Apollon
ISSUE VII 2017
UNDERGRADUATE DIGITAL JOURNAL FOR THE HUMANITIES AT FAIRFIELD UNIVERSITY
OUR MISSION At Apollon, we strive to publish superior examples of undergraduate humanities research from a variety of disciplines as well as intellectual approaches.
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CONTENT “Substantive and Procedural Justice in the World Trade Organization” by Nick McIndoe
pages 3-15 “The Strangers, The Crowd, and The Lynching: Using Mimetic Theory to Explore Episodes of Human Violence” by Jenna Geick
pages 16-32 “The Crises of Human Identity in the 1960s” by David DeHaas
pages 33-40 “Subverting Patriarchal Control through the Construction of Meaning in "The Yellow Wallpaper"” by Nikolas Oliver
pages 41-47
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“Substantive and Procedural Justice in the World Trade Organization” by Nick McIndoe
3
ABSTRACT Since the end of World War II, global governance has been characterized by the presence of international institutions. International institutions are typically perceived to operate in the pursuit of global justice. The World Trade Organization, for example, which has existed in its current form since 1995, is typically considered a means to the end of fair and liberal international trade. However, there is presently much conjecture regarding the justice or otherwise of such institutions. In this paper, I introduce two main branches of global justice, namely ‘substantive justice’ and ‘procedural justice.’ Then, I apply these concepts to the World Trade Organization in order to analyse its policies, practices, and structural foundations. In doing so, I conclude that the theoretical justice of the World Trade Organization is inconsistent with its practical justice. Whilst the World Trade Organization is internationally just on paper, it systematically advantages developed countries over developing countries. For an international institution that allegedly promotes economic and international trade equality, these findings are troubling. Since the Cold War, Western society has
Trade Organization in 1995 was “the
emphasized
arrangements
capstone of a gradual process of global
based on international institutions.1 In-
trade liberalization that started after
deed, contemporary world politics relies
World War II.”3
security
on bodies further to national govern-
Although international institu-
ments; international institutions, in es-
tions are typically seen to guide values
sence, provide “governance without
of global justice and peace, there have
government.”2 International trade has
been calls worldwide for greater trans-
been a focus of such institutions; the
parency In international institutions.4 In
eventual establishment of the World
this paper, I specifically consider the
John J. Mearsheimer, “The False Promise of International Institutions,” International Security 19, 3 (1994-1995): 5. 2 Robert O’Brien, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 2. 3 Bernard Hoekman, “Global Trade Governance,” in International Organization and Global Governance,
ed. Thomas G. Weiss and Rorden Wilkinson (New York: Routledge, 2014), 552. 4 Alexandru Grigorescu, “Transparency of Intergovernmental Organizations: The Roles of Member States, International Bureaucracies and Nongovernmental Organizations,” International Studies Quarterly 51, 3 (2007): 625.
1
4
World Trade Organization (WTO). To-
(GATT).7 The ITO never fully came to
day, the WTO is “the only global insti-
fruition; however, the GATT remained
tutional organization dealing with the
as a multilateral agreement of trade reg-
rules of trade between nations,” render-
ulation.8 The GATT subsisted from 1948
ing it suitable for analysis in terms of in-
until it was incorporated into the WTO
ternational justice. This paper will firstly
in 1995.9 For this time, the GATT ap-
provide a brief introduction to the his-
plied on a ‘provisional’ basis; though
tory and global relevance of the WTO.
technically never more than a treaty, its
Then, two distinct approaches to global
impact was considerable.10 Between
justice will be introduced, namely ‘sub-
1948 and 1993, eight rounds of multina-
stantive justice’ and ‘procedural justice.’
tional negotiations took place, resulting
Finally, this paper will situate the WTO
in “a gradual extension of the trading
in context of both substantive and pro-
system”
cedural justice, ultimately contending
Round (1986-1994) contentiously led to
that the WTO is not impartial, nor in-
the incorporation of fields such as intel-
ternationally just.
lectual property, investment, and ser-
over
time.11
The
Uruguay
The World Trade Organization
vices.12 The world trade order also
was 50 years in the making. The idea of
moved from a power-based system to a
an international trade organization was
rule-based system during this period.13
initially developed in 1944 at Bretton
As a result, the WTO was officially es-
Woods.5 Two years later, the Interna-
tablished in 1995.14 It now contains 161
tional Trade Organization (ITO) was es-
member
tablished. The ITO “regulated trade in
serves as a forum for international trade
goods and commodity agreements,”6
negotiations.15 It is in this context that
and led to the creation of the General
the WTO has been questioned in regard
Agreement
to international justice. Here, two
5
on
Tariffs
and
Trade
Mitsuo Matsushita, Thomas J. Schoenbaum, and Petros C. Mavroidis, The World Trade Organization: Law, Practice, and Policy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 1. 6 Hoekman, “Global Trade Governance,” 553. 7 Mitsuo Matsushita, Thomas J. Schoenbaum, and Petros C. Mavroidis, The World Trade Organization: Law, Practice, and Policy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 2. 8 Hoekman, “Global Trade Governance,” 553. 9 Ibid, 553-554.
countries
worldwide,
and
10
Ibid. Ibid, 554-555. 12 Susan K. Sell, “Big Business, the WTO, and Development: Uruguay and Beyond,” in Political Economy and the Changing Global Order (3rd edition), ed. Richard Stubbs and Geoffrey Underhill (Ontario: Oxford University Press, 2006), 183. 13 Ibid. 14 “The WTO,” World Trade Organization, accessed September 10, 2015. 15 World Trade Organization, “The WTO.” 11
5
approaches to global justice are most sa-
manner, concepts of representation, co-
lient and need consideration.
ercion and power are all included under
The two most fundamental ap-
this umbrella term.19 More generally,
proaches to global justice in the realm
one might say that substantive justice is
of global governance are ‘substantive
concerned with the fruits of structures
justice’
justice’.
and processes, whilst procedural justice
Broadly, substantive justice can be un-
is more interested with the actual
derstood as the provision of policies and
makeup of those structures and proce-
structures that encourage fair out-
dures. Some argue that substantive and
comes.16 Substantive justice – or, per-
procedural justice are independent; oth-
haps, a lack of substantive justice – can
ers argue that procedural justice is
be analysed in terms of how certain par-
“prior and fundamental” to achieving
ties are impacted by trade negotiations.
substantive justice.20 Regardless, there
Most pertinently, substantive justice is
presently exist concerns of the WTO re-
concerned with distribution of wealth,
garding both branches.
and
‘procedural
resources and power, more with the
Since its inception, there has
procedure of distribution itself.17 In this
been much conjecture regarding sub-
way, an agreement could be considered
stantive justice of the WTO. Indeed,
substantively just (resulting in ‘fair’ out-
some have questioned the WTO’s legit-
comes for all parties) even if it is con-
imacy on substantive grounds.21 In par-
ducted in a procedurally unjust way.
ticular, the WTO’s policies and agree-
Procedural justice, on the other hand,
ments have been criticized for allegedly
focuses on whether or not the manner
favouring developed nations over devel-
of events if fair, irrespective of the out-
oping nations in issues such as poverty,
come that it produces.18 Insofar as pro-
the environment and human rights.22
cedural justice emphasizes fairness of
One example in the realm of intellectual
16
Fairness,” Stanford Law Review 26, 1 (1973-1974): 1271. 20 See, e.g., Helen E. S. Nesadurai, “Bandung And The Political Economy of North-South Relations: Sowing The Seeds For Revisioning International Society,” With Compliments 95, 1 (2005): 10. 21 Daniel C. Esty, “The World Trade Organization’s legitimacy crisis,” World Trade Review 1, 01 (2002): 19. 22 Ibid.
Mary Elsbernd and Reimund Bieringer, When Love is Not Enough: A Theo-Ethic of Justice (Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 2002), 173. 17 Nancy Ehrenreich, “Foreword: Conceptualizing Substantive Justice,” The Journal of Gender, Race & Justice 13, 1 (2009-2010): 536. 18 E. Allan Lind and Tom R. Tyler, The Social Psychology of Procedural Justice (New York: Plenum Press, 1988), 2. 19 John Thibaut, Laurens Walker, Stephen LaTour, and Pauline Houlden, “Procedural Justice as
6
property is The Agreement on Trade-
North,’ and that ‘the South’ would con-
Related Aspects of Intellectual Property
tinue to provide a market for that
Rights (TRIPs). TRIPs was developed
power.27
“[u]nder strong pressure by… industri-
It was largely industries of nations
alized countries,”23 and aimed to pro-
in the Organisation for Economic Co-
tect the creation of new technology –
operation and Development (OECD)
primarily that of the United States of
that benefitted from TRIPs.28 In the
America.24 Developing countries agreed
context of such asymmetrical interna-
to the arrangement with great hesitancy,
tional power, “developing countries re-
and largely unwillingly; TRIPs debatably
alized that their choice was… between
inhibits the economic progress of devel-
[the] GATT and aggressive unilateralism
oping nations.25 Indeed, it seems that
(US economic coercion).”29 Developed
developed nations sought to universal-
countries’ desire to protect innovation
ize their own conceptions of intellectual
and investment was grounded in the in-
property rights, which had grown on
creasing emphasis on information econ-
the back of technological and social ad-
omies in modern society.30 Such a di-
vancements in their nations.26 Although
vide with developing countries, how-
the desire to protect intellectual prop-
ever, can lead to drastic consequences.
erty was not in itself unreasonable, de-
For example, TRIPs has made essential
veloped countries – led by the United
medicines less easily accessible, particu-
States of America – worked toward ce-
larly to the populations of developing
menting an asymmetrical division of la-
countries.31 TRIPs removed the option
bour. That is, TRIPs would ensure that
of producing pharmaceuticals without a
technological power remained in ‘the
patent, resulting in increased prices and
23
27
Carlos M. Correa, Intellectual Property Rights, the WTO and Developing Countries: The TRIPS Agreement and Policy Options (London: Zed Books Ltd., 2000), 1. 24 Sell, “Big Business, the WTO, and Development: Uruguay and Beyond,” 185. 25 William A. Kerr, Jill E. Hobbs, and Revadee Yampoin, “Intellectual property protection, biotechnology and developing countries: will the trips be effective?” AgBioForum 2, 3 (1999): 203. 26 Carlos M. Correa, Intellectual Property Rights, the WTO and Developing Countries: The TRIPS Agreement and Policy Options (London: Zed Books Ltd., 2000), 3.
