizontally beneath the verge area,2 and the requirements of private and service vehicles.3

The failure of these streetscapes to be considered as POS in which people may recreate or choose to spend time reflects the situation in which up until recently residents have had a generous provision of private open space and henceforth haven’t required the streetscapes to provide significant amenity; areas of Bayswater that are still at low residential density of R12, we calculate, provide an extremely generous 206m2 of private open space per person.4 However as residential

2 S Thompson and D Meenachi-Sunderam, “The Nature Strip: An Environmental and Social Resource for Local Communities” (paper presented at the Satate of Australian Cities, University of South Australia, Adelaide, 2007).

3 At least 12 government agencies and private companies have legal powers to do works in streets which significantly complicates efforts to reconfigure streetscapes. Michael Mobbs, Sustainable Food (Sydney: NewSouth Publishing, 2012).

4 This is calculated as a typically 530m2 of garden space, front and back, divided by 2.56 people which is the current statistic average number of people per household Australian Bureau of Statistics, “Popu-

density has increased in the study area there has been no upgrade of streetscapes to compensate for the loss neither of private outdoor space nor of vegetation. At a density of ~R25 the zoning of much of the study area, and given the housing types that the market is currently delivering, this will result in a reduction of private open space to ~50m2 per person. 5 To compound the issue this private open space is not only reduced in area but also in quality, a consequence of much of it being a driveway. The ‘death’ of the Australian backyard is well documented elsewhere,6 and architects have responded with housing typologies which provide more usable private open space7 however there has been a paucity of proposals for how

Excursions in density / Suburban lots

streetscapes can be reconfigured to provide amenity to residents living at increased densities.8

lation Projections, Australia, 2006 to 2101,” Australian Bureau of Statistics, http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/ abs@.nsf/Lookup/3222.0main+features52012%20 (base)%20to%202101.

5 The current housing types being delivered are the battle axing of large lots and the demolition of the old front house and the replacement with a 3-6 strata unit development.

6 Tony Hall, The Life and Death of the Australian Backyard (Collingwood Victoria: CSIRO Publishing, 2010).

7 The housing typologies shown in the following visualisations of reconfigured streetscapes relate principally to those in this publication. These typologies, in part, attempt to also maximise the usability and amenity of private open space. Geoffrey London and Simon Anderson, Take 7 Housing Australia: How Architects Can Make a Difference (ACT: Australian Institute of Architects, 2008).

8 The ‘Suburban Lineal Park’ proposal by Neeson Murcutt is notable exception to this ibid., 100.

This may be because, as Tony Hall describes, while the public domain generally can ‘share the ability to provide biodiversity, aesthetic pleasure and a beneficial microclimate… it cannot replace the backyard’.9 Hall attributes this to the fact that the public domain and front gardens are public and semi-public respectively and thus cannot ‘offer the same privacy and degree of security of the backyard’,10 an assertion with which we would fundamentally agree. Thompson and Meenachi-Sunderam also identify the blurring of public and private space which typically occurs in street verges as having adverse implications for the functionality of verges in social and recreational terms. Nonetheless given that private open space is being squeezed to such an extent, we believe a shift will occur whereby residents will, to a degree, accept the lack of privacy inherent in the public domain, for the amenity it can offer.11

To engage with this situation we have developed a number of scenarios by which these ‘local road’ streetscapes could be upgraded so as to provide amenity and ecosystem services to residents living at the typical current zoning density of R25, but which could also allow for even higher densities.

9 The Life and Death of the Australian Backyard 10 Ibid., 25.

11 The Western Australian Physical Activity Taskforce survey “Physical Activity Levels of Western Australian Adults 2009,” (Perth: Government of Western Australia, 2009). found that the most commonly used facilities for recreation were the home (55%), the street and footpath (33%) and cycle or walking path (30.5%) indicating that people are certainly comfortable with recreating in the public domain if not occupying it for substantial lengths of time. Anecdotally children are comfortable to use streetscapes for play over long periods.

Amenable POS in this instance refers to that which can provide an improved walking environment, facilities for informal recreation, particularly for children, and areas for the potential cultivation of food, as well as mitigating climatic extremes,12 cleansing of air 13 and providing flood mitigation and storm water attenuation.14

The process by which the upgrading and densification of streetscapes could be enacted is as follows. We envisage that upon the achievement of a consensus from the residents of a street section15 the lots adjoining the street would be zoned at a higher density (~R80) resulting in increased land taxes and rates, and subsequently developer contributions which could be directed to reconfiguring infrastructure and applying upgraded landscape treatments. This upgrade would then help to attract residents who otherwise might not consider living at such a density. Essential to the maintenance of the upgraded streetscape will also be a high degree of involvement by the adjacent residents. Ideally the energy that residents have historically dedicated in the construction of their backyards

12 Guy Barnett, “Urban Resilience and Adaption,” in Made in Australia: The Future of Australian Cities, ed. Julian Bolleter and Richard Weller (Perth: University of Western Australia Press, 2013).

13 C Brack, “Pollution Mitigation and Carbon Sequestration by an Urban Forest,” Environmental Pollution 116(2002).&quot;Pollution Mitigation and Carbon Sequestration by an Urban Forest,&quot; <style face=”italic”>Environmental Pollution</style> 116(2002

14 Tony Wong, “Water Sensitive Urban Design- the Journey Thus Far,” Australian Journal of Water Resources 10, no. 3 (2006).

15 This presumption, that this indeed could be achieved, will be explored, as part of an Australian Research Council funded project which will engage directly with the community of Bayswater regarding these issues.

could actually be translated to the POS.16 In short the upgrade of streetscape aims to produce a flexible, functional structure for encouraging community participation; the upgraded streetscape is not intended to be the ‘end’ in itself.

While the selection of particular street sections for reconfiguration would be dependent on the consensus of residents, within our proposal only streets within the 5 minute cycleable catchment of public transport would be candidates for this process, reflecting the requirement for density to occur adjacent to public transport. The authors envisage that to initiate the process an upgraded and densified streetscape demonstration project could be constructed with the involvement of both state and local government. This demonstration project could provide groups of residents from other streets, a model to replicate or respond to.

16 There is some evidence that this is beginning to occur in some of the denser areas of Australian cities. Mobbs, Sustainable Food

Typical street section prior to densification

In a typical study area street prior to infill development occurring to any significant degree we typically find 33% of the streetscape area being dedicated to turf, 41% to road surface and 18% to driveways

Typical street section after typical background infill

After typical background infill development has taken place these figures change with the turf areas decreasing by 2% and the driveway areas increasing by 2.6%. The number of street trees is also reduced to allow for greater numbers of driveway crossovers. While these surface area changes are not alarming increases the psychological effect of the street scape being dissected by an ever increasing number of driveways is significant.

Woonerf streetscape

The Woonerfing’ of a suburban street section to create a pedestrianised space and simultaneously reduce the speed and impact of cars, provide shared facilities for residents such as a playground, food garden, street furniture, barbeques and even a small workshop, and allow for greater ecosystem services provision through increased permeable and planted

surfaces, and trees. This situation is allowed by reconfiguring the roadway so that it ‘meanders’ creating usable area of POS either side rather than merely bisecting the road reserve directly down the middle. A number of the building types shown in these visualisations are loosely based on those featured in ‘Take 7 Housing Australia: How architects can make a difference’ (London and Anderson 2008)

Verge parking associated with a typical background infill development in Bayswater

Street section densification case study/ Sydney, Australia (Neeson Murcutt)

Excursions in density / Suburban lots densification case study/ Street section densfication/ Five Dock, Sydney, Australia (Neeson Murcutt)

Image source: Murcutt, Neeson

In 2008 Sydney architectural practice Neeson Murcutt made a proposal to correlate increasing urban density of a Five Dock, Sydney Street with increased amenity in the streetscape...

Name = Street section densification, Five Dock, Sydney, Australia

Strategy = Use upgraded streetscapes as a communal recreational space for residents of adjacent infill dwellings

Status = Speculative

Density = Medium

Mix = Residential

Access = Not coordinated with public transport

Proponent= Neeson Murcutt

Potential development model = Public/private partnership

Development incentives = None

Potential resident resistance = Low

Community incentives = Public realm upgrades

Replicability = High within middle ring suburbs

Discussion

In 2008 Sydney architectural practice

Neeson Murcutt made a proposal to correlate increasing urban density (triple the existing density) of a Five Dock, Sydney street with increased amenity in the streetscape.1 In this scenario the program of individual urban infill dwellings is supplemented by the amenity offered by the large suburban garden which is recreated within the public street. Traffic speed is reduced, the roadway minimised, and underground services consolidated, to

1 Neeson Murcutt, “On Density and Street Reactivation,” in Take 7 Housing Australia: How Architects Can Make a Difference, ed. Geoffrey London and Simon Anderson (ACT: Australian Institute of Architects, 2008), 102.

allow the street to be transformed into a linear park, re-prioritised for recreation and landscape. The footpath identifies the property boundaries as there are no front fences. Front gardens – exotic ornamental gardens, food gardens, native gardens – extend into the broad nature strip. The planting is irrigated from collective stormwater tanks located under the roadway. Cricket pitches, handball courts, and other active games are marked out on the road surface. Like a park, the nature strip is furnished with barbeques and places to sit.2

While thematically linked to the previous case study the Neeson Murcutt example shows how a street could be transitioned into a ‘linear park like space with the need for significant roadway reconfigurations.

2 Ibid., 103.

Images source: Murcutt, Neeson (2008), ‘On Density and Street Reactivation’, in Geoffrey London and Simon Anderson (eds.), Take 7 Housing Australia: How architects can make a difference (ACT: Australian Institute of Architects).

Excursions in density / Suburban lots densification case study/ Fremantle housing diversity strategy/ Fremantle, Australia (AUDRC)

Name = Fremantle housing diversity strategy, Fremantle Australia

Strategy = Protect deep soil zones throughout suburban infill development process to maintain and encourage mature tree planting

Status = In planning

Mix = Residential

Access = Not generally coordinated with public transport

Proponent = AUDRC

Potential development model = Private Development incentives = Increased development potential of small blocks

Potential community resistance = Low

Community incentives = Maintenance of mature trees and vegetation

Replicability = High

Discussion

The City of Fremantle, like all local governments in the Perth Metropolitan area, is striving to meet targets to supply additional housing in the form of urban infill or intensification.

There are a number of different ways in which this could be achieved either through higher density development in existing city centres, the re-purposing of obsolete or under-utilised land, or the piecemeal intensification of existing residential areas. Given the predicted population growth it is generally acknowledged that to meet the requirement for a compact city all of these approaches will need to be

pursued.

This case study is concerned with the role of the existing residential areas, and in particular what may be termed the suburban areas, of the City of Fremantle in supplying additional housing.

The majority of the City’s residential areas can be classified as suburban (less than R30 zoning), and most of these lots contain a single dwelling, and are not able to be subdivided under current planning controls which would achieve additional infill housing supply.

The traditional mechanism for achieving infill in these locations is to rezone precincts to allow subdivision. There are problems however with the qualitative outcomes of this mechanism in existing suburban areas. The key ‘problems’ identified include:

 A lack of diversity of housing size

 Poor quality of open space

 An erosion of streetscape quality

 Clearing of mature vegetation

 Reduction in permeable ground

Based on this analysis the case study project informs a proposed amendment to the local planning scheme to encourage more appropriate forms of infill development in suburban areas compared to that which would be achieved through conventional methods of rezoning.

The study then tests the proposed amendment against typical single lot configurations, varying key controls to optimise the performance against the design principles, and achieve a balance

of residential amenity, environmental performance, and development feasibility.

The key findings make final recommendations with regards to the key controls notably:

 Open Space requirements across the site to be increased to 60% to manage building bulk in the suburban context.

 A Deep Planting Zone/s be established which must comprise at least 15% of the site area with a minimum dimension of 3m to encourage the retention and planting of mature vegetation and generally provide better quality amenity and environmental outcomes.

 50% of the Deep Planting Zone area must be provided on the rear of the development site acknowledging the open nature of these portions of lots in many suburban areas and the prevalence of mature trees.

 Confirmation that a control stipulating a maximum dwelling size of 120m2 (plot ratio area) seems appropriate in encouraging diversity.

 A maximum (and minimum) of 1 on-site car parking bay per dwelling including any existing dwelling which strikes a balance between allowing on-site parking provision without compromising the development feasibility or the environmental and amenity benefits afforded by the Deep Planting Zone.

Current mechanisms and regulations do not promote wholly appropriate responses for residential infill in suburban contexts, such as found in Fremantle. This case study project has

confirmed that controlling Open Space and on-site parking as well as the establishment of a Deep Planting Zone and maximum dwelling size could be an effective way of managing infill in suburban areas to achieve performance against widely accepted and contextually appropriate design principles.

Applied at a broader scale these proposed amendments could see the ecological outcomes of background infill substantially improve, particularly in relation to the maintenance of the urban forest.

Fremantle housing diversity strategy, proposed scheme amendment

Key steps

A

The typical suburban lot with single dwelling.

B

Define permitted building envelope, access and parking as per R-Codes assuming single dwelling strata subdivision.

C

Enable plot-ratio control of density, apply maximum dwelling size control and adjust (increase) parking provision.

Suburban lot densification case study/ Pacoima, USA (cityLAB)

D

Increase Open Space requirement from 50% to reduce building bulk and preserve residential amenity.

E

Rationalise on-site parking and crossover widths to preserve streetscape

E

Mandate Deep Planting Zone and planting requirements to soften impact, address character and environmental performance.

Explorations in density / Suburban lot densification case study/ Pacoima, USA (cityLAB)

Image source: cityLAB

Emerging out of this process is a proposal for housing templates which will receive pre-approval from permitting agencies in the city, not only creating cost efficiencies but insuring that infill units are welldesigned.

Name = Rx for the R1, Pacoima, Los Angeles USA

Strategy = Use suburban infill housing templates with pre-approval from permitting agencies to create cost efficiencies but also insure that infill dwellings are well-designed

Status = Speculative

Density = Medium

Mix = Primarily residential

Access = Not generally coordinated with public transport

Proponent = city LAB

Development model = Private

Development incentives = Pre approved housing templates reduces development costs and avoids political and entitlement complications

Potential community resistance = Low/ moderate

Community incentives = Affordable housing

Replicability in Perth = High

Discussion

In 1908 Los Angeles passed the Residence District Ordinance, becoming the first city to divide itself into residential and non-residential districts, and then to oust pre-existing uses that did not conform within the residential zone.1 The “single family-only” zone or R1 consists of land zoned for one residential structure per parcel, thus producing a landscape of detached pavilions surrounded by their own property.2

1 (Cuff & Dahl, 2009, p. 26)

2 (Cuff & Dahl, 2009, p. 26)

In the ethnically-diverse LA suburb of Pacoima high real estate prices and population pressures have led to a shortage of affordable housing. As a result ad hoc housing patterns have arisen in the R1 as means to cope with the high cost of housing.3 As Dana Cuff and Per-Johan Dahl explain although 80 percent of the 22,000 units of housing in Pacoima are single-family dwellings, at least one fifth of the residents live in shadow housing-garages, rooms rented in single-family houses, or illegal units.4

To address this situation cityLAB (a think tank at University of California Los Angeles) is tackling such problems confronting the ‘post-suburban city’ in collaboration with architectural practitioners, city planners, developers, local politicians, and community activists.5 Emerging out of this process is a proposal for housing templates which will receive pre-approval from permitting agencies in the city (currently 12 different agencies must review such housing plans), not only creating cost efficiencies but insuring that infill units are well-designed. The building design invention is a prototype that can be implemented on a range of sites, in a range of combinations.6 Developers who use the pre-approved templates reduce their soft costs substantially, while avoiding political and entitlement complications s Furthermore as Cuff and Dhal explain: ‘A blanket land use or floor area ration strategy is not helpful, whereas more tightly conceived site typologies and solutions encourage fitting growth to existing conditions’ (Cuff

3 (Cuff & Dahl, 2009, p. 27)

4 (Cuff & Dahl, 2009, p. 28)

5 (Cuff & Dahl, 2009, p. 28)

6 (Cuff & Dahl, 2009, p. 29)

& Dahl, 2009, p. 30). In turn this sensitivity to existing conditions, and high quality design, should help to alleviate community concerns about infill. Which is timely given that (as the LA Times explained), “The density wars in Los Angeles are heating up.”

Arguably such an approach in Perth could see the design outcomes resulting from background infill development substantially improve.

Images source: Cuff, Dana and Dahl, Per-Johan (2009), ‘Rx for the R1: Sustaining the Neighbourhood’, in Joshua Bolchover and Jonathon Solomon (eds.), Sustain and Develop (New York: 306090, Inc), 24-33.

Activity Centres

Excursions in density / Activity centres

Despite them being an official state planning policy since 2005 there has been little urban infill development in Perth’s central subregion activity centre sites ...

While background infill is spatially predominate in Perth’s central subregion Activity Centres are the flag ships of State Government urban infill strategy. Activity centres are defined as places that ‘provide the focus for services, employment and social interaction in cities and towns. They are where people shop, work, meet, relax and live. Usually well-served by public transport they range in size and intensity of use from local neighbourhood strip centres to traditional universities and major regional malls.1

While in name Activity Centres are quite new, the principles espoused in Activity Centre planning have been around for quite some time. The StephensonHepburn 1955 strategic plan aimed to create a series of compact selfcontained communities that had all the elements required for daily life, including land for employment in close proximity to residential areas.2 The 1970s Corridor plan proposed an urban form of four corridors radiating from the Perth CBD with regional centres at the ends, with the intention of reducing congestion in the Perth central area. However, this outcome has not eventuated.3 In the 1990s Metroplan employmentgenerating activities and higher residential densities were to be concentrated around public transport routes while commercial and community facilities were to be discouraged away

1 Robin Goodman and Susie Moloney, “Activity Centre Planning in Melbourne Revisited,” Australian Planner 41, no. 2 (2004): 52.

2 Carey Curtis, “The Network City Metropolitan Planning Strategy: A Paradign Shift for Sustainable Transport?,” in Planning Perspectives from Western Australia: A Reader in Theory and Practice, ed. I Alexander, S Greive, and D Hedgcock (Perth: Fremantle Press, 2010), 261.

3 Ibid.

from the public transport network.4 Activity Centres were a feature of the Network City plan of 2005 and these Activity Centres were largely kept in the same locations in the current plan ‘Directions 2031.’ The current crop of Australian metropolitan plans also all share the same Activity Centre-focussed planning.5 Further afield Britain, Denmark, and the Netherlands have adopted highly regulatory models of activity centre planning which restricts certain activities locating in certain places according to clearly set out criteria.6

Despite them being an official state planning policy since 2005 there has been little urban infill development in Perth’s central subregion activity centre sites – with the exception of Cockburn Central (discussed in this chapter). This slow start can be attributed to a number of factors. A major impediment to achieving Activity Centre development in Perth is the lack of coordination of infrastructure provision. Despite the perception that urban infill projects can be simply grafted onto existing service infrastructure, in many cases this is simply not the case ; systems not being designed to have the capacity to support an urban form any denser than the original suburban fabric. As a result an increase in intensity of land use in established areas often requires upgrades to existing infrastructure. As the Urban Development Industry of Australia (UDIA) explain:

4 Ibid..

5 Peter Murphy, “The Metropolis,” in Planning Australia: An Overview of Urban and Regional Planning, ed. Paul Maginn and Susan Thompson (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 159. 6 (Goodman & Moloney, 2004, p. 54).

Activity Centres

Perth’s Activity Centres as setout in Perth’s overarching plan ‘Directions 2031.’

Please note: This map is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only

Excursions in density / Activity centres

Primary city centre

Specialised

Capital

The cost to retrofit infrastructure to cope with increased density in urban infill areas is prohibitive with the existing waste water treatment plants in Perth at capacity and with no physical space for additional buffers. The Water Corporation has expressed concern that there are pinch points in the pipes for water and waste water reticulation that cannot cope with increased demand from higher density living. The existing power provision of 2 -3 Kva per household was designed in the 1960’s and does not meet demand for higher household power consumption of 5 Kva, or higher for high rise dwellings.7

While Perth’s overarching plan ‘Directions 2031’ details potential capital works projects to support current planned projects there is no analysis to determine future growth areas and no financial commitment from Treasury or from the infrastructure providers themselves to support this growth.8 Reflecting this situation urban infill developers in Perth are required to make contributions to the upgrading of infrastructure – however the size of these contributions is uncertain. For example State Planning Policy 3.6 ‘Development Contributions for Infrastructure in Perth simply sets out the likely infrastructure requirements and not the costs, which need to be determined through discussion with the relevant public bodies such as Western Power and the Water Corporation.’9 This

7 Urban Development Institute of Australia, 01.03 2011..

8 Ibid..

9 The time taken by utilities to respond to requests for information was considered a major issue. Developers could be forced to wait months for a response from a utility company delaying the develop-

situation is compounded by the fact that if small sites are developed in a piecemeal fashion throughout a suburb, eventually a development will bring infrastructure up to capacity and the next development actually has to fund an upgrade for the whole area. As a result that ‘next development would never be feasible and redevelopment of the area stopped in its tracks’ . As an anonymous Perth developer explains:

We go to Western power and say we are doing this development here and it will be in the tens of thousands and then do a development a bit further down the street and it will be hundreds of thousands and you say what happened and they reply your project was at the tipping point of the capacity of the street so you bear the brunt of the cost. They charge you more up front and if you are the person who tips it over they still charge you more. There is no revenue offset.10

This uncertainty and cost is a major impediment to Activity Centre development . The issue of infrastructure provision goes both to coordination between service providers ensure urban infill areas have the necessary infrastructure in place for development,11 and also funding. Conversely the lack of Activity Centre related development can also be attributed to a lack of incentives for developers. As UDIA explains):

The UDIA is not opposed to infill ment application process. Steven Rowley and Peter Phibbs, “Delivering Diverse and Affordable Housing on Infill Development Sites,” (Melbourne: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, 2012), 53.. Planners were also frustrated in delayed responses from the statutory consultees ibid. 10 Inibid., 54.

11 Ibid., 56.

development, but this type of development is expensive and complex. If policy makers are serious about promoting infill, an incentive scheme will need to be established.12

A second factor inhibiting development in Activity Centres in Perth is the fragmented land ownership in these sites. The complex array of vested interests attached to the existing situation is a major constraint in Activity Centre planning.13 It is no coincidence that the most significant Activity Centre development in Perth has occurred at Cockburn West where the State Government owned the majority of the land.

Finally there has also been some community opposition to Activity Centre planning and higher density development within the suburbs. This can be largely attributed to the failure of high density schemes in the past such as Observation City in Scarborough and erroneous perceptions of medium tohigh density development.14 There is also some apprehension regarding living in an Activity centre. Concerns about train noise, vibrationn and commuters parking in residential streets were common, while higher densities invoked anxieties regarding privacy.15

Furthermore history tells us that unless the Western Australian State Government can engage local 12 Urban Development Institute of Australia.. 13 Murphy, “The Metropolis,” 166. 14 Rowley and Phibbs, “Delivering Diverse and Affordable Housing on Infill Development Sites,” 23.

15 C Holling and F Haslam McKenzie, “Integrated Transit Orientated Development: Is It Appropriate for Perth?,” in Planning Perspectives from Western Australia: A Reader in Theory and Practice, ed. I Alexander, S Greive, and D Hedgcock (Perth: Fremantle Press, 2010), 284.

governments with the need for urban infill development compact city policies they are likely to fail. By way of example, in the 1980s Melbourne’s state planners pursued a ‘top-down’ approach to selecting district centres which was argued to be one of the plan’s key weaknesses – and one of the reasons the plan was ultimately considered to have failed.16 As Goodman and Moloney explain ‘the importance of including local government in the process of selecting centres for designation and future growth, the value of enforceable guidelines and regulation to support the policy and the critical necessity of appropriate (state government) funding to enable implementation’17 have all been regarded as necessary components of the local/ State Government relationship for delivering urban infill development.

