Issuu

WCAPS PAPER TRAIL:

25th Anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security

Disclaimer

The content presented in this publication is intended solely for educational purposes and should not be interpreted as professional advice or a political position endorsed by Women of Color Advancing Peace, Security, and Conflict Transformation organization. We encourage readers to conduct their own research and consult relevant experts or professionals to address their specific needs and circumstances

Foreward

Women of Color Advancing Peace, Security, and Conflict Transformation (WCAPS) remains steadfast in its mission to amplify the voices, leadership, and lived experiences of women of color within the complex and evolving landscapes of global peace and security. At a time when the United States and the international community face mounting challenges - from protracted conflict and forced displacement to the rise of authoritarianism, climate-driven insecurity, and shifting multilateral frameworks - our commitment to uplifting the voices and perspectives of, and about, women of color remains strong.

As a force multiplier for our growing membership, WCAPS serves as both an incubator and a launchpad We create spaces where women of color and our allies can dialogue, build coalitions, develop policy solutions, and lead the way in transforming systems that have long excluded them. Our programming - whether through working groups, mentorship initiatives, or fellowship experiences - centers not just the professional trajectory of our members, but also their intellectual power, cultural fluency, and commitment to justice.

This commitment to justice is a resounding theme in the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. The Women, Peace, and Security Agenda is what has allowed a platform for women to speak up about our involvement in peace processes. However, we know when they say women that doesn’t always include women of color Our knowledge, perspectives, lived experiences, and contributions are sidelined in many of these post-colonial spaces. Thus, WCAPS, in addition to our commitment to leadership development and community building, places an unrelenting emphasis on platforming the publication from, about, and for women of color In community with our allies, we are building the databases, addressing the gaps, and curating the materials we need to thrive in academic and policy spaces.

Foreward cont.

This edition of WCAPS Paper Trail Publication Program focused on the blind spots evident in the implementation and foundation of 1325. From the erasure of black and brown women from the development to the colonial legacies rooted in the very language of the UNSCR, the themes explored here speak to the ways in which women in developing countries, rural communities, impacted by climate change, and continued mobilization of grassroots efforts, the authors included here represent a fraction of the neglected stories, policy, and studies that exist within our membership and wider community

WCAPS is proud to host these topics, proud of the women and men who wrote them, proud to contribute to the discourse about us and our needs in an ever changing global arena We couldn’t do this without our wonderful members who stepped up to review and edit. Our volunteer, Taylour Holloway, who assisted with laying the groundwork for gathering and parsing through submissions, and of course, the authors who took the time to put fingers to keys and gift us with their thoughts

Thank you all. Your contributions breathe life into the vision of a more inclusive, just, and peaceful world

collaboration,

Andreanna F Mond

WCAPS Paper Trail: Special Journal Issue on the 25th Anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Publication Collator

Note from the Former Executive Director

Twenty-five years ago, the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 marked a historic milestone in recognizing that peace is more sustainable when women are fully involved in its creation and preservation Today, as we honor that legacy through this Special Publication, we also reflect on how women of color around the world have carried the spirit of 1325 into new arenas, shaping peace processes, advancing global health, leading on climate action, and transforming security at every level

This issue is both a celebration and a call to action It amplifies the voices, research, and lived experiences of women whose leadership continues to redefine what peace and security mean in practice. Their work reminds us that the principles of inclusion, justice, and equity are not abstract ideals; they are essential tools for building a more peaceful and secure world

We remain committed to creating pathways for women of color to lead, influence, and innovate This publication embodies that mission A space to document, imagine, and inspire what comes next.

Reimagining 1325 for the next generation is not only about reflection but renewal, ensuring that the next wave of peacebuilders inherits a framework that recognizes their realities, voices, and visions Likewise, women of color who lead peace and security are not just contributors to this evolution; they are the architects of its future

Yet to truly honor this legacy, we must resist complacency. The world we face today demands new approaches Ones that embrace intersectionality, invest in emerging leadership, and challenge the systems that continue to silence or sideline women’s voices Keeping the momentum requires courage to do things differently; to rethink power, to innovate across disciplines, and to sustain solidarity across generations and geographies

May these pages spark dialogue, collaboration, and renewed commitment to the transformative power of women’s leadership in peace and security Together, we honor the past, shape the present, and build the future envisioned by 1325

With gratitude and purpose, Dr. Maleeka Glover Executive Director, WCAPS 2022-2025

Founder’s Corner

Hello WCAPS Members and Community,

It is great to be back as Executive Director of WCAPS. While I did not anticipate doing publications when I founded the organization, I realized that another area where women of color are not being heard is through publications that reflect their expertise. I think back to that first publication, and now, five years later, the WCAPS publications are still going strong. The first publication was “Policy Papers by Women of Color: Top Issues in Peace, Security, Conflict Transformation, and Foreign Policy,” in March 2020.

I am so pleased to share with you this 2025 WCAPS publication, “WCAPS Paper Trail: Special Journal Issue on the 25th Anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS).” At this 25th Anniversary, it is a time to both celebrate and critically examine the progress made since UNSCR 1325 was adopted This publication contains 24 submissions from our members, consisting of academic articles, policy papers, and practitioners essays I want to thank all the members who wrote the papers, as well as all those who volunteered to edit them also, a special thanks to Andreanna F Mond and Lourdes Sanchez for their dedication to completing this publication

Please enjoy the publication!

Ambassador Bonnie Jenkins Executive Director and Founder

POLICY BRIEFS & PRACTIONERS ESSAYS

25

Arab Feminism and the Women, Peace, and Security

Agenda: From History to Policy

A Shared Vision: How the Youth, Peace and Security Agenda Complements and Advances the Women, Peace and Security Agenda

Cinema as Soft Power: Advancing Women Peace and Security through Cultural Diplomacy in Benin

From 1325 to 2250: Why the Future of Peace and Security Must Be Intergenerationa

From Peace to Security: The Militarization of the WPS Agenda

Locating a Glitch in the Women, Peace and Security Agenda: A Cyberfeminist Reflection for the Future of Gendered Peace and Security Frameworks

Perspectives féministes critiques sur le militarisme, la sécurisation et la consolidation de la paix

Proximity Without Power: Race, Gender, and Gatekeeping in Global Health Policymaking

104

117

Reaffirming Health as a Human Right through the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda: Addressing the Needs of Women in Conflict and Post-Conflict During Outbreaks

When ‘Peace’ Is Gender-Blind: Liberal Peacebuilding vs. Indigenous Feminist Peace in the CHT

Author:

Gihan El Hadidy

Saji Prelis has over 25 years of experience working with youth movements, governments, and partners to build intergenerational trust and collaboration in over 35 countries As the Co-Chair of the Global Coalition on Youth, Peace, and Security, he co-led successful advocacy for the UN Security Council Resolutions 2250, 2419, and 2535 He also leads the Global Community of Practice on YPS National Action Plans Saji is the Director of Children & Youth Programs at Search for Common Ground Before that, he was the founding director of the Peacebuilding & Development Institute at American University in Washington, DC Over 11 years at the university resulted in him co-developing over 150 training curricula exploring the nexus of peacebuilding with development from a humancentered perspective Saji received the distinguished Luxembourg Peace Prize for his Outstanding Achievements in Peace Support He obtained his Master’s Degree in International Peace & Conflict Resolution from American University

Arab Feminism and the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda: From History to Policy

Abstract

AAs resolution 1325 (UN, 2000), which established the women, peace, and security agenda, celebrates its 25th anniversary this year, Arab women continue to face heightened levels of violence, economic hardship, and marginalization Despite numerous programs attempting to implement the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda in the Arab world, progress has been minimal as dominant discourses remain detached from the complex lived realities experienced by women in Arab countries. For global WPS practice to resonate in the region, it must connect with both the intellectual foundations and the current political trajectory of Arab feminism. This policy brief seeks to redefine the Women, Peace, and Security framework for Arab communities by grounding it in the intellectual heritage of Arab feminism By drawing on the region’s own feminist thought and activism, the brief highlights how connecting with the past can inform a more authentic WPS agenda It also calls for elevating local women’s voices as producers of knowledge and agents of policy, rather than passive beneficiaries of externally designed frameworks. The recommendations will move beyond programmatic rhetoric to specify practical reforms.

Methodology

This policy brief adopts a desk-research approach designed to translate historical insights into actionable policy within the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. It begins with a guiding question: How can lessons from Arab feminism’s history inform more effective WPS policy in the Arab region today?

The first part will involve a historical analysis of the early feminist movement in Arab countries, drawing on both primary sources and secondary scholarship From this, I will extract core principles that have defined Arab feminist thought and practice, such as the interplay between nationalism and feminism, the use of literature and public debate as tools of resistance, the role of male allies, and the movement’s distinctly pan-Arab character This part will also shed light on the current challenges faced by Arab women

The second part will apply these principles as an analytical lens to selected WPS texts Three National Action Plans (NAPs) from Jordan, Tunisia, and Iraq will be analyzed. This comparative review will assess where WPS frameworks align with or diverge from the historical lessons of Arab feminism

The third part will translate these findings into concrete and actionable policy guidance For example, transforming the principle of male allyship into proposals for inclusive legal reforms, or drawing from pan-Arab feminist solidarity to recommend cross-border WPS networks. These “history-to-policy” pairings will be synthesized into clear recommendations specifying what should change and how different stakeholders should act

I. The History of Arab Feminism:

The early seeds of Arab feminism can be traced back to the late 19th century Egypt was the epicenter of a nascent Arab feminist movement (Al-Afifi, 2021) due to its role as the cultural and intellectual heart of the Arab world, where modern state-building and a vibrant press created fertile ground for women’s voices to emerge. Earlier in the 19th century Mohamed Ali Pasha, the Ottoman governor of Egypt, adopted a vision1 for a modern nation, which produced a paradoxical impact on women With the introduction of a capitalist order, upper- and middle-class women were secluded and prevented from pursuing public education; however, their family wealth granted them access to private learning (Exeter, 2019). This duality of seclusion and private

1 Mohammed Ali’s reign in Egypt extended from 1805 to 1848 He is widely considered the founder of modern Egypt

led those women to be the first to articulate a new vision for female identity in Egypt, and by extension, the larger Arab world (Exeter, 2019) In other parts of the region, a decaying Ottoman empire forced thinkers and intellectuals to embark on a soul-searching journey to rediscover their national roots (Chamlou, 2017). Arab feminism at its core emerged as a reflection of this historical, cultural and socio-economic context, not because of Western influence

In fact, colonial leaders in Egypt often depicted Arab and Muslim women as backward (Exeter, 2019) Selective feminism was applied in many cases to advance the colonial agenda (Choudhary, 2023). Lord Cromer, the British Controller General in Egypt, claimed that Egyptian women needed the British to free them from the oppression of Islam; however, he charged fees for schools that prevented young girls from enrolling, adding an additional layer of financial obstacles to women’s education He justified this by insisting that subsidizing education lay outside the proper “province” of government (Haq, 2022) In his homeland, Cromer founded the Men’s League for Opposing Women’s Suffrage in England His actions stand as a stark illustration of colonial hypocrisy: while proclaiming a civilizing mission abroad, he actively hindered women’s access to education in Egypt and led campaigns against women’s equality at home. Cromer’s approach towards the local population was part of a broader orientalist school that presented people of the Middle East as inferior and in need of rescue, creating a worldview that justified imperialism and western colonialism (Hibri, 2023) The orientalist perception of Arab women revolved around two narratives, one focused on objectification and sexualization, while the other depicted them as an oppressed victim of their religion, culture and men in their countries (Gerloff-Blood, 2024 p.2-3). Arab feminism evolved as a response to these colonial distortions, challenging both the orientalist portrayal of Arab women as passive victims and the colonial structures that sought to deny them agency, education, and equality

In the early days of Arab feminism, writing was a major domain of female expression Arab journalism, which started in the late 19th century, was especially vibrant in Egypt and the Levant (University of Chicago Library). Women were part of this growing industry. The Lebanese Warda Al-Yajizi published her poetry anthology “The Rose Garden” in 1867 and was one of the leading figures who opened the writing field to women Hind Nawfal launched Al-Fatah, the first women’s magazine in the Arab world, in 1892, and Zaynab Fawwaz published “The Happy Ending” in 1899, which is largely believed to be the first novel written by a woman in Arabic This period also witnessed the rise of salons in cities such as Cairo, Aleppo, and Jerusalem (Azam, 2019 p.232), which emerged as spaces where women could meet and engage in discussions around literary, social and political issues, sometimes in mixed settings of men and women