Ibid, 5. Hoekman, “Global Trade Governance,” 555. 29 Sell, “Big Business, the WTO, and Development: Uruguay and Beyond,” 190. 30 Michael W. Smith, “Bringing Developing Countries’ Intellectual Property Laws to TRIPs Standards: Hurdles and Pitfalls Facing Vietnam’s Efforts to Normalize an Intellectual Property Regime,” Case Western Journal of International Law 31, 2 (1999): 218. 31 Frederick M. Abbott, “The Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health: Lighting a Dark Corner at the WTO,” Journal of International Economic Law 5, 1 (2002): 469. 28
7
more stringent conditions of produc-
Singapore issues – trade and investment,
tion.32 The patent must now be valid for
trade and competition, transparency in
a minimum of twenty years.33 The
government procurement, and trade fa-
United Nations Commission on Human
cilitation – had all been debated heavily
Rights recognizes medicinal access “in
since the induction of the WTO in
the context of pandemics as an essential
1995.38 Each of these issues appears to
human right.”34 Each year, roughly 11
serve the interests of industrialized na-
million people – mostly in developing
tions.39 Many developing countries may
countries – die from preventable dis-
also simply lack the resources required
eases.35 Approximately two billion peo-
to adhere to the Singapore issues.40 It
ple in developing countries have no reg-
seems the case, then, that the Singapore
ular access to vital medicines.36 Yet,
issues are substantively unjust both in
TRIPs has, and will continue to, “re-
the country groups that they favour, and
strict competition, increase prices, and
also in the requirements that they im-
further reduce the already limited access
pose. Moreover, even when agreements
of poor people to vital medicines” by
have been settled upon, many devel-
virtue of disallowing ‘generic drugs’
oped nations since the Uruguay Round
(low-cost imitations of the original
have not upheld their commitments to-
product).37 In this way, TRIPs can be
ward developing countries. For exam-
understood as a barrier to, rather than a
ple, developed countries have not com-
server of, international human rights
plied in the fields of agriculture and tex-
protection.
tiles, which are priorities for many de-
The ‘Singapore issues’ and post-
veloping nations.41 Lower tariffs in these
Uruguay Round trends also exemplify
fields, which are beneficial to develop-
substantive injustice in TRIPs. The
ing
Sell, “Big Business, the WTO, and Development: Uruguay and Beyond,” 190. 33 Lauren Winter, “Cultivating Farmers’ Rights: Reconciling Food Security, Indigenous Agriculture, and TRIPS,” Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law 43, 1 (2010): 234. 34 “TRIPS: Council Discussion on Access to Medicines: Developing country group’s paper,” World Trade Organization, accessed September 14, 2015. https://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/trips_e/paper_develop_w296_e.htm
35
32
countries,
were
theoretically
Oxfam, Cut the Cost: Patent Injustice: How World Trade Rules Threaten the Health of Poor People (London, 2001), 3. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid. 38 Simon J. Evenett, “Five hypotheses concerning the fate of the Singapore issues in the Doha Round,” Oxford Review of Economic Policy 23, 3 (2007): 395397. 39 Sell, “Big Business, the WTO, and Development: Uruguay and Beyond,” 192. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid.
8
provided in return for stronger intellec-
however, this is not the case. Although
tual property rights.42 Developing coun-
voting is technically possible in the
tries accepted TRIPs on the assumption
WTO, decisions are typically made as a
that concessions on agriculture and tex-
result of consensus.47 The benefits of
tiles would be made, and that aggressive
such a system, and perhaps the WTO’s
unilateralism from the United States of
rationale for implementing it, are clear:
America would
reduce.43
Further, the
generally, there will be broad support
initial protection afforded to developing
for the decision, no party loses face, and
countries in the fields of agriculture and
the decision-making process very sel-
textiles was inferior to the protection af-
dom results in open battle.48 It is true,
forded to developed countries in the
however, that more powerful states tend
field of intellectual property.44 Subse-
to be more influential than less powerful
quently, many developing nations have
states in the bargaining process.49 If one
become dissatisfied with the TRIPs
large state disagrees with a particular
agreement, arguing that it “fails to take
proposal, that proposal is highly un-
into consideration their needs, interests,
likely to proceed; this is much less likely
and local conditions.”45 It seems clear,
to be the case should a smaller state be
then, that TRIPs can be couched as sub-
the only state to disagree.50 This is likely
stantively unjust. However, procedural
due to the threat of economic coercion.
justice must also be considered.
Whilst states might agree to terms based
The WTO operates on a ‘one-
on mutual beneficence, this is not al-
state, one-vote’ basis, in which each
ways the case. Economic coercion, or
proceedings.46
the threat of economic coercion, can
In theory, this exemplifies procedural
lead to ‘forced co-operation’ in the in-
justice; each state is treated the same,
ternational arena.51 Although each state
and is represented equally. In practice,
may hold ‘agency’ insofar as being able
Peter K. Yu, “TRIPs and Its Discontents,” Marquette Intellectual Property Law Review 10, 1 (2006): 371. 43 Sell, “Big Business, the WTO, and Development: Uruguay and Beyond,” 186. 44 Yu, “TRIPs and Its Discontents,” 371. 45 Ibid, 369. 46 Ngaire Woods and Amrita Narlikar, “Governance and the Limits of Accountability: The WTO, the IMF, and the World Bank,” International Social Science Journal 53, 170 (2001): 573.
47
state has an equal say in
42
Hoekman, “Global Trade Governance,” 556. Claus-Dieter Ehlermann and Lothar Ehring, “Decision-Making in the World Trade Organization: Is the Consensus Practice of the World Trade Organization Adequate for Making, Revising and Implementing Rules on International Trade?” Journal of International Economic Law 8, 1 (2005): 66-67. 49 Ibid. 50 Ibid, 558. 51 Sell, “Big Business, the WTO, and Development: Uruguay and Beyond,” 190. 48
9
to govern its own population, this
are excluded from this process.57 As
agency is “embedded in broader and
such, the disparity of influence between
deeper structures characterized by glar-
member states, coupled with the sheer
ing power asymmetries.”52 During the
amount of negotiation that takes place
Uruguay Round, developed nations
in the WTO, has pushed many develop-
were advantaged by the structure of
ing countries outside the realistic scope
trade negotiations by virtue of holding
of decision-making.58 Many developing
greater economic influence. This was
nations have not been provided with the
the case even when developing nations
means to truly influence negotiations,
formed coalitions, suggesting that the
rendering it difficult for them to be im-
WTO is procedurally unjust.53 This
pactful when finally involved.59 The
asymmetry of power should not be ig-
rule-based, consensus decision-making
nored.
procedures of the WTO ultimately allow Procedural injustice is evident,
power asymmetry in the same way that
too, in the exclusion of some of the
a power-based structure would.60 Here,
WTO’s member states during core deci-
theoretical procedural justice in terms of
sion-making
Histori-
the ‘one-state, one-vote’ system has
cally, Canada, the European Union, Ja-
clearly not led to practical procedural
pan, and the United States of America –
justice in the WTO.
consultations.54
collectively known as ‘the Quad’ – have
Dispute settlement mechanisms
been at the centre of decision-making
are also considered an important aspect
and negotiations.55 This remains the
of procedural justice in the WTO. The
case: typically, ‘Green room’ discussions
WTO plays a crucial role in the enforce-
include only the Quad in addition to
ment of international trade commit-
any countries to whom the issue at hand
ments.61 Since 1995, over 450 cases have
is of particular salience.56 All other states
been adjudicated; in the majority of
52
57
53
58
Ibid, 193. Peter Drahos, “When the Weak Bargain with the Strong: Negotiations in the World Trade Organization,” International Negotiation 8, 1 (2003): 79. 54 Woods and Narlikar, “Governance and the Limits of Accountability: The WTO, the IMF, and the World Bank,” 577. 55 Hoekman, “Global Trade Governance,” 555. 56 Woods and Narlikar, “Governance and the Limits of Accountability: The WTO, the IMF, and the World Bank,” 577.
Ibid. Ibid. 59 Ibid, 578. 60 Richard H. Steinberg, “In the Shadows of Law or Power? Consensus-Based Bargaining and Outcomes in the GATT/WTO,” International Organization 56, 2 (2002): 339. 61 Hoekman, “Global Trade Governance,” 552.
10
these cases, the ‘losing’ party has agreed
Since 1945, which marked the
to comply with international stand-
end of World War II, there has been
ards.62 It is true that developing nations
great emphasis on the role of interna-
have at times used this scheme to their
tional institutions in global governance.
advantage. In 2004, for example, the
The World Trade Organization was for-
WTO ruled in favour of Brazil over the
mally established in 1995 on the back of
United States of America in relation to
the General Agreement on Tariffs and
the latter’s cotton subsidies.63 Insofar as
Trade, which subsisted provisionally
the WTO is governed in a rule-based
from 1948 until 1995. Despite the gen-
manner, it may be the case that devel-
eral perception that such institutions
oping countries have greater leverage to
work toward the protection of global
challenge more powerful states. How-
justice, there remain calls for greater
ever, in this scheme, it remains evident
transparency in both their structures
that power asymmetries dictate many
and outcomes. In this paper, two
negotiations. Retaliation from state to
branches of global justice – substantive
state can now be used to ‘encourage’ the
justice and procedural justice – were in-
infringing country to better comply
troduced. Each of these was discussed in
with international standards.64 As some
relation to the WTO. Analysis suggests
countries are too small to be able to re-
that the WTO may be substantively un-
alistically influence larger countries in
just. Policies such as TRIPs and the ‘Sin-
meaningful ways, developed nations are
gapore issues’ appear to favour devel-
advantaged by the WTO’s present dis-
oped countries over developing coun-
pute settlement
mechanism.65
Indeed,
tries; further, developed countries seem
small countries that inflict import barri-
not to have fulfilled their international
ers will likely cause more harmful to the
commitments in fields most salient to
welfare of their own country than to the
developing nations. The WTO also ap-
infringing, larger state.66 As such, the
pears to be procedurally unjust. Alt-
WTO is structured in a way that is
hough voting theoretically exists in the
skewed toward the interests of devel-
WTO, ‘consensus’ is often achieved in
oped nations.
practice as a result of significant power
62
65
63
66
Ibid. Sell, “Big Business, the WTO, and Development: Uruguay and Beyond,” 193. 64 Hoekman, “Global Trade Governance,” 557.