16 Goodman and Moloney, “Activity Centre Planning in Melbourne Revisited,” 54. 17 ibid., 47.

Excursions in density / Activity centres

The City of Melbourne launched a project called “Postcode 3000” in 1985. The main objective was to improve the city’s public realm incrementally, while going through “a conscious process of action planning to assist in turning around the centre’s fortunes”

Name = Postcode 3000, Melbourne, Australia

Strategies = Pilot projects developed as part of comprehensive marketing strategy, city centre public realm upgraded to complement and support developers’ investment

Status = Constructed

Density = High

Mix = Mixed use

Access = Coordinated with public transport

Proponent = City of Melbourne

Development model = Public/ private

Development incentives = Open space tax lifted, building and planning fees removed

Community resistance = Low

Community incentives = Vibrant active streets, comprehensive marketing strategy, pilot projects

Replicability in Perth = High

Lessons for Perth = Pilot projects can be used to dispel negative associations with urban density

Discussion

Melbourne’s ‘Postcode 3000’ project (initiated in 1985) provides some lessons as to how this process could be taken further, and applied to Perth’s city centre which is a ‘capital city’ centre within Perth’s Activity Centre network. The main objective of ‘Postcode 3000’ was to improve the city’s public realm incrementally while going through “a conscious process of action planning to assist in turning around the centre’s

fortunes.”1 The project aimed to increase the population of the central city from 800 to 8,000 residential units over 15 years. Various instruments including fiscal incentives and deregulation were combined. A 3% tax for the provision of open space was lifted, and building and planning fees were removed. Building and planning regulations were amended to favour residential development. In particular, dual purpose “office and retail” and “residential and retail” land-use planning categories were created to replace the original singlepurpose office use category.2 The city also upgraded the adjacent public realm so as to complement and support developers’ investment. Moreover, the city put together a comprehensive marketing strategy and pilot projects. For example, it converted a number of buildings in order to illustrate the potential building stock available for reuse. In addition, Melbourne’s campaign to make streets lively and vibrant included an “active edges” policy, which set regulations for the design of new buildings to ensure a lively street and urban environment with a mix of functions and activities. The most important objective of introducing active edges along city streets was to ensure that ground-floor facades appeal to pedestrians and contribute good lighting and levels of interest and activity. By 2002 the residential stock had increased from 800 to over 10,000 units in the central city. Bars, cafes and restaurants increased from 580 to 1,200 at the end of the 1990s.3

1 OECD, “Compact City Policies: A Comparative Assessment,” (OECD Green Growth Studies, 2012).

2 Jun Tsutsumi and Kevin O’Connor, “Time Series Analysis of the Skyline and Employment Changes in the Cbd of Melbourne,” Applied GIS 2, no. 2 (2006).

3 OECD, “Compact City Policies: A Comparative Assessment,” 125.

Melbourne CBD 2000

Prior to redevelopment associated with ‘Postcode 3000.’

Image source: Google Earth

Melbourne CBD 2015

Post to redevelopment associated with ‘Postcode 3000.’

Image source: Google Earth

Excursions in density / Activity Centre case study/ Cockburn Central, Perth, Australia

The community-led approach to the planning, development and management of Cockburn Central was contingent on partnerships between State and Local Government and private industry.

Name = Cockburn Central, Perth, Australia

Strategy = Develop public land next to existing intermodal public transport hub

Status = Under construction

Density = Medium / high density

Mix = Mixed use

Access = Intermodal passenger transport hub with rail station, bus interchange, bicycle path network and end of trip facilities

Proponent = LandCorp (State Government), City of Cockburn

Development model = Public/private partnership

Development incentives = Sale of public land, coordinated provision of infrastructure

Resident resistance = Low

Community incentives = Communityled design process, high quality public realm, parking regulation, improved access

Replicability in Perth = High for Activity Centres integrated with, or adjacent to, freeway median passenger rail stations

Key lessons for Perth =

 Resolve requirements for car parking for intermodal transport hub (park and ride) with requirements for a walkable and dense urban node

 Ensure public spaces are attractive, vibrant, and multi-purpose from the outset

Discussion

Cockburn Central is situated 21 km south of Perth and accessible to multiple Strategic Metropolitan Centres including Rockingham and Fremantle.

This case study discussion focuses on the Town Centre precinct anchored by the major transit hub (Cockburn Central rail station and adjacent bus interchange) and bound by North Lake Road, Kwinana Freeway, Beeliar Drive, and Midgegooroo Avenue.

Cockburn Central is classified as a Secondary Activity Centre within State Planning Policy 4.2 (SPP 4.2) Activity Centres for Perth and Peel. Secondary Centres comprise the third highest tier of the Activity Centre hierarchy, following Capital Cities and Strategic Metropolitan Centres.

SPP 4.2 stipulates that Activity Centres should be planned in line with transitoriented development (TOD) principles.1 Complementary state planning document Development Control Policy 1.6 (DCLP 1.6) references best practice TOD principles pertaining to transit integration, walkability, land use, density and public realm design, which support and sustain public transport use. These TOD principles have guided the master planning, statutory Structure Plan, Detailed Area Plans, and related design guidelines for the Cockburn Central precinct.

In place of attributing Residential Design

1 Peter Calthorpe defined a TOD as “a mixed-use community within … walking distance of a transit stop and a core commercial area. TODs mix residential, retail, office, open space and public uses in a walkable environment…convenient for residents and employees to travel by transit, bicycle, foot or car.” Peter Calthorpe, The Next American Metropolis: Ecology, Community, and the American Dream (Princeton architectural press, 1993).

Cockburn Central 2002

Image source: Google Earth

Cockburn Central 2015

Image source: Google Earth

Code densities or plot ratio allowances per developable site in the town centre, a form-based approach was adopted. This translated into built form bulk, massing, and heights, dictated through a number of façade types. A key revision to the structure plan and associated design guidelines in 2012 enabled proponents to submit ‘non-compliant’ designs under a discretionary clause, encouraging alternative design solutions that maintained the desired Town Centre vision.

The community-led approach to the planning, development, and management of Cockburn Central was contingent on partnerships between State and Local Government and private industry. Key stakeholders comprise

Excursions in density / Activity centres

LandCorp, City of Cockburn, Australand, Housing Authority, FESA, Giorgi Group, and the Public Transport Authority.

Capital expenditure on major rail infrastructure was the catalyst for the development with the Mandurah rail line opening in December 2007. The current major transit interchange at Cockburn Central consists of the north-south rail line and high frequency peak bus services to Fremantle, including regular feeder bus services to Atwell, Success, Yangebup, Bibra Lake, and South Lake.

Since 2007, a total of eight residential buildings, providing 466 dwellings, have been completed in the Cockburn

Central Town Centre. Currently 160 dwellings are under construction, with an additional 386 dwellings having received planning approval. The Town Centre is expected to ultimately house 2000 residents across 1100 apartments. The most recent development proposal, approved through the South West Joint Development Assessment Panel, is a 12 storey mixed-use development comprising a hotel with 122 guestrooms and 24 serviced apartments, 109 multiple dwellings and four ground floor commercial tenancies at Lot 11 Signal Terrace. This significant increase in density and height, from initial two storey development in the Town Centre, reflects market demand for compact dwelling typologies with access to retail, commercial and entertainment amenity, and public transit. The maximum permitted height of 14 storey development in Cockburn Central is dictated by flight paths resulting from Jandakot Airport to the east.

Residential performance targets indicated for Secondary Centres in SPP 4.2 include a 400m walkable catchment (distance from high frequency public transport service) containing a minimum residential density per gross hectare of 25 and a desirable density target of 35. Currently Cockburn Central is achieving 27 and will achieve a gross residential density of 65 when the anticipated 1100 residential dwellings are complete, effectively doubling the strategic target.

The town centre land use mix consists of a combination of retail, commercial, and residential, predominantly in the form of vertical, mixed-use developments with commercial or retail

on the ground floor and residential above. Despite the current mix of retail tenancies afforded to residents, a ban on supermarkets exceeding 1100m² in size in the town centre limits opportunities for convenient access to daily needs shopping.

The adjacent ‘big-box’ shopping centre south of Beeliar Drive, Cockburn Gateway Shopping City is sleeved by car parking and a newly developed alfresco dining strip, aptly named ‘Food Street.’ The shopping centre complex provides significant employment opportunities, dining, entertainment, and retail amenity but is physically detached from the Town Centre precinct. The major north-south access street traversing the town centre, ‘Linkage Avenue’, terminates at Beeliar Drive with ironically no direct pedestrian or vehicular linkage to cross the eight lanes of traffic. This physical barrier effectively severs safe and convenient access to the shopping precinct from the Town Centre.

In response to fragmented access between the large retail hub and Town Centre, a bus priority underpass was constructed to remove five bus routes from circulating through the Town Centre and provide safer, more direct pedestrian access between the transit interchange and Gateway Shopping City. The underpass, located adjacent to the freeway reserve, is well utilised but has resulted in less pedestrian traffic through the Town Centre, impacting on the vibrancy and economic viability of local retail and commercial tenancies.

Future expansion of the Cockburn Activity Centre will continue on a 30ha

site west of Midgegooroo Avenue. LandCorp, on behalf of the Western Australian Planning Commission (WAPC), is undertaking the structure planning to accommodate further mixed use developments and integrate regional recreational facilities, including the largest recreation and aquatic centre in Perth’s southern corridor. The proximity of significant recreational open space to the town centre was identified by residents as a high priority considering the current lack of passive and recreational open space in the precinct.

A number of governance and public realm improvement strategies have been employed to date in the Town Centre. These include increased car parking regulation to deter commuters from parking long-term in on-street embayments; revitalisation of the town square in 2010, in response to community demand seeking a more attractive, vibrant, and multi-purpose space; and broader streetscape upgrades concerning improved way finding, street tree replacement, and pavement treatment.

As a result of being the first Activity Centre delivered under SPP 4.2, Cockburn Central has received significant scrutiny and interest from key stakeholders and industry professionals. The City of Cockburn, released a Discussion paper in December 2014 seeking feedback from community members and stakeholders to inform an Activity Centre Plan to guide & inform future development and statutory planning framework. Major topics raised included improved connectivity to other

centres, future town centre expansion east and west, increased walkability, and attracting millennials to reside and work.

Further to opportunities raised in the discussion paper, ongoing challenges associated with replicating this model for Perth include resolving modal hierarchy and pedestrian access in response to constraints associated with the freeway, promoting local investment and patronage and incorporating robust staging opportunities. The current constraint of extensive park and ride facilities adjacent to the transit interchange will afford future development opportunities as the land is currently retained under WAPC tenure.

Image source: Coralie Ayers

Perimetre block apartments with ground level carparking

A number of the early developments within Cockburn Central have surface level carparking as structured carparking beneath landscaped podiums was at that time not considered feasible. Fortunately this situation has changed in more recent Cockburn Central developments.

Cockburn Central ‘town square’

This square was re-vitalised in 2010 in response to community demand for a more attractive, vibrant and multi-purpose space

District shopping centres

Excursions in density / District shopping centres

The significant expansion of Perth’s biggest retail centres presents new challenges and opportunities for the middle tier big boxes.

Large format shopping centres have long been the typical retail typology of Perth’s outer suburbs. Many appeared post 1950 to service the needs of rapidly expanding suburbs during a period that, fuelled by motor vehicles, saw growth occur in an outward facing fashion from Perth’s Central Business District. The big boxes were designed for convenience, typically surrounded by large expanses of easy to access car parking and connected to a busy road.

Today as attempts at infill seek to turn the trend of outward sprawl, activity centres containing large format shopping centres present new opportunities. In addition to new infill residential development, opportunities exist to vitally provide middle and outer ring suburbs with a defined urban centre, currently absent in many suburbs. 41 of 99 District, Secondary, and Strategic Metropolitan Activity Centres in Perth contain a large format shopping centre . However while they all present similar built form characteristics, depending on their scale they are experiencing quite different issues and opportunities.

The larger centres are getting bigger. Heavily influenced by the removal of the retail floor space cap in 2010 centres like Stirling, Midland, Morley, Cannington, Claremont, Booragoon, and Cockburn Central have undertaken, or are proposing, considerable retail expansions, with many expanding with a mix of uses to complement retail including food and beverage related activities.

The expansion of these centres and the improved range of retail and services on

offer have had a clear influence on their catchment size. This recognises that people are generally willing to travel further to access an improved offer, goods and services. The result is having an effect on some of the surrounding smaller centres that are unable to compete at the same scale.

Of the smaller centres, the greatest impact appears to be on the medium sized large format District Centres,1 usually characterised by 2 to 3 anchor stores. Smaller, neighbourhood, and local shopping centres appear to remain connected to their local catchments and continue to cater for the daily short shopping trip needs of the local catchment, whereas some of the medium sized centres find themselves facing direct competition with the larger expanding centres.

District centre big boxes are typically surrounded by low-density residential development, and in most cases the big box in addition to surrounding development are at, or near, the time of renewal. These trends highlight a need for these middle-tier large format shopping centres to provide a new point of difference if they are to remain viable into the future. The following two case studies are therefore presented to illustrate issues and opportunities related to turning big boxes into mixed-use places.

1 While District Centres form part of the Activity Centre network set out in Directions 2031 we have afforded them their own section in this report because of their specific issues from an urban infill perspective.

Perth’s district centres

Typical District Centre large format shopping centres (Not to scale)

Please note: This map is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only

126

Excursions in density / District shopping centre densification case study/ The Village, Balgowlah, Sydney Australia

Despite the successful outcome, the development assessment process was somewhat turbulent...

Name = The Village, Balgowlah, Sydney, Australia

Strategy = Redevelopment of district shopping centre and associated surface level car parking for mixed use precinct incorporating both shopping centre and residential uses

Status = Constructed

Density = Medium to high

Mix = Retail, commercial, residential,

Access = Well connected to public transport.

Proponent = Stockland

Development model = Private development

Development incentives = Resident resistance = High

Community incentives = Staged approval process and community forums

Replicability in Perth = High

Key lessons for Perth =

 Demonstrates high quality connected public and private spaces.

 Demonstrates a successful staged approach to delivering the development in the face of community resistance

 Important questions to ask when identifying development opportunities for district centres

 Some discussion on interface considerations for residential development and public spaces

Discussion

Balgowlah Village is a 45,000sqm redevelopment of a dilapidated shopping centre on a 2 ha site. The mixed use development comprises 234 apartments above 17,700sqm of retail floorspace. The 8 residential towers are varying forms and sizes above a retail and car park podium. The car park is hidden below ground level to exploit the slope across the site.

Seeking community support: Despite the successful outcome the development assessment process was somewhat turbulent. Resistance from Council and the community included:

 Overlooking and privacy issues;

 Excessive bulk, height, and scaleconcerns that the proposal’s scale would significantly diminish the village character of the area;

 The proposed intensity was considered unacceptable and not in keeping with the character of the neighbourhood – that of a district shopping centre.

The resistance was fuelled by issues relating to two key processes:

 Unclear planning policy and design guidance, and;

 Poor communication and expectations between all stakeholders.

In 2002 when Stockland submitted the first (now superseded) development application (DA) the Manly Local Environmental Plan 1988 and two further development control plans provided planning and design policy guidance for the site. Between the three plans, inconsistent policy guidance and

The Village Balgowlah, Sydney 2005

Image source: Google Earth

The Village Balgowlah, Sydney 2015

Image source: Google Earth

advice from Council resulted in a disconnect in expectations amongst stakeholders.

This initial DA presented as an overdevelopment of the site (up to 12 storeys) o which ultimately had a negative effect on Stockland’s relationship with Council and the community. The inconsistencies mostly related to confusion regarding establishing floor space ratio and the potential yield of development.

The second and successful development application (2006) saw Stockland establish a community reference group and a staged approval under the provisions of the NSW Environmental Planning & Assessment Act (1979). This gave Stockland the

relatively silent on guidance for tackling bulk, scale, and interface considerations with surrounding existing development.

SPP 4.2 states - “the nature and design of buildings must reflect the location and role of the centre in terms of height, scale, orientation, material and texture”.

However how this future aspiration is to be achieved when most District Centres are surrounded by low-density, singledetached dwelling neighbourhoods remains a challenge for local Governments and proponents preparing activity centre structure plans.

Importantly, a future vision should be identified with all stakeholders with regards to how that vision translates in terms of the desired scale and intensity of the District Centre. This is likely to require an understanding of how this desired state might occur over time and the impact on existing landowners.

ability to gain a first stage approval for an outline scheme with broad parameters and then a second stage approval for the detail.

The first stage approval allowed Stockland to resolve broad bulk and scale issues with the surrounding community by way of the community reference group without getting into the finer details of the design.

In Western Australia, State Planning Policy 4.2 provides guidance for the preparation of activity centre structure plans however the policy guidance regarding urban form primarily focuses on design considerations for streetscapes and public spaces and is

Key questions to ask when undertaking the redevelopment of a District Centre in a suburban setting should ask such things as:

 What scale of development is appropriate for a District Centre?

 What is the localities future vision?

 What scale of development is sought?

 How does it fit within the surrounding, existing residential context?

 How can development transition to this desired state?

Design success: The case study presents some design elements that are useful to reflect on.

Integrating residential uses with the

Excursions in density / District shopping centres

public square: Some residents in the 8 storey residential tower overlooking the public square regularly report on noise levels emanating from the square’s restaurants and patrons.

An interview with the strata management revealed that issues are not reflective of inadequacies in the design of interfaces, rather of an older demographic that is used to living in quieter single detached houses. The more urban area naturally brings with it more noise and activity that they are not used to.

It is likely that in most cases the redevelopment of a District Centre into a mixed use centre will include the need for a public space that is safe and has good surveillance. As a result it is also likely residential uses will be required to overlook this space.

A key consideration here is that there are opportunities for future designs to address this issue. This could be dealt with for example by:

 Improved construction materials;

 Designing apartments so that bedrooms are not fronting the public space, or;

 Provide a mix of residential dwellings – some fronting and some removed from the space.

With regards to stakeholder expectations Stockland importantly identify that they set up a strong legal position in protecting the restaurants and public space. They claim that because it can be demonstrated that purchasers knew what they were getting into they are well positioned to protect

the businesses fronting the square. They achieved this through ensuring models and plans were available at the time of purchasing, clearly identifying the dwellings adjacent to the public space.

Main retail entrance to Balgowlah shopping Centre with residential mid block (rear of image).

Excursions in density / District shopping centre densification case study/ Claremont Quarter, Perth, Australia

The

development

has demonstrated that height can be

implemented into a town centre site while still maintaining high levels of amenity in public spaces and streets in and around the site.

Name = Claremont Quarter, Perth, Australia

Strategy = Redevelopment of district shopping centre and associated surface level car parking for mixed use precinct incorporating both shopping centre and residential uses

Status = Constructed

Density = Medium to high

Mix = Mixed retail, commercial, recreational, and residential uses

Access = Located fronting a train station (north) and Canning Highway (south) provides high frequency bus service

Proponents = Brookfield and SPB (Australia). Managed by Hawaiian Pty Ltd

Development model = Private development

Development incentives = High levels of amenity provided by public spaces and streets (with some exceptions)

Community resistance = Medium to high

Community incentives =

Replicability in Perth = Moderate to high

Key lessons for Perth =

 Demonstrates the successful integration of considerable building height into a town centre setting

 Describes a successful community engagement process – vital to unlocking the potential of the District Centres

Discussion

Claremont Quarter is a mixed use development combining retail, residential, hospitality, and commercial uses. The site is approximately 2.6ha: 30,000sqm of retail space and 13,000sqm of residential space (78 apartments) of which are located on top of the retail component. 1430 parking bays are spread over five levels. The retail/commercial car parking and the residential carparks are separated.

Retail spans two levels with anchor tenants located at the western and eastern ends of the development creating a retail spine down the centre. Centrally located and to the south of the spine is “The Square”: a 420sqm town square, providing a community meeting space.

Community engagement: In August 2000 an Enquiry-by-Design Workshop was held to investigate urban design and transport planning options for maintaining and improving the Claremont Town Centre, whilst enhancing social, economic and environmental sustainability. The Workshop used the Liveable Neighbourhoods urban structuring approach and traditional mixed use development design principles to generate a set of drawings and strategies.

The Enquiry-by-Design Workshop was coordinated and facilitated by the Ministry for Planning as one of a series of such Workshops throughout the State.

An holistic approach was taken to the design of Claremont Town Centre and its hinterland. The Workshop drew

together a wide-ranging group of people with diverse skills to discuss and draw possible solutions to specific sites, with the aim of reaching a non-binding consensus on preferred outcomes.

Key elements addressed in the process included:

• how to support key elements that contribute to Claremont’s success as a mixed use town centre;

• how to strengthen the regional role of Claremont to the benefit of its community;

• how to plan for appropriate future land uses;

• how to increase the number of residents in or near to the Town Centre and Claremont Station;

• how to fit new development in with the existing character;

• how to better manage regional and local traffic;

• how to improve safety and walkability;

• how to encourage more non-car travel to the Town Centre; and

• how to modify parking standards to better reflect Town Centre needs and site circumstances.

Development outcome: Despite community resistance to building heights, the development has demonstrated that height can be implemented into a town centre site while still maintaining high levels of amenity in public spaces and streets in and around the site.

The following before and after images

illustrate this point.

With regard to the community square, Hawaiian Group admit the square is under performing and expect to conduct further community consultation to identify future uses for the square.

While the shortcoming of the square are not conclusive the following is likely to have contributed to its current short comings:

• Aspect - the square is south facing and as a result can tend to be overshadowed and windy.

• The small size of the square limits potential functions and activities.

• Only one side has an active frontage

• There is no outlook beyond the square other than down each road.

• Varying scales of pedestrian walk ways.

Claremont Quarter, Perth 2004

Image source: Google Earth

Claremont Quarter, Perth 2015

Image source: Google Earth

Activity Corridors

Excursions in density / Activity corridors

‘While corridor development is not a new idea, the idea of linking it to a consolidation of suburbia is’

City

of Melbourne

Project name = Bo01, Malmo, Sweden

Strategies = Redevelopment and densification of brownfield site.Use housing exposition to produce imaginative visions of future urban living

Status = Under construction

Density = Medium to high

Mix = Typically residential, small amount of retail

Access = Highly accessible, located in walking distance of Malmo city centre

Development model = Public and private partnership

Community resistance = Low to moderate

Community incentives = Land remediation, high quality public domain

Replicability in Perth = Low to moderate due to lack of brownfield land in Perth

Key lessons for Perth = The principles of eco-urbanism can be applied in designing a compact and flexible neighbourhood, combining green infrastructure, water sensitive urban design and renewable energies to teach us about the city of tomorrow

Discussion

Malmo is a small port city housing 300,000 people, located in the Southwestern edge of Sweden, in close proximity with Denmark. Over the last two decades the city changed its identity and character from an industrial port city to a city dedicated to research, knowledge, and new technologies.1

1 City of Malmo, http://malmo.se/English. html.

By the end of the 1990s a series of initiatives were designed to transform the region’s economy.2 One of those initiatives was to showcase the European Housing Exhibition, Bo01, City of Tomorrow. 3. The aim of the exhibition was to “show provocatively imaginative visions of future living, where high demands on aesthetics, ecology and high technology are combined with placing man in the centre”.4

Bo01 City of Tomorrow exhibition was held in Malmo between 17 May and 16 September 2001.5 The planning and construction process for the initial 22 hectares of developable land occurred between 1996 and 2001. The exhibition area has become the first phase of a long term development plan for Vastra Hamnen, the old shipyard area of Malmo, which accounts for a total of 160 hectares of land. 6

The first phase of development was responsible for the construction of 550 dwellings, and the average density over the whole Bo01 area was expected to be 71 dwellings per hectare when fully developed, considering a mix of houses and apartments.

Bo01 is located on a post-industrial waterfront site within walking distance of

2 Peter Neal, Urban Villages and the Making of Communities (London: Taylor and Francis, 2003).Pg. 303

3 Peter Newman and Andy Thornley, Urban Planning in Europe: International Competition, National Systems, and Planning Projects (New York: Routledge, 1996); ibid.

4 Scandinavia Design, http://www.scandinaviandesign.com/newsstand/bo01/index.htm.

5 Newman and Thornley, Urban Planning in Europe: International Competition, National Systems, and Planning Projects.

6 Sally Lewis, Front to Back: A Design Agenda for Urban Housing (Oxford: Architectural Press, 2005). Pgs. 91 to 109

both Malmo city centre and the beach. This factor has been key for the successful promotion of pedestrian and cycling means of transport. Although some buildings have dedicated parking in the basement most parking is located outside the residential area. This has become problematic for residents which can afford higher levels of car ownership.7

The Bo01 area is not currently very rich and diverse in with regards to uses, most likely due to it being built purposely for a housing exhibition. Even the Turning Torso building – the landmark for the project and the city – is in fact a residential building. Generally, the area presents a mix of apartments and terrace houses, with a

Excursions in density / Activity corridors

few shops and restaurants. However in most buildings around the outside perimeter the ground floor was built with higher floor to floor levels, considering the possibility of conversion of the ground floor apartments into shops or restaurants.

8

The Bo01 area is surrounded by a multiplicity of public parks which enhances the local biodiversity. To the west there is the beach park, and the Quay side promenade, which borders the sea. Also running through the centre of the development there is the Canal Park.9

7 Ibid.

8 Ibid.

9 Neal,Urban Villages and the Making of

One of the aims of the project was to achieve a clear definition between the public and private space. Therefore the outer edges of the blocks are clearly defined and the inner edges are softened.10 Thus the project presents a diversity of public spaces in all scales from the large park – which becomes a meeting point for the city – to the small intimate courtyard.

The Bo01 project gave special relevance to the relation with the environment. The housing exhibition was to showcase the best practices in sustainable buildings at the time. During the construction process bioremediation techniques, with several species of decontaminating plants, were used to extract underground pollutants. Considering the use of water, all courtyards and open spaces integrate a “green infrastructure” system through which the runoff water is directed to the perimeter channel, which takes them to a central cistern to be cleaned and finally directed to the ocean. In addition rainwater is recycled and used for irrigation. Considering the use of energy most buildings are equipped with photovoltaic panels which provide more than 100% of the energy needs and feed the surplus back into the energy grid, turning the area into a major energy generator.

Communities

10 Lewis, Front to Back: A Design Agenda for Urban Housing

Activity Corridors

Designated ‘major roads’ within Perth’s road network which could have Activity Corridor potential.

Please note: This map is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only

Excursions in density / Activity Corridor case study/ Urbanising the Avenues policy, Toronto, Canada

Image source: Google Earth

Ultimately some debate over midrise development and its role within Toronto’s avenues has come to fruition.