The feminist movement witnessed a significant leap with the establishment of the Arab Feminist Union (AFU) in 1945, chaired by the most prominent face of Arab feminism to this day, the Egyptian Huda Sha’arawi. The union comprised Egypt, Trans-Jordan, Iraq, Syria, Palestine and Lebanon in its membership (Britannica). It focused on women’s rights in Islam and the gendered

nature of the Arabic language, among other priorities Sha’arawi’s autobiography stands as a foundational text in understanding the principles of Arab feminism in the 20th century She emphasized that the struggle of “eastern women” is distinct from that of their Western counterparts. In her words, while Western women often confronted legal barriers perceived as encroachments on men’s rights, women in the East sought to reclaim rights already guaranteed to them under Islam, primarily through access to culture, education, and public life (Hindawiorg)

Sha’arawi’s framing of the Arab feminist movement comes in strong contradiction to the orientalist notions that portrayed Arab women as victims of their own culture In later years, more contemporary figures in Arab feminism adopted views that represent a wider ideological and intellectual spectrum, from the Moroccan Fatema Mernissi, who became a leading voice in Islamic feminism through her revolutionary book “Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in Modern Muslim Society”, to more liberal figures such as the Egyptian Nawal El Saadawi known for her radical feminist and often controversial views

Lessons from Early Arab Feminism:

From this brief historical overview, several defining features of the Arab feminist movement can be discerned First, literature served as an early and powerful vehicle for women’s expression This comes as a continuation of longstanding historic traditions in the region that placed a high value on language and eloquence Arabic cultural heritage includes various examples of figures such as Al-Khansa and early Islamic mystics like Rābiʿa al-ʿAdawiyya, who used poetry as a means of articulating thought and identity. Rābiʿa al-ʿAdawiyya was considered as one of the key figures in Sufi Islam Many of her sayings were recorded, and her teachings on loving God for his blessings and graces regardless of fear or reward are held in high esteem in Arab and Islamic memory to this day (Sufimasterorg) This confirms the strong connection between feminist expression and cultural heritage Second, unlike some Western iterations of feminism, Arab feminism was marked from its inception by the active support of men who championed women’s education and empowerment. Intellectuals such as the Lebanese Butrus al-Bustani and the Egyptian Qasim Amin played a key role in advocating for women’s rights Al Bustani, one of the early leaders of the Arab renaissance, was not only a scholar and an educator, but he was also considered an avant-garde feminist (Nasser, 2019) His famous lecture “A Lecture on the Education of Women” in 1849 emphasized the role of women in society’s advancement (Nasser, 2019). In his own words, Al Bustani said: “If ignorance prevails among women in any place or time, we see it spread and take full hold over all its people. What makes a society either barbaric or civilized is, in fact, the woman” (Al Binaa Magazine) Qasim Amin’s seminal work Tahrir al-Mar’a (The Liberation of Women) in 1899 drew a powerful link between Egypt’s underdevelopment and the denial of education to women He supported emerging women’s associations and called for women’s rights as a nationalist necessity (Chamlou, 2017) He argued that it was social traditions, not Islam, that restricted women, and he used Qur’anic texts to demonstrate that the religion

in fact guaranteed women important rights (Chamlou, 2017) Huda Sha’arawi asserted in her autobiography that male support was a defining trait of women’s renaissance in the region She recounted in her memoirs the opening ceremony of the Women’s Union headquarters in Cairo, which was attended by many high-profile men. Prominent journalist Ahmed El Sawy Mohamed even described the event as a “glorious day” and “a day of pride for Egypt” (Hindawiorg) This is not to claim that males’ support for women’s rights back then was universal The notable Egyptian nationalist leader, Mustafa Kamil, strongly opposed Qassim Amin’s call for women’s liberation from the hijab He sharply criticized the idea of raising Egyptian girls on European principles, insisting that Egypt’s daughters should be nurtured within a framework rooted in religion and national identity (Mohamed Ismail El Mokadem, p.56). However, the support of male leaders remains an important feature of the early Arab feminist movement that undoubtedly lent visibility and credibility to the feminist cause Third, the Arab feminist movement possessed a distinctly pan-Arab character, culminating in its institutionalization through bodies such as the Arab Feminist Union, which sought to unify and coordinate women’s struggles across the region The specificity and uniqueness of national contexts did not cancel the need for cross-regional solidarity. Most recently, the Arab Spring uprisings emphasized the interconnectedness among Arab countries, not only in terms of economic realities and security environments but also in the aspirations of Arab women and the setbacks they grappled with

The Current State of Arab Feminism:

Today, the Arab region is experiencing a moment of crisis and backsliding with the second widest gender gap in the world after South Asia, according to the Gender Development Index (GDI) (UNDP Arab States) Participation in the labor force is a key weakness, with only one out of five women participating in the workforce, giving the region the lowest global ranking Arab countries have progressed slowly in closing the gender gap, which is expected to take another 153 years to close (UNDP Arab States).

Gender based violence is a growing challenge in much of the Arab world In parts of the Arab region, nearly two-thirds of women and girls report having been exposed to violence (UNFPA in the Arab States, 2024) One study found that 60% of women who use the internet in the region have been exposed to online violence (UN Women Arab States, 2023) Moreover, weaknesses in legislative frameworks create a culture of impunity, as penal codes are largely void of laws that punish gender based violence and marital rape (Imran, 2025). In fact, many countries allow clemency to be granted to men during trial if the crime was committed as an “act of rage” (Imran, 2025) Unlike the conventional understanding that such laws are grounded in Islamic sharia’a, the penal codes of Arab countries are still based on British and French laws introduced by the colonial authorities in the 19th century, especially the laws governing rape, murder, adultery and even

homosexuality For example, the laws allowing clemency are based on Article 324 of France’s 1810 Penal Code (Imran, 2025) A deeper symptom of the current crisis facing the Arab feminist movement is the stigmatization of terms like feminism and gender. Feminists are accused of destroying the nuclear family and other traditional values that have kept the social system intact for centuries (Allam, 2022)

II. WPS Texts from an Arab Feminist Lens:

Today, women peacebuilders in Arab countries carry forward the legacy of the pioneer feminists On the ground, their activism connects gender justice to resisting foreign intervention, authoritarianism, and war; however, the WPS agenda to date is reduced to donor-driven programs or cosmetic reforms that ignore historical context Looking across three National Action Plans (NAPs) from Iraq (2021-2024), Jordan (2022-2025), and Tunisia (2018-2022), some overlapping elements can be traced First, all three are written in a heavily programmatic language that aligns with the priorities of donor and international institutions rather than in terms that resonate with the living conditions of Arab women. For instance, there are numerous references to international frameworks, conventions, indicators, and outputs, which make these plans resemble bureaucratic project documents rather than social manifestos that outline a human-centered approach to peacebuilding This style contrasts sharply with the language of early Arab feminists, who crafted culturally resonant arguments around religious authority, nationalist aspirations, and literary traditions to advance women’s emancipation as central to societal progress

Second, women are largely portrayed as targets of protection and aid rather than as shapers of national and regional transformation Whether in relation to conflict, extremism, or displacement, the NAPs overwhelmingly frame women as victims who must be shielded from harm This framing undermines the agency of women who are not simply passive but have been and continue to be educators, writers, activists, and leaders of social and political movements

Third, the weak cultural or intellectual anchoring in these documents. The Jordan NAP makes some gestures to male allyship and the role of religious leaders, but these references are provided in a thin and instrumental fashion, not part of a sustained engagement with cultural debates On the other hand, Iraq focuses on conflict-related vulnerabilities, while Tunisia situates its plan within a geopolitical context, emphasizing instability in neighboring countries and the threat of extremism. A key weakness of these plans is the absence of a strong connection to the histories of women in their countries and how they have been agents of change, which can be leveraged on a larger scale

Fourth, the regional dimension is also missing Tunisia briefly acknowledges the NAPs of Iraq, Palestine, and Jordan, but none of the three plans use these references as an entry point for

serious cross-regional feminist solidarity Instead, each plan remains siloed within a national framework tailored to donor expectations, thereby neglecting the historical lesson that Arab women have long seen their struggles as interconnected.

Fifth, the NAPs treat education and awareness as technical outputs, not as engines of social transformation While the plans include references to training, capacity building, and awareness campaigns, these are offered in narrow programmatic terms and lack a broader cultural ambition

Finally, all three documents reflect a top-down model of state feminism. Ministries, security agencies, and donors are the primary actors in drafting and implementing the plans, while civil society organizations are presented as “partners” without real authority By consolidating decision-making at the state level and failing to devolve meaningful power to grassroots women’s movements, the NAPs risk reproducing the very patriarchal systems they claim to challenge Taken together, the examined Iraq, Jordan, and Tunisia NAPs reduce the Women, Peace, and Security agenda to a technocratic exercise. They can be improved by drawing on the region’s feminist history, and by engaging more deeply with sociopolitical realities They also neglect the importance of cross-regional solidarity and do not explore enough the potential for sub-regional cooperation networks As a result, they lack transformative energy that could make WPS a truly resonant and empowering framework A fresh and authentic WPS perspective for the Arab world must capture what peace means for Arab women. The connective tissue between Arab countries must be seen as an opportunity for knowledge sharing, amplification of common messages, and a tool for cross-border solidarity

III. Recommendations:

Policy Recommendations to the WPS Community:

Localization of the donor agenda is critical for the success of any WPS plan of action in the region. The international community should refrain from dictating programs that do not reflect the spirit of local communities Listening sessions with local representatives are essential for scoping and assessment Donor rules for funding, as well as monitoring and evaluation requirements, must be simplified and tailored to the needs of the local context Shift from top-down state feminism to grassroots power-sharing, by requiring that civil society organizations hold co-decision-making authority in drafting and monitoring NAPs, not just advisory roles, and allocating at least 30% of WPS budgets directly to grassroots women-led organizations, bypassing state bottlenecks

Replace programmatic jargon with culturally resonant framing, possibly through a WPS language taskforce composed of women leaders, writers, historians, and faith scholars to develop a glossary of terms that resonate locally.

Require that national action plans (NAPs) in the region integrate Qur’anic, historical, and literary references alongside international conventions to ground women’s rights in local intellectual and cultural traditions This helps win allies and strengthens the case for inter-faith dialogue and the revival of indigenous mediation practices (Kakar, 2029) that involve women Reframe women as agents, not only victims, by introducing mandatory women’s leadership quotas in peace negotiations, ceasefire monitoring, and reconstruction committees.

Document and highlight local case studies of women as mediators, educators, and community leaders to be included in each country’s NAP as models of agency.

Build a regional WPS network through a Pan-Arab WPS Platform2 that convenes peacebuilders from across Arab countries every year, producing joint regional recommendations and advocacy campaigns This network can support the creation of subregional solidarity clusters (i.e., Maghreb, Levant, Gulf, Sudan/Horn of Africa) to coordinate strategies, exchange lessons, and respond to cross-border crises.

Establish regional rapid-response funds to directly support women’s networks mobilizing during crises in Gaza, Sudan, Syria, Yemen, and beyond

Treat education as a vehicle for cultural transformation by funding literary and artistic initiatives (novels, plays, poetry, films) that center women’s contributions to peace and resilience. Partner with media outlets to run multi-country storytelling campaigns that showcase women’s leadership in conflict and post-conflict recovery.