Ibid. Bernard Hoekman and Petros Mavroidis, “WTO Dispute Settlement, Transparency and Surveillance,” World Economy 1, 1 (1999): 5.
11
asymmetries. Many developing nations are excluded from core decision-making negotiations, and the dispute settlement mechanism also seems to favour more powerful states. For an international institution that allegedly promotes economic and international trade equality, these findings are troubling. This paper has focused exclusively on the WTO; however, it has offered an insight into international
institutions
governing
global trade, finance and development in general. Although many aspects of these institutions could be considered ‘formally just,’ their practical justice appears questionable.
12
BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbott, Frederick M. “The Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health: Lighting a Dark Corner at the WTO.” Journal of International Economic Law 5, 1 (2002): 469-505. Correa, Carlos M. Intellectual Property Rights, the WTO and Developing Countries: The TRIPS Agreement and Policy Options. London: Zed Books Ltd., 2000. Drahos, Peter. “When the Weak Bargain with the Strong: Negotiations in the World Trade Organization.” International Negotiation 8, 1 (2003): 79-109. Ehlermann, Claus-Dieter, and Lothar Ehring. “Decision-Making in the World Trade Organization: Is the Consensus Practice of the World Trade Organization Adequate for Making, Revising and Implementing Rules on International Trade?” Journal of International Economic Law 8, 1 (2005): 51-75. Ehrenreich, Nancy. “Foreword: Conceptualizing Substantive Justice.” The Journal of Gender, Race & Justice 13, 1 (2009-2010): 535-574. Elsbernd, Mary, and Reimund Bieringer. When Love is Not Enough: A Theo-Ethic of Justice. Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 2002. Esty, Daniel C. “The World Trade Organization’s legitimacy crisis.” World Trade Review 1, 01 (2002): 7-22. Evenett, Simon J. “Five hypotheses concerning the fate of the Singapore issues in the Doha Round.” Oxford Review of Economic Policy 23, 3 (2007): 392-414.
13
Grigorescu, Alexandru. “Transparency of Intergovernmental Organizations: The Roles of Member States, International Bureaucracies and Nongovernmental Organizations.” International Studies Quarterly 51, 3 (2007): 625-648. Hoekman, Bernard. “Global Trade Governance.” In International organization and global governance, edited by Thomas G. Weiss and Rorden Wilkinson, 552-563. New York: Routledge, 2014. Hoekman, Bernard, and Petros C. Mavroidis. “WTO Dispute Settlement, Transparency and Surveillance.” World Economy 1, 1 (1999): 1-22. Kerr, William A., Jill E. Hobbs, and Revadee Yampoin. “Intellectual property protection, biotechnology and developing countries: will the trips be effective?” AgBioForum 2, 3 (1999): 203-211. Lind, E. Allan, and Tom R. Tyler. The Social Psychology of Procedural Justice. New York: Plenum Press, 1988. Matsushita, Mitsuo, Thomas J. Schoenbaum, and Petros C. Mavroidis. The World Trade Organization: Law, Practice, and Policy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 1. Mearsheimer, John J. “The False Promise of International Institutions.” International Security 19, 3 (1994-1995): 5-49. Nesadurai, Helen E. S. “Bandung And The Political Economy of North-South Relations: Sowing The Seeds For Revisioning International Society.” With Compliments 95, 1 (2005): 1-32. O’Brien, Robert. Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Oxfam. Cut the Cost: Patent Injustice: How World Trade Rules Threaten the Health of Poor People. London, 2001.
14
Sell, Susan K. “Big Business, the WTO, and Development: Uruguay and Beyond.” In Political Economy and the Changing Global Order (3rd edition), edited by Richard Stubbs and Geoffrey Underhill, 183-196. Ontario: Oxford University Press, 2006. Smith, Michael W. “Bringing Developing Countries’ Intellectual Property Laws to TRIPs Standards: Hurdles and Pitfalls Facing Vietnam’s Efforts to Normalize an Intellectual Property Regime.” Case Western Journal of International Law 31, 2 (1999): 211-252. Steinberg, Richard H. “In the Shadows of Law or Power? Consensus-Based Bargaining and Outcomes in the GATT/WTO.” International Organization 56, 2 (2002): 339-374. “The WTO.” World Trade Organization. Accessed September 10, 2015. https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/thewto_e.htm. Thibaut, John, Laurens Walker, Stephen LaTour, and Pauline Houlden. “Procedural Justice as Fairness.” Stanford Law Review 26, 1 (1973-1974): 1271-1290. “TRIPS: Council Discussion on Access to Medicines: Developing country group’s paper.” World Trade Organization. Accessed September 14, 2015. https://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/trips_e/paper_develop_w296_e.htm. “What is the WTO?” World Trade Organization. Accessed September 10, 2015. https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/whatis_e/whatis_e.htm. Winter, Lauren. “Cultivating Farmers’ Rights: Reconciling Food Security, Indigenous Agriculture, and TRIPS.” Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law 43, 1 (2010): 223254. Woods, Ngaire, and Amrita Narlikar. “Governance and the Limits of Accountability: The WTO, the IMF, and the World Bank.” International Social Science Journal 53, 170 (2001): 569-583. Yu, Peter K. “TRIPs and Its Discontents.” Marquette Intellectual Property Law Review 10, 1 (2006): 369-410. 15
i
“The Strangers, The Crowd, and The Lynching: Using Mimetic Theory to Explore Episodes of Human Violence”
by Jenna Geick
16
Introduction
she had never before seen the two men.
In October of 2015, Mexican and
The hostility of the residents only in-
United States news sources reported on
creased, as did the size of the crowd
circumstances that resulted in the lynch-
gathered outside the precinct headquar-
ing of José and David Copado in
ters. Eventually, the residents stormed
Ajalpan, Mexico. The Copado brothers,
into the station and set fire to the build-
working together as freelance pollsters
ing. The brothers were seized and
for a marketing firm, arrived in Ajalpan
brought to the center of the growing
on the morning of October 19th to
crowd. A man, with his face covered by
question residents about tortilla con-
a motorcycle helmet, walked into the
sumption by children to collect market
center and doused the brothers with
data, a seemingly harmless task. How-
gasoline, setting them on fire (Ahmed et
ever, in the preceding days, residents
all. 2016). How are we to understand
were warned by means of social media
why such horrific violence occurred so
of potential child abductions and cau-
that it does not occur again?
tioned to be on the lookout for strangers
Unfortunately, the lynching that
coming to the southeastern part of the
occurred in Ajalpan, Mexico is just a sin-
Mexican state of Puebla. Hours after the
gle example of the widespread violence
brothers arrived in town, word spread of
consuming the world. All around us
the arrival of the strangers, and a crowd
worlds collide; [ADM1] cultures clash;
approached the brothers, demanding to
nations speak of war; individuals and so-
know why they were inquiring about
cieties turn further to violence against
the children. As the aggression of the
their neighbors; the blame is placed
crowd increased, police escorted the
upon someone else; and, it thus be-
Copado brothers to the precinct head-
comes necessary to search for the root
quarters. They found no reason to sus-
causes of these calamities. René Girard,
pect the two to be child abductors; yet,
a French literary critic, historian, and
very few residents accepted the police
theorist of the social sciences, expolored
verdict. One resident claimed that a
the connections between human vio-
young girl could testify that the brothers
lence and religion. Girard’s theory of
had sexually assaulted her; however,
mimesis allows individuals and society
when brought into the police station
to explore and reflect clearly on the
with her parents, the young girl did not
threat the lynching posed to the survival
recognize the brothers and told police
of human culture in Ajalapan, Mexico, 17
as well as on other acts of human vio-
humans experience a “lack of being:”
lence overwhelming the world. Mimetic
humans feel insufficient, inadequate,
theory analyzes the cause(s) of a conflict
and impoverished. Therefore, humans
in a community that results in human
habitually imitate a model, often an-
violence and the diffusion of such vio-
other person whom we admire or would
lence across a community or a group of
like to be, as a means to possess the full-
persons that ultimately leads to the
ness of being this model appears to pos-
ubiquitous use of scapegoating. Mimetic
sess, yet, do so without ceasing to have
theory also illuminates the role of hu-
our own autonomy.
man violence in a community caught up
possess such things as higher status, a
in mimetic desire.
better job, or a bigger car. Although the
The model may
Girard’s mimetic theory can be
objects of desire vary, the process of de-
applied to acts of human violence that
sire is always the same: imitators believe
are present in the world today to ac-
that if they can acquire the models’ ob-
count for what has happened. Exploring
jects, they will no longer feel a lack of
mimetic theory is necessary for our cul-
being (Girard 2007, 2). With the fulfill-
ture’s continued existence, as it will al-
ment of their desires (which are actually
low us to analyze and reflect upon the
the desires of their models), they will
greatest threat to our survival: human vi-
feel complete.
olence. In this essay, Girard’s theory will
Unfortunately, the convergence
be utilized to explain the lynching that
of desires upon an object that cannot be
took place in Mexico this past year and
shared, or on an object that someone re-
a historic lynching that occurred in Du-
fuses to share, indicates that the model
luth, Minnesota so that we can gain the
and the imitator cannot hold the same
ability to recognize when scapegoating
desires without becoming obstacles to
occurs in the world so that human vio-
each other. Thus, the object causes in-
lence is perpetrated no more.
terference that both reinforces the imitation and makes it reciprocal between
Mimetic Theory, Violence, and Scape-
the model and the imitator, rather than
goating
bringing the imitation to an end. Girard
Girard explains that mimetic de-
calls this conflict “mimetic rivalry”
sire is a desire that imitates the desire of
(Girard 2007, 3). The previous positive
another (Girard 2007, 1). Humans are
feeling that drew the imitator to the
subject to this form of desire as all
model becomes a feeling of hatred 18
toward the model. On the individual
are at risk. Girard observes that human
level, hatred may lead to increasing
societies have devised a means of reduc-
competition and, ultimately, to vio-
ing this threat; over and over, the two
lence. If the actions of an individual are
groups lose track of the object of desire.