Name = Avenues and Mid-Rise Building Study Urbanising the Avenues

Strategy = Densification along transit corridors

Status = Under construction

Density = Medium to high density

Mix = High mix of land uses, commercial uses at street level, residential above

Access = Most corridors are along bus or light rail routes

Proponent = City of Toronto (local government)

Development model = Typically private

Development incentives = As-of-right zoning for mid-rise buildings, an expedited approvals process, and acceptable compliance alternatives for constrained sites

Resident Resistance = Moderate

Community incentives = Public engagement with the community, development industry and City staff, moderate density/scale, selective growth/infill areas

Replicability in Perth= Moderate, requires analysis of lot dimensions along corridors

Key lessons for Perth =

 Large-scale metropolitan guidelines can be comprehensive rather than clear, however they are effective at city-wide coordination;

 Consider the zoning of sites to the rear and how the developments could relate to one another;

 The depth and width of lots along the corridor are important factors in the built form outcome;

 Balconies and windows should be minimal on the lower levels of buildings facing residential development;

 Side and rear walls should be articulated or finished in high-quality materials to reduce the appearance of blank walls;

 Optimal site conditions could be explored along corridors and used as an incentive or exemplar built form;

 Guidelines need to be defined to ensure they are implemented appropriately and enable flexibility to encourage development; and

 It is important to include the community in the big-picture journey and allow for consultation during the process to mitigate resident resistance.

Discussion

Toronto is forecast to experience population growth in the order of 500,000 residents in the next 20 years1 , and the City of Toronto (the City) is exploring different strategies of how to accommodate this growth within its existing urban area. The Toronto Official Plan (Official Plan)2 released in 2010 recommends four key growth areas; Avenues (arterial corridors) are one of

1 Brook McIllroy Planning + Urban Design/Pace Architects, E.R.A. Architects, Quadrangle Architects Limited, Urban Marketing Collaborative. “Avenues & Mid-Rise Buildings Study.” Toronto, 2010.

2 Toronto, City of. “Toronto Official Plan.” Toronto: City of Toronto, 2010.

Eglington Avenue, Toronto 2002

Image source: Google Earth

Eglington Avenue, Toronto 2015

Image source: Google Earth

these. Jennifer Keesmaat the Chief Planner at the City of Toronto advocates for mid-rise development that can accommodate this growth throughout the city.3 She believes it is part of creating a sustainable city by increasing population and access to these corridors, which are often underutilised.

Brook McIllroy + Urban Design/Pace Architects with E.R.A. Architects, Quadrangle Architects Limited and Urban Marketing Collective were commissioned to undertake the Avenues & Mid-Rise Buildings Study (the Study) by the City of Toronto, so that the City could understand the role of the avenues in accommodating future development, particularly at a mid-rise scale.

Excursions in density / Activity corridors

The City has been gathering information on barriers to mid-rise development through the Mid-Rise Symposium, Avenue Studies, Consultation with the development community and the public, and through City staff feedback. Collectively this information has resulted in a number of ways to encourage well-designed mid-rise development along the Avenues. The Study focuses on some of these approaches including as-of-right zoning for mid-rise buildings, an expedited approvals process, and acceptable compliance alternatives for constrained sites. The most critical appears to be the as-of-right zoning as 3 Brenda Daglish, “Mid-Rise Buildings Challenge Toronto Developers, City,” The Globe and Mail, 20 January 2014 2014.

it provides more certainty for developers and communities,

The Study was adopted by the City in 2010, which guides the built form and design of mid-rise development. There has been rapid growth in mid-rise development with 58 projects approved since July 2010,3 however some of those under construction were approved prior to the Study guidelines coming into effect.

With approximately 200km of the avenues within Toronto that could be developed for mid-rise development, a population of approximately 250,000, a significant portion of the anticipated growth, could be accommodated within the avenues.1 Therefore development of the avenues plays a significant role in understanding the future growth of Toronto.

“As ‘main streets’, they have both a functional relationship, providing a range of services that are used by area residents on a daily basis, as well as a symbolic role – as the social nerve centre of communities.”4

The Authors define mid-rise buildings as:

“Buildings [that] are no taller than the width of the street right-of-way or between 5 and 11 storeys. The maximum height is established based on a 1:1 ratio where the maximum height of a building is equivalent to the width of the right-of-way.”4

4 Brook McIllroy Planning + Urban Design/Pace Architects, E.R.A. Architects, Quadrangle Architects Limited, Urban Marketing Collaborative. “Avenues & Mid-Rise Buildings Study.” Toronto, 2010.

It is the intent that mid-rise development can be introduced incrementally along the avenues as opportunities arise, eventually transforming into vibrant streets with a mix of uses and high levels of amenity. The development model is largely private as there are limited portions of land abutting the avenues that are in public ownership. The avenues provide a high level of accessibility as they are along bus or light rail transit routes, which make them ideal of infill development.

The streetscape improvements and built form controls established by the Study are targeted specifically for Mixed-Use, Employment, Institutional and Regeneration zones as identified in the Toronto Official Plan. For example, areas designated as ‘neighbourhoods’ are only recommended for streetscape improvements along avenues in order to retain existing neighbourhood scale and character, whereas ‘mixed use areas’ are intended for both streetscape improvements and infill growth. This strategy is to help with urban design, transit, and service delivery issues, whilst enabling a level of development certainty for both residents and developers.

Ultimately some debate over mid-rise development and its role within Toronto’s avenues has come to fruition. Developers have reportedly complained about the fragile economics of mid-rise development, noting that the fixed costs of development are spread across a lower number of apartments rather than in a high-rise development.5 The City of Toronto planners have also been 5 Daglish, “Mid-Rise Buildings Challenge Toronto Developers, City.”

interpreting the Study guidelines as strict rules,6 removing the flexibility developers need to deliver mid-rise development that caters to unique site conditions. This, combined with political and process barriers, is encouraging developers to seek denser developments, where often mid-rise solutions could be more appropriate.

Jennifer Keesmaat, Toronto Chief Planner, advocated the as-of-right zoning implemented along the avenues as a way to incentivise developers to build mid-rise type development.6 She argues that the City is not overly concerned about the economic impacts as there have been good demonstrations of development as a result of the guidelines.6

Mr Mallins, Streetcar Developments, is one of the developers who has become vocal about the lack of flexibility in the City’s application of the guidelines. He believes that strict application will encourage ‘cookie-cutter’ type development rather than the vibrant and unique streetscapes the City is trying to encourage.6 Additional time taken to negotiate outcomes with City staff can ultimately affect the outcome of a project, according to Mr Mallins.

Streetcar Developments has completed 16 mid-rise buildings along Queen Street in the past 10 years prior to the implementation of the guidelines.

For Toronto to achieve the desired mid-rise development along the Avenues, it is clear that some form of development incentive or consideration

6 Wendy Gillis, “Growing Up: Toronto Planner Jennifer Keesmaat Pushes for Lots of Mid-Rise,” The Star, 16 January 2013 2013.

for the fragile economics of these developments is recognised.

The ‘Density Creep Neighbourhood Alliance’ is a new-founded group of about 50 midtown Toronto residents who are fighting against ‘density-creep’ amid the City’s push for mid-rise development,7 A townhouse development on Keewaitn Avenue just north of Eglinton Avenue East was the initial development that pushed the group to form. The proposal is for a four-storey building containing 80 dwellings upon eight existing properties. The founder of the group claims they are not against development, but share concerns about privacy, traffic, reduced property values and an influx of transient people, whilst advocating for planned

Excursions in density / Activity corridors

development which reinforces the neighbourhood physical character.

Another group, the ‘South Eglinton Residents and Ratepayers Association’, share similar concerns about a proposed nine-storey apartment development on Bayview Avenue. Leslieville residents are preparing to oppose the future development of an eight-storey building on Queen Street East, which is presently occupied by six two-storey buildings; concerns are related to traffic congestion and height.

The concerns raised by the community bring into question whether the as-of-

7 Manish Krishnan, “Midtowners Battle the Rise of the Midrise,” ibid., 25 May 2015.

right zoning adopted for the avenues is actually providing certainty and a consistent future vision for the broader stakeholders. These reactions could be simply a resistance to change, but could also reflect a larger disassociation with the City’s goals for implementing mid-rise development.

The Avenues

Performance Standards & Transitions

Images sources: Brook McIllroy Planning + Urban Design/Pace Architects, E.R.A. Architects, Quadrangle Architects Limited, Urban Marketing Collaborative. “Avenues & MidRise Buildings Study.” Toronto, 2010.

Neighbourhood Zone - Deep Block Managing Rear Setbacks

Neighbourhood Zone - Shallow Block

The Neighbourhood Zone typically encompasses lower-scale residential development, parks, open space and natural areas. Overlooking and overshadowing are important considerations.

Apartment zone- managing rear setbacks

The Apartment Zone typically houses larger apartment blocks that may have open space or car parking on the ground. The primary consideration is for a separation distance to maintain amenity.

Images source: Brook McIllroy Planning + Urban Design/Pace Architects, E.R.A. Architects, Quadrangle Architects Limited, Urban Marketing Collaborative. “Avenues & Mid-Rise Buildings Study.” Toronto, 2010.

Employment zone: For the Employment Zone the issues of privacy and sunlight access are not as important as the Neighbourhood Zone, therefore the standards are not as restrictive.

Measuring the rear setback: The rear setback is measured from the lowest point on the rear property line.

Excursions in density / Activity Corridor case study/ Transforming Australian Cities, Melbourne, Australia

Development of these urban corridors would take development pressure off the existing suburbs, which can then develop as the new green lungs of our metropolitan area.

Rob Adams

Image source: Google Earth

Name = Transforming Australian Cities, St Georges Road Urban Design Framework

Strategy = Densification along transit corridors

Status = Under construction

Density = Varies

Mix = High mix of land usescommercial/retail uses at street level

Access = Highly accessible by public transport, tram routes run through part of the corridor, heavy rail line runs parallel one block east

Proponent = City of Darebin (local government)

Development model = Private

Development incentives = None

Resident Resistance = Moderate

Community incentives = Community consultation during visioning stages

Replicability in Perth = Moderate

Key lessons for Perth =

 Consultation with the community is important to establish a common strategic development direction;

 Resident resistance can be a disincentive for development;

 Planter boxes can be incorporated into balconies to prevent overlooking;

 30° and 45° angles can be used to distinguish between areas where greater setbacks are needed; and

 Incorporate lightweight materials for balcony screening to avoid adding to the bulk of a building.

Discussion

Since the implementation of an Urban Growth Boundary for Melbourne in 2009 there has been significant discussion upon accommodating future growth for the city in a sustainable manner. The City of Melbourne and Government of Victoria released the released the report “Transforming Australian Cities – For a more financially viable an sustainable future” (TAC Report) initially in May 2009 with an update in March 2010, which looked at the development potential of urban corridors and other key development areas within Melbourne to accommodate the forecast population of 8 million people by 20501. The document has a strong focus on the development potential urban corridors in conjunction with activity centre and transit oriented design principles, and with many government authored reports has received criticism in the following years. It has a strong association with Professor Rob Adams who is the Director for City Design at the City of Melbourne and is a well-known advocate for development along urban corridors.

One of the key messages of the TAC Report is to encourage sustainable development in a more compact form of development, which is recommended in three main areas: activity centres, urban corridors and redevelopment sites. A key part of the strategy is to clearly identify which corridors, centres and sites are comprised in these future growth areas, and to distinguish them 1 State of Victoria City of Melbourne, “Transforming Australian Cities,” (Melbourne, Victoria: City of Melbourne, State of Victoria, 2010).

from neighbourhoods that will remain at lower densities and transform into productive and green suburbs.

“Development of these [urban] corridors would take development pressure off the existing suburbs, which can then develop as the new ‘green lungs’ of our metropolitan area.”1

Together these three areas represent just 7.5% of the land area within the Urban Growth Boundary1. The Report proposes that medium-density development between 4-8 storeys along transit corridors could accommodate up to 2,400,000 people, with a further 1,400,000 people in activity centres and 3,800,000 people in known redevelopment sites2, and could go a

Excursions in density / Activity corridors

substantial way in catering for the growing population.

Alan Davies a blogger for The Urbanist and a Transport and Urban Development Consultant has vocalised his scepticism toward the TAC Report. Davies questions whether the plan will achieve its claims of sustainability. He does not believe development along corridors would substitute development on the fringe, and believes that density will not necessarily increase public transport usage but may increase car usage3. He makes reference to a study

2 Ibid.

3 Alan Davies to The Urbanist, 29 April 2010, 2010, http://blogs.crikey.com.au/theurbanist/2010/04/29/are-apartments-on-tram-routes-theanswer/.

conducted by David McCloskey, Bob Birrell and Rose Yip (Making public transport work in Melbourne), which found that of all the workers in Melbourne who lived within a 5 minute walk of a tram only 12% actually commuted by tram4. One of the case studies used in their analysis was the 112 tram-route which travels along a portion of St Georges Road (the corridor studied in the next section). It was found that 12.8% of people living within 500 metres of the 112 route used the tram in their commute to work4. One of the conclusions of their research is the false assumption that living close to a tram route will encourage usage, which is reiterated by Davies in his article. Instead they propose that increases in density will add proportionally more to car trips than they would to public transport usage. McCloskey, Birrell and Yip’s research also acknowledged that arterial road corridors do not always provide the best environments for intensive residential development due to noise and pollution.

The strategies discussed in the TAC Report are beginning to be realised in the inner city local authorities within Melbourne as they produce local strategies, design guidelines and policies to help implement these principles. One example is the St Georges Road corridor where the City of Darebin has developed an Urban Design Framework in order to focus density and population growth along the corridor, which has convenient access to public transport and existing services, whilst guided by good design principles to 4 Bob Birrell David McCloskey, Rose Yip, “Making Public Transport Work in Melbourne,” The Free Library September 1 (2009).

ensure its success.

St Georges Road Urban Design Framework

The St Georges Road Urban Design Framework (UDF) has been developed by the City of Darebin in order to facilitate and manage the future development of St Georges Road as a strategic growth corridor in the northern inner suburbs of Melbourne.

St Georges Road has experienced a recent transition with development in the form of multi-storey residential amongst the existing suburban residential stock, with smaller scale commercial and retail development at street level. The City of Darebin5 have acknowledged that demand for one and two-bedroom apartments will increase in the area, and recognise St Georges Road as a strategic location to implement increased housing stock given its relationship to nearby transport. The UDF was developed in late 2013 as a result of community consultation during March-April 2013, and ties in with the broader housing strategy for Darebin. It was established to form a clear design direction for the future of the corridor, which will assist in future decisionmaking and form part of a Scheme Amendment to enable growth in the corridor.

The UDF covers a 4.5km stretch along St Georges Road and focuses on lots directly abutting the corridor. The southern end of the corridor study area is located approximately 3.5km north of

5 Darebin, City of. “St Georges Road Corridor Urban Design Framework 2013.” City of Darebin: City of Darebin, 2013.

the Melbourne CBD, and therefore plays an important role in accommodating future growth. This stretch is broken up into 8 separate precincts based on their present and intended characteristics. Each precinct is tested through three development scenarios:

 Minimal Change;

 Incremental Change; and

 High (substantial Change).

These scenarios test different built form typologies and ultimately recommend the preferred future outcome and design controls for each precinct. The scenarios are fairly analytical and qualitative in nature and are used to inform the quantitative built form controls.

The UDF discusses a large number of design aspects in significant detail in order to explain the intended outcome, and illustrates many of these controls and ideas diagrammatically.

Resident Resistance

There has been moderate resident resistance to development of the corridor, as many residents are concerned about the development of inappropriate buildings and their affect on the existing residential communities. One example has been the establishment of the ‘St. Georges Road Residents Action Group’ on social media where residents have been sharing links to development plans and objection letters. Two developments they were particularly concerned about were the proposals at the ‘Foodworks’ site (231 St Georges Rd, Northcote) and at the ‘Windsor Smith’ site (195-209 St Georges Road, Northcote).

St Georges Rd, Melbourne proposed

Image source: Darebin, City of. “St Georges Road Corridor Urban Design Framework 2013.” City of Darebin: City of Darebin, 2013.

At the Foodworks site the proposal was for a five storey mixed-use development (previously six storey) with a supermarket and retail on the ground floor with 40 dwellings on the floors above. At the Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal (VCAT) hearing on 9 May 2013 there was debate over the height and bulk of the proposal and whether it would be too dominant in the streetscape. The City of Darebin planning officers had recommended approval of the proposal but the Councillors overrode it. It was noted that there was relatively low-scale development to the rear of the development, and it was prominent in the existing context of St Georges Road, however the Senior Member responded: “if it was not for the

Excursions in density / Activity corridors

planned future character of the area I think that it would be difficult to justify so large a building on this site, however well designed or well articulated it might be…it is these circumstances [the planned future character] that lead me to the conclusion that this proposal is, after all, acceptable.” 6 The additional characteristics of the corner location of the site and the strong architectural design through articulation, a clear podium and recessed upper levels, also contributed to the decision of approval. The St. Georges Road Residents Action Group presented oral and written

6 Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal, Kallena Pty Ltd V Darebin Cc [2013] Vcat 715 9 May 2013 2013.

submissions at the hearing objecting to the proposal7 .

There is clearly a disparity in strategic development objectives from what residents are comfortable with, which becomes another challenge for infill development.

7 St Georges Road Resident Action Group, “St Georges Road Resident Action Group,” https:// www.facebook.com/StGeorgesRoadResidentsActionGroup?fref=ts; ibid.

The banner of the St Georges Road Resident Action Group. This contrast between the black and white elevation of a proposed development with the red text against the coloured photo montage represents their interpretation of the new proposals along the corridor.

Image source: St Georges Road Resident Action Group, “St Georges Road Resident Action Group,” https://www.facebook.com/StGeorgesRoadResidentsActionGroup?fref=ts

Excursions in density / Activity Corridor case study/ City of Prospect, Adelaide, Australia

Image source: Google Earth

The intent is for 50% of the new housing growth for Adelaide to be accommodated in these nodes and corridors...

Name = Urban Corridor Zone, Adelaide, Australia

Strategy = Densification along transit corridors

Status = Under construction

Density = Minimum 45 - 200 dwellings per hectare

Mix = Residential, retail, commercial and office uses

Access = High frequency buses and heavy rail nearby

Proponent = City of Prospect

Development model = Private

Development incentives = Zoning changes

Resident resistance = Low

Community incentives = Community consultation with key industry and community organisations

Replicability in Perth = Moderate

Key lessons for Perth =

 Strategic design policy can be drafted at a state level and effectively implemented at a local level;

 Careful consideration should be given to the rear interface where it sits along the southern boundary to ensure rear properties have access to sunlight;

 There is the potential for different characteristics within a corridor zone, which can be varied slightly in built form or use; and

 Noise attenuation should be considered for buildings abutting the corridor.

Discussion

The 30-Year Plan for Greater Adelaide (the Plan) was released in 2010 and provides the strategic direction to guide future sustainable growth within metropolitan Adelaide. It is anticipated that Adelaide will experience growth in the realm of 560,000 people over the next 30 years.1

The Plan has two fundamental strategies to guide Adelaide’s future growth: changes in the built/urban form and in the planning system governance. The plan aims to adjust the ratio of infill to greenfield development from the existing 50:50 to 70:30.1

One of the new proposed urban forms is to establish medium to high density transit oriented development around transport nodes and along transit corridors. The intent is for 50% of the new housing growth for Adelaide to be accommodated in these nodes and corridors (137,000 dwellings), whilst they accommodate for 35% of new job growth.2 These areas of focus are intended to create communities where people can live and work, whilst leaving majority of the existing neighbourhoods unchanged.

The Plan defines two types of transit corridors:

 Major transit corridors with fixed rail or tram transit; or

 Other transit corridors with main road

1 Government of South Australia, “The 30-Year Plan for Greater Adelaide,” ed. Transport and Infrastructure Department of Planning (Adelaide2010). 2 “Urban Corridor Zone,” ed. Transport and Infrastructure Department of Planning (Adelaide2011).

Main Rd North, Adelaide 2000

Image source: Google Earth

Main Rd North, Adelaide 2015

Image source: Google Earth

access and have existing or planned frequent bus or light rail services.

In order to achieve the development strategies as set out in the plan the Government of South Australia is working with several inner metropolitan councils to forward zoning changes that will allow for an increased mix of land uses and infill built form.3

Urban Corridor Zone

In order to implement the principles within the 30-Year Plan the Government of South Australia has drafted planning policies which will assist Local Governments in preparing local planning policies and guidelines that deliver the strategic initiatives. One of the planning policies is for the ‘Urban Corridor Zone’, a zone for the strategic transit corridors as recognised by the 30-Year Plan. In October 2013 the required policy was adopted4 unlocking the development potential of the Urban Corridor Zone across Adelaide. It is intended that Local Governments in conjunction with the State Government will establish Structure Plans for these corridors that will guide the land use and development potential, however these will be principally informed by the Urban Corridor Zone Policy.

The Urban Corridor Zone is envisaged as a zone that will support “an innovative mix of medium and high density development along strategic road corridors within the existing establishes areas of Greater Adelaide”.5

3 Transport and Infrastructure Government of South Australia Department of Planning, “Inner Metro Growth Project,” http://www.dpti.sa.gov.au/ planning/innermetrogrowth.

4

5 Australia, “Urban Corridor Zone.”

The zone focuses on land within 3 blocks of the corridor, and includes an emphasis on the transition between higher and lower density built form. It is intended that there will be about 75% residential development in a variety of dwelling types (detached discouraged), with retail, commercial, and office uses supplementing the remainder of the corridor.

The density ranges from 45 to 200 dwellings per hectare depending on the particular policy area. Building heights are a minimum of three storeys where lots front the corridor, and the policy recommends determining building heights relative to road widths for up to 50 metres. The rear interface is generally guided by 45-degree building envelope measured from three metres height at the rear boundary. A stricter 30-degree angle is employed when the rear boundary faces south to ensure that rear properties maintain a northern aspect for access to sunlight.

The Policy recommends four distinct ‘policy areas’ which define different corridor characteristics and should be implemented by Local Governments into their policies.

City of Prospect

The City of Prospect (the City) is an inner city local government area located to the immediate north of the City of Adelaide, and contains several of the strategic corridors identified within the Greater Adelaide 30-Year Plan. These corridors include Churchill Road, Main North Road, and Prospect Road which all run north-south through the City toward Adelaide’s CBD. Each of the corridors

maintain a slightly different character; Churchill Road runs adjacent a railway line, Prospect Road has been identified for a tram line, and Main North Road runs through a ‘strategic centre’.

In response to these strategic corridors the City has prepared policies that dictate the density, built form and future character of each ‘policy area’ in the Urban Corridor Zone along the corridors. The City has created policies for ‘Boulevard’, ‘High Street’, ‘Business’, and ‘Transit Living’ areas as suggested in the State’s Urban Corridor Zone Policy. The Boulevard area applies along Churchill Road, the High Street and Transit Living areas apply along Prospect Road, and the Business area applies along Main North Road.

Resident Resistance

The ‘Prospect High Rise Protest Group’ was established in early 2013 as a reaction to the proposed changes within the City of Prospect. The Group circulated a petition that received 630 signatures against the proposal to increase building heights along the main corridors within the City. The concerns raised were in regard to the long term negative impacts from parking, street congestion, pollution and significant heritage loss. The petition recommended 2-3 storeys maximum height of buildings on all main transit corridors6 .

The Prospect Council acting Chief Executive Deb Richardson called for investigation into the community concern regarding increased traffic, public transport and potential health

6 Bronwyn Mewett, 19 February 2013.

impacts7. It was noted however that the Council did not believe the new heights were excessive. It should be noted that Councils lost their ability to approve developments over four storeys in height in late 2013, which are now fed through a state-run design review and approval process.

The Director of Business & Economic Development at the City, Matt Grant, has relayed that since 1July 2013 there have been 27 substantial development applications for Churchill Road (total $33 million) and 14 substantial applications for Prospect Road ($14 million)8 , reflecting the development opportunity afforded within these corridors. The City’s Mayor David O’Loughlin believes these new developments will bring in more than 500 residents into the area,9 well-exceeding the City’s expectations following the implementation of the Urban Corridor Zone.

A four-storey building was approved in April 2014 at 100 Churchill Road for 6 one-bedroom and 15 two-bedroom apartments. The development is yet to be completed, however the design received praise from the Mayor who called for similar development near transport and recreation opportunities.10

7 Amelia Broadstock, “Prospect Residents Want Limit on Building Heights,” The Australian, 5 April 2013.

8 City of Propsect, “Main Road Corridors,” City of Prospect, http://www.prospect.sa.gov.au/page. aspx?u=1120.

9 Valerina Changarathil, “Prospect’s Tuning in for the Good Times,” Adelaide Now, 30 June 2015. 10 Kurtis Eichler, “Churchill Rd’s First Four-Storey Building Is Approved under New State Government Planning Laws,” News.com.au, 22 April 2014.

Source: “Urban Corridor Zone,” ed. Transport and Infrastructure Department of Planning (Adelaide2011).