Institutionalize survivor-centered accountability by integrating testimonies of conflict survivors into WPS reports and UN briefings to ensure policies reflect lived realities

Policy Recommendations to Civil Society in Arab Countries:

Arab women must deeply reconnect with and rediscover the historic roots of the Arab feminist movement, which emerged as part of the national liberation and anti-colonial struggle This is key for countries navigating conflict or in post-conflict settings where ultraconservative forces portray the feminist agenda as a Western import that aims to disrupt societies’ religious and cultural infrastructure Incorporating the writings of leading Arab feminists into educational curricula is a good starting point, along with public lectures that invite religious and tribal leaders to reflect on the histories and inspirational stories of these women. These public forums could be ideal venues to debate around women’s rights in Islam that were buried under centuries of colonial neglect and were reclaimed by the early Arab feminists

2 This paper draws on insights from the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security’s MENA Women Peacebuilders Initiative, which the author leads

Arab men must recognize that women’s rights do not come at the expense of their own They should work alongside Arab women to reform outdated personal status codes, governing marriage, divorce, child support, and inheritance, ensuring a fair distribution of rights and responsibilities for more just, and harmonious families and societies. These reforms are not only essential for advancing gender equality but also directly support the WPS agenda, which recognizes that sustainable peace depends on inclusive and equitable social foundations By embedding women’s rights within family and community structures, societies strengthen resilience against conflict and create the conditions for long-term stability

Liberal and moderate forces must support and embrace the feminist movement as a crucial partner and ally in the fight for social justice and mitigating the negative consequences of aggressive capitalism. The calls for decent work hours and childcare services for working women are of utmost importance Ensuring decent work hours, fair labor practices, and accessible childcare services reinforce sustainable peace that is rooted in equitable social structures and resilient communities By championing policies that enable women’s full participation in economic life, these forces help create the inclusive foundations necessary for lasting peace and societal stability.

Conclusion

As the Women, Peace, and Security agenda marks its 25th anniversary, its promise in the Arab world will remain unrealized unless it is reimagined through the lens of the region’s own feminist history and lived realities The early Arab feminist movement was not an imitation of Western ideas, but a deeply rooted struggle intertwined with anti-colonial resistance, cultural revival, and the quest for justice Reclaiming this legacy today offers a powerful framework for transforming WPS from a donor-driven, technocratic exercise into a locally grounded, politically resonant, and socially transformative agenda. By embedding feminist principles within cultural, religious, and historical contexts, amplifying women’s agency and leadership, building regional solidarity, and ensuring that grassroots voices shape policy design and implementation, Arab societies can unlock the full potential of WPS as a tool for peace, resilience, and equitable development

Bibiography

1. UN, Landmark Resolution on Women, Peace and Security, https://wwwunorg/womenwatch/osagi/wps/

2 Al-Afifi, Raneem, Feminism in Egypt: a Brief Overview, Medfeminiswiya, April 8, 2021, Feminism in Egypt: a brief overview - Medfeminiswiya

3 Muhammad Ali, Pasha and Viceroy of Egypt, Britannic https://wwwbritannicacom/biography/Muhammad-Ali-pasha-and-viceroy-of-Egypt

4. Exeter, CIGH, Tracing the Origins of Early Feminism in the Arab World, Imperial and Global Forum, July 8, 2019, https://imperialglobalexetercom/2019/07/08/tracing-the-origins-of-earlyfeminism-in-the-arab-world/

5 Chamlou, Nadereh, Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa, Global Policy, October 3, 2017, https://www.globalpolicyjournal.com/blog/03/10/2017/women%E2%80%99srights-middle-east-and-north-africa

6 Choudhary, Zara, Silence Is Consent: White Feminism’s Selective Solidarity With Iran but Not Palestine, Amaliah, December 14, 2023, https://wwwamaliahcom/post/67504/white-feminismselective-solidarity-silence-iran-palestine

7. Evelyn Baring, 1st Earl of Cromer, https://enwikipediaorg/wiki/Evelyn Baring, 1st Earl of Cromer

8 Haq, Maheen, The War on Muslim Women’s Bodies: A Critique of Western Feminism, Georgetown Immigration Law Journal, January 17, 2022, https://www.law.georgetown.edu/immigration-law-journal/blog/the-war-on-muslim-womensbodies-a-critique-of-westernfeminism/#:~:text=However%2C%20during%20the%20British%20occupation,was%20also%20 founding%20the%20%E2%80%9CMen's

9. Men’s League for Women’s Suffrage, Spartacus Educational, https://spartacuseducational.com/Wmen.htm

10 Hibri, Cyma, Orientalism: Edward Said’s Groundbreaking Book Explained, The Conversation, Feb 12, 2023, https://theconversationcom/orientalism-edward-saidsgroundbreaking-book-explained-197429

11. Gerloff-Blood, Lily, Challenging Orientalist Cultural Narratives of Arab Women: an Analysis of a Short Film, The New Scholar, Leiden Student Journal of Humanities, 2024, https://wwwthenewscholarnl/indexphp/tns/article/view/31/arabwomen

12 Popular Press Holdings in the Middle East Department, Library of the University of Chicago, https://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/collections/mideast/poppress/

13 Warda Al Yaziji, https://enwikipediaorg/wiki/Warda alYaziji#:~:text=Warda%20al%2DYaziji%20%281838%E2%80%93,Lubnaniyat%20%22%20by%20Emily% 20Fares%20Ibrahim.

14 Hind Nawfal, https://enwikipediaorg/wiki/Hind Nawfal

15 Zaynab Fawwaz, https://enwikipediaorg/wiki/Zaynab Fawwaz

16. Azam, Mohamed, Women’s Literary Salons and Societies in the Arab World, RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary, Volume-04, Issue-08, August-2019 https://oldrrjournalscom/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/231-232 RRIJM190408049pdf

17 Arab Feminist Union, Britannica, https://wwwbritannicacom/topic/Arab-Feminist-Union

18. Huda Sha’arawi, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Huda Sha%27arawi

https://wwwhindawiorg/books/90647493/42/

20 Thomas, Maria, Five Incredible Arab Feminists You Need to Know, Natakallam Blog, https://natakallam.com/blog/5-incredible-arab-feminists-you-need-to-know/

21 Mernissi, Fatema, Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in Modern Muslim Society, first published in 1975, Indiana University Press, https://wwwgoodreadscom/book/show/537182 Beyond the Veil

22. Nawal El Saadawi, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nawal El Saadawi

23 Rabia Basri, https://enwikipediaorg/wiki/Rabia Basri

24 Al-Khansa’, https://enwikipediaorg/wiki/Al-Khansa%27

25. The Knower of Allah, Rabia al-Adawiyya, Sidi Muhammad Press, https://sufimaster.org/teachings/rabia-al-adawiyya/

26 Butrus al-Bustani, https://enwikipediaorg/wiki/Butrus al-Bustani

27 Qasim Amin, https://enwikipediaorg/wiki/Qasim Amin

28 Nasser, Hanan, Remembering Boutros Al-Boustani: A Visionary, Lebanese American University, September 24, 2019, https://newslauedulb/2019/remembering-boutros-al-boustani-avisionary.php#:~:text=Al%2DBoustani%20embraced%20modernity%20in,of%20society%20as%20a %20whole.

208568article/archives/combinaaalwww://https/

30. Mustafa Kamil Pasha, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mustafa Kamil Pasha /9133/53book/wsshamela://https 56، 31 ص 2007

32 UNDP Arab States, Gender Justice and the Law in the Arab Region, https://wwwundporg/arab-states/gender-justice-law-arab-region

33. UNFPA in the Arab States, Gender-Based Violence, https://arabstatesunfpaorg/en/topics/gender-based-violence-8

34 UN Women Arab States, Facts and Figures: Ending Violence Against Women and Girls, https://arabstatesunwomenorg/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-andfigures-0

35 Samir Imran, Yousra, For Gender Justice in Arab Countries, Abolish Colonial Laws!, New Arab, August 21, 2022, https://wwwnewarabcom/opinion/gender-justice-arab-countries-abolishcolonial-laws

36. Saif Allam, Rabha, Arab Feminism: Controversy in the Face of Social Reform, Future for Advanced Research and Studies, November 28, 2022,https://futureuaecom/beencephp/Mainpage/Item/7823/arab-feminism-controversy-in-theface-of-social-reform

37 Iraq Second National Action Plan to Activate Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security, 2021-2024, https://www.wpsnaps.org/app/uploads/2022/12/Iraq-NAP-22020-2024 arabic ENG-translation-Google-Translate.pdf

38 The Second Jordanian Action Plan for the Implementation of the UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security 2022-2025, https://women jo/sites/default/files/202403/JONAP%20II Revided%20version English%20001pdf

39 Tunisia National Action Plan 2018- 2022 1325

" Women, Security and Peace", https://wpsfocalpointsnetworkorg/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Tunisia-2018-2022 pdf

40. Kakar, Palwasha L., To Help End a War, Call Libya’s Women Negotiators, USIP, October 17, 2019, https://wwwusiporg/publications/2019/10/help-end-war-call-libyas-women-negotiators

41 MENA Women-Peace Builders Initiative, GIWPS, https://giwpsgeorgetownedu/menainitiative/

Author:

Saji Prelis

A Shared Vision: How the Youth, Peace and Security Agenda Complements and Advances the Women, Peace and Security Agenda

Abstract: Unlocking the Next Generation of Peace

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, codified by UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, has spent a quarter-century laying the essential foundation for inclusive peacebuilding. It further established the definitive evidence that peace agreements are 35% more likely to last 15 years with women’s inclusion confirming the enduring impact women’s leadership brings to sustaining peace As the WPS agenda seeks to overcome persistent implementation challenges including the enduring presence of political tokenism, rigid identity siloing, and the chronic use of weak performance metrics that fail to measure true social change the younger Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) agenda offers a vital and complementary pathway for its advancement. This practitioner essay argues that the synergy between these two frameworks can significantly strengthen the future implementation of WPS by providing a robust measurement framework and prioritizing intersectional, localized action

Far from competing for resources, YPS is built on a non-adversarial, intergenerational model that directly addresses the systemic exclusion both movements share, particularly the "doublediscrimination" faced by young women. This refers to the structural and psychological exclusion experienced by young women who are often overlooked by WPS initiatives (which tend to prioritize older women) while simultaneously being overshadowed by the elevation of young men

in the nascent YPS space This inherent intersectional focus on age and gender allows YPS to advance gender equity a core WPS goal alongside young men

This article demonstrates how YPS offers three critical, practical tools for advancing WPS:

1 Correcting Exclusion: The YPS focus on grassroots, networked power provides a vital template for deeper, community-level penetration and combats tokenism

2 Quantifying Success: YPS introduces the Peace Impact Framework (PIF), an innovation that shifts measurement from simple activity reports to tracking five universal "Vital Signs" of social health including Agency and Institutional Legitimacy. The PIF provides a robust architecture for WPS to finally quantify the quality and sustainability of its inclusion efforts

3 Building the Investment Case: In a world where development assistance is shrinking, the YPS agenda’s proven Social Return on Investment (SROI) model demonstrates that every dollar invested yields a five-to-ten dollar economic return

By integrating the PIF and embracing this collaborative model, WPS can move beyond symbolic participation, transform social spending into an essential economic driver, and ensure the future of 1325 is one of collective, measurable, and enduring success

1. A Foundational Legacy: The Intergenerational Bridge

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, with its foundational UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, adopted in 2000, and its over two decades of work fundamentally reshaped global peacebuilding Its unwavering commitment to recognizing women as essential agents of peace not only challenged patriarchal power structures but also established the world's first formal link between gender and international security The WPS legacy is undeniable: it established 115 National Action Plans (NAPs) globally, as of October 2025 ((WPS Focal Points Network, n.d.) (Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, 2025)., and its 2015 Global Study provided definitive evidence that peace agreements are 35% more likely to last at least 15 years when women are included (UN Women, 2015) This evidence base of success was the intellectual bedrock upon which the YPS agenda was constructed

The YPS agenda’s genesis was directly inspired by, and highly indebted to, the political architecture of WPS. The initial idea, conceived by a handful of leaders in civil society, the international youth networks, and UN was to replicate the success of 1325 for a youth demographic (ages 18 to 29) (United Nations Security Council, 2015), that lacked dedicated policy frameworks or institutional support (Prelis, 2022)

This effort was rooted in a foundational lesson from the WPS experience: systemic exclusion is violence. However, the YPS founders learned that achieving durable impact required a non-

adversarial, intergenerational approach Instead of framing the effort as a competition for resources, they focused on partnerships and trust This core group realized they couldn't do it alone and formed an interagency working group that, over several years, crafted the Guiding Principles on Young People’s Participation in Peacebuilding to establish a common language across the UN, governments, and youth-led groups (Prelis, 2022) The success of this collaborative horizontal leadership model culminated in the unanimous adoption of UNSCR 2250 in 2015, which was later reinforced by UNSCR 2419 (2018) and UNSCR 2535 (2020)

This process solidified a three-stream framework that governs the YPS agenda's work:

1 Setting Normative Standards: Establishing the political norms enshrined in the three UNSCRs (2250, 2419, and 2535) that recognize young people’s political agency for peace

2 Institutional Adoption: Helping institutions globally and regionally understand, adopt, and integrate these norms into their operations

3.National Collaboration and Trust: Improving trust and collaboration at the national level through national strategies (adopting WPS National Action Plan models), innovative financing models, and programs that strengthen intergenerational peacebuilding efforts

These processes were co-led by the Global Coalition on Youth, Peace and Security which was coled by civil society, youth-led network and the UN in partnership with key intergovernmental agencies (Global Coalition on Youth, Peace and Security (GCYPS) (2012).