rooted in the imitation of another indi-
It becomes irrelevant as the community
vidual, both individuals reach for the
is consumed by mimetic rivalry. Now,
same object. In this way, they become
their attention is drawn to a third party,
rivals for the object as each individual
an individual or out-group. Joining to-
becomes both the imitator of the other
gether, the groups’ violence polarizes
and the model to his or her own. Each
against the same individual or out-
individual attempts to push to the side
group, who they blame for the entire
the obstacle that the other places in his
situation. When this crisis point is
or her path. Violence is the process
reached, the scapegoat mechanism is
when two or more individuals attempt
triggered (Girard 2007, 5).
to prevent the other from reaching the
The scapegoating mechanism is
desired object through physical or other
the means by which a community or
means (Girard 1979, 2). Violence is mi-
group of persons transfers collective re-
metic rivalry escalating without con-
sentment to a single victim in attempt
straints.
to relieve the society of a crisis and to
Mimetic desire and violence are
return unity and order. The develop-
also shown among groups. As an object
ment of the scapegoating phenomenon,
becomes the central focus of the mi-
or the system of persecution, encom-
metic rivalry between two (or more) in-
passes a sequence of events. This mech-
dividuals, other members of the com-
anism may be triggered by a natural dis-
munity often tend to join in: imitation
aster, such as when a city is ravaged by
is mimetically attractive to groups of
a plague or consumed by a flood. It can
people (Girard 1979, 12). As the number
also be provoked by a social crisis, such
of people expressing desire multiplies,
as governmental corruption or the
the competition increases and polarizes.
threat of unemployment, that often, but
When two individuals have competing
not always, leads to the death of numer-
desires, the risk of violence is limited to
ous persons in a community or group.
the two competitors. But, when two
As a result of the vast numbers of deaths,
groups compete, violence poses an ab-
or the threat of death alone, a single, in-
solute threat: all members of the groups
nocent person is blamed for causing the 19
crisis and is therefore put to death or,
scapegoat at the very moment when
though not as often today, exiled from
they rush to his attack. They think all
the community. Only then can a com-
initiative comes from him. … There is
munity live in peace as harmony and or-
only one person responsible for every-
der are restored, and persons believe
thing, one who is absolutely responsi-
that a fullness of being has been
ble, and he will be responsible for the
reached. Thus, the violence is perpetu-
cure because he is already responsible
ated no longer. Because it is part of the
for the sickness” (Girard 1986, 43).
human condition to continuously feel a lack of being, because mimetic desire,
While scapegoats cure neither natural
which instigated the system of persecu-
nor social disasters, the scapegoat is only
tion, is part of the human condition,
effective because the community be-
and because natural disasters and other
lieves he or she has the power to cure
crises generate social disorder even in
such crises (Girard 1986, 43).
times of relative calm, after a time of
For the scapegoat mechanism to
peace, the cycle of mimetic desire regu-
work in restoring unity and order to a
larly begins again.
community, the persecutors (those who
In the eyes of the persecutors, the
place the blame upon a truly innocent
scapegoat is not only responsible for the
victim) must perceive the victim to be
disorder, but responsible for returning
fully responsible for the crisis that comes
order and stability to the community
to an end when the victim is put to
upon his death or expulsion; the scape-
death. Girard continues:
goat is viewed as having salvific powers. The sacrifice of the scapegoat, the col-
“A
scapegoat
effect
that
can
be
lective action of the community, puri-
acknowledged as such by the scapegoat-
fies the community of its own disorders
ers is no longer effective, it is no longer
(Girard 1979, 11). Girard proposes the
a scapegoat effect. The victim must be
persecutors’ explanation for the recon-
perceived as truly responsible for the
ciliation and end of the crisis:
troubles that come to an end when it is collectively put to death. The commu-
“They cannot take credit for it. Terrified
nity could not be at peace with itself
as they are by their own victim, they
once more if it doubted the victim’s
themselves
enormous capacity for evil” (Girard
are
completely
passive,
purely reactive, totally controlled by this
1979, 14). 20
Peace and harmony would not be re-
stereotypes need be present to indicate
stored to a community if persons
persecution; however, a majority of
doubted the victim to be entirely re-
these will be visible in acts of human vi-
sponsible for the disorder, and thus, the
olence (Girard 1986, 24).
scapegoating mechanism would breakdown.
The Lynching in Ajalpan, Mexico: An There are clear marks of stereo-
Incident of Scapegoating
types of persecution found within myths
The stereotypes of persecution present
(stories that enable people to connect
in the scapegoating phenomenon make
with deep beliefs and values and with
it possible to understand how and why
problems ascribed to the human condi-
the lynching of the brothers in Ajalpan,
tion) and historical accounts. The stere-
as well as in other episodes of human
otypes, when present, allow us to con-
violence, took place. Girard describes
clude that the account is a truthful per-
the scapegoating mechanism in detail,
secutory tale and real acts of violence
showing how the arrival of the Copado
occurred during these times of crisis in
brothers leads to their lynching as an in-
history. With the term “stereotypes”
cident of scapegoating. All five stereo-
Girard plays with its dual meanings. A
types of persecution are present in inci-
stereotype is an oversimplified concept,
dent Ajalapan, Mexico where the two
image, or opinion of a group or com-
Copado brothers were drenched with
munity, but also a type of printing plate
gasoline and set on fire. I will explore
developed in the 1900s to facilitate cop-
each of these in turn as I analyze this
ying identical texts (Encyclopaedia Bri-
tragic episode of human violence.
tannica 1998). Thus, the same pattern
According to Girard, the first ste-
and similar characteristics can be found
reotype of persecution is evident with a
in all circumstances where the stereo-
breach in the social order and a loss of
types are present. Girard has discovered
difference, which creates confusion and
that these stereotypes can be reliably
disorder in the community. The lack of
used to determine in very different cul-
differentiation corresponds to the reality
tural and historical contexts that an act
of human nature: the similarity of our
of human violence is an act of scape-
behavior creates confusion and a univer-
goating. Like the patterns of the stereo-
sal lack of difference (Girard 198, 14).
types used in printing, all scapegoats ex-
There are two types of differences: the
hibit quite similar characteristics. Not all
absence of important social differences 21
that are associated with a social crisis
reported to authorities, because persons
and the differences of the victim from
believe law enforcement cannot be
others in the community.
trusted because of internal corruption or
The events that transpired in
that authorities will not take any action.
Ajalpan, Mexico exhibit the first stereo-
Only seven percent of the reported
type of persecution in startling form.
crimes proceed to court in Mexico, and
The people of Ajalpan had their own ex-
many suspects are never convicted (“Vi-
planation for the reason the community
olence in Mexico and Latin America”
fashioned its own justice: they were
2014). Thus, Mexicans feel they must
tired of governmental corruption and
fashion their own justice.
indifference, part of a longstanding
Mexico has long had high pov-
problem that Mexican officials claim is
erty rates, especially in rural regions and
on the rise (Ahmed et all. 2016, 1). In
in indigenous populations. The fact that
this explanation is the first stereotype of
Mexico’s indigenous people are much
persecution: the breach in the social or-
poorer than its non-indigenous people
der. The actions of the crowd were born
is well known. The Mexican state of
from a sense of hopelessness shared by
Puebla has the third highest level of pov-
many Mexicans due to disturbances in
erty in the country, and the United Na-
the social order.
tions links the poverty of the state to
Two of the key contributors to
poor government policies and the gov-
high levels of violence stemming from
ernmental corruption. In addition, Latin
the breach in the social order in Mexico
America has the greatest income ine-
are the inability of the Mexican govern-
quality of any region in the world. Alt-
ment to effectively combat widespread
hough poverty is a key factor in the rise
corruption and to strengthen the rule of
in violence in Mexico, income inequal-
law (Seelke 2016, 1). Mexicans share
ity is a contributing factor. Income ine-
feelings of insecurity and a lack of trust
quality in Mexico is due to several fac-
in law enforcement and the criminal jus-
tors: the country’s regressive tax system,
tice system due to its corruptness and
oligopolies that have dominated certain
inefficiency. More than half of Latin
industries, wage policies that keep the
Americans have little or no confidence
minimum wage too low, and a lack of
in law enforcement (“Violence in Mex-
targeting these issues in numerous social
ico and Latin America” 2014). To make
programs (Seelke 2016, 12). Studies
it worse, only a quarter of crimes are
show that in areas where wealth, which 22
goes hand-in-hand with political power,
have universal and predictable markers,
and where extreme poverty are present,
or victim signs.
violence tends to occur more frequently
Victims are selected because they
(“Violence in Mexico and Latin Amer-
belong to certain classes that are more
ica” 2014). Violence gives power to
susceptible to victimization than others,
those who are economically depressed.
rather than for the crimes they have
Girard explains that with the sec-
committed. Victims are often selected
ond stereotype of persecution, a com-
from the classes at the high end, the rich
munity searches for the source of the
and powerful, and the low end, the mi-
disorder and a cause for it. There is a
norities, on the social spectrum. Individ-
strong tendency to attempt to explain
uals at the high end of the social spec-
the violence by social and moral crises
trum are vulnerable because their allies
(Girard 1986, 14). Mimetic rivalry plays
are committed to their power and posi-
an important role in the progression of
tion, not to them. Once attacked, there
the stereotypes of persecution. When
is no one to speak up for them. Indi-
social disorder arises, people within the
viduals at the low end are also vulnera-
community become increasingly rival-
ble; even in large numbers they lack sta-
rous. They compete for whatever is in
tus and resources to protect themselves.
short supply: food, access to clean wa-
Victims often are not part of the social
ter, money, safe neighborhoods, etc.
spectrum at all, such as strangers or for-
The source of the instability is exacer-
eigners to a community (Girard 1986,
bated as the rivalry stems from the exis-
17). In addition, there are physical cri-
tential discomfort in the world; a lack of
teria for victim selection, such as sick-
being. The rivalries then polarize on an
ness, madness, abnormal behavior or
(innocent) victim.