Corridor types and associated permissable landuses and densities

Land Use

Boulevard

Shops, cafes, restaurants on ground floor; commercial and residential above

Density

Residential buildings – minimum 100-150 dwellings per hectare

Minimum height of 2 storeys

Maximum height of 4 storeys (15 metres)

Specific sites allocated 5 to 8 storeys

Shops, cafes, restaurants at ground level, offices and apartments on upper levels overlooking the street

Residential buildings – minimum 70 dwellings per hectare

Minimum height of 2 storeys

Maximum height of 4 storeys (15 metres)

Largely residential, non-residential only as mixed used to support daily working/living needs

Residential buildings – minimum 45 dwellings per hectare

Minimum height of 1 storey

Maximum height of 3 storeys (11.5 metres)

Specific sites allocated 4 storeys

Primarily nonresidential uses including bulky goods, service trade, offices, consulting rooms etc. with some areas nonresidential activities (shops/restaurants)

No minimum

Minimum height of 2 storeys

Maximum height of 4 storeys (15 metres)

Specific sites allocated 5 storeys

Excursions in density / Activity Corridor case study/ North Milwaukee Avenue Corridor Plan, Chicago, USA

The inner north-western Chicago suburbs of Wicker Park and Bucktown have reached a point of gentrification where rents have escalated and driven a large portion of the market out...

Image source: Google Earth

Name = North Milwaukee Avenue Corridor Plan, Chicago, United States of America

Strategy = Densification along transit corridors

Status = Under construction

Density = Varies

Mix = Existing remnant industrial and large-scale commercial, proposed shopping, entertainment, businesses, restaurants, bars, residential

Access = Coordinated with train and bus transport and designated bike lanes

Proponent = City of Chicago (Department of Planning and Development)

Development model = Largely private

Development incentives = Density bonuses allow a greater floor area ratio for affordable housing and public amenities. Decrease in the number of off-street parking bays required by 25-50% where a development is located within 180 metres of a train station

Community Resistance = Low to moderate

Community incentives = Inclusive community process and input from the beginning, establishment of a task force (residents, landowners, business owners), public meetings

Replicability in Perth = Moderate

Key lessons for Perth =

 Sites nearest to transit stations were the most attractive to developers;

 Corridor development is largely based

on private investment and therefore will reflect market conditions whether created by a plan through incentives or otherwise;

 Public investment can be spent on improving infrastructure and general amenity that will attract further investment, as appearance of the corridor is important; and

 Extensive community consultation can form a vision for the corridor from the outset.

Discussion

The inner north-western Chicago suburbs of Wicker Park and Bucktown have reached a point of gentrification where rents have escalated and driven a large portion of the market out, and developers have responded by looking further north-west to Logan Square.1 The Logan Square neighbourhood is well-known for its retail, dining, and bar scene however it is yet to ‘catch up’ in terms of apartment rents.2 These suburbs follow the Chicago Transit Authority (CTA) rail ‘Blue Line’ that runs from downtown Chicago’s Loop out to the international airport at O’Hare. Logan Square is located approximately seven kilometres north-west of central Chicago.

There have been several development proposals for higher-density, mixed-use

1 AJ LaTrace to Curbed Chicago, 30 July, 2014, http://chicago.curbed.com/ archives/2014/07/30/developer-proposes-dual-tower-tod-for-milwaukee-avenue.php.

2 Micah Maidenberg to Chicago Real Estate Daily, 12 March, 2014, http://www. chicagobusiness.com/realestate/20140312/ CRED03/140319904/developer-plans-78apartments-in-logan-square.

commercial and residential developments along North Milwaukee Avenue, from the neighbourhoods of Noble Square, Bucktown, Wicker Park, and through Logan Square. North Milwaukee Avenue runs parallel to the Blue Line on its northern side and provides strategic investment transitoriented development opportunities for developers. Blogger AJ LaTrace mapped the 20 developments either proposed or approved along North Milwaukee Avenue in late 2014, with approximately 1,500 apartments and over 23,200m2 of retail floorspace.3 The avenue has typically seen many largescale auto-oriented commercial and retail boxed developments, however the market appears to be driving a transformation.

North Milwaukee Avenue Corridor Plan

The City of Chicago (the City) has had plans to revitalise a portion of the avenue for nearly a decade. The City began consultation in 2007 and released the North Milwaukee Avenue Corridor Plan4 (the Plan) in November 2008 to guide the future redevelopment of a 1.2 kilometre portion of North Milwaukee Avenue between Western Avenue and California Avenue in Logan Square. This portion of the avenue was seen to be facing increasing development pressures and was already beginning a transition process, so the City initiated the preparation of a Corridor Plan with a 3 AJ LaTrace AJ LaTrace to Curbed Chicago, 28 October, 2014, http://chicago. curbed.com/archives/2014/10/28/mapping-milwaukee-avenues-development-boom.php.

4 City of Chicago, “North Milwaukee Avenue Corridor Plan,” ed. Department of Planning and Development (Chicago: City of Chicago, 2008).

large amount of community input from the outset. This included the appointment of a Task Force comprised of residents, landowners, business owners, and other stakeholders, as well as public meetings and general input from property managers, community leaders, builders, developers and City staff. The Plan essentially identifies strategies to strengthen the corridor through preservation or redevelopment, and provides a framework for private development and public realm improvement.

The Plan analyses the parcels of land adjacent the corridor and identifies them as redevelopment sites, sites to maintain and enhance, sites with character, or sites for green/plaza spaces. This is guided through the extensive community consultation as well as considerations of existing physical conditions, market overviews, and transit oriented design opportunities.

Development Incentives

The City recognises the need for development incentives to encourage developers to redevelop privately owned land along the corridor, whilst adhering to the principles and intended development in the plan. Density bonuses are employed across the City generally allowing developers a greater floor area ratio when they provide affordable housing and public amenities that improve the quality of life for residents, employees, and visitors. The City can also decrease the number of off-street parking bays required by 25-50% where a development is located within 180 metres of a CTA station. The Plan then encourages increasing

densities around the Western and California stations.

The City is also able to implement Tax Increment Financing within the study area to reduce the conditions of neglect that will then encourage private sector investment. Debt financing is leveraged against the future rise in property tax revenue that will result from increased development and improved property values5. Redevelopment activities for the study area include:

 Rehabilitation, including façade improvements and repairs and improvements to the interior of buildings;

 Site redevelopment for vacant land, properties with buildings in extremely poor condition, or with deleterious land uses;

 Public improvements, primarily streetscape, along Milwaukee Avenue;

 Gateway treatments; and

 Traffic signalisation at important corridor entrances

The Plan makes reference to several other strategies available through both the public and private sector that can allow maintenance and improvement of the streetscape, and encourage development that will benefit the corridor as a whole.

5 Ibid.

North Milwaukee Ave, Chicago 2015

Image source: Google Earth

North Milwaukee Ave, Chicago proposed

Source: City of Chicago, “North Milwaukee Avenue Corridor Plan,” ed. Department of Planning and Development (Chicago: City of Chicago, 2008)

Brownfields

Excursions in density / Brownfields

Perhaps partly because of the generous provision of light industrial areas in the suburban core, and a gradual decline of manufacturing, this land is increasingly being infiltrated by higher end commercial uses...

Perth’s central sub-region has 3013 ha of industrial zoned land– or seven per cent of the total area. This is a comparatively high figure – a fact borne out in comparison to the greater Perth region that only has one point seven per cent currently zoned for industrial uses.1 Furthermore the number of people employed in manufacturing in Perth is falling; in 1947 some twenty-six per cent of Perth’s workforces were employed in manufacturing;2 as part of a greater shift towards a service economy by 2011 this figure had fallen to 8.5%.3

Perhaps partly because of the generous provision of light industrial areas in the suburban core, and a gradual decline of manufacturing, this land is increasingly being infiltrated by higher end commercial uses. At the same time, some manufacturing operations are being forced to relocate to strategic industrial centres on the urban periphery, as central land becomes more and more valuable.4

This dynamic saw brownfield sites such as ‘Claisebrook Cove’ in East Perth freed up for urban development in the 1990s as well as current sites such as the old East Perth power station, and

1 Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission, “Economic and Employment Lands Strategy: Non-Heavy Industrial Perth Metropolitan and Peel Regions,” (Perth: Western Australian Planning Commission, 2012), ix.

2 G Stephenson and J A Hepburn, “Plan for the Metropolitan Region Perth and Fremantle 1955 Report,” (Perth: Government Printing Office 1955), 45.

3 Australian Bureau of Statistics, “Greater Perth Fact Sheet,” Australain Bureau of Statistics, http://www.abs.gov.au/websitedbs/censushome.nsf/ 4a256353001af3ed4b2562bb00121564/mediafactsheets2nd/$file/Factsheets%20-%20Perth.pdf.

4 Department of Planning and Western Australian Planning Commission, “Economic and Employment Lands Strategy: Non-Heavy Industrial Perth Metropolitan and Peel Regions,” 37.

the “Knutsford Redevelopment Area’ in East Fremantle (a case study in this chapter). Despite these not insignificant development sites Perth has a low number of potential brownfield redevelopment sites, in comparison to Sydney which has been able to capitalise on enormous brownfield sites such as ‘Green Square’ (a case study in this chapter.) Perhaps the relative absence of decaying post- industrial land in Perth perhaps reflects Stirling’s intention that Fremantle was to be the colony’s administrative centre.5

Regardless of this current situation further brownfield land may come up for redevelopment in the future – the crowning glory of which is the Fremantle Inner Harbour, the only main port operating within the confines of Perth central subregion.

Fremantle Inner Harbour has had the capacity to easily adapt to the changes on maritime technology which occurred over the last 100 years and is still a vibrant working port. Despite the success of the port over the last century, there are symptoms which may support the argument that the port is now entering the final stage of its evolution: delocalisation.

The Fremantle Inner Harbour has developed in a similar pace as the city around it and has become land locked. Container trade growth forecast shows that the current container throughput will double before 2025. Additional container facilities will be required once the inner harbour reaches capacity and studies over time have shown that the 5 George Seddon and David Ravine, A City and Its Setting: Images of Perth, Western Australia (Perth: Fremantle Arts Centre Press, 1986).

Outer Harbour is the best site for these. Considering the constraints that Fremantle Inner Harbour is currently facing, it can be argued that the Port is about to enter the last stage of evolution. In a not very distant future port operations will slowly make their way towards new and modern port facilities located in Kwinana. As the port relocates, the city will have the opportunity to take its place. It is in relation to this opportunity that this chapter tables a number of case studies which could relate to the potential redevelopment of Fremantle Port.

Excursions in density / Brownfields

Perth brownfields

While Perth has a relatively high area of industrial zoned land in the central subregion there are only a number of brownfield sites currently being redeveloped for residential development- these include the East Perth power station site and the Knutsford redevelopment area.

This situation can be partly explained by the draft Central Sub-regional Planning Framework which seeks to protect many of these areas from residential encroachment, so as to maximise employment opportunities provided by these areas.

Please note: This map is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only.

Knutsford/ White Gum Valley redevelopment areas

Fremantle Port

East Perth power station site

Excursions in density / Brownfield densification case study/ Green Square/ Sydney, Australia

Image source: http://www. cityartsydney.com.au/ projects/green-squarepublic-art-program/ With a project area of 280 ha Green Square is the largest urban renewal project in Australia...

Name = Green Square, Sydney, Australia

Strategy = Redevelopment and densification of brownfield site

Status = Under construction

Density = High

Mix = Mixed use

Access = Coordinated with rail and bus transport however promised light rail link still to be delivered

Proponent = City of Sydney, Green Square Consortium

Development model = Public/ Private

Development incentives = -

Community resistance = Low

Community incentives = Requirements for affordable housing, decontamination of land, new amenities including a library, public plazas, an aquatic centre and sports park

Replicability in Perth = Low to moderate due to limit supply of brownfield land

Key lessons for Perth =

 A lack forward funding/investment by Government in infrastructure is likely to stall private sector investment

 Ensure an equitable distribution of land use opportunities, between development sites, to incentivise urban development

 Timely redevelopment requires whole of government integration at a planning level, including government agencies being funded and directed to provide services

Discussion

With a project area of 280 hectares Green Square is the largest urban renewal project in Australia (City of Sydney 2015) and it contains the entire Sydney suburbs of Zetland and Beaconsfield and parts of Alexandria, Waterloo, and Rosebery.1 The site was also part of one of Sydney’s oldest industrial areas, the Central Industrial Area, with redundant land and buildings held in both private and public ownership.

The proposed Green Square Station, part of the New Southern Railway which will connect Sydney International Airport to the city centre, is ‘anticipated to be a catalyst for the major restructuring of the surrounding area.’2 The structural masterplan prepared by Stansic, Turner/ Hassell in 19973 has been ongoing since. As of 2011 it had a population of 13,295 living in 6 840 dwellings and remains one of the fastest growing areas in Sydney. By 2030 Green Square is expected to house 40,000 residents and attract 22,000 workers, and create 8,500 jobs.

Beyond such statistics the Green Square project, and particularly the Green Square Town Centre, is instructive with respect to urban infill development feasibility. The Green Square Town Centre was first mooted in the early 1990s by the Keating

1 Williams, P. (2000). “Inclusionary zoning and affordable housing in Sydney.” Urban Policy and Research 18(3): 291-310.

2 Ibid.

.

3 Ziller, A. (2004). “The Community is Not a Place and Why it Matters.” Urban Policy and Research 22(4): 465-479.

government of the time and there have been a number of false starts since. In 2001 a design competition was held for a masterplan for the Town Centre.4

Subsequently in 2008 it was claimed the demolition of the former Waterloo Incinerator on the Green Square Town Centre site marked the beginning of the town center’s construction.5 Finally the demolition of the disused Royal South Sydney Hospital in 2011 was also promoted as ‘a signal’ that the ‘massive’ Green Square redevelopment has begun, at least according to the City of Sydney.6

The reasons given for such slow progress on this crucial quarter of the overall Green Square development can be linked to poor development feasibility.

Excursions in density / Brownfields

In turn this has been attributed to:

• The government (local or state) not owning all the land required for ‘essential infrastructure’ such as drainage and public transport connections (like light rail);7

 A lack of government funding of transport and essential infrastructure. Arguably this has resulted in road congestion a ‘tangle of cars that only

4 Spira, H. (2013). Barriers to development in Green Square Town Centre. Planning Institute of Australia National Congress. Canberra, Unpublished.

5 Ibid.

6 ibid.

7 ibid.

seems to intensify with every tower built’(Robertson 2014). As a resident explains ‘Ten more are due to begin this year and residents are asking if the area can cope’ (Robertson 2014). While a the council has spent $40 million on land to lay a light rail route this is yet to happen (Robertson 2014). Patricia Forsythe, from the Sydney Business Chamber explains ‘It’s clear now that the development has got ahead of transport’;8

 Problematic sites which experience flooding, drainage issues and contamination making land remediation costs very high, and as such development projects risky;9

 Contributions being levied from developers being considered (by developers) as ‘too high’;10

 Inclusionary planning requirements for 3% of the total floor area for affordable housing (Williams 2000) regarded as being too onerous. As a result of this in the early phases of the project it was considered that little affordable housing was being delivered;11

 A lack forward funding/investment by Government in infrastructure to incentivize private sector investment;12

8 Robertson, J. (2014). “Green square traffic problems.” Retrieved 05.10, 2015, from http://www.smh. com.au/nsw/green-square-traffic-problems-20140717zu832.html.

9 Spira, H. (2013). Barriers to development in Green Square Town Centre. Planning Institute of Australia National Congress. Canberra, Unpublished.

10 Ibid.

11 Ziller, A. (2004). “The Community is Not a Place and Why it Matters.” Urban Policy and Research 22(4): 465-479.

12 Spira, H. (2013). Barriers to development in

 An inequitable distribution of land use opportunities, between development sites, to incentivise urban development;13

 A lack of whole of government integration at a planning level, including government agencies being funded and directed to provide services. By way of Green Square Town Centre. Planning Institute of Australia National Congress. Canberra, Unpublished.

13 Ibid.

Green Square Sydney 2002

Image source: Google Earth

Green Square Sydney 2015

Image source: Google Earth

Excursions in density / Brownfield densification case study/ Knutsford, Fremantle, Australia (Landcorp/ City of Fremantle/ AUDRC)

The analysis represents an attempt to understand as much as possible the existing local spatial, programmatic and social fabric of Knutsford...

Name = Knutsford, Fremantle Australia

Strategy = Redevelopment and densification of brownfield site/ Public realm upgrades used to incentivisze densification to community

Status = Speculative

Density = Low to medium

Mix = Residential, home office, cottage industries

Access = generally not coordinated with public transport

Proponent = Landcorp/ City of Fremantle/ AUDRC

Development model = Public/private partnership

Development incentives = Infrastructure coordinated by Landcorp (state government)

Potential resident resistance = Low to medium

Community incentives = Public realm upgrades, participatory planning

Replicability in Perth = Moderate

Discussion

The Knutsford precinct is a redevelopment area in Fremantle comprising the former Fremantle Industrial Area, BP Fremantle Bunkering Terminal, Australian Navy Fuel storage site, Public Works site, Museum Depot and Department of Defence land. These sites are owned by various different groups including Landcorp, the City of Fremantle, PEET, and private businesses and investor owners. There are a variety of structure plans in place for particular areas within the Knutsford precinct. The

eastern portion of Knutsford has an approved structure plan ‘Knutsford Street East’ and the western portion of Knutsford has an approved structure plan ‘Swanbourne Street.’ Furthermore ‘Lot 1354’, a joint venture Landcorp project is currently under construction.

The AUDRC’s work on Knutsford (begun in 2015) has been divided into two phases: – the first being a detailed analysis of the site, and – the second being a design proposals which aims to stitch together the various developments occurring within the precinct.

One of the principal factors behind Perth not meetings its targets for urban infill development is widespread community resistance. Evidence of this is a survey that revealed that across all Australian capital cities , 52% of suburban residents ‘would not like’ increased population in their neighbourhood and only 11% said they would like it(Productivity Commission 2011).1 There is reason to believe this figure could be even higher in Perth. In many cases local communities perceive the state government planners as autocrats and outsiders, intruding on the democratic rights of ‘locals’, – and as such seek the support of their local councils against such state government planning initiatives.2 (Jones 2010, 217).

The Knutsford analysis represents an attempt to understand as much as 1 Productivity Commission, “Performance Benchmarking of Australian Business Regulation: Planning, Zoning and Development Assessments.,” (Canberra: Productivity Commission, 2011).

2 Roy Jones, “Local Government and Metropolitan Planning for Perth: A Catchweight Contest or a Prize Fight?,” in Planning Perspectives from Western Australia: A Reader in Theory and Practice, ed. I Alexander, S Greive, and D Hedgcock (Perth: Fremantle Press, 2010), 217..

possible the existing local spatial, programmatic and social fabric of Knutsford. While extensive consultation of the Knutsford community has been conducted by Landcorp previously, this analysis maps culturally important sitesthis analysis maps the culturally important site in great detail so as to form a record of what exists, – the presumption being that this will aid in its protection. Beyond this, the nurturing and perpetuation of the Knutsford’s unique and creative culture becomes a major concern of the design.

The design proposal is focussed principally (but not solely) on the ‘Knutsford Street spine’. One of the positive legacies of Knutsford’s industrial past is a number of extremely wide

Excursions in density / Brownfields

street reserves,– indeed up to 30m which is(wider than even Perth’s St Georges Terrace). Given this generosity, we considered whether Knutsford St (which connects Monument Hill and Booyeembara Park and Fremantle golf courses) could be recast not as a road but rather as a linear park that nonetheless also works as a trafficcalmed street. The ‘Knutsford St spine’ which results from this process could form the spatial and cultural backbone of the entire precinct. Given the complex cultural fabric which Knutsford sustains and the potential that redevelopment will almost inevitably force the relocation of some of these, we focused on the Knutsford St spine as a linear park (with

small communal buildings) where these creative uses could be rehoused and indeed new uses incubated.

At its core, this proposal for the Knutsford precinct is an offering to the Knutsford community, in the form of an upgraded, engaging, and activated public domain, which we intend will provide a local community a reason to not merely not oppose, but actually support, urban consolidation, – to become part of the 11% of people around Australia who say they would like infill development in their neighbourhood.3 (Productivity Commission 2011).

3 Productivity Commission, “Performance Benchmarking of Australian Business Regulation: Planning, Zoning and Development Assessments..”.

Knutsford, Fremantle 2004

Image source: Google Earth

Knutsford, Fremantle proposed

Image source: AUDRC

Please note: This image is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only.

The ‘Knutsford St spine’ forms the spatial and cultural backbone of the densifying precinct.

Please note: This image is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only.

Knutsford St Spine

Knutsford Precinct

Please note: This image is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only.

Excursions in density / Brownfield densification case study/ Bo01 Malmo/ Sweden

The aim of the exhibition was to “show provocatively imaginative visions of future living, where high demands on aesthetics, ecology and high technology are combined...

Project name = Bo01, Malmo, Sweden

Strategies = Redevelopment and densification of brownfield site/ Use

housing exposition to produce imaginative visions of future urban living

Status = Under construction

Density = Medium to high

Mix = Typically residential, small amount of retail

Access = Highly accessible located in walking distance of Malmo city centre

Development model = Public and private partnership

Community resistance = Low to moderate

Community incentives = Land remediation, high quality public domain

Replicability in Perth = Low to moderate due to lack of brownfield land in Perth

Key lessons for Perth = The principles of eco-urbanism can be applied in designing a compact and flexible neighbourhood, combining greeninfrastructure, water sensitive urban design and renewable energies to teach us about the city of tomorrow.

Discussion

Malmo is a small port city housing 300,000 people, located in the Southwestern edge of Sweden, in close proximity with Denmark. Over the last two decades the city changed its identity and character from an industrial port city to a city dedicated to research, knowledge, and new technologies.1

1 City of Malmo, http://malmo.se/English. html.

By the end of the 1990’s a series of initiatives were designed to transform the region’s economy.2 One of those initiatives was to showcase the European Housing Exhibition, Bo01, City of Tomorrow,.3. held in Malmo between 17 May and 16 September 2001.The aim of the exhibition was to “show provocatively imaginative visions of future living, where high demands on aesthetics, ecology and high technology are combined with placing man in the centre”.4

Bo01 City of Tomorrow exhibition was held in Malmo between 17 May and 16 September 2001.5The planning and construction process for the initial 22 hectares of developable land occurred between 1996 and 2001. The exhibition area has become the first phase of a long term development plan for Vastra Hamnen, the old shipyard area of Malmo, which accounts for a total of 160 hectares of land. 6

The first phase of development was responsible for the construction of 550 dwellings, and the average density over the whole Bo01 area was expected to be 71 dwellings per hectare when fully developed, considering a mix of houses and apartments.

2 Peter Neal, Urban Villages and the Making of Communities (London: Taylor and Francis, 2003).Pg. 303

3 Peter Newman and Andy Thornley, Urban Planning in Europe: International Competition, National Systems, and Planning Projects (New York: Routledge, 1996); ibid.

4 Scandinavia Design, http://www.scandinaviandesign.com/newsstand/bo01/index.htm.

5 Newman and Thornley, Urban Planning in Europe: International Competition, National Systems, and Planning Projects.

6 Sally Lewis, Front to Back: A Design Agenda for Urban Housing (Oxford: Architectural Press, 2005). Pgs. 91 to 109

Bo01 is located on a post-industrial waterfront site within walking distance of both Malmo city centre and the beach. This factor has been key for the successful promotion of pedestrian and cycling means of transport. Although some buildings have dedicated parking in the basement most parking is located outside the residential area. This has become problematic for residents which can afford higher levels of car ownership.7

The Bo01 area is not currently very rich and diverse in regarding to uses, probably because it was built purposely for a housing exhibition. Even the Turning Torso building, the landmark for the project and the city, is in fact a residential building. Generally, the area

Park.9

One of the aims of the project was to achieve a clear definition between the public and private space. Therefore, the outer edges of the blocks are clearly defined and the inner edges are softened.10 Thus the project presents a diversity of public spaces in all scales from the large park, which becomes a meeting point for the city, to the small intimate courtyard.

Excursions in density / Brownfields

presents a mix of apartments and terrace houses, with a few shops and restaurants. However, in most buildings around the outside perimeter, the ground floor was built with higher floor to floor levels, considering the possibility of conversion of the ground floor apartments into shops or restaurants. 8

The Bo01 area is surrounded by a multiplicity of public parks which enhances the local biodiversity. To the west there is the beach park, and the Quay side promenade, which borders the sea. Also running through the centre of the development there is the Canal

7 Ibid. 8 ibid.

The Bo01 project gave special relevance to the relation with the environment. The housing exhibition was to showcase the best practices in sustainable buildings at the time. During the construction process bioremediation techniques, with several species of decontaminating plants, were used to extract underground pollutants. Considering the use of water, all courtyards and open spaces integrate a “green infrastructure” system by means of which the runoff water is directed to the perimeter channel, which takes them to a central cistern to be cleaned and finally directed to the ocean. Also, rainwater is recycled and used for irrigation. Considering the use of energy, most buildings are equipped with photovoltaic panels which provide more than 100% of the energy needs and feed the surplus back into the energy grid, turning the area into a major energy generator.