2. Shared Challenges and Distinctive Architectures

Despite their differing timelines and primary focus groups, the WPS and YPS agendas share fundamental challenges rooted in structural exclusion, while their architectural differences define their complementary power

Common Challenges: The Legacy of Structural Exclusion

The most immediate common challenge facing both agendas today is the threat of resource depletion and political tokenism In an era of increasing global chaos, rising costs of living, rapid erosion of gender norms and gains, and inevitable decreases in foreign and domestic investment, both agendas risk becoming hollowed-out policy relics Furthermore, both WPS and YPS struggle with overcoming the “symbolic versus structural" divide: too often, states invite representatives for ceremonial "participation" without yielding any real decision-making power, a failure noted in the implementation of both WPS and the nascent YPS NAPs (Our Generation for Inclusive Peace (OGIP) (2019) (Leclerc, 2024)

Looking ahead, both agendas will inherit the future challenges of deepening intergenerational distrust and the impact of the median age gap Globally, approximately 1 8 billion young people (aged 15–29) represent a massive demographic reality, one that is often cited as a key factor in political instability and conflict when excluded from economic and political systems (UNFPA, 2015) This exclusion creates a growing vacuum of institutional legitimacy worldwide The urgency of this global reality is starkly reflected in the fact that, while the entire Continent Africa alone has a median age of 193 (Worldometer, 2025) and accounts for nine of the ten lowest-ranked countries in the 2023 Global Youth Development Index (YDI), the global Peace and Security domain has recorded the smallest overall improvement over the past decade (Commonwealth Secretariat, 2023). This demographic pressure is colliding with global insecurity: the 2025 Global Peace Index (GPI) found that global peacefulness has deteriorated for 13 of the last 17 years, with the key drivers of this decline being the Ongoing Conflict and Militarisation domains (GPI, 2025) Unless WPS and YPS collaborate, this demographic reality threatens to widen the chasm between formal institutions and the populations they serve, undermining the sustainability of any peace and security process.

It is against these alarming trends of rising violence and institutional fragility that the YPS agenda framed its trajectory around a fundamental, disruptive question: it deliberately shifted the focus away from asking simply why some young people pose a threat or why they join armed groups to investigate why the vast majority of young people are peaceful This foundational query reframed youth not as a risk to be contained, but as a critical and often-overlooked asset for sustainable peace (Prelis, 2022).

Distinctive Architectures: Building on the WPS Legacy

While sharing these obstacles, the YPS agenda is distinctively characterized by how it builds on and attempts to correct for the WPS legacy:

Framing and Tone: The WPS movement, in its early stages, necessarily had an adversarial component to challenge centuries of patriarchal power The YPS movement, building on the political space WPS created, adopted a non-adversarial, intergenerational partnership model from its inception, prioritizing the building of trust between youth, institutions, and traditional leaders (Prelis, 2022).

Decentralized Power: While WPS has primarily centered on vertical policy spaces (Security Council, national parliaments), YPS prioritizes horizontal/networked power the grassroots youth coalitions that operate outside formal corridors This focus on localization and youth-led ownership (eg, in Burundi, Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Gambia, Jordan, Kenya, and Nigeria NAPs) provides a vital template for WPS to achieve deeper, community-level penetration (Leclerc, 2024).

The Double-Discrimination of Young Women: The fragmentation of the two agendas results in the systemic "double-discrimination" of young women who fall between the cracks of WPS (which tends to prioritize women generally above the age of 30 or 35 for high-level inclusion) and YPS (which often elevates young men) (OGIP, 2019) (Leclerc et al, 2023) In trying to overcorrect, sometimes the YPS agenda leaves young men more marginalized when they too are key for peace and security solutions Moreover, a narrow focus on women’s participation risks reinforcing existing gender norms that exclude young men from constructive, nonviolent roles, treating them solely as perpetrators or spoilers of peace. As a result, the YPS agenda is inherently intersectional, focusing on dismantling this specific age and gender barrier to advance gender equity a core WPS goal alongside young men The integration of both agendas is crucial because simply grouping young people without a gender lens, or grouping women without an age lens, both discriminates against young women and disregards their unique set of abilities as agents of change and their political agency (UN Women, 2018).

3. The Peace Impact Framework: A Blueprint for Measuring YPS and WPS Success

The most critical opportunity for the WPS agenda to revitalize its implementation comes through adopting the Peace Impact Framework (PIF), an innovation developed in the YPS space to overcome the persistent challenge of measuring actual, long-term social change (Lemon et al., 2023). This model shifts the focus from simple outputs (e.g., number of meetings held, policies written) to measuring the health and resilience of a society itself This allows WPS to tell a stronger, data-driven story of its impact, both alone and collectively with YPS

The PIF is built on the simple analogy of a human body: a doctor measures universal vital signs (temperature, pulse, respiration rate, blood pressure, oxygen saturation) to assess health, regardless of a specific ailment (headache or knee pain) or other differentiating factors including gender or socioeconomic status Similarly, a healthy and peaceful society has five universal Vital Signs that must be tracked:

1 Agency: Do people, especially women and youth, believe they have the power to influence decisions and change their lives?

2.Institutional Legitimacy: Do people trust their formal and traditional institutions (police, government, community leaders) to be fair and responsive?

3 People’s Trust in Each Other or Polarization: How much do people trust each other across dividing lines (ethnic, political, generational)?

4 People’s Sense of Safety or Violence: Do people feel safe in their homes and communities, free from both physical and structural violence?

5.Investments: Are resources flowing into supporting peace and development rather than fueling conflict? And understanding the impact of existing resources including volunteer hours dedicated to addressing grievances

How Policymakers

and

Practitioners Use the Framework

The true utility of the PIF lies in its three simple, practical pillars referred to as Feedback Loops which establish a shared methodology for measuring the five Vital Signs. This common language facilitates seamless collaboration on data between practitioners on the ground and policymakers in capital cities

The YPS agenda is actively testing this framework in National Action Plan contexts like the Cameroon, DRC, Gambia, Kenya, and Nigeria, yielding promising results that demonstrate a clear pathway for WPS adoption. This critical testing phase is designed to develop a scalable proof of concept, leveraging coordinated national coalitions and accessible data tools to ensure widespread, cost-effective youth participation without placing undue capacity burdens on underresourced grassroots organizations By integrating the PIF, the WPS agenda gains a robust, universal architecture that can quantify the quality and sustainability of inclusion, thus fulfilling the spirit of 1325's vision for transformative peace

4. From Theory to Practice: Narratives of Youth Agency and the Investment Case

The profound impact of this collaborative approach is visible in the work of young peacebuilders Their stories are not mere anecdotes; they are the evidence base for the new investment paradigm

For young women like Fatoumata from Mali (visually impaired) and Nyakang from South Sudan (resisting forced marriage), the YPS framework enabled them to overcome structural violence and increase their Sense of Agency (Vital Sign 1) (Search for Common Ground, 2025a, 2024b) Similarly, young men like Hussein, a journalist in Kenya from the informal settlements of Mombasa, and Lomong in South Sudan, who utilized conflict transformation skills to address gender-based violence and support vulnerable children, demonstrate the critical role of young men in advancing WPS objectives (Search for Common Ground, 2025b, 2024a).

This practitioner impact directly feeds the Investment Case The YPS agenda is using the Social Return on Investment (SROI) methodology to make the compelling economic argument that the impact generated by young people benefits all stakeholders. Research demonstrates that every one dollar invested in youth peacebuilding programs yields a five to ten dollar social and economic return on investment, benefiting the private sector, local authorities, and civil society groups, not just the youth participants (Kumar et al, 2023)

This quantifiable SROI, derived from strengthening the social vital signs of a community, underscores the importance of collaboration and partnership. It reframes investment in WPS and YPS not as social spending, but as an essential economic driver for resilient and stable societies. The YPS agenda, by providing a framework that is politically rigorous, economically justifiable, and practically measurable through the PIF, offers a roadmap for the WPS agenda to achieve its next phase of impact, ensuring the future of 1325 is one of collective success

References

Commonwealth Secretariat. (2023). Global youth development index update report 2023. Retrieved October 25, 2025, from https://thecommonwealth.org/publications/global-youthdevelopment-index-update-report-2023/global-picture

Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (2025) From Resolution to Revolution: Lessons Learned from 25 Years of the Women, Peace & Security Framework Retrieved October 20, 2025, from https://giwps.georgetown.edu/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/From-Resolution-toRevolution.pdf

Global Coalition on Youth, Peace and Security (2012) Global Coalition on Youth, Peace and Security (GCYPS) Retrieved October 25, 2025, from https://cnxusorg/resource/gcypsglobalcoalitiononyps/ Institute for Economics & Peace (2025) Global Peace Index 2025: Identifying and measuring the factors that drive peace. Retrieved October 25, 2025, from https://www.economicsandpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/GPI-2025-web.pdf

Kumar, S , Olsen, S , Mallett, A , & Prelis, S (2023) Building Evidence for Peacebuilding Investments: A Snapshot of Youth-Led and Youth-Supporting Peacebuilding Programs in Kenya Yields Five to Ten-Fold Social Returns on Investment (SROI) USAID Retrieved on October 20, 2025 from https://cnxus.org/resource/building-evidence-for-peacebuilding-investments-a-snapshot-ofyouth-led-youth-supporting-peacebuilding-programs-in-kenya-yields-five-to-ten-fold-socialreturns-on-investment-sroi/

Leclerc, K (2024) Claiming the Agenda: What Seven YPS National Action Plans Tell Us About Youth Ownership and Localization Retrived October 20, 2025 from https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/claiming-agenda-what-seven-yps-national-action-plans-tellleclerc-7vpuc/

Leclerc, K, Stoumen, N, Despain, A , & Zabihi, S (2023) Slipping Through the Cracks: Young Women's Exclusion from Peace and Security Processes Al-Raida, 47(1), 3-30 Retreaved October 20, 2025 from https://alraidajournal.lau.edu.lb/images/d912da7ca8270f720f5bc8e5b7cd0e4162a2d23c.pdf

Lemon, A , et al (2023) The Peace Impact Framework Retrieved on October 20, 2025 from https://cnxusorg/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/PIF Packet Final-Version May-2023pdf

Our Generation for Inclusive Peace (OGIP) (2019) Inclusive Peace, Inclusive Futures: Exploring the Urgent Need to Further the Women, Peace and Security and the Youth, Peace and Security Agendas. Our Generation for Inclusive Peace Policy Paper. Retrieved on October 20, 2025 from https://ourgenpeacecom/policy-papers/

Prelis, L S (2022) The Critical Movement for Youth Inclusion In C Koppell (Ed), Untapped Power: Leveraging Diversity and Inclusion for Conflict and Development (pp 95-120) Oxford University Press.