This individual is
disability (Girard 1986, 18). The victims
seen as guilty in the eyes of the persecu-
are too remarkable to have been chosen
tors: the third stereotype of persecution.
randomly:
All parties in the increasing competition now begin to act as if their problem is
“Something about the victim stands out
not with each other but with this inter-
and catches an attention which turns to
loper or problematic individual. Girard
hostility, either because of the fear or
insists the choice of victim is random;
disgust, which infirm and abnormal
however, it not necessarily so, as victims
people inspire in ignorant crowds even to this day, or because of an envy which 23
privilege inspires in those who do not
of the disorder, the second stereotype of
share it” (Girard 2007, 6).
persecution, in the arrival of the Copado brothers. This links with the commu-
Although it looks like victims are cho-
nity’s fear of strangers abducting the
sen because there is something unique
youth and that any suspects would likely
about them, which makes them stand
escape due to the corruption with the
out, Girard points out that mimeticism
police department. The rivalries experi-
drives the choice of victims. If victims
enced by the townspeople of Ajalpan
were
persons
then polarized on the victims, the two
would not feel rivalrous with them. The
brothers: the third stereotype of perse-
signs of the victim indicate that the se-
cution. Not surprisingly, the brothers
lection of a victim does not result from
were vulnerable to such persecution, as
the difference of the victim, but from
they possessed the universal marks of
the victim not being sufficiently differ-
victims. The Copado brothers were vis-
ent enough from the community, and in
iting Ajalapan from Mexico’s capital
the end, for not being different at all
city, Mexico City, on behalf of an out-
(Girard 1986, 22). Girard continues:
side group, a marketing firm: they were
absolutely
different,
strangers in the Ajalapan community. “We hear everywhere that ‘difference”
Given the poverty and income inequal-
is persecuted. … Despite what is said
ity of the area, the fact that these
around us by persecutors are never ob-
strangers were being compensated by a
sessed by difference but rather its unut-
marketing firm to ask questions about
terable contrary, the lack of difference”
food consumption emphasized their dif-
(Girard 1986, 22).
ference from the community. Despite the opinion of the hostile crowd, the
Anything that compromises the illusion
Copado brother’s truly lacked any dif-
of diversity terrifies us and stirs up the
ference from Ajalpan community; and,
propensity for persecution. This lack of
this lack of difference terrified the com-
difference threatens the community.
munity. The Copado brothers possessed
The second and third stereotypes
the universal victim marks.
of persecution are also present in the
The fourth stereotype, as out-
lynching that transpired in the south-
lined by Girard, emerges with the for-
eastern Mexican state of Puebla. The
mation of a mob, under the influence of
Ajalpan community located the source
mimetic rivalry itself, which initiates 24
violence against the victim. Subse-
utmost regard. The fear of having their
quently, an accusation of a crime, often
children abducted and never to be seen
sexual, violent, or religious in nature, is
again stems from the fact that Mexico is
hurled against the victim as if the mob
a source, transit, and destination coun-
is attempting to provide justification for
try for human trafficking; a vast amount
its formation. Such crimes attack the
of victims fall into sexual exploitation
foundation of human culture and hold
and prostitution and are exploited into
quite
thus,
forced labor. The state of Puebla, where
when such crimes are brought to light,
the rumors of child abductions led to
members of the community believe that
the lynching of the two brothers, cur-
the individual accused of the crime is a
rently ranks third in the number of vic-
major threat to the whole of society. Ac-
tims of human trafficking, of those states
cusations of crimes that are sexual, vio-
that have reported (Acharya et all 2016).
lent, or religious in nature further fuel
Fears that even their children will be
and justify the scapegoating mechanism.
taken from them capture symbolically
However, the accusation of a crime may
their poverty. Later, with the formation
come before the formation of the mob
of the crowd outside the precinct in the
in some persecutory tales, as the crime
plaza, a second rumor develops. The
itself functions as the reason why the at-
two brothers were believed to be guilty
tack is launched at the victim. One of
of a sexual crime, the molestation of a
the features of the fourth stereotype of
local girl, as if to justify the formation of
persecution is that it is quite predicta-
the mob. The accusation of the crime of
ble; yet, a review of the facts shows that
child abduction and molestation against
the persecution is unjustified.
the two brothers was never specified nor
powerful
consequences;
In the lynching account from
confirmed by law enforcement.
Ajalpan, Mexico, the fourth stereotype
The fifth stereotype of persecu-
is visible in two sets of rumors. First,
tion signals the end point of the scape-
before the Copado brothers even arrive,
goating mechanism. The end point is in-
the Mexican community is beset by ru-
dicated by the restoration of order and
mors of child abductions. Having little
peace to the community stemming from
to no possessions, the impoverished
the sacrifice of the victim, often the
families of the Ajalapan community, as
lynching of the individual accused of the
well as the impoverished families across
horrific crimes. There is, however, a
the world, value their children with the
beneficial effect of this human violence: 25
A victim whose punishment will not
memorials erected to commemorate the
provoke anyone to take revenge is se-
victim are akin to sacrificial altars used
lected unconsciously, and so violence
in ancient times to preserve the location
will be perpetuated no longer. .. It re-
where violence was transformed into
stores against and around a single victim
peace.
the togetherness of the community
The fifth stereotype is present in
which has been gravely damaged in mi-
Ajalapan when the two brothers were
metic crisis (Girard 2007, 5-6).
covered with gasoline and lit on fire, sig-
Peace is then restored because
naling the end of the scapegoating
the community believes that with the
mechanism. From Girard’s perspective,
sacrifice of the scapegoat, a fullness of
this action is a rite of “sacrifice.” The
being has been achieved. The victim is
Copado brothers had given their lives to
fully responsible for restoring social
save the lives of residents of Ajalapan,
bonds and unity as he was the cause of
making their death emphatically sacred.
the disruption of social bonds in the first
After the lynching of the brothers, a
place. As a result, the community again
small shrine was erected at the plaza di-
lives in peace as the sacrifice of the vic-
rectly over the reside where the brother
tim purges the community of its own
had been burned alive to signify that the
disorder. The scapegoat is given a kind
peace had been restored in the commu-
of sacred power, as he is a bringer of
nity. The violence was perpetrated no
peace and harmony and, because of
longer in the community of Ajalpan.
him, the community is reconciled. The
The existence of the stereotypes of per-
production of the sacred is made possi-
secution present convinces the reader
ble by a key reversal of the relationship
that the acts of violence and the crisis
between the persecutors and the victim.
are real, and thus, that the account is a
All power is given to the victim, but we
true persecutory tale.
of
the
modern
age
refuse
to
In his study of scapegoating,
acknowledge that power for it justifies
Girard gives many historical examples
the entire scapegoating mechanism. It
that demonstrate that the stereotypes he
may not be expected to see the fifth ste-
identified are found throughout history
reotype in a contemporary example
and in many different settings. Girard
from the secular world. Individuals may
discovered that the world swarms with
wonder how sacrifices can actually have
scapegoats. Sadly, we are rarely aware
sacred power. However, shrines and
of our own complicity in scapegoating. 26
We think scapegoating is done by other
examination of the female by a physi-
persons in other places, yet we uncon-
cian show any evidence of rape. How-
sciously engage in scapegoating for it is
ever, the six African-Americans were ar-
part of the human condition.
rested and held at the precinct head-
An example that shows how
quarters. Word quickly spread, and a
Girard’s theory can be applied much
mob of Caucasian residents formed out-
closer to home than Mexico comes from
side the precinct. The mob forced its
the tragic events transpired in Duluth,
way into the police station, and the
Minnesota on June 15th, 1920, during a
three young African-Americans were
violent period of racial conflict in the
pulled from the holding cells and de-
United States. Duluth, a harbor city on
clared guilty by the mob. Three men
Laker Superior with an abundance of
were then beaten and lynched. The city
iron and timber, became a notable cen-
of Duluth had caved into the scapegoat-
ter for shipping and manufacturing. The
ing
population rose as persons settled in the
largely forgotten as decades passed.
city to find work in the factories, ship-
However, in 2003 a memorial was es-
yards and on the railroads. The steel cor-
tablished to celebrate diversity in Du-
poration in Duluth actively employed
luth and to honor the three lives lost
African-Americans from the southern
(“Duluth Lynchings” 2016).
mechanism.
The
incident
was
states; thus, Duluth became the home to
Like all episodes of scapegoating,
a small African-American community.
the stereotypes of scapegoating are pre-
On the summer day of June 14th, 1920
sent in the events that transpired in Du-
the John Robinson Circus, an employer
luth, Minnesota. The first stereotype of
of young African-American men, came
persecution, a breach in the social or-
to town. That night a young Caucasian
der, links with the recruitment of Afri-
couple attended the circus and, towards
can-Americans by the steel industry in
the end of the evening, the two walked
Duluth. The industry discovered that if
past the back of the main tent. In the
African-Americans were recruited from
hours following, the Duluth police re-
the south, which was economically de-
ceived a call informing them that six of
pressed at the time, they would work for
the circus workers held the couple at
lower pay than Duluth residents. Thus,
gunpoint and then proceeded to rape
large numbers of workers from African-
the female. There was not any evidence
American communities in the South
to support the claims nor did the
were brought to Duluth, depressing 27
wages in the local economy. With the
existence of the stereotypes of persecu-
second stereotype, the Duluth residents
tion in Duluth convinces the reader that
searched for the source of the disorder
the acts of violence and the crisis are
in the community: the African-Ameri-
real, and thus, that the account is a true
cans, who were arriving in Duluth to
persecutory tale.
take local jobs. Often the source of the
But what about the memorial or
disorder cannot take on entire popula-
shrine?