9 Neal, Urban Villages and the Making of Communities

10 Lewis, Front to Back: A Design Agenda for Urban Housing

Bo01, Malmo 2002

Image source: Google Earth

Bo01, Malmo 2015

Image source: Google Earth

Excursions in density / Brownfield densification case study/ Docklands/ Melbourne, Australia

The lesson to learn from the Melbourne Docklands experience is the importance of a clear and mature public vision for the precinct before beginning construction...

Name = Docklands, Melbourne, Australia

Strategy = Redevelopment and densification of brownfield site

Status = Constructed

Density = High

Mix = Residential, commercial, retail, shopping centre, cultural buildings, stadium

Access = Highly accessible, located in walking distance of central train station

Proponent = Docklands Authority

Development model = Public and private partnership

Development incentives = Development flexibility

Community resistance = High, lack of clear planning approach caused each stage of development to be highly scrutinised by the public

Community incentives = Piecemeal changes to the planning guides and changes to the masterplan

Replicability in Perth = low

Key lessons for Perth =

 It is important to have a clear and mature public vision for the precinct before beginning redevelopment

 Do not hand - over the responsibility for public infrastructure to the private developers. The public sector should not have expected the private sector to establish rules for themselves

Discussion

The Melbourne Docklands were

excavated from a swamp which existed in the western end of the city during the second half of the 19th century. Due to the bourgeoning Victorian economy and mining booms the harbour soon developed into one of the largest ports in the southern hemisphere. However the increase in ship sizes and changes in cargo handling (containeriszation) fuelled the need for new modern docks which were built further downstream during the mid 20thmid-20th century.1

By the 1980’s the old docklands close to the city formed a 150 hectare precinct of under-utilized land, an area of more than half the city centre district;according to Charles Nelson , in Melbourne Docklands: Vision and Reality(written in 1993)the docklands were “large enough to absorb all of Melbourne’s central city development for the next 50 years”.2

In 1987 a bid was mounted to host the 1996 Olympic games, the area was selected to house the Olympic village in case the bid was own, which was not the case. 3

During the first half of the 1990’s a lot ofsignificant effort was put in the development of a vision for the Docklands. The Docklands Authority, formed in 1991, developed planning studies and documents which culminated in a legislative framework put in place in the form of a Planning

1 Kim Dovey, Fluid City: Transforming Melbourne’s Urban Waterfront (Sidney: Routledge, 2005). Pg. 125

2 Charles E. Nelson, in Melbourne Docklands:Vision and Reality, Rinio Bruttomesso, Waterfronts: A New Frontier for Cities on the Water (Venice: Cities on Water, 1993). Pg. 256

3

Charles E. Nelson, in Melbourne Docklands:Vision and Reality, (Bruttomesso, 1993)Pg. 256

Scheme amendment in 1995.4

However, the planning was missing public visibility and credibility. Hence in 1996 the Authority commissioned the creation of a dramatic urban vision which created the first tangible images of a plan.5 As Dovey states,

“[w]With three plans operating in parallel and substantial blurring between them, with the mass media confused, genuine public debate disintegrated.” 6

From all the documents produced by the several entities involved in planning the Melbourne Docklands, the most important for the current outcome was the Docklands Authority’s “Proactive Context Map: Not a Master Plan”. This document brought forward a strategy which divided the Docklands area into a set of smaller precincts with different objectives.

These precincts became the primary planning tool in dealing with private developers which presented their bids, as. “[p]Primary along the principles was that all design and funding of infrastructure was to be undertaken by developers.” 7

The story of the Melbourne Docklands reveals the absence of a clear public vision and as a result of this void the precinct now lacks the clarity of public amenities, public spaces and infrastructures.

The establishment of high density with high rise buildings along both edges of the dock reveal a lack of sensibility

4 Dovey, Fluid City: Transforming Melbourne’s Urban Waterfront. Pg. 130

5 ibid. Pg. 141

6 Ibid. Pg. 144

7 Ibid. Pg. 134

towards that edge, as. “[t]The 28 meters high towers plunge the harbour and the waterfront into shade for much of the year, a problem that is partially addressed by a 33 meter setback.”8

Also, the positioning of a major sports stadium right next to the train station seems a strategy to move masses to see major sport events, however, it also creates another major barrier between the city and the waterfront, eliminating any “possible extension of Lonsdale Street.”9

Perhaps the best achievement of the Melbourne Docklands, and the clearest principle since the beginning, was the connection to the existing urban grid jumping over a major train station. As expressed by Charles Nelson, “much of the early feasibility thinking on the Docklands, (in the late 1980’s) was done in terms of how the property values of the city grid could be extended into the docks.”10

The best lesson to learn from the Melbourne Docklands is the importance of a clear and mature public vision for the precinct before beginning construction. Because the task was too hard for the budget available Melbourne’s authorities handed over the responsibility for public infrastructure to the private developers, in good faith there would be an agreement amongst them as to what could happen. The public sector should not have expected the private sector to establish rules for themselves.

8 Ibid. Pg. 165

9 Ibid. Pg. 140

10

Ibid.

Melbourne Docklands, Melbourne 2000

Image source: Google Earth

CollinsSt

Excursions in density / Brownfield densification case study/ Fremantle Harbour redevelopment/ Fremantle Western Australia (AUDRC)

This project explores the innovative ways by which Fremantle could reach its infill target whilst also increasing its resilience to sea level rise...

Project name = Fremantle Harbour redevelopment, Fremantle, Australia

Strategy = Redevelopment and densification of brownfield site

Status = Speculative

Density = High

Mix = Residential, retail, commercial, office

Access = Coordinated with future light rail

Proponent = Gareth Ringrose (AUDRC student)

Development model = Public /private partnership

Development incentives =

Potential resident resistance = High

Community incentives = Safeguarding of valued historic infrastructure, increased public waterfront amenity, sea level rise resilience

Discussion

In the IPCC’s latest report on Climate Change, AR5 2014, its review of assembled research shows that if drastic measures are not taken to reduce the anthropogenic influences that are accelerating climate change, the Earth is likely to experience a global mean sea level rise (SLR) of 0.63m by 2100,1 and a local sea level rise of 1.1m in Fremantle.2 This will inundate its static

1 IPCC, “Climate Change 2013: The Physical Science Basis. Contribution to the Fifth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change,” (New York2013)., 2 TheWorldBank, “Turn Down the Heat: Climate Extremes, Regional Impacts, and the Case for Resilience,” (Washington DC, USA: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank, 2013).

harbour edges and leave its historic core regularly vulnerable to flooding from heavy rainfall during normal highest astronomical tide (HAT) events (+0.7m). In this scenario, storms will be more devastating, pushing a sea that starts out at a higher level, and increasing acidification in a warming ocean will damage our delicate marine ecosystem – a natural buffer to the impact of storm events.3 Actions are required: in the water, to dissipate the effects of storms; on the land, to counter vulnerability to flooding in low-lying areas; and on the shoreline, to manage the rising seas. At the same time, Fremantle has been identified as a strategic metropolitan centre, cited in Directions 2031 to target an additional 4,120 dwellings.4 This project explores the innovative ways by which Fremantle could reach its infill target whilst also increasing its resilience to sea level rise.

Fremantle’s vulnerable harbour edges, for the most part, have limited the city’s public relationship with the waterfront, physically separated by an imposing freight rail line and consisting mostly of loosely placed industrial and commercial uses, but the rail connection between Fremantle’s North Port and Kwinana Port is critical to the State’s lucrative trade economy. It is proposed that, to give freedom to strategic intervention and development opportunity, Fremantle’s freight rail connection is moved to an alternate route, travelling along Challenger Harbour, across 90m 3 Richard Munang et al., “Climate Change and Ecosystem-Based Adaptation: A New Pragmatic Approach to Buffering Climate Change Impacts,” Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability 5, no. 1 (2013).

4 WAPC, “Directions 2031 Pt.1/4,” ed. Planning (Perth, Australia: WAPC, 2010).

Fremantle Harbour, Fremantle proposed

Elevated Land & Streets

Elevated Linear Levee Park

Floodable Park

Raised Development

Elevated Alternate Rail Route

Fixed Jetties and Floating Path

Key Shoreline Interventions + Phase I Development

of water, and along the main breakwater.

In place of the rail reserve, a linear park levee connects the Esplanade with South Beach, positioned to protect Fremantle from inundation and providing interesting public open space featuring furniture made from the old rail tracks. Its design is intended to encourage pedestrian/cycle movement between these two popular spaces, contrasting the rarely used existing path that sits uncomfortably between rail and road with poor visibility of the ocean. As land is secured, raised development and revitalised public domains engage the waterfront. The urban form is patterned to Fremantle’s adjacent residential grid structure, stretching its East/West roads towards the water, and reaching out

and economic opportunities.”5 However, regardless of its strategic rationale, its proposal would likely stir some public resistance. Local Fremantle residents Bruce Maluish and Eileen English expressed their concerns of increased congestion, stress on existing infrastructure, and a detrimental effect on the city’s character: “they (local Government) have no feeling for the character of Fremantle… to go and put six-storey-high buildings in here is not appropriate.”6

The proposed development exhibits several key features that will help to alleviate community resistance, including: improved public domain, increased public waterfront accessibility, safeguarding of valued historic infrastructure, sea level rise resilience, and conservation of ecological systems.

along fixed jetties. The legible gridded network will help to repair the disconnected urban condition, enhanced by floating jetties and floodable parks that use tidal fluctuations as an attraction for public experience. The built form comprises ground floor retail spaces, residential and commercial uses, and an iconic hotel.

Strategically, this project presents a rational proposition for infill development: as Fremantle Councillor Josh Wilson has stated, “Fremantle can support population density, it’s an area where there are jobs and also transport connections… there is diversity of social

In the isolated areas where Fremantle does engage with its waterfront, they are extremely successful places for people. It was considered that by increasing the accessibility of interesting public waterfront places, this would be a vital premise for galvanising public support, typified by the design’s floodable parks. The design’s legible integrated street grid and vitalised linear movement will connect these places to Fremantle’s wider network and enact a more walkable city beyond the popular historic core, effecting an increased use of connected public transit systems, and helping to lessen fears of increased congestion from new residents and 5 Rebecca Trigger Claire Moody, “Perth Infill Backlash: Suburbs Fighting High-Density Development,” ABC News, http://www.abc.net.au/ news/2015-06-08/perth-infill-backlash-suburbs-fighting-high-density-development/6521460.

6 Ibid.

Excursions in density / Brownfields

visitors.

This project balances environmental, technical, social, and economic priorities to achieve strategic goals. Whilst it is not formally replicable in Perth given its unique context, the idea of linking densification to coastal resilience could become increasingly significant in appropriate river and coastal foreshores.

Sea level rise (1.1m) + high tide (+0.7m) + storm surge* (+0.6m)

*Storm surge height is based on Fremantle’s highest recorded storm surge

Shoreline Intervention & Proposed Development Cross

New Rail Connection Inciting Development Opportunity Connecting the City and the Water

Parks

Excursions in density / Parks

Local governments are responsible for maintaining parks and they often do not have the revenue base for the design and upkeep of elaborate park schemes if population densities are not high enough in relation to open space areas...

Perth’s suburban core contains 3,181 ha of parks or the equivalent of 40 m2 of park area per person.1 This figure is generous when compared with other cities and the generally accepted Australian suburban standard of 28 m2 per person.2 Perhaps by virtue of this generosity, many (but not all) of Perth’s parks are un-designed, generic in quality and typically underutilised. Local governments are responsible for maintaining parks and they often do not have the revenue base for the design and upkeep of elaborate park schemes if population densities are not high enough in relation to open space areas.

This ubiquitous feature of the suburban landscape is typically turfed, sometimes having only scattered remnant trees. Among the parks in Perth’s suburban core, twenty-two per cent have no trees, only ten per cent have significant wildlife function, and only one per cent have wetlands (despite the fact that Perth was historically a landscape of wetlands). Furthermore, seventy-four per cent of parks have a pervasive underlay of reticulated turf poorly suited to Perth’s drying climate, fifty-four per cent have no walking paths, sixteen per cent have picnic tables and only nine per cent of parks have barbecue facilities.3 While

1 Some local government areas have even more such as the City of Stirling which has 75m2 of park per person.City of Stirling, “Public Open Space Strategy: Better Parks for All,” (Perth: City of Stirling, 2008).

2 Glen Searle, “Urban Consolidation and the Inadequacy of Local Open Space Provision in Sydney,” Urban Policy and Research 29, no. 02 (2011): 204.&quot; <style face=”italic”>Urban Policy and Research</style> 29, no. 02 (2011

3 Centre for the Built Environment and Health, “Public Open Space (Pos) Geographic Information System (Gis) Layer,” University of Western Australia http://researchdata.ands.org.au/pub-

such parks do provide important ecosystem services4 there is a question as to whether they could be reconfigured to provide a broader range of such services and to reduce their typically high water, fertiliser and energy demands.

With Perth’s park system being both generous in area and of a typically low standard, it is timely to reflect on what could be rationalised to yield infill dwellings or whether upgraded parkland could be offered to surrounding communities for accepting higher than usual densities. The following case study projects explore this question.

lic-open-space-pos-geographic-information-systemgis-layer.

4 Ecosystem services are those provided by nature including microclimatic amelioration and mitigation of climatic extremes, sequestration of air pollutants, flood mitigation, and stormwater attenuation.

Perth parks

Perth’s suburban core contains 3,181 ha of parks or the equivalent of 40 m2 of park area per person. This figure is generous when compared with other cities and the generally accepted Australian suburban standard of 28 m2 per person.

Please note: This map is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only

Excursions in density / Parks densification case study/ Waverley Park and residences/ Melbourne, Victoria

The oval is overlooked by a ring of contemporary townhouses and

apartments, both shielding the space and providing an incentive for higher density living...

Project name = Waverley Park, Melbourne, Australia

Strategies = Publicly owned sporting facility sold to private developer for urban infill development, with sporting functions largely retained

Status = Constructed

Density = Medium

Mix = Residential with some retail

Access = Not coordinated with public transport

Proponent = Mirvac

Development model = Private developer

Development incentives = Development of public land

Community resistance = Moderate

Community incentives = Retention of heritage, upgraded facilities

Replicability in Perth = Moderate

Key lessons for Perth = Residual land within public sporting facilities can be developed for urban infill while retaining sporting function

Discussion

On December 10, 2002, the AFL announced it had sold Waverley Park to the Mirvac Group for $110 million.1 The land was subsequently redeveloped as a master-planned residential community around the retained oval and members’ grandstand, which are protected on the Victorian Heritage Register.2 The new

1 Daryl Timms, “It Doesn’t Matter Now, Waverley’s History,” Herald Sun, http://www.heraldsun.com.au/sport/afl/it-doesnt-matter-now-waverleys-history/story-e6frf9n6-1225766945322.

2 Department of Transport Planning and

street network of the community features the stadium and oval as a centre piece, with concentric rings of development and radial access streets. Community facilities including a gym, shops, and café are accommodated within the heritage grandstand and the oval maintains its football associations as the practice ground for the Hawks.3

The oval is overlooked by a ring of contemporary townhouses and apartments, both shielding the space and providing an incentive for higher density living – at least for football fans. Moving away from the central oval, densities lessen to accommodate individual yet compact houses.4

The project was initially controversial. The potential loss of a large sporting facility in South East Melbourne galvanised local residents and their political representatives and resulted in the formation of a ‘Save Waverley Campaign.’5 In part, the retention of the member’s grandstand and the oval helped to ease community concerns about the redevelopment. The fact that Waverley Park had been a generally unpopular venue also helped – Waverley Park being referred to as ‘Arctic Park’ because its seating stands were exposed to the weather.

Local Infrastructure, “Waverley Park, Glen Waverley,” Department of Transport, Planning and Local Infrastructure, http://www.dtpli.vic.gov.au/planning/urban-design-and-development/design-case-studies/ waverley-park-glen-waverley.

3 ibid.

4 Ibid.

5 R Hay et al., “Whither Sporting Heritage : Reflections on Debates in Victoria About Waverley Park and the Melbourne Cricket Ground” (paper presented at the Australian ICOMOS National Conference 2001, Adelaide, 2002).

Waverley Park

The oval is overlooked by a ring of contemporary townhouses and apartments, both shielding the space and providing an incentive for higher density living – at least for football fans.

Image source: http://www.mdgla.com.au/ projects/community/waverley-oval

Waverley Park, Melbourne 2005

Image source: Google Earth

Waverley Park, Melbourne 2015

Image source: Google Earth

Excursions in density / Parks densification case study/ Heller St park and residences/ Melbourne, Victoria

Image source: http://www. theurbandeveloper.com/sustainablemeets-the-city-with-heller-street-parkand-residences/

Project architect James Legge received several calls from worried local councillors who wanted to make sure that rumours about a proposed fence going up around the park were untrue...

Project name = Heller street park and residences

Strategy = Development of poorly utilised public land for both upgraded public open space and urban infill

Status = Constructed

Density = Low to moderate

Mix = Residential

Access = Coordinated with public transport

Proponent = Six Degrees Architects/ Moreland City Council

Development model = Public land/ private developer

Development incentives = Sale of public land

Community resistance = Moderate

Community incentives = New high quality public open space

Replicability in Perth = Moderately replicable

Lessons for Perth = Correlating upgraded open space with urban infill development can produce positive synergies for families with children, and the local community more generally

Discussion

The Heller St Park and residences project was designed by Six Degrees Architects and was opened in 2012. It consists of medium density (R25-R40), family friendly terrace housing next to a new park.

The background to the project was that Moreland City Council owned some surplus land (an old tip site). Under

pressure from local residents to turn it into a park, the Council however could not afford to take the financial risk of developing it themselves. They therefore offered one-third to private residential development in a tender that stipulated two-thirds must be remediated from contamination and turned into a public park.1

Initially there was great deal of distrust in the neighbourhood about a developerdriven project. Project architect James Legge received several calls from worried local councillors who wanted to make sure that rumours about a proposed fence going up around the park were untrue. And indeed there is no fence in the completed project.

Projects where housing faces parkland have suffered from an ambiguous edge between the public parkland and private housing. This ambiguity is dealt with in this project through the use of plants. The lemon-scented gums in front of the apartments will (in time) form a row of trunks between the front doors and the park.2

With some modification this project could be high replicable in Perth. The correlation of urban infill with upgraded open space could be a win-win situation both for existing and future local residents.

1 Tobias Horrocks, “Heller Street Park and Residences,” Architecture Australia 101, no. 4 (2012).

2 Ibid..

According to the Legge the project delivers a high level of amenity and sociability. As he explains: The three-storey townhouses are tailored for young families — each house has four bedrooms — so the park is full of kids. It is normal to find your children in another house. “And on Friday nights you usually find yourself sharing a glass of wine with a neighbour, which leads to a bottle … ” says Legge (Horrocks, 2012).

Image source: http://www.theurbandeveloper.com/sustainable-meets-the-city-with-heller-streetpark-and-residences/

Heller St Parkland, Melbourne 2005

Image source: Google Earth

Heller St Parkland, Melbourne 2015

Image source: Google Earth

Excursions in density / Park densification case study/ park fringe densification/ Bayswater, Perth, Australia

We believe higher density living around a well-connected, well designed and well maintained park is a dream worth considering for the 21st century...

Name = Park fringe densification, Bayswater, Perth, Australia

Strategy = Correlate medium to high density urban infill development with upgraded open space near transit

Status = Speculative

Density = Medium/ high

Mix = Residential/ office with food and beverage kiosks in parks

Access = Coordinated with heavy rail stations

Proponent = AUDRC

Development model = Public/private partnership

Development incentives = Higher than existing residential density zonings

Potential community resistance = Moderate

Community incentives = Park upgrades

Replicability in Perth = High within middle ring suburbs

Discussion

While the correlation of densification and public transport connectivity is a credible strategy, we believe for Australian cities to be truly resilient a greater diversity of infill strategies is required, not least of all because Australian cities are generally not achieving their infill targets.

The parks in Perth’s middle ring (greyfield) suburbs, the study area for this research, contain a reasonable amount of parkland, however much of this is generic, offers minimal amenity or ecological function, and is typically

underutilised. Data from the Centre of Built Environment and Health (CEBH) suggests that of greyfields parks larger than 1 ha, only 32 per cent have a ‘diversity of planted species,’ only 20 per cent have wildlife, and only 4 per cent have wetlands (despite the fact that Perth was historically a city of wetlands). Furthermore, 85 per cent of those greyfield parks have a ubiquitous underlay of reticulated turf, 35 per cent have no walking paths, 76 per cent have poorly shaded or completely exposed paths, and in general there are more parks with ovals (152 in total) than those with either BBQ or picnic facilities.

It is in response to this issue, in combination with the need for urban infill the Australian Urban Design Research Centre (AUDRC) is exploring the potential of infill development adjacent to upgraded greyfield parks within a 5 minute cycle (1400m) of significant public transport nodes. It is our belief that these upgraded parks could function as high quality, communal ‘backyards’ for adjacent residents living at higher densities (R40-R80) whom do not have access to sizeable areas of private open space. By upgrades we mean greater tree and shrub planting (research showsthat naturalistic parks are more sought after in dense urban areas), a greater diversity of recreational infrastructure such as walking trails, skate parks, and fitness equipment, community gardens (the specifics of which would be established through a needs-based assessment) and greater provision of ecosystem services.

The Australian suburban dream of the 20th century was synonymous with the

stand-alone house on a quarter acre block; a dream which is now rapidly becoming unaffordable, both economically and ecologically. We believe higher density living around a well-connected, well designed and well maintained park which grows food, provides numerous recreational opportunities and performs important ecological roles is a dream worth considering for the 21st century.

Bayswater study area

Perth’s greyfield suburbs and the local government area of Bayswater. Giventheir relative proximity to the city centre and redevelopment potential, greyfield suburbs typically have high infill development targets.

Park redesign. Selected parks are redesigned so as to encourage redevelopment and upzoning

Park fringe densification

We believe higher density living around a well-connected, well designed and well maintained park which grows food, provides numerous recreational opportunities and performs important ecological roles is a dream worth considering for the 21st century.

Metropolitan scale potential of the suggested approach

Golf courses

Excursions in density / Golfcourses

Australian cities have the third most golf courses per capita in the world, behind only Scotland and the USA.

In the face of densification efforts how could golf course land be rationalized more efficiently?

Golf in Perth originated during the gold rush period in the 1890s and the decades leading up to the First World War. The first golf course – Perth Golf Club – was opened in 1895 on a plot of land on Burswood Island and was later relocated to Belmont, and then to its present-day location on the South Perth peninsula in 1908, less than 5 minutes from the Perth Central Business District.

Construction of golf courses remained stable up until the Great Depression when it unexpectedly boomed, despite the economic conditions of the times.. Many of the big metropolitan golf courses, such as Karryinup, Mount Lawley, Mount Yokine, and Cottesloe, were opened in the early 1930s.1 In 1932 there were 65 golf clubs affiliated with the Western Australian Golf Association, and 5,000 registered members, but only a year later this had increased to 79 golf clubs and over 10,000 registered members. This boom period slowed with the advent of the Second World War in 1939 and many golf courses within Perth were shut down, had their water licenses revoked, or were repurposed for military uses. Fairways at Nedlands Golf Course were ‘burrowed’ to make it impossible for enemy aircraft to land and Mount Lawley Golf Course shut down and became a military base and training camp for fresh recruits. Since the end of the golfing boom in the 1960s, few new metropolitan golf courses have been constructed. Rising land prices have meant more contemporary golf course projects in Perth have had to locate

1 B Stoddart, “Sport and Society 1890·1940: A Foray,” in A New History of Western Australia, ed. C.T Stannage (Perth: University of Western Australia Press, 1981), 21.

closer to the urban fringe. The Vines Golf Resort was constructed in 1989 by Japanese investors on a parcel of land in the Swan Valley 40 minutes away from the CBD.

The popularity of golf peaked in 1991 with 136,000 golf club members in Australia. In 2003 there were 10,000 less club members and in the period between 2001-2012 there was a 6% decline in golf participation.2 As nationwide participation in organised team sports continues to decline, golf courses across Australia are having to reassess their clubs’ long term future and the future use of the land.

These sites offer a range of value and geographic opportunity for densification and a better rationalisation of the land. It remains to be decided what future use of land is the best ,and how residential land uses can be designed for, around, or on golf course sites.

2 Stefan Hakjkowicz et al., “The Future of Australian Sport: Megatrends Shaping the Sports Sector over Coming Decades,” (Australia: CSIRO, 2013).

The golfing boom has long gone and now the bust is coming for many golf clubs across Australia. These sites offer a range of value and geographic opportuntity for densification and a better rationalization of the land.

Please note: This map is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only

Explorations in density / Golfcourses densification case study/ Eastern golf club, Doncaster, Melbourne

Residents in surrounding residential areas were fearful of the land becoming a blanket subdivision with negative impacts on their local amenity and heritage...

Image source: Mirvac

Project name = Eastern Golf Club, Doncaster Melbourne

Strategy = Relocation of golf club to fringe, sale of public golf course land to private developer, redevelopment for urban infill

Status = Under construction

Density = Generally R20 surrounds

Mix = Recreation, residential

Access = Not coordinated with public transport

Proponent = Mirvac

Development model = Private development on private land

Resident resistance = Low to moderate

Community incentives = Improved existing POS and green space, neighbourhood linkages

Replicability in Perth = Moderate

Key lessons for Perth =

 This case study highlights how a significant parcel of metropolitan land can be auctioned off to the highest bidder, who in turn decides the future use of the land.