Search for Common Ground (2024a) Lomong’s Journey of Transformation and Hope Youth Talk: Success Story Retrieved October 20, 2025, from https://wwwsfcgorg/wpcontent/uploads/2025/03/Youth-Talk-Success-Storiespdf

Search for Common Ground. (2024b). Rising Above: Nyakang’s Courageous Path to Inspire Change. Youth Talk: Success Story. Retrieved October 20, 2025, from https://wwwsfcgorg/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Youth-Talk-Success-Storiespdf

Search for Common Ground (2025a) From Challenges to Change: Fatoumata’s Vision for Inclusion and Peace in Mali Youth Talk: Success Story Retrieved October 20, 2025, from https://www.sfcg.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Youth-Talk-Success-Stories.pdf

Search for Common Ground (2025b) Hussein - Becoming a Peace Ambassador Youth Talk: Success Story Retrieved October 20, 2025, from https://wwwsfcgorg/wpcontent/uploads/2025/03/Youth-Talk-Success-Storiespdf

United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). (n.d.). Youth participation and leadership. Retrieved October 25, 2025, from https://www.unfpa.org/youth-participation-and-leadership

United Nations Security Council (2015) Resolution 2250 (2015) S/RES/2250 Retrieved on October 20, 2025 from https://digitallibraryunorg/record/814032?v=pdf

UN Women. (2018). Young Women in Peace and Security: At the Intersection of the YPS and WPS Agendas UN Women Retrieved on October 20, 2025 from https://wwwunwomenorg/en/digitallibrary/publications/2018/4/young-women-in-peace-and-security

UN Women (2015) Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. UN Women. Retrieved on October 20, 2025 from https://wps.unwomen.org/pdf/en/GlobalStudy EN Web.pdf

Worldometer (2025) Africa population Retrieved October 20, 2025, from https://wwwworldometersinfo/world-population/africa-population/

WPS Focal Points Network. (n.d.). Resources. Retrieved October 25, 2025, from https://wpsfocalpointsnetwork.org/resources/

Author:

Katherine Ntiamoah is a public affairs strategist, writer, and former US diplomat As Public Affairs Officer at the US Embassy in Benin, she initiated and led the Woman King cultural diplomacy program, advancing Women Peace and Security objectives by engaging government, security actors, youth, and cultural stakeholders Her portfolio has spanned gender equity, countering disinformation, and civic engagement across West Africa, Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Europe Katherine serves on the Dean’s Advisory Council of Indiana University’s Hamilton Lugar School of Global and International Studies and authors Still I Notice Everything, a Substack focused on policy, culture, and motherhood A first-generation Ghanaian American, she believes diplomacy must be more inclusive, more creative, and grounded in local agency She is especially interested in bridging cultural and policy tools to drive transformation within peacebuilding ecosystems and foreign affairs institutions

Cinema as Soft Power: Advancing Women Peace and Security through Cultural Diplomacy in Benin

Abstract

This practitioner essay examines how The Woman King, a Hollywood-produced historical drama about the Agojie women warriors, became a strategic tool to advance the Women, Peace, and Security principles in Benin In May 2023, as Public Affairs Officer at the US Embassy in Benin, I initiated and led a cultural diplomacy program featuring director Gina Prince Bythewood and filmmaker Reggie Rock Bythewood. The mission used cinema as the entry point to convene government leaders, women in uniform, youth, creatives, civil society, and private sector stakeholders around shared values, including gender equity, national identity, and economic empowerment

This essay analyzes three dimensions of WPS advancement through this initiative. First, convening Beninese women leaders in the military, police, and judiciary elevated their voices and spotlighted gender challenges in national security These engagements aligned with UNSCR 1325's pillar on participation, reinforcing women’s visibility and influence in peacebuilding structures Second, diplomatic meetings with the ministers of Tourism and Microfinance catalyzed conversations on the development of national film infrastructure Commitments emerged to establish a national film commission, allocate land for studios, and promote tourism corridors grounded in historical memory. These institutional investments illustrated how culture can contribute to both economic recovery and gender-responsive development

Third, public programming at youth centers, universities, and innovation hubs mobilized more than 200 students and emerging creatives Young people were exposed to the mechanics of filmmaking, the career trajectories of the visiting artists, and the broader symbolic power of cultural production. The film’s resonance with local audiences inspired calls for a homegrown film sector that could rival Nollywood This demand signals a societal appetite to use art and storytelling to reconstruct national narratives through a gender lens

This case study highlights how cultural diplomacy can activate UNSCR 1325 in unconventional arenas. The national monument to the Agojie, artisan markets, and museum initiatives in Cotonou and Abomey already reflect a broader investment in cultural heritage and identity (The Art Newspaper, 2024; Akoroko, 2024) The Woman King itself had a budget of 50 million US dollars and grossed nearly 98 million globally (Wikipedia, 2024) It was filmed in South Africa due to Benin’s lack of production infrastructure, yet its spiritual and historical roots remain in the country

Drawing from my experience leading this program, the essay reflects on the role of creative diplomacy in operationalizing WPS It outlines how public engagement, strategic infrastructure investment, and narrative power together create new pathways toward inclusive peace, prosperity, and youth empowerment These lessons offer a model for future efforts that seek to align cultural initiatives with global peace and security goals

Introduction

The adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) in 2000 marked a landmark moment in recognizing women as essential actors in peacebuilding, conflict resolution, and post-conflict recovery. Over the past twenty-five years, the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda has expanded through both international and national mechanisms, yet its implementation continues to face structural barriers (United Nations Security Council, 2000) While much of the discourse surrounding UNSCR 1325 emphasizes traditional security frameworks and institutional reforms, this essay explores a less conventional avenue: cultural diplomacy.

In May 2023, as Public Affairs Officer at the United States Embassy in Benin, I initiated and led a cultural diplomacy program centered on The Woman King, a US -produced film that dramatizes the story of the Agojie, the all-female warrior unit that defended the Kingdom of Dahomey (present-day Benin) This program mobilized the film as a vehicle to convene women in security institutions, government ministers, students, creatives, and civil society leaders around themes central to UNSCR 1325, including participation, protection, and prevention.

By using cinema as soft power, the initiative highlighted how cultural narratives can activate WPS objectives in ways that extend beyond formal peace tables The program underscored three dimensions of WPS advancement: elevating the voices of women in uniform, catalyzing policy commitments toward cultural and economic infrastructure, and inspiring youth and creatives to imagine their role in shaping inclusive societies

Historical and Cultural Context

The Agojie warriors occupy a prominent place in Beninese cultural memory. Represented in oral traditions, artifacts, and more recently in a national monument inaugurated in Cotonou in 2022, the Agojie symbolize resilience, national identity, and women’s leadership (The Art Newspaper, 2024) Their legacy has become a touchstone for both historical reflection and contemporary nation-building, particularly as Benin seeks to expand its cultural tourism and creative industries

The Woman King, directed by Gina Prince-Bythewood and starring Viola Davis, brought this history to a global audience. With a production budget of 50 million U.S. dollars and global box office earnings nearing 98 million, the film demonstrated both the commercial viability and cultural resonance of African stories In Benin, the film was met with widespread enthusiasm, selling out showings in Cotonou from September 2022 through March 2023 Its impact extended beyond entertainment, sparking debates about identity, representation, and the potential of the cultural sector to contribute to national development.

By situating this film within a diplomatic framework, the US Embassy in Cotonou was able to connect the WPS agenda to local contexts in ways that felt authentic and aspirational

Elevating Women in Security Institutions

One of UNSCR 1325’s most important contributions has been its call for the increased participation of women in security and decision-making structures Despite this, women in many African security sectors continue to face barriers to promotion, a lack of mentorship, and limited visibility (Hudson, 2022). As part of the Woman King cultural diplomacy program, the embassy convened Beninese women leaders in the armed forces, police, and judiciary to meet with the visiting filmmakers

These engagements provided a platform for women officers to share their experiences of both progress and persistent challenges. They also allowed U.S. diplomats and civil society partners to listen directly to the aspirations of these leaders. Such dialogues not only amplified their

voices within national security conversations but also reinforced the importance of peer exchange and international solidarity In this sense, the program directly aligned with UNSCR 1325’s emphasis on women’s meaningful participation in peace and security.

Policy Engagement and Cultural Infrastructure

The second dimension of the initiative involved policy dialogue with the Beninese government. Meetings with the Minister of Tourism, Arts and Culture Jean-Michel Abimbola and Minister of Microfinance and Social Affairs Véronique Tognifodé revealed a shared interest in expanding the cultural and creative sectors Minister Abimbola announced plans for a national film commission and the allocation of 25 hectares of land for studio development He emphasized that cultural industries, particularly film, could serve as engines of both economic growth and youth employment.

These policy commitments resonate with UNSCR 1325’s focus on prevention and protection, not in the narrow sense of avoiding conflict, but in the broader sense of building resilient societies through inclusive development By investing in film and cultural tourism, Benin is creating opportunities that can reduce vulnerability to instability, while also affirming the importance of women and youth in driving national narratives.

The US Embassy’s role as convener and catalyst demonstrates the potential of cultural diplomacy to contribute to policy reform By connecting government stakeholders with international filmmakers and highlighting local enthusiasm for cinema, the program helped position the creative economy as a strategic priority.

Youth Engagement and Creative Futures

The third and perhaps most dynamic aspect of the Woman King initiative was youth engagement More than 200 students participated in workshops, screenings, and discussions with Gina Prince Bythewood and Reggie Rock Bythewood These events took place at the American Center in Cotonou, the Eya Center, and Sèmè City, a regional innovation hub for education and entrepreneurship

Students were eager to learn about the process of filmmaking, the challenges of breaking into the industry, and the role of storytelling in shaping identity Many expressed aspirations to develop a Beninese film industry that could rival Nollywood, Nigeria’s globally recognized cinema powerhouse (PwC, 2020) For these young people, the presence of internationally acclaimed filmmakers was both inspiring and validating

Engaging youth through the arts aligns with UNSCR 1325 and the complementary Youth, Peace, and Security agenda It underscores the role of the next generation not only as consumers of culture but also as producers of narratives that can influence peace, governance, and social cohesion.

Cultural Diplomacy as a Tool for WPS

The Woman King cultural diplomacy initiative illustrates how non-traditional tools can operationalize UNSCR 1325 Unlike conventional approaches that focus on formal negotiations or institutional reform, cultural diplomacy works through narratives, symbols, and public imagination. This initiative demonstrates three important lessons for the future of the WPS agenda.

First, cultural heritage and storytelling can provide authentic entry points for engagement By grounding programming in the history of the Agojie, the initiative resonated deeply with local audiences and connected global WPS principles to national pride

Second, cultural diplomacy can catalyze cross-sectoral commitments. Policy discussions sparked by the program linked WPS objectives with economic development, tourism, and creative industries, expanding the scope of what peace and security can mean in practice

Third, cultural programs can empower youth as both creators and leaders By engaging students directly, the initiative helped cultivate a generation that sees itself as capable of shaping national and international narratives.

Conclusion

As UNSCR 1325 marks its twenty-fifth anniversary, the need to expand the tools of WPS implementation has never been greater. The Woman King initiative in Benin demonstrates that cultural diplomacy can serve as a powerful complement to traditional security approaches. By elevating women in uniform, influencing policy on cultural infrastructure, and inspiring youth through storytelling, the program advanced the principles of UNSCR 1325 in tangible and lasting ways

Cinema is more than entertainment. It is a site of memory, a platform for dialogue, and a catalyst for social change. When integrated into diplomatic strategies, it can help translate the ideals of the WPS agenda into lived realities The Benin case study suggests that the future of UNSCR 1325 depends not only on peace tables and policy documents but also on the cultural narratives that shape how societies imagine themselves

References

Akoroko. (2024, February 5). Why Benin is investing in a homegrown cinema sector. https://akorokocom

Hudson, N F (2022) The Women, Peace and Security agenda: An evolving framework for peace and conflict International Affairs, 98(4), 1197–1215

PricewaterhouseCoopers. (2020). Perspectives from the Global Entertainment and Media Outlook 2020–2024 PwC https://wwwpwc com/ng/en/assets/pdf/entertainment-and-media-outlook-2020-2024 pdf

The Art Newspaper (2024, April 17) Benin turns to culture to spur economic growth https://theartnewspaper.com

United Nations Security Council (2000) Resolution 1325 on Women and Peace and Security https://undocsorg/S/RES/1325(2000)

US Embassy Cotonou, Benin (2023, June 6) The Woman King Social media reporting https://x.com/USEmbassyBenin/status/1666083348673101830

Author:

Naseem Qader

Naseem Qader is a strategist and writer whose work explores the intersections of peace, diplomacy, and cultural intelligence in global affairs. She focuses on how overlooked narratives whether about migration, gender, or emerging technologies reshape power and perception. Through her Substack platform, The Global Rewrite, she amplifies marginalized voices and advances new ways of thinking about peace and security. She is a board member of the World Affairs Councils of America and has written extensively on peace, displacement, cultural intelligence, and AI governance. With a background spanning branding, philanthropy, and international engagement, she brings a crosssector lens to urgent global challenges and seeks to expand the space for inclusive, intergenerational approaches to diplomacy and security.