There is no record from the
tions, so communities tend to focus on
time that the circus workers were me-
a particular representative of the source
morialized. But in 2003, an event com-
as the cause of the breach in the social
memorated the lynchings in Duluth by
order. Thus, the rivalries experienced by
dedicating the plaza to the three men
the residents of Duluth then polarized
who were killed, as a means to restore
on the victim, the young African-Amer-
peace to the community. The fifth ste-
ican circus workers, indicating the pres-
reotype found in the scapegoating
ence of the third stereotype. Not sur-
mechanism was finally present; how-
prisingly, the circus workers were sus-
ever, there was a major difference. In a
ceptible to the victimization for the
traditional
three men for the possessed the univer-
shrine preserves the community’s belief
sal marks of victims. For one, the Afri-
in the guilt of the victim; by contrast,
can-American men were located at the
the Duluth memorial commemorated
lower end of the social order, based on
the young men who died and explicitly
their minority status in the city of Du-
named them as innocent victims of mob
luth and their economic status as impov-
violence. The change in the fifth stere-
erished circus workers. The fourth ste-
otype raises a question: when commu-
reotype of scapegoating arose with the
nities are able to recognize the inno-
formation of a mob in the plaza outside
cence of the scapegoat, will they stop
the precinct headquarters, after the
scapegoating?
scapegoating
scenario,
a
news of the alleged rape rapidly spread throughout the community. The mob
Conclusion:
Must There Be Scape-
forced its way into the building, break-
goats?
ing windows and tearing down doors,
The example of the scapegoating in
and then declared three men guilty after
Mexico and the confirmatory example
holding a “trial.” The three men were
from Duluth, Minnesota illustrate that
beaten and then lynched. Again, the
scapegoating can emerge, even in the 28
contemporary world. But Girard writes
during times of social unrest, the lives of
that it is more difficult for communities
the Copado brothers could have been
and groups to engage in scapegoating
spared.
today. Scapegoating only works when
Girard writes, “Today, persons
the mob believes that the person they
gained the ability to understand the
are attacking truly is guilty.
But
scapegoating phenomenon due to the
throughout history, just as happened in
Biblical critique of scapegoating. Juda-
Duluth in 2003, humans have become
ism and Christianity disrupt the scape-
increasingly aware of the innocence of
goating phenomenon, illustrating and
the scapegoat. Even the term “scape-
exposing the innocence of the victim as
goat” today means “someone who is
the story is envisioned through the eyes
blamed for the wrongdoings of others.”
of the innocent scapegoat, rather than
Because people see through the phe-
through the eyes of the persecutors who
nomenon, as they question the validity
see the scapegoat as truly guilty. Reli-
of the victim’s guilt, the endpoint of
gion is the institution that carried out
scapegoating is no longer reached. The
the practice of sacrifice historically, as
extreme desperation of the Ajalapan res-
spiritual behaviors and practices arose
idents, resulting from the years of gov-
first in human history as scapegoating
ernmental corruption, extreme poverty,
rituals; however, religion also exposes
income inequality, and poor govern-
the scapegoating mechanism and reveals
ment policies to combat the social un-
the innocence of the victim. However,
rest, was so severe that in their anxiety
this difficulty in engaging in effective
and fear that the scapegoating mecha-
scapegoating has not meant the end of
nism was triggered. It would not have
scapegoating. Instead, it tends to in-
been if the social unrest was not so se-
crease when the effect, achieving com-
vere. Residents desperately desired to
munity harmony as a fullness of being,
bring order and stability as a means to
becomes more difficult to achieve”
achieve a fullness of being from the
(Girard 1979, 17).
midst of the social disorder consuming
But, this has not meant the end
the country; and, the sacrifice of the Co-
of scapegoating because the phenome-
pado brothers did just that. If the resi-
non is still prevalent all across the world,
dents of Ajalapan, Mexico would have
as exemplified with the account from
recognized that the scapegoating phe-
Mexico this past year. In the contempo-
nomenon had the potential to arise
rary
world,
we
find
only
partial 29
scapegoats. We continue to create
describing how throughout history, hu-
scapegoats without recognizing we are
mans developed a scapegoat mechanism
doing so. We omit that last step of the
that, when put into operation, reduced
phenomenon: we refuse to view the vic-
community conflict, though tragically at
tim as a salvific force. We cannot accept
the expense of a victim or victims.
that the individual responsible for the
Girard is concerned that, with the expo-
social unrest will be the savior in the
sure of the scapegoat mechanism, we
time of crisis. When communities give
have not developed other effective
the victim salvific power, it justifies the
mechanisms to stop human violence.
scapegoating mechanism and the vio-
Unfortunately, because it is part
lence inflicted upon the scapegoat, re-
of the human condition to feel a lack of
sulting in momentary calm. Girard be-
being and because mimetic desire,
lieves because humans refuse to view the
which triggers the scapegoating phe-
victim as a salvific force, we are placed
nomenon, is part of the human condi-
in a dangerous situation. The commu-
tion, the cycle of desire leading to scape-
nity will never be emptied of its poisons
goating regularly begins again. Thus, it
and never feel liberated and reconciled
is deeply rooted in history and through-
within it self (Girard 1986, 42). After all,
out cultures. Even in the modern age,
it took almost a century for the people
scapegoating continues to occur as per-
of Duluth to come to terms with what
sons refuse to give the victims the power
they had done to the circus workers.
required to stop the violence and the
Peace is almost never restored in real
scapegoating cycle. They are denied the
time, which is why we engage in the
salvific powers that allow order to be re-
scapegoating mechanism in the first
stored to the community, and the com-
place.
munity remains unable to recognize It is important to understand that
Girard does not believe that we should
their own scapegoats. In the words of Girard,
go back to the time in history when
Each person must ask what his re-
mob violence directed against a vulner-
lationship is to the scapegoat. I am not
able outsider enabled a divided commu-
aware of my own, and I am persuaded
nity to return to peace. He would be
that the same holds true for my readers.
distraught to hear of the lynching in Aja-
We only have legitimate enemies. And
lapan, Mexico.
yet the entire universe swarms with
He is not prescribing
how humans should achieve peace; he is
scapegoats (Girard 1986, 41). 30
Thus, an understanding of mimetic theory is a vital tool for individuals and communities to illuminate and analyze the human violence that consumes the world today. If communities gain the ability to recognize their own scapegoats, human violence would no longer threaten the existence of human survival.
31
BIBLIOGRAPHY Acharya, Arun Kumar, Suarez, Armando Moctezuma, and Ontiveros, Francisco de Jesus Gomez. “Trafficking of Women and Children in Mexico: An Assessment of Trafficking Laws.” Revista de Cercetare si Interventie Sociala, no. 53 (2016): 5-21. Ahmed, Azam and Villegas, Paulina. “As Frustrations With Mexico’s Government Rise, So Do Lynchings.” New York Times. January 23, 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/24/world/americas/as-frustrations-with-mexicos-government-rise-so-dolynchings.html?_r=0 Arce , Alberto. “In Frightened Mexico Town, a Mob Kills 2 Young Pollsters.” The San Diego Union-Tribune. October 22, 2015. http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/news/2015/oct/22/in-frightened-mexico-town-a-mob-kills-2-young/ “Duluth Lynchings.” Minnesota Historical Society. June 18, 2016. http://www.mnhs.org/duluthlynchings/index.php Encyclopaedia Britannica (Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, September 20, 1998). Girard, René. De la violence à la divinité. (Paris: Grasset, 2007). Unpublished English translation of the Introduction by James Alison and Andrew McKenna. Girard, René. “Mimesis and Violence: Perspectives in Cultural Criticism.” The Berkshire Review, no. 14 (1979): 9-19. Girard, René. The Scapegoat. (Baltimore; John Hopkinis University Press, 1986), 1-44. Seelke, Clare Ribando. “Mexico: Background and U.S. Relations.” Congressional Research Service. March 30, 2016. “Violence in Mexico and Latin America.” The Counsel of Hemispheric Affairs. February 21, 2014. http://www.coha.org/violence-in-mexico-and-latin-america/
32
“The Crises of Human Identity in the 1960s” by David DeHaas
33
On the night of June 28th, 1966, a vari-
Women, a means in which the interests
ety of powerful and frustrated women
and concerns pertaining with women
secretly met in the hotel room of Betty
could be addressed in the same sense
Friedan1 to discuss the federal govern-
that the NAACP represented the issues
ment’s efforts to elevate the economic
and concerns of African Americans.7 As
and social status of women.2 The Third
important as these events would be for
National Conference of Commissions
the betterment of the practical lives of
on the Status of Women was underway,
both women and men, the essence of
and the women who gathered in Betty
these events pertains to an issue far more
Friedan’s hotel room were all attending
critical.
this conference.3 Most of these women
The 1960s were a time of many
were employed by the federal govern-
social and political movements repre-
ment, thus representing a collective of
senting the diverse voices and concerns
prominent female figures that held in-
amongst the fragmented American pop-
fluential positions normally held by
ulous. The particular causes of these
males.4 They had faith that the govern-
movements consisted of clashes be-
ment was the best medium for address-
tween standard cultural norms that
ing these social and economic issues,
characterized American society, and
but the secrecy behind this midnight
communities that resisted this standard.
rendezvous hints at the magnitude of
However, I will argue that the social and
the problems facing women in the
political unrest that occurred in the
1960s. The meeting lead to the decision
1960s does not simply stem from the dif-
to present a proposal on the floor of the
fering concerns and causes of these
convention the following morning.5
movements, but, further, that a substan-
This proposal, however, was blocked
tial causal factor is a general crises of hu-
from even being considered.6
man identity.
This incident lead to the found-
My argument will proceed by ex-
ing of the National Organization for
plaining the nature of the identity crises,
Champion of the Women’s Movement and author of The Feminine Mystique. 2 National Women’s Organization. “Founding.” http://now.org/about/history/founding-2/. 3 Women and Social Movements in the United States, 1600-2000, “Third National Conference of Commissions on the Status of Women.”
4
1
Betty Friedan. Life so Far: A Memoir. (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 2000), 173. 5 Betty Friedan. Life so Far: A Memoir. (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 2000), 173. 6 Betty Friedan. Life so Far: A Memoir. (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 2000), 174. 7 Betty Friedan. Life so Far: A Memoir. (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 2000), 174.
34
which begins with a critical examination
us that American culture in the 1960s
on Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mys-
rested upon a clear cut contradiction
tique. Friedan provides sufficient justifi-
consisting of a mystique surrounding
cation to make the claim that femininity
femininity. This mystique dictates that
has developed unnaturally by virtue of
women could only be happy and ful-
the cultures values and expectations,
filled by getting married and having
and this unnatural development lays the
children. Friedan uses a critical analysis
foundation for the identity crises. After,
of the media, advertising, and the psy-
I will show how this crisis affected the
chological assumptions about females
social and political unrest of the 1960s.
that permeated in American society.8 The immediate concern with the mys-
The Nature of the Human Identity Cri-
tique is that women were not feeling
ses
fulfilled as simply mothers and wives,
In order to fully grasp this crises of hu-
and Friedan was one of the few voices
man identity and to establish a founda-
that exemplified this dissatisfaction. Her
tion for my argument, it is necessary to
writings in The Feminine Mystique
briefly discuss the nature of human life.
sparked an outcry of mothers and wives
My analysis begins by begging the ques-
who felt as though their lives were un-
tion, how can human beings authenti-
fulfilling.9
cally achieve happiness and flourish?