 Key lessons include how the sensitive redesign of golf course land, and the provision of POS, can ameliorate community concern about golf course redevelopment.

Discussion

Unique within the context of golf courses in Melbourne is the fact many of these clubs are sitting on large parcels of private land located centrally within

the metropolitan area. Both land developers and councils have identified these spaces as future opportunities for densification.

In monetary terms, the Eastern Golf club is to date the largest relocation in Australia with the old site being sold for $99 million dollars to Mirvac for the ‘Tullamore’ project and construction of 800 homes.

Residents in surrounding residential areas were fearful of the land becoming a blanket subdivision with negative impacts on their local amenity and heritage. The developers design concept focused on retaining existing topography features and improving the quality of existing green space within the site. The topography also allowed for split levels and retaining walls to better mitigate the visual impact of higher density residential development. The heritage buildings within the site received special zoning and were touted as a focus of the design of the open space.

A benefit to local residents was greater neighbourhood accessibility, as the golf club was a private entity, access through the site was restricted. An opportunity of the relocation was the ability to improve local pedestrian networks and provide linkages at the local level. This proposed development helps local government achieve density targets and whilst residents have a net loss in green space they have better access to a higher quality POS.

In this case study the financial arrangement of the golf club meant private interests and individuals

determined the future use of the land. A concern is that as more clubs close on private land the intended future use of the land may be in conflict with local government or the interests of the local community.

Excursions in density / Golfcourses

Eastern Golf Club, Melbourne 2015

Source: Google Earth

Eastern Golf Club, Melbourne proposed

Image source: Mirvac

Explorations in density / Golfcourses desnfication case study/ Brookridge Golf Club, Kansas City, USA

Image source: http://www. curtinpropertycompany.com/ project-facts/ In the United States a golf course closes down every 48 hours. When the global financial crisis hit, 643 courses closed from 2006 to 2013...

Project name = Brookridge Golf Club, Kansas City, USA

Strategy = Sale of private golf course to private developer for mixed use development

Status = Under construction

Density = Generally R20 surrounds

Mix = Recreation, residential

Access = Not coordinated with public transport

Proponent = Curtin Group

Development model = Private development on private land

Development incentives = Comparatively low cost to purchase land

Resident resistance = Low to moderate

Community incentives = new land uses, mix of use and improved walkability

Replicability in Perth = Low

Key lessons for Perth =

 Brookridge Golf Club is a golf club which went broke after the Global Financial Crisis and the land sold at discount prices. The low sale price meant developers could be ambitious resulting in a 330,000+ square metre mixed use development

 Stage golf course redevelopments to mitigate impacts on local residents and use long term feasibility studies (5-25 years)

Discussion

In the United States a golf course closes down every 48 hours. When the global financial crisis hit, 643 courses closed from 2006 to 2013. As a result there are huge areas of vacant land across American cities much of which is currently decaying and remains undeveloped. Due to the nature of the land ownership the owner does not have any interest in maintaining the land and as a result the abandoned and overgrown golf courses have become community eyesores and a source of conflict at the neighbourhood level. In some cases local governments buy the land but in other cases the golf course is auctioned off to the highest bidder.

One such golf course was Brookridge Golf Club in Kansas City. The 27-hole golf course was sold to the Curtin Group for $17 million in 2014. The proposed plan for the site is a major redevelopment of 18 out of the 27 holes in a central location in Kansas City. The site will have a mixed use zoning and contain a retail village, office space, and more than 2,500 for sale and rental residential units, three hotels with 750 rooms, a central park with a lake, and a new luxury clubhouse to serve the existing 9-hole executive golf course that will continue to operate. The development will also include 10-12 storey buildings, a 650 seat movie theatre, and a 3500 seat indoor performing centre. Staged over 20 years the project is a long term approach to redevelopment.

This approach involves a downsizing in golf operations and a readjustment of land to private interests for other purposes. This case study is unique due

to the scale of the proposal for the existing golf course site and the mix of uses included in the plan. The inclusion of significant retail and office floor space displays the development potential of these vacant areas of land within urban areas. In this case study the best future use of the land was its current use plus a mix of other uses.

Excursions in density / Golfcourses

Brookridge Golf Club, Kansas 2015

Image source: Google Earth

Brookridge Golf Club, Kansas proposed

Image source: http://www. curtinpropertycompany.com/projectfacts/

Rivers and river foreshores

Excursions in density / River and river foreshores

The image of the Swan River as an Arcadian escape from the city has been lodged firmly in the public imagination...

The beauty of the Swan River, particularly its upper reaches, was largely the reason behind Perth’s European settlement. British Captain James Stirling and his botanist, Charles Fraser, were inspired by its beauty on an exploratory voyage in 1827. The ensuing romantic accounts of the river landscape1 triggered ‘Swan River mania’ in England. In this fevered state, the desires of the aspirational class were projected onto the apparent arcadia of the river.2 While the Swan was unarguably beautiful, the soils of the surrounding plains turned out to be wretchedly unproductive. Nonetheless the image of the Swan River as an Arcadian escape from the city was lodged firmly in the public imagination. Evidence of this enduring vision is the hostile community reaction that greets plans for urbanity along the river’s edge3 – despite the fact that a significant ninety per cent of the land along the river and the coast has been acquired for public use.4

The zenith of the notion of the Swan River as an escape from the city into nature is Heirisson Island. This largely reclaimed island is some 30 ha in area and less than 2 km from the city centre, and is occupied by a colony of six Western grey kangaroos who are there solely to provide tourists with a taste of the bush without leaving the city. Despite the geotechnical constraints in

1 J. Stirling, 1827, cited in David WhishWilson, Perth (Sydney: New South Publishing, 2013), 26.

2 Ibid.

3 Such as provoked by the Elizabeth Quay project.

4 Peter Newman, “The Rise of a Sustainable City: Much More Than the Wild West,” ed. Julianne Schultz and Anna Haebich, Griffith Review 47: Looking West (Brisbane: Griffith University, 2015). 135.

building on reclaimed land, that it is yet to be developed reflects both pragmatic and psychological hurdles – it is just not how the river is thought of in Perth.

Swan and Canning river foreshores comprise some 2,068 Hectares or four per cent of the suburban core area. If just some of the Swan and Canning River’s foreshore reserves were developed for medium density residential and mixed use precincts (still far less than that along the Yarra River) this could yield thousands of dwellings in a high amenity situation. This could have the benefit of unlocking funds to pay for the ‘extraordinary expense’5 of protecting and moving infrastructure in relation to the Swan and Canning River’s projected 1.1m sea level rise for 2100. As Richard Weller explains the Elizabeth Quay project has ‘broken the spell’ that saw the Swan River’s landscaped foreshores zealously protected from urban development. Indeed if Elizabeth Quay proves to be a success there is no reason it could not be replicated at important river nodes elsewhere along the Swan and Canning rivers.

5 James Woodford, “Knocking on the Door,” in Griffith Review: Hot Air, How Nigh’s the End?, ed. Julianne Schultz (Brisbane: Griffith University, 2006), 64.

Rivers and river foreshores

Perth has 2,068 Hectares of river foreshore reserves in the central sub region alone.

Please note: This map is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only

268

Explorations in density / Rivers and river foreshores densification case study/ Elizabeth Quay, Perth, Australia

Image source: Metropolitan Redevelopment Authority

The construction of Elizabeth Quay amidst the detritus of previous failed schemes provides valuable lessons about the process of turning talk into action

Name = Elizabeth Quay, Perth, Australia

Strategy = Redevelop underutilised public foreshores for mixed use precinct with rationalised yet upgraded public domain

Status = Under construction

Density = High

Mix = Residential, hotel, retail and office land uses

Access = coordinated with ferry, bus and train public transport

Proponent = Perth Waterfront

Taskforce/ Metropolitan Redevelopment Authority (MRA)

Development model = Public private

Development incentives = Premiere development site, sale of public land

Community resistance = Moderate to high community resistance to project initially however this has been reduced.

Community incentives = Upgraded (but reduced) public domain offered as a trade-off to populace.

Replicability in Perth = High potential for adaption to other sites in Perth

Key lessons for Perth =

 The broader community will accept the development of river foreshores if they perceive they will be provided an upgraded public domain

 Neighbourhood development corporations can be used to bridge gaps between local and state governments, developers and communities.

Discussion

The Elizabeth Quay project is sited at the foot of Perth’s central business district, adjacent to Perth Water/ the Swan River. The site was originally a public reserve called ‘The Esplanade.’ Due to its relative underutilisation it has been subject to various development proposals over the years with the aim of reconnecting the river and city.

The current Elizabeth Quay scheme (under construction) is conceived as a large rectangular body of water with a continuous circuitous public promenade that is connected by two bridges which emanate from a central island. The promenade is punctuated with expanded public areas. Surrounding the inlet are buildings with a notional height limit of 36 storeys1 which gradually step down in height from the city to the river’s edge. These buildings contain a hotel, offices, apartments and ground floor shops.

Historically proposals for redeveloping The Esplanade have been highly contentious. A 2008 proposal which was structured by a circular inlet surrounded by stylised urban form (and a high tower on the river’s edge) polarised community opinion and was labelled by the press as ‘Dubai on the Swan.’

With a change of state government (from Labor to Liberal) in 2009 this scheme was cancelled and in time replaced with the current Elizabeth Quay scheme. This lower scale and more

1 Metropolitan Redevelopment Authority, “Perth Waterfront Design Guidelines,” (Perth: Metropolitan Redevelopment Authority, 2012), 26. Pamela Medlen, “Future Vision or the Past Repeating Itself?,” ABC News, http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2009/12/14/2771499.htm?site=news..

Elizabeth Quay, Perth, 2009

Image source: Google Earth

Elizabeth Quay, Perth, 2003

Image source: Nearmaps

conventional waterfront has had reasonable public support, which is reflected in polls gauging support for the scheme. According to a poll by the West Australian newspaper, Perth’s most read newspaper, conducted in 2011, 49 per cent of people ‘agree with the new plans for the waterfront,’ 14 per cent ‘don’t agree with the new plans for the waterfront,’ 13 per cent ‘want it developed but consider this the wrong look,’ and 24 per cent think ‘who cares, just get it done.’2 The fact that half the population actively support the project is a significant achievement for all those people involved in delivering Elizabeth Quay. To put this in perspective: according to a poll in the Sydney Morning Herald only 43 per cent of people believe Sydney’s Barangaroo

Excursions in density / River and river foreshores

waterfront development should be allowed to proceed.3 When we consider that Elizabeth Quay has wider community support and the project is being built on land reserved for parks and recreation4 (not Barangaroo’s huge expanse of portside asphalt) then the scale of this achievement becomes evident. Conservative Perth is embracing change on a sizeable scale.

2 Lucy Rickard, “Latest Perth Waterfront Redevelopment Gets a Cash Boost,” The West Australian, 26.04 2011.

3 Unknown reporter, “Poll: Barangaroo Development,” The Sydney Morning Herald, http:// www.smh.com.au/polls/nsw/barangaroo-development-20110512-1ekrm.html.

4 Western Australian Planning Commission, “Metropolitan Region Scheme Amendment 1203/41: Perth Waterfront,” (Perth: Western Australian Planning Commission and the City of Perth, 2011), 1.

Nonetheless while opposition to the scheme can be interpreted as insignificant, a mere 14 percent, it should be acknowledged that within this group the trauma of the perceived loss of the Esplanade caused by the construction of Elizabeth Quay, continues to be keenly felt.

The construction of Elizabeth Quay amidst the detritus of previous failed schemes provides valuable lessons about the process of turning ‘talk into action.’ Stuart Hicks, who served as the chairman of the Perth Waterfront Taskforce under both the Carpenter and Barnett governments, reflects that most of the teams involved in the earlier schemes placed too much emphasis on merely having ‘a good design.’ As he says: ‘No matter how good a design is there aren’t many examples where sheer beauty and logic has moved everything before it…’5 Hicks explains the three necessary ingredients for turning a plan into reality:

Firstly you need somebody with political power and the proclivity to make something happen… it’s easy to have another competition, we’ll now evaluate a shortlist, get somebody or other to look into it and we can go round and round in that soup till everyone gets bored witless, disappears or loses their memory and around we go again… 6

In the case of the Labor plan, Infrastructure Minister Alannah MacTiernan played the influential role with typical energy and commitment. When the Liberal government

5 Stuart Hicks, “Interview,” ed. Julian Bolleter (Perth2014).

6 Ibid.

abandoned the plan, the influential role was taken up by Premier Colin Barnett, who continues to drive the project with a personal interest and engagement. Indeed in 2011 Mr Barnett staked his political future on the project, vowing to quit as Premier if it did not come to fruition.7

Secondly somewhere in the background you need an alliance builder who can find some way of creating a big enough tent so that people actually get inside the tent as one rather than the warmonger who says this is the right scheme and over the barricades we will now go... 8

From early on, the work was carried out under the auspices of the Perth Waterfront Taskforce which included membership of all the key players who had their fingers over what Hicks calls ‘the levers and knobs of planning power.’ 9 They included the Planning Commission, the Department of Planning, Landcorp, Tourism, Swan River Trust, the Government Architect, the Lord Mayor and others. In Hick’s words: ‘The exquisite task in such circumstances is to build and hold a common purpose and shared vision among all the people who will have responsibility during the planning process… Without this, I can’t see much hope of a project as complex as this ever getting off the ground.’

As the Elizabeth Quay project moved towards delivery the project became the responsibility of the Metropolitan Redevelopment Authority (MRA) which

7 Paul Murray, “New Hope That Now Is the Time for Waterfront,” The West Australian 2011..

8 Hicks, “Interview.”

9 Ibid.

is a neighbourhood development corporation (NDC). Such organisations are partnerships between local government, state government, developers and communities designed to facilitate the delivery of housing outcomes acceptable to all parties.10 One example of a successful NDC is The London Docklands Development Corporation (LDDC). The LDDC was the first of its kind, and remains one of the largest and most successful instances of place-based urban renewal. The LDDC had all of the essential elements of NDCs: intensive community engagement; focus on a single area (it involved three local governments); independence; a long but limited time-frame; and planning powers and resources.11 Charged with the redevelopment of the run down London docklands site over time the LDDC oversaw £3.9 billion of public sector funding and attracted £7.7 billion of private sector investment .

In a similar manner Perth’s MRA has been critical in attracting redevelopment investment.12 The formation of the MRA was first announced by Premier Barnett in 2009 when he declared his ‘intention to establish a new redevelopment authority to operate more freely across the metropolitan area’ and ‘consolidate expertise in urban renewal, extract efficiency gains and strengthen the ongoing financial viability of existing

10 Steven Rowley and Peter Phibbs, “Delivering Diverse and Affordable Housing on Infill Development Sites,” (Melbourne: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, 2012), 14.

11 J-F Kelly, P Breadon, and J Reichl, “Getting the Housing We Want,” (Melbourne: Grattan Institute, 2011), 22.

12 Ibid., 20.

redevelopment authorities.’13 The MRA typically works with the local community to develop a neighbourhood plan, and then selects proposals from developers that comply with the plan and meet the community’s objectives, without requiring additional planning approval. While the MRA has been involved in delivering contentious precinct scale projects such as Elizabeth Quay, the Northbridge Link and Claisebrook Cove the relative scale of their operations (viewed from a metropolitan perspective) is comparatively small. Given the MRA’s track record for navigating strained local and state government relationships (such as resulting from early phases of Elizabeth Quay) they could play a potentially broader role in delivering infill development across Perth.

Excursions in density / River and river foreshores

Significantly Perth’s overarching planning document ‘Directions 2031’14 does not provide a compelling vision for how Perth’s urban form should relate to Perth Water. Little urban density is planned in relation to the river, except where the river and public transport infrastructure meet at Belmont Park Raceway and Canning Bridge in South Perth/ Melville. For governments, waterfront renewal is often the ‘centrepiece of metropolitan promotion and part of an overall

13 Western Australian Department of Planning, “Central Metropolitan Perth Sub-Regional Strategy,” (Perth: Department of Planning, 2010), 109.

14 “Directions 2031 and Beyond: Metropolitan Planning Beyond the Horizon,” (Perth: Department of Planning, 2010).

densification agenda.’15 Vancouver’s planning director, Larry Beasley, speaks of using waterfront locations to create a competitive advantage for higher density living that is able to offset the ‘allure of the suburbs.’16 Perth’s planners have yet to fully leverage the Perth Water to catalyze higher density urban environments. Elizabeth Quay, with its 1700 apartments, is only a small step in this direction.

15 Susan Oakley, “Re-Imagining City Waterfronts: A Comparative Analysis of Governing Renewal in Adelaide, Darwin and Melbourne,” Urban Policy and Research 29, no. 3 (2011): 222.

16 Alex Kreiger, “The Transformation of the Urban Waterfront,” in Remaking the Urban Waterfront, ed. Urban Land Institute (Washington: The Urban Land Institute, 2004), 37.

The current Elizabeth Quay scheme (under construction) is conceived as a large rectangular body of water with a continuous circuitous public promenade that is connected by two bridges which emanate from a central island. The promenade is punctuated with expanded public areas.

Image source: Metropolitan Redevelopment Authority

278

Explorations in density / Rivers and river foreshores densification case study/ City to the Lake Project, West Basin waterfront, Canberra Australia

Image source: ACT Land Development Agency

The City to the Lake project presents a case study of a foreshore redevelopment which has been planned in a very similar context to many of the foreshore areas in Perth...

Name = City to Lake Project, West Basin Waterfront, Canberra, Australia

Strategy = Redevelop underutilised public foreshores for mixed use precinct with rationalised yet upgraded public domain

Status = Under construction

Density = Medium

Mix = Mixed use

Access = Coordinated with public transport

Proponent = Architect Marlies Rohmer

Development model = Initiated by the ACT Government’s Land Development Agency to guide public and private investment

Development incentives = Initiated and supported by ACT Government

Community resistance = Moderate

Community incentives = Housing affordability

Replicability in Perth = High

Key lessons for Perth = The broader community will accept the development of river foreshores if they perceive they will be provided an upgraded public domain

Discussion

The ACT Government introduced The City Plan in 2014 to provide a coordinated strategic plan for the city centre of Canberra. A component of The City Plan is the ‘City to the Lake’ project which is a large urban renewal initiative with the aim of connecting the city centre to Lake Burley Griffin creating a

vibrant waterfront precinct. The project is undertaken by the ACT Government’s Land Development Agency (LDA). The project is promoted to activate underutilised land and enhance Canberra’s image as the National Capital transforming significantly located foreshore areas on Lake Burley Griffin. To guide foreshore development as a part of the City to the Lake project, a Strategic Urban Design Framework has been developed which outlines urban design principles and a vision for the precinct. The project will be delivered in stages with the West Basin Waterfront to be the first stage to be completed. The West Basin Waterfront precinct currently accommodates several car parks and areas of grassland along the foreshore. The proposed redevelopment will include boardwalks, recreational areas, parks, event space, cafes, and restaurants.

Early in 2013, community consultation on the City to the Lake project was undertaken on initial redevelopment concepts and to gain community feedback on how to integrate the city with the river and accommodate growth. Various consultation methods were employed such as written submissions, surveys, stakeholder meetings and ‘open house’ displays which were attended by the public. Responses were generally supportive with many expressing an attitude of ‘just get on with it’. Retaining use of the foreshore for walking, cycling, and water sports was a common view, as was creating a unique Canberra identity and enhancing the quality of the lake. One respondent

provided the following comment highlighting the importance of resolving the water quality of the lake:

‘Currently there are many times when access to the lake is prohibited because of issues with the water quality. How can it be possible to have vastly increased access to the lake when the water quality issues are not resolved?’

Providing access to adequate car parking facilities was also ranked as an important consideration. One of the main reasons respondents opposed the project was concern over building heights. There were also concerns regarding the privatisation of the

Excursions in density / River and river foreshores

foreshore if residential apartments were developed with respondents objecting to the perceived exclusivity of the Kingston Foreshore development being replicated.

In June 2015 further community consultation was undertaken on the West Basin Waterfront to gain feedback on the proposed design and the preferred commercial activities to locate at the site. Consultation occurred in a variety of forms including written submissions, face to face discussions, social media and surveys. Of the 381 respondents to the survey, 78% indicated that the City to the Lake

proposal fits well or very well with their vision of the city. Most respondents supported the inclusion of commercial and community activities on the foreshore as well as events. Showing support of the project, one respondent provided the following comment: ‘I think the plan is modern and provides facilities that need to be provided close to the city. I think the project will give a positive vibe to the area’.

The City to the Lake project presents a case study of a foreshore redevelopment which has been planned in a very similar context to many of the foreshore areas in Perth. The open spaces of grassland and car parks situated on the foreshore in Canberra are similar to the uses of foreshores in Perth. Additionally, both the Swan River in Perth and Lake Burley Griffin in Canberra are highly valued assets which hold symbolic meaning and represent the ‘lifestyle’ and ‘identity’ of their respective communities. The City to the Lake project therefore provides a useful comparison of how a foreshore development such as this could be received by the community in Perth.

West Basin waterfront, 2015

Image source: Google Earth

West Basin waterfront, Proposed

Image source: ACT Land Development Agency

West Basin waterfront

Image source: ACT Land Development Agency

Building heights were also a concern with some respondents expressing that recent developments on the foreshore were too dense...

Name = Kingston Foreshore, Canberra, Australia

Strategy = Redevelopment and densification of brownfield site

Status = Under construction

Density = Medium - High

Mix = Mixed use

Access = Situated on bus route

Proponent = Australian Capital Territory (ACT) Land Development Agency

Development model = Developed by the ACT Land Development Agency and sold to the private developers

Development incentives = sale of public land

Community resistance = Moderate

Community incentives = Upgraded public realm and public access to foreshore

Replicability in Perth = Moderate

Key lessons for Perth =

 Design competitions can be employed to source high quality design outcomes

 Concerns about density and building heights can offset in part through the deployment of open space amenity

Discussion

The Kingston Foreshore is situated on the southern waterfront of the East Basin of Lake Burley Griffin. The Kingston Foreshore was originally an industrial core which included uses such as the Kingston Powerhouse, Bus and Transport Depot, and various warehouses(ACT Land Development

Agency n.d.b). This significantly-located, waterfront land was greatly underutilised and presented an opportunity for redevelopment.

The Interim Kingston Foreshore Development Authority was established in 1995 by the ACT Government to facilitate the redevelopment of the site as a mixed use waterfront precinct. A national design competition, was held in 1997 to produce a master plan for the Kingston Foreshore, which was won by architect Colin Stewart. The Master Planwhich has now largely been implemented sought to revisit the vision of the Griffin Plan. Griffin’s vision for Canberra did not include a central business district of high rises but rather densities of five to six stories extending along the well-connected avenues.1 (Stewart 2008). This vision was not realised and the form of development which eventuated was of a suburban scale.2 (Stewart 2008). The Kingston Foreshore Master Plan proposed a mix of uses, geometric street patterns of the Griffin Plan, and increased densities, striving to create the walkable avenues the Griffin Plan intended.

Such objectives for the Kingston Foreshore redevelopment have been incorporated into the ACT Government’s planning framework. The Kingston Foreshore precinct is zoned Mixed Use under the ACT Government’s statutory planning document, the Territory Plan. Precinct codes under the Territory Plan apply a general four storey building height limit, with some areas permitted

1 C. S. Stewart, “A Case Study: Canberra–Australia’s National Capital,” WIT Transactions on Ecology and the Environment 117(2008). 2 Ibid.

Kingston Foreshore, Canberra, 2002

Image source: Google Earth

Kingston Foreshore, Canberra, 2015

Image source: Google Earth

to have up to six storeys(ACT Planning and Land Authority 2013).. As a future urban area the precinct is also subject to the provisions of the Kingston Foreshore Structure Plan. The Structure Plan contains an objective which requires the redevelopment to provide a contemporary interpretation of the Griffin Plan.(ACT Planning and Land Authority 2010).

The Kingston Foreshore precinct is prominently situated in close proximity to the ceremonial parliamentary triangle. The cultural significance, natural amenity, and waterfront location has been capitalised on by redevelopment efforts to achieve medium to high density developments(Norman & Sinclair 2014). .3 The Kingston Foreshore precinct has been projected to potentially achieve densities of up to 125 - 150 units per hectare as opposed to the dominant densities in Canberra of 15 - 20 units per hectare(Stewart 2008)..4

One of the objectives of the redevelopment was to achieve a cohesive open space network which is publicly accessible and enhances amenity. With approximately half of the Kingston Foreshore precinct comprising public open space and regulations to limit the scale of development, the redevelopment aims to achieves increased density without compromising natural amenity. The redevelopment has included a formal boat harbour as originally intended for the East Basin

3 Barbara Norman and Hamish Sinclair, “Planning Reform of the Australian Capital Territory: Towards a More Sustainable Future,” Australian Planner 51, no. 2 (2014).

4 Stewart, “A Case Study: Canberra–Australia’s National Capital.”

under the Griffin Plan. This involved areas of open space on the foreshore being redeveloped to create an artificial island to accommodate development The Harbour is framed by promenades and an emerging entertainment hub which projects the image of an activated city on the waterfront. The precinct is well serviced by a movement network of connected streets and a major bus route on Wentworth Avenue which forms the western boundary.