From 1325 to 2250: Why the Future of Peace and Security Must Be Intergenerational

Abstract

In October 2025, the international community will mark the 25th anniversary of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) This milestone coincides with the 10-year anniversary of UNSCR 2250 on Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS), the first Security Council resolution to formally recognize young people as essential partners in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. While both frameworks share a common DNA centering inclusion, prevention, and agency they remain siloed in practice, constraining their collective impact

This essay argues that WPS@25 offers a rare opportunity to move beyond parallel tracks and toward a unified intergenerational peace and security framework. Sustainable peace depends on bridging generations: drawing on the institutional experience of women’s peace networks alongside the dynamism, digital fluency, and forward-looking perspective of youth movements These constituencies are not competitors but complementary forces in building durable peace infrastructures

The essay takes a comparative, case-based approach, highlighting best practices from across regions In Sudan, intergenerational coalitions were central to the protest movement for democratic transition. In Colombia, young women have driven participation in transitional justice and reconciliation processes. In Liberia, the legacy of women’s mass action for peace continues to shape and mentor youth-led civic organizing

In Asia, women and youth jointly shaped the Mindanao peace process in the Philippines, where intergenerational councils now support mediation and reconciliation In the Middle East, women’s advisory boards and youth coalitions in the Syrian peace process have offered lessons on inclusive participation, even amid protracted conflict. These examples show how inclusive approaches can be institutionalized in peace agreements and post-conflict governance

Europe and North America also offer valuable lessons In Ukraine, women and youth are leading humanitarian relief, digital diplomacy, and war crimes documentation In Canada, Indigenous women elders and youth advance reconciliation and sovereignty, while in the United States, movements against gun violence pair mothers’ leadership with youth activism. Together, these diverse cases illustrate how women and youth especially those from marginalized and underrepresented communities are already forging shared leadership across contexts, even as international policy frameworks lag behind

Positioned within the political moment of 2025 when governments, UN agencies, and civil society will convene commemorative summits and pledges the essay calls for structural shifts: integrated national action plans, joint funding streams for women and youth, and consideration of a future Security Council resolution explicitly recognizing intergenerational peace Ultimately, the essay positions WPS@25 not simply as a milestone but as a launching point: transforming commemoration into commitment and laying the foundation for an intergenerational peace architecture capable of meeting the challenges of tomorrow.

Introduction

“You can never leave footprints that last if you are always walking on tiptoe.” — Leymah Gbowee1

“As youth, we are not only demanding peace; we are creating it in our communities every day. We are tired of being seen only as victims or threats. We are partners.” Nisreen Elsaim2

In October 2025, the international community will mark two milestones: the 25th anniversary of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS)3 and the 10th anniversary of UNSCR 2250 on Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS).4

Together, these resolutions represent two of the most significant normative shifts in the UN’s history of peace and security policy UNSCR 1325 reframed women as essential peacebuilders rather than passive victims of war, spurring more than 100 National Action Plans (NAPs)5 and reshaping how peacekeeping and diplomacy address gender UNSCR 2250 recognized that over 1 2 billion people under the age of 30 are central to preventing conflict and sustaining peace.6

Yet despite these advances, the agendas remain siloed WPS emphasizes women’s leadership, while YPS highlights youth inclusion Rarely are they treated as part of the same architecture This gap limits their collective impact

Recognizing these gaps between parallel agendas invites the question: what exactly does an intergenerational peace framework look like in practice?

Defining Intergenerational Peace

“Peace cannot be inherited like land; it must be co-created across generations.”

Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka7

Intergenerational peace goes beyond symbolic collaboration between women and youth It means policy integration, shared leadership, and institutional reform It requires embedding youth priorities into WPS mechanisms and ensuring women’s networks mentor and collaborate with youth movements

At the community level, it involves intergenerational dialogue, shared platforms, and transitional justice processes that honor both memory and innovation At the institutional level, it calls for integrated NAPs that fund women’s and youth’s contributions together rather than separately Jordan’s National Action Plan (JONAP) on WPS included youth consultations, making it one of the first attempts to align WPS with YPS priorities 8

At the community level, it involves intergenerational dialogue, shared platforms, and transitional justice processes that honor both memory and innovation At the institutional level, it calls for integrated NAPs that fund women’s and youth’s contributions together rather than separately While the concept of intergenerational peace can be clearly defined in theory, the real test lies in how institutions and politics absorb it in practice

The Promise and the Politics of Integration

“Youth are not asking for permission to lead. We are already building peace where states fall short.”

Maryam Bukar Hassan9

If the logic of intergenerational peace is clear, the politics are more complex At the national level, political will is uneven. Some states have adopted robust WPS NAPs but ignore YPS entirely,10 while others embrace youth engagement but resist gender inclusion. Skeptics argue that no investment should come without proof, yet without investment there can be no proof11

Evidence shows that intergenerational approaches are workable if scaled through policy12 While institutional uptake is inconsistent, practice on the ground often runs ahead of policy, showing what intergenerational peace looks like in real contexts.

Lessons from Practice

“Our mothers keep us grounded, our children keep us fighting forward,” said a Ukrainian civil society activist.13

To illustrate these principles, the following examples highlight how women and youth collaborate in transitions, institutional structures, and crisis response.

Movement-Led Transitions

In Sudan, women and youth coalitions were central to the protest movement for democratic transition, linking decades of women’s organizing with the energy of a new generation.14 “We do not inherit silence; we inherit courage,” said a Sudanese youth organizer reflecting on the 2019 revolution15

In Liberia, the legacy of Leymah Gbowee’s mass action for peace continues to mentor youth civic groups15 In Colombia, young women were central to truth and reconciliation processes, building on women’s networks formed after the wars in Bosnia and Rwanda.16

Institutionalized Participation

Experiences from across the Asian continent illustrate how women and youth are reshaping institutional participation In the Philippines, women and youth jointly shaped the Mindanao

peace process Intergenerational councils are now institutionalized in local governance, supporting mediation and reconciliation17 In Syria, UN Women facilitated the Women’s Advisory Board, which now integrates youth voices in refugee and diaspora networks.17

Crisis Response and Reconciliation

Europe and North America highlight how intergenerational approaches adapt in crisis In Ukraine, women and youth together lead humanitarian relief and digital diplomacy, as well as war crimes documentation.18

In Canada, Indigenous women elders and youth advance reconciliation and sovereignty 20 through the First Nations Child and Family Caring Society, which explicitly pairs elders and youth in advocacy21 In the United States, movements against gun violence pair mothers’ leadership with youth activism 22

Yet even these powerful examples face new pressures as global threats evolve, requiring intergenerational peace to adapt to shifting terrains of conflict and insecurity

Emerging Threats and Intersectionality

“We cannot solve a crisis created without us by continuing to exclude us.” Vanessa Nakate23

The terrain of peacebuilding is shifting. Climate change, pandemics, and digital conflict disproportionately affect women and youth in fragile contexts 24 Intergenerational peace must also be intersectional accounting for race, ethnicity, class, disability, and sexuality Women and youth of color, Indigenous leaders, and LGBTIQ+ activists often experience overlapping exclusions yet lead some of the most innovative responses for example, Indigenous Sámi youth climate activists in Northern Europe, or women-led LGBTIQ+ collectives in Kenya linking gender justice with digital rights.25

Technological shifts also create new opportunities AI-assisted translation now enables grassroots women and youth across continents to co-create proposals,26 and the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders has piloted such tools to connect Syrian women peacebuilders with youth in the diaspora demonstrating new ways technology supports intergenerational collaboration.27 But these tools also risk surveillance and exclusion, requiring safeguards

These emerging challenges underscore the need for new, multi-level pathways that move beyond commemoration into structural transformation

Recommendations: From Commemoration to Transformation

“The cost of exclusion is far greater than the risk of investment.” — António Guterres28

To move beyond commemoration means translating symbolic anniversaries into structural commitments The solution lies in short-term achievable actions that generate evidence for scaling Skeptics often frame intergenerational initiatives within a chicken-and-egg dilemma no investment without proof, no proof without investment.29 But targeted pilots can demonstrate feasibility and shift this dynamic. This is just the first step, laying the groundwork for deeper institutional reform and structural change

The following actions can help demonstrate feasibility while advancing structural change: Intergenerational dialogue tables at local and national levels, as pioneered in Nepal’s postconflict youth–women forums.30

Pilot caregiver programs to reduce intergenerational trauma, modeled on Liberia’s trauma healing circles led by women’s peace networks 31

Joint women–youth monitoring teams for peace agreements in places like Colombia and Liberia 32

Regional models, such as the African Union’s Panel of the Wise linked with Youth Envoys 33

A promising pathway is to integrate YPS priorities into existing WPS National Action Plans (NAPs) Nigeria’s revised WPS NAP (2023) explicitly includes youth participation, signaling how integration of YPS into WPS frameworks is already underway! 34

Conclusion

Toward an Intergenerational Peace Architecture

“When women and youth lead together, peace lasts longer.” — Bineta Diop35

As the world marks WPS@25 and YPS@10, the choice is clear Commemoration without transformation risks consigning both agendas to symbolic milestones Animated by vision and grounded in practice, intergenerational peace can instead chart a pathway to durable security

The task ahead is to codify and scale these pathways into global policy through integrated NAPs, intergenerational advisory councils, and eventually a Security Council resolution that affirms intergenerational peace as a normative framework Only then can anniversaries serve not just as markers of time but as launching points for a new era in peacebuilding

Endnotes:

1. Leymah Gbowee, Mighty Be Our Powers: How Sisterhood, Prayer, and Sex Changed a Nation at War (New York: Beast Books, 2011).

2 Nisreen Elsaim, statement at UN Youth Climate Summit, September 21, 2019, United Nations, New York

3. United Nations Security Council, Resolution 1325 (New York: United Nations, 2000).

4 United Nations Security Council, Resolution 2250 (New York: United Nations, 2015)

5 PeaceWomen, “National Action Plans on Women, Peace and Security,” Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, 2023

6. United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), State of the World Population (New York: United Nations, 2022)

7 Vanessa Malays and Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP), Women, Peace and Security at a Crossroads (New York: GNWP, 2023)

8. International Rescue Committee (IRC), Youth and Conflict: Harnessing the Potential (London: IRC, 2021)

9 African Union, Youth for Peace Africa: Annual Report (Addis Ababa: AU, 2022)

10. Conciliation Resources, Mindanao Women and Youth in Peacebuilding (London: Conciliation Resources, 2020).

11 Center for Civil Liberties, Ukrainian Civil Society in Wartime (Kyiv: CCL, 2023)

12 Everytown for Gun Safety, Mothers and Youth Against Gun Violence (New York: Everytown, 2022).

13 Amnesty International, Kenya: Digital Rights and Gender Justice (London: Amnesty International, 2022)

14 African Union, Panel of the Wise and Youth Envoys: Linking Generations for Peace (Addis Ababa: AU, 2022).

15 UN Women, Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace: Oral Histories (Monrovia: UN Women, 2021)

16. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Colombia, Youth Participation in Transitional Justice (Bogotá: TRC, 2021)

17 Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy, Intergenerational Councils in the Bangsamoro Peace Process (Manila: PCID, 2020)

18. Sámi Council, Youth and Climate Justice in Sápmi (Karasjok: Sámi Council, 2022).

19 Queer Women’s Network of Kenya, Digital Rights and Gender Justice (Nairobi: QWNK, 2022)

20 UNICEF, Childhood and Intergenerational Trauma Programs (New York: UNICEF, 2021)

21. Colombia Peace Accord Monitoring Group, Grassroots Monitoring Reports (Bogotá: CPAMG, 2022)

22 African Union, Youth for Peace Africa: Regional Strategy Document (Addis Ababa: AU, 2022)

23. United Nations, Youth, Peace and Security Progress Study (New York: United Nations, 2018).

24 United Nations, Women, Peace, and Security: 2023 Annual Report (New York: UN, 2023)

25 World Bank, Financing Intergenerational Peace Initiatives (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2022)

26. OECD, Scaling Peace Pilots: Lessons and Challenges (Paris: OECD, 2021).

27 African Women Mediators Network, Intergenerational Mentorship Models (Addis Ababa: FemWise-Africa, 2021)

28 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Youth as Partners in Peacebuilding (New York: UNDP, 2020).