Friedan’s claim that female flour-
This question has been addressed by
ishing and happiness was thwarted by
many different theories and interpreta-
American cultural standards is just as
tions, and many have even proposed
powerful as it is terrifying. Her postula-
that such an inquiry characterizes the
tion illustrates that American culture has
goals and aims of human life. However,
assumingly elevated the existence of
happiness, and the activities associated
women to the peak of happiness and hu-
with it, have always been defined under
man flourishing, when clearly, it was far
a shroud of subjectivity. My examina-
from the case. Friedan even comments
tion begins with Betty Friedan’s The
on the difficulty of determining that
Feminine Mystique, who expertly shows
there are any problems at all with
8
"Display Ad 180 -- no Title." New York Times (1923-Current File), Apr 30, 1963. The ad recurred multiple times throughout 1963: 07 June; 10 Apr; 02 May. This emphasizes the popularity of the book when it was first published.
Betty Friedan. The Feminine Mystique. (New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 1963), 1-2, 10. 9 Betty Friedan. The Feminine Mystique. (New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 1963), 7.
35
American culture. She writes, “How can
oneself, resulting in the conformity of
any woman see the whole truth within
the role as mother and wife.12 A female
the bounds of her own life? How can
who actively pursues her own goals and
she believe that voice inside herself,
intellectual desires is suffering from,
when it denies the conventional, ac-
what Deutsch terms, a masculinity com-
cepted truths by which she has been liv-
plex.13 According to this perspective,
ing?”10 The worries that beckoned
human flourishing is essentially a male
amidst the depths of the female psyche
endeavor, but again, what sufficient jus-
had no proper outlet to be expressed be-
tification is there to say that men and
cause of the fear of going against cul-
women are so fundamentally different?
tural expectations.
Despite any potential differences on the
The crises of human identity
subject, what is essentially illuminated
stems from the assumption that men
by the work of Friedan is a distinct dis-
and women are fundamentally different.
connect between happiness and the re-
One clear difference is biological, but
ality of female existence. This discon-
are the biological distinctions sufficient
nect can be fully expressed as the di-
justification for the psychological and
chotomy between masculinity and fem-
cultural distinctions that characterize
ininity.
masculinity and femininity? Friedan dis-
Despite other potential features
cusses the writings of Helene Deutsch
of one’s identity, being a male or female
on this matter. Deutsch associates mas-
is essential. The dysfunctional dichot-
culinity with activity and femininity
omy of gender is critical for understand-
with
passivity.11
According to this view,
ing the identity crises. The writings of
men are naturally active and women
Shulamith Firestone elaborate upon the
passively support the active endeavors of
consequences of gender’s unnatural de-
their husbands and male children.
velopment. Firestone’s book, entitled
Friedan interprets this perspective by
The Dialectic of Sex, associates the di-
stating that femininity can only be
chotomy of gender with a schism in hu-
achieved by renouncing one’s own ac-
man culture. She writes, “The sex role
tive pursuits and attempts to express
system divides human experience; men
10
12
Betty Friedan. The Feminine Mystique. (New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 1963), 21. 11 Betty Friedan. The Feminine Mystique. (New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 1963), 132133.
Betty Friedan. The Feminine Mystique. (New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 1963), 133. 13 Betty Friedan. The Feminine Mystique. (New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 1963), 133.
36
and women live in these different halves
the state of humanity suffered from a
of reality; and culture reflects this.”14
conflict between the status quo and
Firestone’s main argument is that the
freedom from the status quo. All the so-
single human psyche is split between
cial and political unrest could be viewed
masculinity and femininity, and she
as humanity attempting to break free
considers this schism with our culture.
from cultural norms and expectations,
She associates femininity with intuition
with the ultimate aim of reaching true
and the aesthetic, and masculinity with
human potential. This aim unified the
rationality and a technological way of
many different causes and movements
thinking.15 Firestone argues that both
of the 1960s, effectively inspiring a
femininity and masculinity and the hu-
grand attempt to optimize society’s po-
man powers associated with them con-
tential; yet even today we find much re-
stitute a single human psyche, but the
sistance against cultural standards. The
gender dichotomy has split the individ-
struggle to realize human potential is
ual psyche, resulting in schizoid cultural
just as prevalent today as it was in the
standards and expectations. This rift in
1960s, and a critical examination of
the culture is the source of the human
American values and the state of the
identity crises, and from this division of
economy in the 1960s will not only illu-
the human psyche, men and women are
minate upon the schizoid state of Amer-
conditioned to be a certain way without
ican culture, it will also show why this
ever realizing the fullest potential of hu-
struggle between the standard cultural
man life.
values and freedom from these standards continues to dominate life in America.
The Human Identity Crises and its effect
Many
of
the
counter-culture
on the 1960s
movements resisted the emphasis Amer-
The 1960s was a time when people from
ican culture placed on materialism and
all strata of American society were be-
consumerism. However, through their
coming more aware of injustice in the
efforts of resisting these cultural ideals,
world, but what of the psychological in-
the communities could not escape the
justice occurring within themselves? On
necessity of purchasing goods in order
account of the human identity crises,
to survive. Another problem was that
14
15
Shulamith Firestone. The Dialectic of Sex. (New York, NY: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1970), 148.
Shulamith Firestone. The Dialectic of Sex. (New York, NY: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1970), 156157.
37
the ideals propounded by these counter-
points to the change these movements
culture movements spread through the
desperately wanted.
American populous by virtue of con-
Through the same means materi-
sumer goods and commercialism. An-
alism and consumerism gained its eco-
thony Ashbolt writes, “The crucial role
nomic and cultural power, the ideals of
of the market in this suggests not only
the counter-culture movements could
possible limitations to the hippie cri-
have had an even greater impact on so-
tique of Establishment culture but also
ciety. The counter-culture aimed to re-
the very real seriousness with which
place the American cultural standards,
community set about building a poten-
which included consumerism and com-
tial alternative society.”16 The principles
mercialism, with standards and values
of the free market constituted the Amer-
they believed to be more just. But the
ican economy and were in themselves
only way to influence culture with the
American ideals. Although these move-
ideals represented by the counter-cul-
ments attempted to resist American ide-
ture would be through the same meth-
als they could not resist the economic
ods the American cultural standards
environment. The ideals of love, peace,
achieved dominance. Leslie M. Dawson
and communal living became products
fully illuminates upon this relationship.
for purchase.17 Ashbolt suggests that by
Dawson writes, "The marketing disci-
the end of the 1960s, “…’the fight
pline today constitutes a great paradox.
against organizations of the Establish-
The nation stands deeply troubled. It
ment has suddenly turned into an Estab-
seeks solutions to grave problems both
lished
The counter-
within and without its own society.
culture movements could not escape the
Marketing and marketers are in integral
economic environment they were resist-
part of this picture, either as a dimen-
ing, but this inability to completely re-
sion of the problems or as a source of
sist American culture simultaneously
their solutions."19
Anthony Ashbolt, “Go Ask Alice: Remembering the Summer of Love Forty Years On,” Australasian Journal of American Studies 26, no. 2 (December 2007): 42. 17 "Display Ad 76 -- no Title." 1969. The Hartford Courant (1923-1990), Sep 04, 44. This is an advertisement of a mug expressing the idea of the Age of Aquarius. It is one example of hippie ideals becoming commercialized and available for purchase.
18
16
Organization’.”18
Anthony Ashbolt, “Go Ask Alice: Remembering the Summer of Love Forty Years On,” Australasian Journal of American Studies 26, no. 2 (December 2007): 43. 19 Leslie M. Dawson, “Marketing Science in the Age of Aquarius,” Journal of Marketing 35, no. 3 (July 1971): 68.
38
According to Dawson, marketing is not
permeated the populous was very strong
only a tool for business and advertising,
and called many different groups of peo-
but the same techniques and methods
ple to action. However, there was not a
used by marketers are the same methods
full understanding of the nature of these
and techniques used for spreading new
issues. Emotional and intellectual capac-
ideas amongst a populous.
ities were not united in the individual,
Analyzing the marketing paradox
but fragmented due to various cultural
in relation with the 1960s provides an
expectations and biases. One’s race,
interesting insight on the nature of the
gender, economic standing, sexuality,
human identity crises. The marketing
etc. played its role in fragmenting hu-
paradox evidently shows that marketing
man potential. However, the 1960s
itself is not good or bad, it is merely a
should be viewed as a period that ele-
study of the methods and techniques for
vated human consciousness unto a
spreading goods, services, and ideas
greater awareness of reality. Recogniz-
through a populous. Despite American
ing problems with culture and the
culture’s reliance on marketing, the
world’s political affairs might have
American culture does not consist of
sparked a flame in human beings, i.e. a
marketing. Commercialism is an em-
call to action. But the failures that re-
phasis on purchasing products for con-
sulted from this initial spark should not
sumption, and this American ideal
be simply viewed as the failures of a dec-
simply uses marketing to sell these prod-
ade filled with angst and passion, but
ucts. By recognizing that the techniques
they should be viewed as the beginnings
associated with marketing are essential
of an elevated way of both thinking and
for spreading any idea, the movements
living a human life. The problems in the
that had occurred in the 1960s might
world are not going to be solved over-
have met greater success.
night, but any real solution must first begin with each individual recognizing
Conclusion
the injustice occurring within them-
The inherent sexism that rests as the
selves.
foundation of American culture has not only segregated people, but has also split the human psyche: effectively corrupting the way individuals think. The sense of inequality and injustice that 39
BIBLIOGRAPHY Ashbolt, Anthony. “Go Ask Alice: Remembering the Summer of Love Forty Years On.” Australasian Journal of American Studies 26, no. 2 (December 2007): 35-47. Cleaver, Eldridge. Soul on Ice. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1968. Dawson, Leslie M. “Marketing Science in the Age of Aquarius.” Journal of Marketing 35, no. 3 (July 1971): 66-72. "Display Ad 76 -- no Title." 1969. The Hartford Courant (1923-1990), Sep 04, 44. "Display Ad 180 -- no Title." New York Times (1923-Current File), Apr 30, 1963. http://0-search.proquest.com.www.consuls.org/docview/116389804?accountid=9970. Firestone, Shulamith. The Dialectic of Sex. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1970. Friedan, Betty. The Feminine Mystique. New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 1963. Friedan, Betty. Life so Far: A Memoir. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 2000. The Port Huron Statement. Chicago, IL: Charles H. Kerr Publishing Company, 1990. National Women’s Organization. “Founding.” http://now.org/about/history/founding-2/. Women and Social Movements in the United States, 1600-2000. “Third National Conference of Commissions on the Status of Women.” http://0-asp6new.alexanderstreet.com.www.consuls.org/was2/was2.object.details.aspx?dorpid=1004475352.