The Kingston Foreshore Master Plan also incorporates the Norgrove Park and Eco-Pond which treats and stores stormwater runoff to be utilised for the irrigation of landscaped areas(ACT Land Development Agency n.d.a). The Eco-Pond was implemented to improve water quality and increase the flow of water into the harbour. This demonstrates one of the ways waterfront developments can provide a rehabilitative and conservation function.

In 2013 the Kingston Section 49 Master Plan was produced for an undeveloped sub-precinct within the Kingston Foreshore. Decisions to restore former industrial buildings and create an arts hub prompted the preparation of this Master Plan. During recent community consultation for this Master Plan, a mix of responses were received. There was an overwhelming response to increase open space provisions: . bBuilding heights and density were also a concern with some respondents expressing that recent developments on the foreshore were too dense. However,however increased open space was considered a viable offset. There were also concerns raised regarding an over-supply of

commercial space given the vacancy rates in Canberra and it was questioned whether such spaces would attract businesses and achieve the activation intended.(ACT Land Development Agency).

A community census of the Kingston Foreshore was conducted in 2015 by the ACT Land Development Agency. While the number of respondents is unknown, it was reported that 94% of the participating residents were satisfied with living at Kingston Foreshore, with waterfront living stated as one of the top reasons for purchasing or renting in the area(ACT Land Development Agency 2015). The potential of waterfront locations with a high degree of natural amenity to incentivise urban consolidation is a concept explored by the Kingston Foreshore redevelopment. The redevelopment has attempted to project the best elements of the Griffin Plan and urban consolidation initiatives on the highly prominent, waterfront of Lake Burley Griffin.

Apartments on the Kingston Foreshore.

Image source: PTW Architects 2015

Image source: http://edukalife. blogspot.com.au/2015/09/ amazing-images-floating-housesof.html

Name = Floating Village in Ijburg, Netherlands

Strategy = Use underutilized water space for floating dwellings

Status = Constructed

Density = Low

Mix = Residential

Access = coordinated with public transport

Proponent = Architect Marlies Rohmer

Development model = Private

Development incentives = Unknown

Community resistance = Unknown

Community incentives = Housing affordability

Replicability in Perth = Moderate

Key lessons for Perth = Underutilised river space could be used for affordable floating residential dwellings

Discussion

Ijburg’s experimental floating village in the Netherlands is currently the biggest development of its kind in Europe. First inhabited in 2008, the village is an example of executing an urban infill strategy which addresses issues relevant to place.

The Netherlands is Europe’s second most densely populated country with 16.5 million inhabitants and approximately 400 people per square kilometre.1 The country faces ongoing pressure to find solutions to issues such as population growth and environmental 1 Architectenbureau, “Floating Houses Ijburg,” Architectenbureau, http://www.rohmer.nl/en/project/ waterwoningen-ijburg/.

factors such as rising sea levels due to climate change. Architect Marlies Rohmer decided to design an experimental floating village in Ijburg as a means of addressing these issues. The floating village utilised Amsterdam’s underused water space, as well as providing a possible solution to residential flooding caused by rising sea levels. Rohmer originally designed 75 floating houses but the development is predicted to eventually house 170 floating houses and 18000 new lodgings built on artificial islands within Ijmeer Lake.2 The Ijmeer Lake and bordering Markemeer Lake have a combined surface of 68508 hectares,3 which could potentially hold thousands more floating dwellings in the future.

The demand for floating homes in Ijburg continues to grow and the village is currently yielding around 60 dwellings per hectare.4 The Waterbuurt district lies to the west of the village, forming Ijburg’s main access link via the Enneus Heerma Bridge. The district is also directly connected to Amsterdam’s ring road and CBD via the Grimshaw Bridge and Piet Hein tunnel, allowing residents access to jobs, services and amenities. Bicycle paths, efficient public transport infrastructure, and large park areas have also been incorporated into the development of the surrounding district in order to provide facilities which contribute to the overall livability of the area. In terms of cost and feasibility, statistics and reviews to date indicate the floating dwellings are a success. Compared to house prices in similar proximity to Amsterdam’s CBD, the 2 Ibid.

3 Ibid.

4 Ibid.

price of floating homes is significantly cheaper, with one home owner reportedly spending $5400 per square metre, compared to downtown Amsterdam where as much as $10,800 per square metre can be spent.5 The dwellings are pre-fabricated, allowing minimal material wastage and the ability to fabricate the dwellings off site. Readily-accessible materials such as wood, glass, aluminum, and concrete are used and the architect states the homes “require hardly any maintenance.”6 The most difficult logistics of the design lies within servicing the dwellings, as utilities such as water, waste, and electricity are connected to the dwelling through a series of floating jetties which connect the homes to the mainland.7

Excursions in density / River and river foreshores

5 Martine Pauwels, “Dutch Make Peace with Their Old Enemy; Netherlands Looks to Floating Housing for Answer to Overcrowding,” Edmonton Journal A, no. 2 (2009).

6 Architectenbureau, “Floating Houses Ijburg”.

7 Ibid.

floating village, Amsterdam 2004

Image source: Google Earth

Ijburg

floating village, Amsterdam 2015

Image source: Google Earth

Ijburg

Ijburg’s experimental floating village in the Netherlands is currently the biggest development of its kind in Europe.

Image source: http://edukalife.blogspot. com.au/2015/09/amazing-imagesfloating-houses-of.html

Freeway reserves

Excursions in density / Freeway reserves

Freeways in the latter half of the twentieth century were a prized feature of a modern city...

Landscaped freeway (and highway) reserves in Perth’s suburban core amount to 1,633 hectares. Freeways in the latter half of the twentieth century were a prized feature of a modern city. This was particularly the case for an insecure city like Perth, which craved to be modern and to keep pace with its eastern state counterparts. This zeal for freeways in Perth resulted in extreme proposals such as the Main Roads Department 1960’s scheme for a freeway encircling (or strangling) the city centre that prioritised the rapid movement of cars over all other experiences of the city and its landscape. This philosophy is well summed up by the City of Perth’s motto of the time: ‘Your car is as welcome as you are’.

As with the city’s roads more generally, the development of freeways in Perth was also partly a response to terrible road accident data. In 1952 twentyeight people per 100,000 were being killed in traffic accidents – 150 per cent more than even Sydney which was –and still is – known for its congested and chaotic road network.1 Following on from the deployment of the autobahn in Germany and the extensive motorway system in Britain, it was proposed that Perth also needed freeways if road transit was to be ‘accomplished without unnecessary waste of time or undue risk of accident’.2

A freeway was defined by planners of the time as a ‘road which is for use by prescribed traffic without avoidable

1 G Stephenson and J A Hepburn, “Plan for the Metropolitan Region Perth and Fremantle 1955 Report,” (Perth: Government Printing Office 1955), 111.

2 Ibid., 108.

hindrance by traffic from intersecting or adjoining roads’.3 Cutting a freeway off from adjoining roads and residential areas tended to create large areas of leftover land on either side of the freeway. Perth’s freeways also tend to take up a lot of space because they were also originally conceived as scenic parkways (literally roads within parks) that would connect major elements in Perth’s open space system.4

In recent decades Perth’s northern and southern railway lines were laid out within Perth’s existing freeway reserves. As Carey Curtis explains, by placing train stations within freeway reserves, railway planners created ‘isolated transport hubs and low density residential areas that are beyond walking distance of stations’ . Arguably this is symptomatic of a situation prevalent since the 1990s, where there had been substantial investment in passenger rail but the dominance of the railway planner’s ideology over land use planners was evident in the rail network decisions . As Curtis explains the primary focus has been on transport function, and only very recently has there been a focused attempt to integrate the transport network carefully with land use activity . This reflects a historical situation where ‘large state government infrastructure agencies pre-date planning and, because they control significant budgets, are higher in the political pecking order than planning’ .

Regardless of such coordination issues posed by freeway reserves, given the generosity of space they hold a

3 Ibid.

4 Ibid., 109.

reasonable potential to yield infill dwellings. Sites for redevelopment would be, as much as possible, in areas of otherwise high amenity, such as adjacent to the city and river in the Freeway Interchange. While apartments in proximity to freeways might not appeal to everyone, they could suit those who prefer to live near such amenity and are willing to trade off freeway living. While we tend to see our freeways as merely conduits for movement, the example of the partially trenched Ronda de Dalt freeway in Barcelona illustrates how a freeway can be woven into the urban fabric of the city, providing for transport, housing, and recreation.

The densification of freeway reserves

Excursions in density / Freeway reserves

may have one long-term benefit. Developers own the majority of periurban land and are a powerful lobby group for more outer suburban development. As new fringe suburbs are developed with minimal public transit they generally stimulate the demand for more, larger freeways.5 The freeways in turn absorb the majority of transport funds and irrigate demand for more outer suburban development – as Kim Dovey explains ‘this is a metropolitan assemblage that is utterly inconsistent

with a low-carbon future.’6 By constraining the future expansion of Perth’s major freeways, with infill development, this back and forth dynamic is potentially subverted in the longer term.

5 Kim Dovey and Ian Woodcock, “Intensifying Melbourne: Trasit-Orientated Urban Design for Resilient Urban Futures,” (Melbourne: Melbourne School of Design, The University of Melbourne, 2014), 8.

6 Ibid.

Perth freeways

Perth’s freeways tend to take up a lot of space because they were also originally conceived as scenic parkways (literally roads within parks) that would connect major elements in Perth’s open space system.

Please note: This map is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only

Freeway reserve densification case study/ Ronda de

Dalt- Gran Via, Barce lona, Spain

Excursions in density / Freeway reserve densification case study/ Ronda de Dalt- Gran Via, Barcelona, Spain

Image source: Fernandez, Aurora and Arpa, Javier (2008), The Public Chance: New Urban Landscapes (Spain: a + t).

We are trying to return a positive morphological value to the road…in an attempt to revive it as a component of the settlement event and by restoring the road to the architectural realm

Vittorio Gregotti

Project name = Ronda de Dalt- Gran Via, Barcelona, Spain

Strategy = Trenching of freeway and redevelopment of freeway reserves for residential development

Status = Constructed

Density = High

Mix = Residential, tertiary institutions, bars, restaurants, and medical facilities

Access = Coordinated with public transport

Proponent = Bernardo de Sola and others

Development model = Public/ private

Development incentives = Public transport provision, upgraded public realm

Community resistance= Low

Community incentives = Provision of high quality public domain and streetscapes

Replicability in Perth = Low to moderate

Key lessons for Perth = Freeway reserves can provide for transportation as well as recreation and housing

Discussion

Barcelona’s Ronda de Dalt Freeway was designed by a team of architects and engineers led by Bernardo de Sola for the Summer Olympics in 1992, with the ringroad’s northern arc being described by architect Josep Llinas as “a boundary between city and mountains.”1 The four lane motorway has been described by 1 Rob Gregory, “Subtle Vision,” The Architectural Review (2011).

landscape architect Alex Wall as a key element to the “urban surface” of Barcelona, as the road transformed the surrounding area into a network of connected roads and highways.2 As a result of the increased connectivity within the Barcelona region, the Ronda de Dalt has become an example of an urban infill strategy which could see the potential of densifying freeway reserves into urban corridors with access to local and regional amenities.

The Ronda de Dalt was designed to achieve the highest collection and distribution among local and regional transportation networks, allowing the road to connect both to local neighbourhoods and larger regional zones.3 De Sola manipulated the section of the site in order to form a framing system between the new infrastructure and existing landscape, creating potential new sites for urban activities and public spaces.4 The opportunity to create new dwellings, urban spaces, and amenities creates a highly urban strip, with parts of the freeway literally embedding themselves into the landscape and allowing local traffic roads to bridge themselves above the main freeway to connect the city’s major avenues.5 These avenues are then activated with the inclusion of a recreational facility or public park,6 which enhance the livability of the urban corridor.

2 Alex Wall, “Programming the Urban Surface,” in Recovering Landscape: Essays in Contemporary Landscape Architecture (New York City: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999).

3 Charles Waldheim, The Landscape Urbanism Reader (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2006), 147.

4 ibid.

5 ibid.

6 ibid.

The livability of the Ronda de Dalt region is successful as a result of the way in which the infrastructure is designed to function. The four lane motorway allocates faster moving regional traffic to the inner two lanes of the road, leaving the two outer lanes for slower moving local traffic.7 The slower lanes allow vehicular traffic to be reconnected to street frontages, public spaces and amenities. The buildings that occur adjacent to the infrastructure are of medium to high density and provide convenience of highway access and public transport access to those that live there. The concentration of residential buildings alongside the Ronda de Dalt also generates the need for community facilities and amenities, which now surround the highway as a response to

Excursions in density / Freeway reserves

the increased density of dwellings in the area. These include tertiary institutions, bars, restaurants, green spaces and medical facilities.

Understandably, living adjacent to a freeway may not suit everyone, but there are a number of demographics who would benefit from such an urban location. Professionals, workers and students would be ideal candidates for freeway reserve infill, as they spend the majority of their time away from home. Environmental factors could be considered the largest hurdle as air, noise, and soil pollution could potentially affect the quality of living in these areas. However, there are also benefits to living 7 ibid.

alongside a freeway as it would provide access to a major urban transit corridor, an advantage that would be evident in many cities, including Perth.

As mentioned, this method of infill could benefit a number of cities where its highways represent the main arteries for accessing both local and regional areas. Freeway infill is also highly feasible as the transport infrastructure is generally already in place. In terms of cost, the Ronda de Dalt costs around 9 million euros8 ($13.2 million AUD) annually to maintain. This cost would be justified, however, due to the increase in density surrounding the freeway and consequently the increase in the community’s use of the infrastructure as a transit corridor.

8 Ajuntament de Barcelona, “Barcelona Ring Road,” Ajuntament de Barcelona, http://81.47.175.201/project-protocol/index.php/ barcelona-ring-roads.

de Dalt- Gran Via section

Reconfiguration of the freeway section confines freeway noise

Image source: Image source: Fernandez, Aurora and Arpa, Javier (2008), The Public Chance: New Urban Landscapes (Spain: a + t).

Ronda

Image source: Google Earth

Ronda de Dalt Gran Via, Barcelona, 2004

Image source: Google Earth

Ronda de Dalt Gran Via, Barcelona, 2015

Carparks

Excursions in density / Carparks

In 2009 the number of off-street parking spaces in the Perth and Peel region other than home garage included 2.4 million car bays, which equates to 6000 hectares of land devoted to parking

The Perth metropolis has had a strong love affair with the car since its first arrival in 1894, which has seen constant annual growth from its inception date (bar two periods The Great Depression and World War II).1 After World War II use of the car grew rapidly as it began to become common in urban areas, as a result of increased wealth, status of the car as a symbol of technological progress, and modernity, and the car offering individuals freedom on where to live (i.e. further from the city).2 The increase in popularity of the car altered the development pattern of Perth from a star-shaped public transport city with its ‘arms’ of residential development extending along the tram and rail tracks radiating from Perth City, and transformed into a car-centric development pattern as the car became the main mode of transport in the latter half of the 20th Century.3 In 2014, motor vehicle registrations for Western Australia were recorded at 2,142,307 with a population of 2,573,400, equating to 0.8 vehicles per person in Western Australia. This is not surprising given 84% of Western Australian’s used private vehicles to get to work or education facilities.4

Howevercar-centric cities are critically dependent on parking, as all car trips

1 Clive Forster, Australian Cities: Continuity and Change (1999).

2 Phil McManus, “Your Car Is as Welcome as You Are: A History of Transportation and Planning in the Perth Metropolitan Region,” Gaynor, Trinca and Haebic, Country 193(2002).

3 Forster, Australian Cities: Continuity and Change.

4 George Brown et al., “Perth’s Parking Policy: Managing Parking as an Element of the Urban Transport System” (paper presented at the Australasian transport research forum (atrf), 23rd, 1999, perth, western australia, vol 23, part 1, 1999).

start and end with a parking event.5 In 2009 the number of off-street parking spaces in the Perth and Peel region (other than home garage) included 2.4 million car bays, which equates to 6000 hectares of land devoted to parking (*based on 25m2 per parking space). Evidently as the number of cars on the road increase, the amount of land devoted to car parking will also continue to increase.

Parking can often be oversupplied in areas or is only used at certain peak times. This occurs where parking has been constructed to accommodate peak use, which may be certain times of the day, weekends, or a significant event during the year (i.e. Christmas shopping). There is potential for public carpark sites located in high public transport areas with adequate amenity and services within the surrounding vicinity to the site to not provide parking for tenants. This therefore maximises the amount of public parking and does not require the need to reduce car bays.

Additionally, currently public car parks impact communities as, car parks provide unattractive expanses of asphalt that are placed in front of buildings, beaches, parks, train stations, and foreshores whiccreating voids, disconnectedness, and areas that are not pedestrian friendly. Car parks also contribute to the urban heat island effect and the amount of storm water run-off which adversely affect the environment. Evolving the surface car park to provide for residential infill will mitigate many of the aforementioned issues as well as contribute toward density targets

5 Ibid.

Perth carparks

The dots indicate trainstation and river/ coastal foreshore carparking. Most of these sites are in public ownership

Please note: This map is indicative and intended for illustrative purposes only

Excursions in density / Carpark densification case study/ Goderich Street, East Perth, Australia

Image source: http://northerly.com. au/services/living

The objective of the project was to establish the City of Perth as a leader in affordable housing...

Name = Goderich Street Affordable

Rental Housing Project, Perth, Australia

Strategies = Multi-storey car parking structures constructed to allow the redevelopment and densification of surface level car parking

Status = Constructed

Density = Medium to high

Mix = Public Parking & Residential.

Access = Close proximity to public transport

Proponent = City of Perth

Development Model = Public

Development incentives = Sale of public land

Community Resistance = Low

Community incentives = Affordable housing

Replicability in Perth = High

Key lessons for Perth =

The development on Goderich Street demonstrated the ability to maintain the majority of public car parking bays from the original surface parking lot (185) to the multi-storey parking structure (177), whilst still managing to provide 50% of residents with car parking. Additionally, the design of the development enabled the two structures of the multi-storey car park and dwellings to operate independently of one-another, neither inhibiting on the other.

Discussion

The development of the at-grade Goderich Street City of Perth Parking (CPP) public car park was initiated by

the City of Perth. The project was introduced through the Lord Mayor’s Affordable Housing Group, designed to increase the levels of affordable housing in Perth. The objective of the project was to address a gap in the current housing market for affordable housing not currently being provided and to help establish the City of Perth as a leader in affordable housing. In January 2010 the City of Perth resolved to develop affordable housing at the at-grade parking facility, allowing city-based workers on moderate incomes to live close to their workplace. The project was completed during 2013 and was fully operational by 2014.

The apartment block is a 3 storey walk-up development. The built form was designed to reflect the neighbouring exposed brick buildings along Goderich Street.1 The external materials of the development includes brown and sandstone brick with perforated balconies. The 3 storey development comprises of 48 one and two bedroom apartments, encompassing 22 one-bed and 26 two-bed (Northerly Group 2013). Based on one person per bedroom, the development can house at least 74 people. In June 2014 a survey of the tenancy of the development2 found 43 units were occupied out of the 48. The composition of residents included 62 adults and 9 children, resulting in 71 residents.3

The project incorporates land uses of residential and car park. A multi-storey car park at the rear of the site was built

1 City of Perth, “Minutes - Planning Committee,” (Perth: City of Perth, 2010).

2 (Access Housing Monthly Report)

3 City of Perth, “Minutes - Planning Committee,” (Perth: City of Perth, 2014).

Goderich St carpark, Perth, 2007

Image source: Google Earth

Goderich St carpark, Perth, 2015

Image source: Nearmap

48 apartments

Tenant carparking

177 public car bays

to replace the original at-grade car park. The mix of land uses on the site has been successful in that both the rental housing and public car park are able to operate independently of one another. This is a result of the housing being located on the street frontage, and public car park located at the rear of the site, both with individual right-of-ways for parking. A large perforated screen and ground planted trees have been implemented to provide a physical and aesthetic shield between the car parking and housing. A ‘green wall’ was originally proposed, however, scrapped due to its cost.4

The red CAT bus route runs down Goderich Street making it easily accessible for city workers, also with a

Excursions in density / Carparks

bus stop provided adjacent to the site. A yellow CAT bus route runs down Wellington Street, north of the development, which again provides access to the city as well as further into East Perth. The site located within the City provides easy access to the bus and train stations to enable transportation to work, education facilities or services, (i.e. Perth Underground, Esplanade Bus Station & Wellington Street Bus Station) all within walking distance or a short CAT bus ride. Residents who rent out on-site car bays (separate to the public car park) or park in the surrounding on-street car

4 (City of Perth 2010a)”Minutes - Planning Committee.”

bays have the opportunity for car movement in and out the city.

Quality of life for residents would be high given the prime location of the development in the heart of the City. The site is situated within close proximity to all the services, goods and amenities required for a pleasurable living experience. Located one street south of the site is Hay Street, whereby local shopping and café opportunities are close by. A further walk into East Perth along Royal Street leads to a variety of shopping outlets and restaurants. A short walk or CAT bus ride further into the City is the retail hub of Perth, as well as the largest variety of services and goods offered in Western Australia

Outdoor activity is limited on site, however an outdoor courtyard and communal garden are offered to residents to encourage social interaction and build relations within the complex. Areas of public open space are found only streets away at Wellington Square, Langley Park, and Swan River Foreshore. Education and health facilities are also located close by in relation to Royal Perth Hospital and Central TAFE.

Residents are not hindered by the operation of the public car park at the rear of the site given the separation provided in the design, with appropriate screening and buffering to reduce the impact on residents on-site and on neighbouring sites. In summary, the quality of life for residents is expected to be high given the close proximity to work (residents must be employed within the Central Business District to be eligible to rent at site) and other

essential services and goods that enable a high level of living.

There was little opposition during the development and construction of the site. The only form of opposition towards the development was during the construction phase, when the car park was closed to commuters. This caused major concerns for workers in the surrounding area who relied on the Goderich Street car park for parking, mainly Perth Mint employees.5

The site is under the ownership of the City of Perth, and the City of Perth retains ownership of the dwellings and ownership and operation of the parking facility. The management and operation of the dwellings however is through Access Housing (not-for-profit organization), a provider of affordable housing who specialise also in property and tenancy management services.

The City of Perth possessing ownership of the site offered many benefits to the project including reduced design and operational constraints. Utilising land in Council ownership for the project also demonstrates Councils financial commitment to the project.6

Throughout Perth there are numerous council-owned surface grade parking lots that could be re-developed and designed to accommodate dwellings. Although the Goderich Street case study is primarily focused on affordable rental housing, other models could be explored in Perth with regard to the design of the site. The idea of providing housing at the front of the site and multi-storey parking facility at the rear of

5 “Minutes - Planning Committee.”

6 Ibid.

the site could be used for other City or inner-city owned Council car parks.

The project cost $16.7 million, which exceeded by $1.2 million the original estimate of $15.5 million, due to discovery of contaminated soil opn site , but it is likely to return the same twelve year return on Investment. The City of Perth contributed the majority of funds for the project, however was jointly funded with the Department of Housing, the National Rental Affordability Scheme, and the Disability Services Commission.7

The City of Perth recognised the importance of the original at-grade Goderich Street Car Park and the need to maintain a similar number of bays on the site. Before development the site operated as a City of Perth surface car park offering 187 car bays (average occupancy at 96%).8 The car park located in a convenient and prime location to the City makes the demand for the car parking very high during the working week, therefore unjustifiable to not provide public parking within the new development. As part of the design it was established to have a multi-level car parking facility due to site limitations if an at-grade car park was to be maintained. The new public car park provides 177 car parking bays and includes motor-cycle and bicycle bays over a 3-storey multi-level facility.9

Research was undertaken into the amount of parking provided in capital cities around Australia for the targeted residents (young adults without children). The development installed 24 ground level parking bays directly

7 Ibid.

8 “Minutes - Planning Committee.”

9 Ibid.

abutting the apartments and included 5 motor-cycle bays.10 This equates to delivering parking to 50% of the dwellings (48 apartments). Residents require permits to park within the tenant parking, with a first in best served approach, and parking bays were found to be extremely popular among residents. Alternatively, surveys conducted by the City of Perth concluded that there was an increase in the use of public transport, cycling and walking among tenants.11

The City of Perth Planning Scheme No.2 Parking and Access Policy required a minimum of 96 car parking bays to be provided for tenants.12 The development was approved even though there was a reduction in the on-site parking. Parking requirements within the Goderich St Precinct can be reduced where it can be considered normal provisions of parking is difficult to achieve or where the council can be convinced that the normal provision is not warranted. 13 This was supported with occupants being selected based on relevant criteria including vehicle ownership, abundance of bicycle storage, location to public transport and CBD.

10

11

12

13

colourful perforated screening implemented to provide a physical and aesthetic shield between the car parking and housing.

Excursions in density / Carpark densification case study/ Kyme Place, Port Melbourne

Image source: https://www. pinterest.com/kgholmstrom/ architecture/

The Kyme Place rooming house project was built in the air space above a City of Port Phillip car park...