29 Human Rights Watch, Digital Repression and Youth Resistance (New York: HRW, 2022)

30 Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect (GCR2P), Youth-Led Atrocity Prevention (New York: GCR2P, 2021)

31 Oxfam, Women and Youth in Climate Justice Movements (Oxford: Oxfam, 2022)

32. UN Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (DPPA), Intergenerational Dialogue Tables: Lessons Learned (New York: UN DPPA, 2021).

33 UNICEF, Youth Civic Engagement in Fragile States (New York: UNICEF, 2022)

34 International Peace Institute (IPI), The Future of Intergenerational Peacebuilding (New York: IPI, 2023).

Bibliography

African Union. FemWise-Africa Annual Report. Addis Ababa: AU, 2022.

African Union Panel of the Wise and Youth Envoys: Linking Generations for Peace Addis Ababa: AU, 2022

African Union. Youth for Peace Africa: Annual Report. Addis Ababa: AU, 2022.

African Union Youth for Peace Africa: Regional Strategy Document Addis Ababa: AU, 2022

African Women Mediators Network Intergenerational Mentorship Models Addis Ababa: FemWise-Africa, 2021

Amnesty International. Kenya: Digital Rights and Gender Justice. London: Amnesty International, 2022

Center for Civil Liberties Ukrainian Civil Society in Wartime Kyiv: CCL, 2023

Colombia Peace Accord Monitoring Group. Grassroots Monitoring Reports. Bogotá: CPAMG, 2022.

Conciliation Resources Mindanao Women and Youth in Peacebuilding London: Conciliation Resources, 2020

Everytown for Gun Safety Mothers and Youth Against Gun Violence New York: Everytown, 2022

Gbowee, Leymah. Mighty Be Our Powers: How Sisterhood, Prayer, and Sex Changed a Nation at War New York: Beast Books, 2011

Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS) WPS and YPS Synergies Report Washington, DC: GIWPS, 2023

Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect (GCR2P). Youth-Led Atrocity Prevention. New York: GCR2P, 2021

Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP) Malays, Vanessa, and GNWP Women, Peace and Security at a Crossroads New York: GNWP, 2023

Human Rights Watch. Digital Repression and Youth Resistance. New York: HRW, 2022.

International Peace Institute (IPI) The Future of Intergenerational Peacebuilding New York: IPI, 2023

International Rescue Committee (IRC). Youth and Conflict: Harnessing the Potential. London: IRC, 2021.

OECD Scaling Peace Pilots: Lessons and Challenges Paris: OECD, 2021

Oxfam Women and Youth in Climate Justice Movements Oxford: Oxfam, 2022

PeaceWomen. “National Action Plans on Women, Peace and Security.” Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, 2023

Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy Intergenerational Councils in the Bangsamoro Peace Process Manila: PCID, 2020

Queer Women’s Network of Kenya. Digital Rights and Gender Justice. Nairobi: QWNK, 2022.

Sámi Council Youth and Climate Justice in Sápmi Karasjok: Sámi Council, 2022

Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Colombia Youth Participation in Transitional Justice Bogotá: TRC, 2021.

UN Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (DPPA) Intergenerational Dialogue Tables: Lessons Learned New York: UN DPPA, 2021

UN Women Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace: Oral Histories Monrovia: UN Women, 2021

UN Development Program (UNDP) Youth as Partners in Peacebuilding New York: UNDP, 2020

UNICEF. Childhood and Intergenerational Trauma Programs. New York: UNICEF, 2021.

UNICEF Youth Civic Engagement in Fragile States New York: UNICEF, 2022

United Nations Women, Peace, and Security: 2023 Annual Report New York: UN, 2023

United Nations. Youth, Peace and Security Progress Study. New York: United Nations, 2018.

United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) State of the World Population New York: United Nations, 2022

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 New York: United Nations, 2000

United Nations Security Council. Resolution 2250. New York: United Nations, 2015.

World Bank Financing Intergenerational Peace Initiatives Washington, DC: World Bank, 2022

Author:

Ashleigh SubramanianMontgomery

Ashleigh Subramanian-Montgomery is Acting Director at the Charity & Security Network (C&SN), where she leads the organization’s Washington, D.C. office and policy agenda on sanctions, financial access, counter-terrorism, and civil society access. She is a policy, gender, and advocacy professional with over a decade of experience as a researcher, analyst, and strategist on peacebuilding, WPS, and security governance. Ashleigh has worked in global settings on a diversity of topics ranging from Afghanistan to South Sudan, partnering with grassroots civil society, peacebuilding organizations, UN agencies, and governments. Her writing has featured in Responsible Statecraft, Truthout, Inkstick, and Oneworld Academic (Carnegie Endowment). She’s also written on the WPS Agenda at 20 and been interviewed about the agenda on Voice of America (VOA) She holds a Master of International Affairs from Columbia University, specializing in Women, Peace and Security, and a B.A. in Psychology from the University of California, San Diego.

Ashleigh is a Board Member of Politics4Her.

Poorvika Mehra is the 2025 Howard S Brembeck Fellow at the Charity & Security Network, where she focuses on financial access and sanctions policy portfolios An economist by training, her research examines how counter-terrorism financing rules, de-risking, and sanctions impact women-led organisations and humanitarian actors in conflict-affected regions She previously worked with the World Bank, UNDP, Atlantic Council, and auctusESG, analysing gender-responsive frameworks, artificial intelligence for development, and climate finance for fragile states She also conducted nuclear security research with Ridgeway Information Poorvika is the recipient of the Philip Noel-Baker Prize for her dissertation on global power asymmetries in gender politics and has published with E-International Relations, the Atlantic Council, and auctusESG She holds a dual Master of Public Administration from Columbia University and the London School of Economics, specialising in economic development and data analysis

From Peace to Security: The Militarization of the WPS Agenda

Abstract

At its adoption in 2000, UNSCR 1325 promised to transform peace and security governance through four pillars: participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery Each was intended to upend security institutions via feminist peace frameworks and disrupt the militarized, state-centric logics of traditional military actors and the Security Council. Yet, a

quarter century later, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has become deeply entangled in the very security architectures it sought to challenge This is not simply a failure of implementation, but a structural betrayal of what the agenda was meant to be: WPS has succeeded not by transforming security governance, but by legitimizing it.

From the perspective of practitioners working with women-led civil society in securitized contexts, this essay reflects on how the four pillars have been reinterpreted within militarized frameworks Participation has often been reframed as the recruitment of women into armed forces and law enforcement, their inclusion justified as a way to enhance operational effectiveness rather than transform institutions. Protection has been subsumed under counterterrorism measures, where surveillance and policing replace commitments to justice and accountability Prevention is cast in the language of threat elimination, rather than addressing structural inequalities and root causes of conflict Relief and recovery are subordinated to stabilization agendas that privilege security over social and economic transformation

The cases of NATO and the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) integrating WPS into strategic doctrine exemplify these contradictions Gender is promoted as a “force multiplier,” valued for its contribution to combat readiness Similarly, Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) coexisted with continued arms exports to states implicated in gendered violence, revealing how feminist branding can be reconciled with militarization WPS resolutions at the Security Council are now intimately tied to securitized UN agendas, such as counter-terrorism, in inseparable ways. These examples do not stand alone; they illustrate a broader pattern in which feminist language is coopted to legitimize security practices that reproduce rather than dismantle violence

For the 25th anniversary of UNSCR 1325, this essay argues that the central contradiction of WPS must be confronted: it is not broken because it failed to integrate into securitized systems, but because it has done so too well. To remain relevant, the agenda must be disentangled from militarized logics and reclaimed as an anti-war, feminist framework for peace, demilitarization, and structural justice A gender-sensitive occupation remains an occupation; a gender-sensitive drone strike remains a drone strike Only by returning to the radical promise of 1325 can WPS chart a future beyond its co-optation as a tool of securitized policy

Introduction

The adoption of the landmark United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on October 31, 2000,¹ committed to transforming peace and security governance through four pillars:

1 Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom, “RESOLUTION 1325: Security Council Resolution 1325 (SCR1325),” https://wwwwilpforg/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Security-Council-Resolution-1325-1pdf United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 1325 (2000): S/RES/1325 (2000),” October 31, 2000,

participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery² Each was intended to upend security institutions via feminist peace frameworks and disrupt the State-centric logics of traditional military actors and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Resolution 1325 marked global recognition that conflict has disproportionate and differentiated gendered impacts, and that women’s³ inclusion in peace and security frameworks is imperative⁴ While Resolution 1325 solidified the Women, Peace and Security Agenda global policymaking framework, the Agenda builds on centuries of women-led, grassroots mobilization against militarization.⁵

At its core, WPS is an anti-war, feminist peace Agenda⁶ that promotes human security as the true antithesis to war and protagonist to peace⁷ It originated as a transformative alternative to existing security architectures,⁸ forged by global and diverse women-led civil society actors who have intimately experienced the impacts of war and conflict ⁹ Yet a quarter century later, the WPS Agenda has been deeply instrumentalized by States, non-state actors (NSAs), and security

2 The United Nations Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia (UNRCCA), “Women, Peace and Security: Four Pillars of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” 2020, https://unrccaunmissionsorg/sites/default/files/unrcca handout wps 2020pdf United Nations | United Nations Office to the African Union, “The Four Pillars of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325,” https://wwwunorg/shestandsforpeace/content/four-pillars-united-nations-security-council-resolution-1325

3 The authors recognize that an emphasis on women does not encompass the full spectrum of gender identities This focus reflects the framing of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda on its 25th anniversary, rather than a conceptual alignment with the traditional gender binary The authors also acknowledge the limitations of this framing and remain committed to an intersectional approach that includes LGBTQUIA+ and gender-diverse individuals, organizations, and communities who continue to face disproportionate discrimination and harm While gender exists along a spectrum, most legal and policy frameworks still operate through binary categories that shape access and exclusion Persistent inequities within the binary continue to shape outcomes across the gender spectrum, which makes advancing women’s equality an important step toward broader gender justice for all, necessitating research and advocacy on the issue

4 Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom, “RESOLUTION 1325: Security Council Resolution 1325 (SCR1325)”, https://wwwwilpforg/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Security-Council-Resolution-1325-1pdf

5 Cate Buchanan and Shelagh Daley, “Conflict Prevention, Women, Peace and Security and Feminist Perspectives”, https://wpshelpdeskorg/wp content/uploads/2025/02/WPS090-Examining-feminist-approaches-in-upstream-conflictprevention formatted-1pdf

6 Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom, “10 Things You Need to Know About Women, Peace and Security,” October 9, 2025, https://wwwwilpforg/10-things-you-need-to-know-about-women-peace-and-security/

7 Cate Buchanan and Shelagh Daley, “Conflict Prevention, Women, Peace and Security and Feminist Perspectives,” ISF Women, Peace and Security Helpdesk, October 24, 2024, https://wpshelpdeskorg/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/WPS090Examining-feminist-approaches-in upstream-conflict-prevention formatted-1pdf

8 Gretchen Baldwin and Marta Bertea, “Where next for the women, peace and security agenda?,” Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, October 1, 2024, https://wwwsipriorg/commentary/blog/2024/where-next-women-peace-andsecurity-agenda

9 Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, “Civil Society’s Leadership in Adopting 1325 Resolution,” The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace, and Security, Chapter 4, 38 – 52, December 11, 2018, https://academicoupcom/edited-volume/27959/chapter abstract/211549651?redirectedFrom=fulltext

stakeholders and institutions¹⁰ This has created impediments to women-led civil society and other WPS advocates fully implementing the structural changes to security frameworks and militarism that the Agenda seeks to transform. This is not simply a failure of implementation, but rather, State and security actors and institutions instigating a structural betrayal of what the Agenda was meant to be: these actors have succeeded not by transforming security governance, but by using WPS to legitimize it ¹¹