40
“Subverting Patriarchal Control through the Construction of Meaning in "The Yellow Wallpaper"”
by Nikolas Oliver
41
There is much to be made of mental ill-
story begins with the unnamed narrator
ness in Charlotte Perkins Gilman’s “The
completely under the control of her
Yellow
of
husband, John. The power dynamic be-
whether the narrator is, or becomes,
tween them is like that of a parent with
mentally ill. It would, however, require
a child. He is both the person who gets
a skilled critic and psychoanalyst to
to make determinations regarding her
wholly prove that the story’s narrator is
medical care, as well as the one who
not. Gilman further complicated this
communicates her present physical and
task when her article “Why I Wrote The
mental state to friends and family mem-
Yellow Wallpaper?” was published. In
bers.2 Moreover, when she expresses
this article, she detailed how she was
any feeling that does not conform to
given a treatment regimen like that of
John’s lack of “patience with faith...[and
the story’s protagonist, and how it
his] intense horror of superstition,” he
pushed her “so near the border line of
“scoffs openly.”3 At times he “laughs at
utter mental ruin that [she] could see
[her],” but the narrator has learned not
over.”1 It is not, temptation notwith-
to take offense to it, as “one expects that
standing, within my qualifications to act
in marriage.”4 The narrator suspects,
as any person’s psychiatrist, even if that
however, that John’s governance of her
person is fictional. Mentally ill or other-
care contributes to her slow recovery.
wise, however, the narrator is not either
She remarks, “[p]ersonally, I disagree
of those two things exclusively. “The
with their ideas,” but she is in no posi-
Yellow Wallpaper” is the story of a
tion to challenge them.5 John is a phy-
woman who, while under patriarchal
sician, and, ostensibly, is qualified to
control, constructs and instills a mean-
prescribe a treatment method, as is her
ing upon the environment around her,
own brother, whose diagnosis and rec-
which allows her to subvert partially
ommendations mirror what John’s dic-
that control.
tates. In the story’s initial segment, the
Wallpaper,”
especially
Marriage and family have robbed
narrator writes the phrase “what is one
the narrator of self-determination. The
to do?” several times, but, considering
Charlotte P. Gilman, “Why I Wrote The Yellow Wallpaper?” in The Yellow Wallpaper, ed. Dale M. Bauer (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1998), 349. 2 Charlotte P. Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, ed. Dale M. Bauer (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 1998), 41.
3
1
Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 41. Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 41. 5 Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 42. 4
42
that her medium is a journal, the ques-
exhaustion she feels from doing so gen-
tion is necessarily rhetorical: at present,
erally succeeds in preventing her from
she does not have the means to escape
writing often.
this control.6 John’s selection of a room
All that remains to her are short
with barred windows for her temporary
and restrained periods in which she is
residence, despite her wishes, is there-
able to leave her bedroom because John
fore a fitting choice for making clear the
believes that exposing her to too much
manifold ways in which the narrator is
sensory input would also contribute to
imprisoned.
her illness. This method of treatment
The narrator is also denied, to the
becomes suspect if one considers philos-
best ability of her husband and brother,
opher David Hume’s bundle theory,
any means of self-expression, and her
which states that humans have no con-
external stimulus is extremely limited.
tinuous self and are nothing more than
She remarks that she “did write for a
a bundle of successive perceptions.9
while in spite of them; but it does ex-
Hume argues that the self cannot be
haust me a good deal,” but the source
continuous and is instead ever changing
of her exhaustion is not the writing it-
because, for the self to be continuous, it
self, but the hiding of it.7 The reader ob-
would be necessary for one to have at
serves this hiding at numerous points in
least one sensory perception that is
the story, such as when the narrator
“constant and invariable,” and that no
must cease journaling because of an-
such thing exists.10 From a Humean per-
other character's approach. John ex-
spective, John’s limitations over that to
plains that “with [her] imaginative
which the narrator may be exposed ac-
power and habit of story-making, a
complishes two things. The first is that,
nervous weakness like [hers] is sure to
by narrowing her sensory exposure, he
lead to all manner of excited fancies,
literally narrows her existence into be-
and that [she] ought to…check the ten-
ing whatever he wants for her to be. The
dency.”8 He believes that writing would
second is that, by exposing her only to
exacerbate her illness, a diagnosis with
the same sets of sensory inputs, she is
which the narrator disagrees, but the
essentially unchanging; therefore, the
6
Philosophy, ed. Joel Feinberg and Russ Shafer-Landau, 15th ed (N.p.: Cengage Learning, 2013), 377. 10 Hume, "The Self," 375.
Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 41-42. Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 42. 8 Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 46. 9 David Hume, “The Self,” in Reason and Responsibility: Readings in Some Basic Problems of 7
43
treatment cannot possibly hope to
yellow wallpaper is not a work of writ-
work.
ten literature, after all – but if one agrees The narrator is able to subvert the
with Derrida, everything should be con-
limiting treatment of her husband, how-
sidered as text.12 It is a certainty that the
ever, by her examination and gradual
narrator imposes meaning on the wall-
destruction of the yellow wallpaper. Re-
paper over time.
duced to being nearly unable to self-ex-
Occasionally, the narrator sounds
press through writing, and exposed to
rather like a reader response theorist
very little stimuli, the wallpaper be-
herself: “There are things in that paper
comes her best available means of creat-
that nobody knows but me, or ever
ing meaning. Writer Jonathan Culler, in
will.”13 Furthermore, she is dependent
his explanation of reader response the-
on the wallpaper being a text, rather
ory, adequately explains what the narra-
than something blank. Knowing that it
tor does over the course of the story:
gives her some amount of trouble, John offers to white wash it for her. She says
…the meaning of a text is the experi-
that she “would not be so silly as to
ence of the reader (an experience that
make him uncomfortable just for a
includes hesitations, conjectures, and
whim,” but to reduce the walls to a state
self-corrections). If a literary work is
of blankness would eliminate her ability
conceived as a succession of actions
to react to them as a reader and impose
upon the understanding of a reader,
meaning upon them in that manner.14 If
then an interpretation of the work can
she were to impose meaning onto a
be a story of that encounter, with its ups
white washed wall, free of the already
and downs: various conventions or ex-
present markings on the yellow wallpa-
pectations are brought into play, con-
per, what she would be doing would be
nections are posited, and expectations
writing, an action from which she is
defeated or confirmed. To interpret a
both restricted by John and unable to do
work is to tell a story of reading…11
without considerable effort and fatigue. As a reader, the narrator gradually in-
Some liberty must be given to apply this
serts a version of herself into the yellow
logic to what the narrator is doing – the
wallpaper.
11
13
Jonathan D. Culler, Literary Theory: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011), 64. 12 Jonathan D. Culler, Literary Theory, 12.
14
Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 50. Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 44.
44
After her initial revulsion to it,
completing the meaning of the text with
she finds that it lingers in her mind.15
the experience that she has herself
She comes to see what might be a “faint
brought. In destroying that text and
figure behind [who] seem[s] to shake
freeing the confined woman, she frees
the pattern, just as if she wanted to get
herself, telling her husband “I’ve got out
out,” and it does not take a great imag-
at last…And I’ve pulled off most of the
inative leap to conceive of the narrator
paper, so you can’t put me back!”21 In-
and the woman in the wallpaper as par-
teraction with a text as a means of self-
alleling one another.16 She continues her
expression becomes a means of self-lib-
attempts to analyze the paper’s appear-
eration.
ance, but its pattern is “torturing. You
One might argue that the prob-
think you have mastered it, but just as
lem with this reading of “The Yellow
you get well underway in following, it
Wallpaper” is that every vision the nar-
turns a back-somersault.”17 Over time,
rator experiences of the trapped woman
however, her mastery of the text grows,
could very easily be written off as the
as does her certainty that she is inter-
consequence of mental illness; perhaps
preting correctly the appearance of a
it says something negative about reader
trapped woman.18 She comes to observe
response theory to suspect that the ac-
that the woman is “trying to climb
tions of a reader completing the mean-
through. But nobody could climb
ing of a text are comparable to the hal-
through that pattern – it strangles so,”19
lucinations of an insane person. Never-
just as the narrator is unable to “jump
theless, application of that specific criti-
out of [her] window…[because] the bars
cal lens both is fair to the text and allows
are too strong to even try.”20 After she
for a reading in which the narrator,
fully accepts the interpretation that
mentally ill or otherwise, is enabled to
there is a trapped woman within the pa-
subvert patriarchal control. Perhaps it is
per, she chooses to destroy it in an at-
that very uncertainty, that very blurring
tempt to release her. However, the
between the enactment of analytical
trapped woman is only present because
power and insane deconstruction that
the narrator interprets her to be by
captures the essence and appeal of
15
19
16
20
Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 48. Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 50. 17 Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 51. 18 Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 52.
Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 55. Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 57. 21 Gilman, The Yellow Wallpaper, 58.
45
reader response theory at large. Surely, nothing could be more alluring than a critical mode that validates one’s own opinions and experiences in conjunction with a text. Few things could, at least in a certain light, be more maddening.
46
BIBLIOGRAPHY Culler, Jonathan D. Literary Theory: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011. Gilman, Charlotte P. The Yellow Wallpaper, Edited by Dale M. Bauer. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 1998. Gilman, Charlotte P. “Why I Wrote The Yellow Wallpaper?” In The Yellow Wallpaper, edited by Dale M. Bauer, 348-49. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1998. Hume, David. “The Self.” In Reason and Responsibility: Readings in Some Basic Problems of Philosophy, edited by Joel Feinberg and Russ Shafer-Landau. 15th ed. N.p.: Cengage Learning, 2013.
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