Name =Kyme Place, Port melbourne, Australia

Strategy = Airspace above public surface level carpark developed for to provide infill dwellings

Status = Constructed

Density = Medium to high

Mix = Public Parking & Residential.

Access = Close proximity to public transport

Proponents = City of Port Phillip, Office of Housing, and the Port Phillip Housing Association.

Development Model = Public / Private.

Development incentives = Sale of public land

Community Resistance = High

Community incentives = Educating the public / walk-throughs.

Replicability in Perth = High

Key lessons for Perth = Kyme Place shows the potential of using council resources, such as car parks, for residential purposes. The development demonstrated how the air space development of car parks can be achieved with little reconfiguration of the original car parking lot. This development model could be significant for accommodating urban infill in space-restricted metropolitan areas. Additionally, the project demonstrated the ability to transfer air space rights to another body for development. However, a crucial element of Kyme Place is providing zero resident parking;, whereby this can be achievedachieved

result og the site being sis suitably located to high frequency public transport, close to activity centres, and where and car ownership levels are low.

Discussion

The project included the redevelopment of a City of Port Phillip public car park (33 bays) in the suburb of Port Melbourne, Victoria. The Kyme Place rooming house project was built in the air space above a City of Port Phillip car park on a single block. A rooming house is accommodation that provides shared facilities which may include bathrooms, kitchens, and common areas, often for people from low socio-economic backgrounds. The site area is 944m2.in area

The development was part of a public private partnership between the City of Port Phillip, Office of Housing, and the Port Phillip Housing Association (PPHA), and was . The project was funded by the Department of Human ServicesOffice of Housing and Port Phillip Housing Association (PPHA), and with the car parkwas under ownership of the City of Port Phillip.1

The project was undertaken by the PPHA where the ownership of the air space above the council car park was transferred to the PPHA. In exchange for the air space the PPHA agreed to relinquish all their rights at a residential property in St Kilda so the City of Port Phillip could become the registered proprietor of the properties with opportunity of selling the St Kilda properties.2 The PPHA is a not-for-profit organisation that develops, owns, and 1 (Spivak 2013)

2 (City of Port Phillip 2009b)

Kyme Place, Melbourne, 2009

Image source: Google Earth

Kyme Place, Melbourne, 2015

Image source: Nearmaps

manages community housing in the City of Port Phillip, and operates and manages the Kyme Place rooming house (Port Phillip Housing Authority 2014).

The Kyme Place rooming house is a four storey development built over a council car park with 27 units (City of Port Phillip 2009a). The units are a mix of one bed-room and studio units, comprising of 5 one-bedroom and 22 studio units each containing individual kitchenettes and bathrooms.

The rooming house includes a communal living room and laundry is provided. The minimum amount of residents is 27. Of the original 33 car bays only 22 were able to be retained, however in a reconfigured layout (City of

Excursions in density / Carparks

Port Phillip 2009b)

The site is comprised of two land uses including residential and a public car park. The car park sits beneath the rooming house and serves customers of the adjacent Bay Street Activity Centre. The residents of the rooming house do not possess any parking within the public car park.

The site is well positioned to public transport. Several bus services run along Bay Street (40 metres west of Kyme Place) and provides public transport to surrounding areas and Melbourne City. A short walk from the site is the Graham Street tram station which services the 109 tram line,

travelling from Box Hill to Port Melbourne (via Melbourne C.B.D).

The development provides zero parking bays for residents, this was proposed as a result of residents rooming houses usually not possessing a car. There is abundant on-street car parking as well as high levels of public transport within close proximity to the site.

The project is targeted for low income single persons and people with disabilities who have often experienced homelessness or home-related stress, with two 2 fully accessible units and 11 that are adaptable for persons with a physical disability.3 The quality of life offered for residents is high given the location and design of the development. The development is situated adjacent to the Bay Street Activity Centre which offers a wide variety of retail, restaurants, cafes, and services along a 1km stretch. A Coles supermarket is 50 metres from the site. The site is within walking distance to Port Melbourne Beach and several local parks which offer recreation and outdoor activity.

There is little evidence to suggest the impact of the car park on residents. However, the car park has been designed to be out of view from the street, and the majority of the car park is hidden behind the front lobby, ground floor residence, and bicycle and bin storage areas. Access to the car park is gained down the side of the development via the Kyme Place right-of-way. Glass windows towards the car park from the entry lobby of the rooming house allow for full visibility and passive surveillance of the car park. This 3 (City of Port Phillip 2009a).

provides a more attractive outlook on the site from Liardet Street .4 Residents however do not need to walk through the car park to access units, access is provided at the front of the development.

The project was heavily opposed by members of the local community and neighbours of the site. A total of 52 objections was received by the City of Port Phillip. The objections received related to a variety of issues, notably car parking, height, built form, amenity impacts and use. However, notably the main community concern was the type of tenants the rooming house may attract, the community feared drugs users, derelicts and homeless people would be the main tenants.5

Some of the main objections included the following:

• Loss of car parking spaces

• No car parking provision for residents

• Loss of safety by the complete enclosure of the car park and lack of surveillance from the street

• Community perceptions believing residents of the rooming will be recipients of soft loans, on welfare, and associated with crime and anti-social behaviour

• Low cost housing will reduce the value of properties in the area

The rooming house proved controversial in the community but it was consistent with both planning and other Council policy that encourages the provision of a range of housing types near activity

4 (City of Port Phillip 2009b).

5 (City of Port Phillip 2009b, Spivak 2013).

centres, as well as the provision of affordable housing.6

The developers of the project was PPHA who maintain ownership of the affordable housing, however the City of Port Phillip continued to have ownership over the Kyme Place right-of-way and car park. The PPHA managed the construction and completion of the development and continue to operate the rooming house.

This type of development could be developed widespread given the development of air space above car parks. Perth possesses an abundance of car parks given the dependence of the car. This development model could be beneficial for small C.B.D. car parks or other small council car parks located near excellent public transport and provided retail/shops are located nearby.

The project was funded by the Department of Human Services – Office of Housing and PPHA. The cost of the development was approximately $9 million.7 The tenants of the rooming house pay rent and rent is calculated as a proportion of the residents which means people can stay in the area they would otherwise be priced out of by rapid gentrification.8

The original City of Port Phillip car park was comprised of 33 parking bays, of which 100% of the bays were typically utilized between 1pm-3pm. The newly configured public car park is below the rooming house and consists of 22 car parking spaces, a reduction of 11 bays. However the creation of two 2-on-street

6 (City of Port Phillip 2009b).

7 (Spivak 2013).

8 (Port Phillip Housing Authority 2014).

spaces along Liardet Street was created through the closure of the original crossover into the car park.

A survey of all on- and off-street parking spaces within 500m of the site indicates that there are 705 parking spaces, of which 143 were available at the busiest time of parking of 1pm.9

No designated car parking has been provided for the rooming house tenants. Under the City of Port Phillip’s planning scheme, the provision underlines one 1 space per lodging room and the proposal sought a waiver of car parking.10 As found with other PPHA housing sites, the majority of residents of rooming houses do not own or have use of a car, and that there is a supply of public car parking in the immediate area if residents were to possess as a vehicle. Also, given the proximity of the site to shops, services, and public transport the need for a car is minimal. The City of Port Phillip approved the development, although with concerns of car parking, it was viewed that tenant parking was not a vital concern and the loss of public parking can be dealt with surrounding car parks and future road works to install more parking. A number of bicycle storage and lockable areas are found on site as well.11

9

10

11

(City of Port Phillip 2009b)

(City of Port Phillip 2009b).

(City of Port Phillip 2009b).

Image source: MGS Architects - Public car park.

Side view with public car park below.

Image source: MGS Architects

Excursions in density / Carpark densification case study/ Del Mar Station Transit Village, Los Angeles, USA

Source: Bettercities.net - Del Mar Station Transit Village.

The development of Del Mar Station was built as a joint venture project between the Pasadena Blue Line Construction Authority, City of Pasadena and developers Urban Partners...

Name = Mar Station Transit Village, Los Angeles, USA

Strategy = Underground car parking structures constructed to allow the redevelopment and densification of surface level car parking

Status = Constructed

Density = High

Mix = Public and Tenant Parking, Residential, Train Station, Retail & Commercial

Access = Close proximity to public transport

Proponents = Pasadena Blue Line

Construction Authority, City of Pasadena and developers Urban Partners

Development Model = Public / Private

Development incentives = Sale of public land

Community Resistance = Low

Community incentives = Amenities such restaurants, cafes, health clubs

Replicability in Perth = Moderate

Key lessons for Perth =

Del Mar Station provided how an underutilised public car park could be transferred into a thriving transitorientated development (TOD). The project successfully demonstrates the ability to design a diverse range of high density residential living on top of light-rail. The case study proved that if expense is no issue then completely removing the problem of car parking on the surface to underground quite easily solves the issue of providing car parking, whereby public and resident parking

was able to be provided at a large scale.

Discussion

The scale of the project is large compared to previous carpark case studies. The Del Mar Station Transit Village has been categorised at a precinct scale, as it encompasses several buildings over one large site, with a total land area of 1.43 ha. The project incorporated the redevelopment of a site used for car parking for the surrounding area, where the old Santa Fe train station building lay vacant.

The original site was an open air vacant parking lot used for the surrounding work places and residents where it was often underutilized. Post development of the site required the need for parking for residents on-site and parking for light-rail users/shoppers. An underground garage was constructed on either side of the light rail. A total of 1200 underground parking spaces were constructed, 600 for transit users and 600 for residential/retail purposes. 1

The development of Del Mar Station was built as a joint venture project between the Pasadena Blue Line Construction Authority, City of Pasadena and developers Urban Partners. The Authority sold the land to the private developer to develop the transitorientated development on the underutilized/vacant car park.

Overall the development is comprised of 347 apartments, of which 21 are considered affordable apartments. Housing types include a mix of stacked flats, courtyard housing, walk-up lofts,

1 PBS&J, Transit Orientated Development Case Studies (Los Angeles2007).

and ground floor units.2

The transit-orientated development comprises a large portion of land, therefore the architects chose to design a site that represents multiple styles of buildings and transitioning architectural styles to combat the density of the project, rather than producing one large super block of the same architecture (Landscape Communications 2013). Each of the four buildings has a different style which ranges from Mediterranean to modernist which creates a diverse built form. The taller buildings are located towards the centre of the development to reduce their impact on the street edge. Along Arroyo Parkway (east) and Raymond Avenue (west) the building heights are smaller ranging from

Excursions in density / Carparks

two – four storeys to blend in with the neighbouring Pasadena structure. Each of the four residential buildings is organised around a private open air courtyard, which function as outdoor rooms encouraging social interaction with neighbours).

The main idea of the design of the site was to build around the already constructed Gold Line light rail, with the rail line passing through the site, dissecting the development into an east and west parcel. The development has a large mix of uses, largely consisting of residential dwellings, as well as 1,002m2 of commercial and restaurant use.

2 ibid.

The old Santa-Fe train station (heritage listed) building has been converted into a restaurant that has become popular within the community, as well as two other restaurants situated on-site. Shops are also found on-site which service both residents and transit users of Del Mar Station. The Metro Gold Line light rail runs from Pasadena to East Los Angeles via downtown Los Angeles. The rail line provides access to downtown Los Angeles for residents of the village as well as commuters wishing to visit Del Mar Station for its restaurants and shops.3 A Metro Rapid Bus route is located one street away from the site which has fewer stops than a local bus service enabling faster travel times. Several local Metro bus services operate to and from Del Mar Station. The ability for car movement is easily catered for with an abundance of underground tenant and public parking.

On-site components of the transit village include restaurants, cafe, health club, pool community rooms and much more which makes Del Mar Station a highlyliveable village to reside within. Pasadena is a well-established part of Los Angeles with options for education and employment with easy access via public transport or use of the private car. As well as having on-site shops the Del Mar Station Transit Village is 400m south of Old Pasadena shopping district which provides a high variety of goods and services. Directly west of the site is a vast expanse of open space being Central Park, which is Pasadena’s oldest park and often underused in previous decades until the development of Del Mar Station.

3 ibid.

The project was constructed by private developers Urban Partners who own the majority of the site, however the Pasadena Blue Line Construction Authority still maintain ownership of the parcel of land that the light rail encompasses. The Pasadena Blue Line Construction Authority also had input into the development, including an agreement with the developers to include public parking for light rail users, therefore 600 underground parking spaces over several levels was provided to serve transit users.

Although Perth does not possess light rail, this type of development could be replicated along the Fremantle and Midland railway lines if land was available. The Fremantle and Midland lines have a significant number of large car parks abutting the train stations that could be converted to underground and built form designed around the railway tracks similarly to Del Mar Station. The development may or may not need to possess the amount of mixed land uses that Del Mar Station holds, if development were to occur in built up areas with services and goods located close to train stations, for example Mosman Park (Fremantle Line) and Maylands (Midland Line) train stations. The Joondalup and Mandurah lines abutting the freeways would pose too much of a problem in relation to traffic and noise-related issues.

Del Mar Station, Pasadena, 1994

Image source: Google Earth

Del Mar Station, Pasadena, 2015

Image source: Google Earth

Excursions in density / Carpark densification case study/ 9 x 18 Proposal, East Harlem, New York, USA

Source: 9x18proposal.net - PiYN facility.

The 9x18 proposal has been viewed as a potential solution to increase the number of affordable dwellings in NYC...

Name = 9 x 18 proposal, Manhattan, USA

Strategy = Multi-storey car parking structures constructed to allow the redevelopment and densification of surface level car parking

Status = Speculative

Density = High

Mix = Public Parking, Residential, Commerical / Community, Retail.

Access = Close proximity to public transport

Proponents = New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA)

Development Model = Public / Private

Development incentives = Sale of public land

Community Resistance = Low

Community incentives = Amenities such restaurants, cafes, health clubs

Replicability in Perth = Low

Key lessons for Perth =

The 9x18 Proposal has shown how a multi-storey car parking structure can have purpose not only for car storage, but also double as a community hub, offering community services and consumer goods. The study also identifies how multi-storey parking structure can be critical in creating available land for residential development (i.e. a surface car park and multi-storey car parks may have the same lot area, however a multi-storey may be able to store more than double the amount of car than that of the original surface car park).

Discussion

The 9x18 Proposal is of a neighbourhood scale. The site covers a large portion of East Harlem comprising of several New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) sites. East Harlem has been viewed as a promising area for redevelopment to occur given its close proximity to Manhattan.

Although the project is only a study, the potential development model for 9x18 may consist of a public private partnership with the NYCHA, whereby their land will be used to provide housing and off-street mixed use parking structures. The NYCHA is the largest public housing authority in North America and thereby has overseen the development of many projects. 1

There is approximately 5.7 ha of surface parking for NYCHA sites in East Harlem, where provide PiYNs (Park In Your Neighbourhood) multi-storey car parking structures that are incorporated with several other land-uses wouldprovide additional community and commercial features, and are designed to create available land for infill development by relocating the original NYCHA car parking spaces into these structures which has the ability to free up land at the NYCHA sites to be developed.2

As the 9x18 Proposal is only a study, there is no potential dwelling yield or building types, apart from the proposed PiYNs. However, through the study’s illustrations it is shown that the built form

1 Michael Kimmelman, “Trading Parkings Lots for Affordable Housing,” New York Times, http://www.9x18.net/proposal/.

2 Miriam Peterson, Sagi Golan, and Nathan Rich, “How Else Could 9x18 Be Used?,” http://www.9x18. net/proposal/.

The East Harlem area is extremely well connected through the NYC subway system, as well as many bus routes on offer within the area. The 4, 5 and 6 Green Line (subway) runs through East Harlem which travels both north (The Bronx) and south (through Manhattan to Brooklyn) intersecting with various other subway routes.

The introduction of PiYNs within the neighbourhood will increase the liveability and services/goods offered to residents by introducing more community and commercial facilities.

The removal of existing underutilized asphalt car parks will be more aesthetically pleasing for the urban environment and remove unwarranted derelict spaces.

moderation income residents.

The implementation of PiYNs could be implemented in Perth in high density areas that possess an abundance of surface off-street car parking, whereby land could be made available and developed similarly to as proposed by the 9x18 study. This may be difficult for Perth given there are not many areas of high density apartment living apart from Perth city..

The 9x18 proposal has been viewed as a potential solution to increase the number of affordable housing in NYC. However, the proposal may not suit everyone given residents may prefer the existing parking located at the bottom of their apartment complex which provides easy access and convenience, rather than a multi-storey parking facility that could be up to 500m away from the complex.

The NYCHA would most likely have a large influence in the development and governance of this project if it where to go ahead. The NYCHA is a New York state public-benefit corporation designed to provide housing for low-

Excursions in density / Carparks

Source: 9x18proposal.net - PiYN facility.

Source: 9x18proposal.net - Redeveloped site in East Harlem.

Density mitigation case studies

Excursions in density / Density mitigation case studies

While communities need to be convinced of the benefits of urban infill development they also need to be assured that adverse impacts of urban infill development will be mitigated...

While communities need to be convinced of the benefits of urban infill development they also need to be assured that adverse impacts of urban infill development will be mitigated. Despite the multitude of benefits that compact cities and urban infill development deliver (as set out in the introduction) they can also generate adverse such as traffic congestion, housing affordability, the overloading of existing social and recreational infrastructure, urban heat islands, and the loss of ‘natural’ spaces 1 (OECD 2012, 20). To deal with the potential adverse effects of urban infill development policies, and subsequently alleviate widespread community resistance to infill development, some case study metropolitan areas incorporate minimisation policies into the policy package. Prominent examples include Portland’s green infrastructure initiatives for restoring the hydrologic cycle and tackling urban heat islands, and Vancouver’s EcoDensity initiative (discussed in this chapter), which combines densification with the provision of affordable housing options.2 (OECD 2012, 22). Quality of life is also an essential part of the attractiveness of an urban centre and can help to sustain the centrifugal power of a metropolitan area.3 (OECD 2012, 23). Conversely urban infill development at the expense of urban liveability is a poor outcome for urban planning, and so local urban consolidation plans need to be sensitive to both overloading and identifying what urban liveability means to local

1 OECD, “Compact City Policies: A Comparative Assessment,” (OECD Green Growth Studies, 2012), 20..

2 Ibid., 22..

3 Ibid., 23..

Excursions in density / Density mitigation case study/ Grey to green intiative, Portland, USA

Image source: http://www. sustainablecitynetwork.com/topic_ channels/water/article_c26ddcfeb313-11e0-a5fa-001a4bcf6878. html

Public parks and green spaces in urban centres are an essential element of denser cities...

Name = Grey to green initiative, Portland, USA

Public parks and green spaces in urban centres are an essential element of denser cities. When public space is well designed and delivers high-quality services, density is perceived positively. Strategic ways to secure sufficient open spaces in relation to urban infill should be explored . One solution is to connect to existing open spaces. The city not only invests in public parks and avenues but also uses regulatory zoning schemes to protect privately owned green space.1 The City of Portland is coupling existing open space systems with better connections to and from surrounding contexts to provide residents and workers a maximum of amenities. A report on future urban design in Portland points out that a citywide plan that stitches open space systems together more deliberately would re-establish and strengthen Portland’s long-standing approach to open spaces.2 This green infrastructure, which is defined as interconnected natural systems and/or engineered systems that use plants and soil to slow, filter, and infiltrate runoff close to its source in a way that strengthens and mimics natural functions/processes.3 Portland also has green infrastructure initiatives for restoring the hydrologic cycle and tackling urban heat islands.4

1 OECD, “Compact City Policies: A Comparative Assessment,” (OECD Green Growth Studies, 2012), 187.

2 City of Portland Bureau of Planning and Sustainability, “Design Central City Volume I Discussion Draft July 201 0,” City of Portland, www.portlandonline. com/bps/index.cfm?a=313708&c=53287.

3 OECD, “Compact City Policies: A Comparative Assessment,” 154. 4 Ibid., 22.

Excursions in density / Density mitigation case studies/ Density mitigation strategies, Vancouver, Canada

Image source: PWL Partnership

Along with Vancouver’s densification tools (such as laneway houses and secondary dwellings), policies to mitigate the impacts of higher density were also developed...

Name = Density mitigation strategies, Vancouver, Canada

Along with Vancouver’s densification tools (such as laneway houses and secondary dwellings), policies to mitigate the impacts of higher density were also developed. In Vancouver, the city’s authority to use development charges has been strengthened. The City Council introduced several city-wide development charges. The Interim City-Wide Development Cost Levy (DCL) is used to pay for facilities such as parks and childcare. In addition to DCL, an Interim City-wide Community Amenity Contribution (CAC) Policy has been introduced. CACs are community amenities provided when additional density is approved by the city Council through rezoning (sometimes referred to as ‘Social Bonus Zoning1). Developers provide CACs in their urban development project (both in cash and in the form of libraries, parks, childcare, community centres, etc.) to mitigate the impacts of higher density on the surrounding community.2 Even though these do not represent a large source of revenue, CACs can help to address the potential negative adverse effects of high-density development and meet the needs of the surrounding community. 3

In broad terms this approach here people are able to ‘see a benefit to the new growth coming in’4 has been regarded as successful. As Kelly et al. tells us:

1 J-F Kelly, P Breadon, and J Reichl, “Getting the Housing We Want,” (Melbourne: Grattan Institute, 2011), 13..

2 OECD, “Compact City Policies: A Comparative Assessment,” (OECD Green Growth Studies, 2012).

3 Ibid.

4 Kelly, Breadon, and Reichl, “Getting the Housing We Want,” 13.

It was explained to each neighbourhood that the more households it had, the bigger the tax take, and the bigger the purse for the public realm. Working with developers and builders, residents frequently opted to have some buildings higher than required for their targets in return for amenities they valued… We’ve been able to show that the level of population growth is not the problem, it’s how you manage the growth... you need to have high quality amenity and high quality public spaces...’. 5

Contributors

Excursions in density / Contributors

Julian Bolleter

Julian is an Assistant Professor at the Australian Urban Design Research Centre (AUDRC) at the University of Western Australia. His role at the AUDRC includes teaching a master’s program in urban design and conducting urban design related research and design projects.

Anthony Duckworth-Smith

Anthony is an urban design teacher, practitioner and researcher and has also practiced in the fields of Architecture and Civil Engineering. He is a research associate at the Australian Urban Design Research Centre at the University of Western Australia. Anthony ‘s core research is related to the urban intensification of cities and his PhD topic investigating higher density housing types and their residential environments along road based transit corridors in Perth provided a useful springboard for this

Coralie Ayres

Coralie Ayres attained a Master’s degree in Architecture with Distinction at the University of Western Australia in 2007. Ms Ayres has 8 years professional experience, predominantly in residential and urban design, land use planning and the preparation of design and construction documentation.

Coralie’s research concerns Cockburn Central’ and is featured in the ‘Activity Centre’ chapter of this report.

Dinis Candeias

Dinis originally trained as an architect in Portugal, graduating in 2005. He moved to Western Australia in 2010 to build his qualifications in urban design. He completed a Masters Degree at the AUDRC with his thesis awarded for its excellence. In 2014 he joined CODA Studio in Fremantle and is now contributing for several infill projects in Perth.

Dinis’s research concerns port redevelopment and is featured in the ‘Brownfields’ chapter of this report.

Mackenzie Buck

Mackenzie is an urban design student and town planning graduate whose research draws influence from his personal hobbies and passions. Fasicinated by the unique characteristics of our suburban environments and how individuals feel, relate and experience these spaces in their day to day lives.

Mack’s research concerns golf course redevelopment and is featured in the ‘Golfcourses’ chapter of this report.

Lauren Dujmovic

Lauren is a qualified planning professional with experience in strategic and statutory planning who is currently working in local government as a Strategic Planner. Lauren graduated from the University of Western Australia with a Bachelor of Science (Urban and Regional Planning) with Honours in 2012 and is currently studying towards a Masters of Urban Design at the University of Western Australia.

Lauren’s research concerns foreshore redevelopment and is featured in the ‘Brownfields’ and ‘foreshores’ chapter of this report.

Rachel Pleasant

Rachel Pleasant is a Senior Strategic Planner in local government currently completing a Master’s Degree in Urban Design at the AUDRC.

Rachel’s research is featured in the ‘District Centres’ chapter of this report.

Gareth Ringrose

Gareth graduated from the University of Western Australia in 2014 with a Masters Degree in Urban Design. He is now working as an Urban Designer at Barton Willmore in Bristol, UK.

Gareth’s research concerns the potential redevelopment of Fremantle Harbour and is featured in the ‘Brownfields’ chapter of this report.

Bronwyn Slater

Bronwyn Slater’s masters research is titled, Managing the density transition; the urban infill-suburban interface, and looks at urban design techniques that can be employed to create a better transition between higher infill densities and suburban areas. She has looked at this through the density transition along Activity Corridors. Bronwyn is also a qualified Town Planner and works in both a planning and urban design role at TPG Town Planning, Urban Design and Heritage. Bronwyn’s research is featured in the ‘Activity Corridors’ chapter of this report.

Sam Sweetman

Sam Sweetman is a master’s student at the Australian Urban Design Research Centre (AUDRC) at the University of Western Australia where he is currently finishing his studies. Sam has a Bachelor of Science in Urban and Regional Planning and works as a town planner.

Sam’s research is featured in the ‘Carparks’ chapter of this report.

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