The “pacifist, anti-militarist struggle”¹² of the WPS Agenda was challenged from the beginning, as Resolution 1325 was adopted less than one year before 9/11. As a result, the Agenda’s “reimagining and radical re-envisioning of global security”¹³ was forced from its beginning stages to contend with the newest wave of Minority World¹⁴ militarism and anti-Muslim racism¹⁵ With this came a sustained exceptionalism by States of the use of emergency powers, national security frameworks, and counter terrorism measures (CTMs) that normalized militarized responses¹⁶

10 Natalie Zakarian, “Beyond Securitization: Rethinking Women, Peace, and Security for Genuine Global Change,” Georgetown Security Studies Review, https://gssrgeorgetownedu/the-forum/topics/identity/beyond-securitizationrethinking-women-peace-and-security-for-genuine global-change/ Fionna Smyth, Amina Hersi, Abigael Baldoumus, Anna Tonelli, Oxfam GB for Oxfam International, “Transforming Power to Put Women at the Heart of Peacebuilding,” September 2020, https://oxfamilibraryopenrepositorycom/bitstream/handle/10546/621053/dp-feminist-peace securityintroduction-210920-enpdf

11 Jim Garamone, US Department of War, “Women, Security, Peace Initiative Militarily Effective”, November 5, 2020, https://wwwwargov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/2407094/women-security-peace-initiative-militarily-effective/ 12 Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325”, Chapter 6: Keeping the Peace in an Increasingly Militarized World, UN Women, 2015, https://wpsunwomenorg/pdf/CH06pdf

13 Paul Kirby and Laura J Shepherd, “The futures past of the Women, Peace and Security agenda”, International Affairs, Volume 92, Issue 2, March 4, 2016, 373 – 392, https://academicoupcom/ia/articleabstract/92/2/373/2417215?

redirectedFrom=fulltext#77890299 and https://wwwchathamhouseorg/sites/default/files/publications/ia/inta92-2-08shepherdkirbypdf

14 The authors use the term ‘Minority World’ in place of ‘Global North’ or ‘developed countries’ because these latter categories are not neutral descriptors but products of geopolitical and discursive hierarchies “North” is implicitly centered as the norm Minority World is a factual term: these regions contain the minority of the world’s population and the minority of its lived experiences, knowledge systems, and feminist histories Using this term demystifies portrayals in global discourse and resists linguistic frames that reproduce Western epistemic dominance

15 The authors use the term ‘anti-Muslim racism’ in place of ‘Islamophobia’ with intention According to Toronto Metropolitan University, “The term “Islamophobia” is often used to describe anti-Muslim racism, but can be considered problematic and offensive due to its connotations of a psychological disorder The word “phobia” refers to an “uncontrollable, persistent, excessive, irrational fear” Characterizing individuals as Islamophobes implies that they are "insane or irrational” which hinders constructive discussions and displays anti-Muslim hate as a minority condition Toronto Metropolitan University, Vice-President, Equity and Community Inclusion, “Anti-Muslim Racism”, https://wwwtorontomuca/equity/resources/discourse-docs/anti-muslim-racism/

16 Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, “The Rise of Counter-Terrorism and the Demise of Human Rights”, Emory International Law Review, Volume 39, Issue 1, 2024, https://scholarlycommonslawemoryedu/cgi/viewcontentcgi?article=1343&context=eilr 17 Natalie Zakarian, “Beyond Securitization: Rethinking Women, Peace, and Security for Genuine Global Change”, Georgetown Security Studies Review, https://gssrgeorgetownedu/the-forum/topics/identity/beyond-securitization-rethinking-womenpeace-and security-for-genuine-global-change/

The United States (U.S.)-led so called “Global War on Terror” (“GWOT”) solidified a contemporary hegemonic, “security first” architecture.

This essay reflects on how Resolution 1325 has been reinterpreted by States, non-state actors (NSAs), and security stakeholders and institutions within militarized frameworks to usurp intended applications of the Agenda’s four pillars¹⁷ Participation is now often framed within peacekeeping and military operations as the recruitment of women into armed forces and law enforcement, their tokenized inclusion justified as a way to enhance operational effectiveness rather than transform institutions¹⁸ Protection has been used to advance securitized Westerncentric intervention and invasion of Majority World¹⁹ countries, often in the name of “protecting women’s rights”²⁰ Prevention is cast in the language of threat elimination, rather than addressing structural inequalities and root causes of conflict and violence²¹ Relief and recovery initiatives are less integrated into peacebuilding processes and locally-led governance structures that foster equitable post-conflict rebuilding,²² and more integrated into defense institutions that prioritize security objectives over lasting, sustainable peace²³

In both multilateral institutions and State policies, the WPS infrastructure has been embedded in militarism This illustrates a broader pattern in which the WPS Agenda is co-opted to legitimize security practices that reproduce rather than dismantle violence.

Women, Peace and a Securitized Agenda: The Four Pillars

The Tokenized Pillar: Participation

Participation is one of the two pillars that has “arguably received the most attention”, alongside protection.²⁴

17 Natalie Zakarian, “Beyond Securitization: Rethinking Women, Peace, and Security for Genuine Global Change”, Georgetown Security Studies Review, https://gssr.georgetown.edu/the-forum/topics/identity/beyond-securitizationrethinking-women-peace-and security-for-genuine-global-change/.

18 Senem Kaptan, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom – Women, Peace and Security Programme, “UNCSCR 1325 at 20 Years: Perspectives from Feminist Peace Activists and Civil Society”, October 2020, https://wwwwilpforg/wp content/uploads/2020/11/WILPF UNSCR-1325-at-20-Years Webpdf

Gretchen Baldwin and Marta Bertea, “Where next for the women, peace and security agenda?”, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, October 1, 2024, https://wwwsipriorg/commentary/blog/2024/where-next-women-peace-andsecurity-agenda

19 We use the term ‘Majority World’ in place of ‘Global South’ or ‘developing countries’ because these latter categories are not neutral descriptors but products of geopolitical and discursive hierarchies “South” is always defined in relation to a “North” that is implicitly centered as the norm This raises the question: south of what and according to whom? By contrast, Majority World is a factual term: these regions contain the majority of the world’s population and the majority of its lived experiences, knowledge systems, and feminist histories Using this term recenters those who are most often marginalized in global discourse, and resists linguistic frames that reproduce Western epistemic dominance

20 Elaheh Mohammadi, “The Women Not Liberated by Bombs,” Untold Mag, July 8, 2025, https://untoldmagorg/thewomen-not-liberated-by bombs/

21 Cate Buchanan and Shelagh Daley, “Conflict Prevention, Women, Peace and Security and Feminist Perspectives,” ISF Women, Peace and Security Helpdesk, October 24, 2024, https://wpshelpdeskorg/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/WPS090Examining-feminist-approaches-in upstream-conflict-prevention formatted-1pdf

22 Nanako Tamaru and Mirsad “Miki” Jacevic, The Collaborative for Development Action (CDA), “How localization supports practical solutions for women, peace, and security,” October 2020, https://www.cdacollaborative.org/blog/how-localizationsupports-practical-solutions-for women-peace-and-security/.

23 Lauren Blanch, Beth Eggleston, and Pip Henty, “Refocusing on Relief and Recovery: How NATO Can Support the Fourth Pillar of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” Women, Peace and Transforming Security: Visions of the Future of Women, Peace and Security for NATO, October 31, 2020, https://www.nato.int/nato static fl2014/assets/pdf/2020/10/pdf/201110-wps-essay-transforming-security-e.pdf.

24 Catherine Turner and Aisling Swaine, International Peace Institute, “At the Nexus of Participation and Protection: Protection-Related Barriers to Women’s Participation in Northern Ireland,” June 2021, https://www.ipinst.org/wpcontent/uploads/2021/06/Womens-ParticipationNorthern-Ireland-2-Final.pdf.

This pillar works to increase the participation of women in all matters of peace and security, including in “roles such as negotiators, mediators, peacekeepers, police, and humanitarian personnel” and in “the number of women in decision-making institutions at all levels.”²⁵ The participation pillar was meant to shift peace processes to ensure that women’s leadership and expertise were not an afterthought, but core to fundamentally transforming peace and security architectures Success would entail upending the institutions that constitute security frameworks away from militarization and towards peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and sustained disarmament

Instead, women have been integrated into these structures with minimal, if any, political and decision making power This co-optation advances the aims of security actors and remains “antithetical to the transformative roots of the agenda”²⁶ In line with this observation, research conducted by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) shows that since the UN’s Department of Peace Operations (DPO) released their Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018 – 2028²⁷ there has been an increase in women’s proportionality and numbers as military personnel within peace operations in the United Nations (UN).²⁸ Likewise, 2023 saw an increase in women serving as police personnel and a slight increase in women serving as civilian personnel within peace operations in the UN SIPRI also found that the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) shows similar trends, as 2023 saw a slight increase in women’s proportionality in field operations Finally, in 2022, military missions within the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP),²⁹ also saw an increase in women’s

25 Pillars for Peace, “Participation: Feminism empowers women in public life and decision-making, enhancing democratic processes”, Updated May 22, 2025, https://wwwpillarsforpeaceorg/pillars/2/participation

26 Gretchen Baldwin and Marta Bertea, “Where next for the women, peace and security agenda?”, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, October 1, 2024, https://wwwsipriorg/commentary/blog/2024/where-next-womenpeace-and-security-agenda

27 Department of Peace Operations, “Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018 – 2020”, Unclassified, https://peacekeepingunorg/sites/default/files/uniformed-gender-parity-2018-2028pdf

28 Dr Claudia Pfeifer Cruz, “Women in Multilateral Peace Operations 2023: What is the Sate of Play?”, SIPRI Multilateral Peace Operations Database, accessed Oct 2023, https://wwwsipriorg/sites/default/files/202310/1325 women pko state of play 2023pdf

29 European Union External Action, “EU Security, Defence and Crisis Response: The Common Security and Defence Policy”, September 24, 2025, https://wwweeaseuropaeu/eeas/common-security-and-defence-policy en Oliver Krentz, European Parliament, “Fact Sheets: Common Security and Defence Policy”, April 2025, https://wwweuroparleuropaeu/ftu/pdf/en/FTU 512pdf

proportionality and numbers³⁰

Complicating participation further, some of these institutions have structurally transitioned away from their original peacebuilding mandates. For instance, the EU’s CSDP, while increasing the proportion and numbers of women serving in missions, “has increasingly sidelined democracyrelated commitments in favor of security policies” despite founding commitments to a “framework of wider peacebuilding efforts”³¹ The CSDP is defined as integral to the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP)³², the latter of which aims to “preserve peace; reinforce international security; and promote international cooperation, democracy, the rule of law and the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.”³³ In March 2021, under the CFSP, the European Peace Facility (EPF) was established³⁴ However, the EPF does little to actually promote peace; it is financed outside of the regular budget³⁵ and “bypasses EU treaty provisions on military and defense expenditure and is subject to little scrutiny”³⁶ These factors largely enabled the EPF to “swiftly advance[] from a conflict-prevention tool to an instrument that funds the provision of lethal weaponry”, ultimately underscoring even within a supposed peace facility the “EU’s move toward military capacity building.”³⁷ This leaves the WPS Agenda in a paradoxical situation where the participation pillar often operates alongside and within securitized institutions, rather than transforming them to prioritize antimilitarist approaches and funding models

While women’s participation as military and police personnel has increased,

30 Dr Claudia Pfeifer Cruz, “Women in Multilateral Peace Operations 2023: What is the Sate of Play?”, SIPRI Multilateral Peace Operations Database, accessed Oct 2023, https://wwwsipriorg/sites/default/files/202310/1325 women pko state of play 2023pdf

31 Ricardo Farinha, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, “The EU Common Security and Defense Policy: Moving Away from Democracy Support”, March 4, 2025, https://carnegieendowmentorg/research/2025/03/the-eu-commonsecurity-and-defense policy-moving-away-from-democracy-support?lang=en

32 Ricardo Farinha, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, “The EU Common Security and Defense Policy: Moving Away from Democracy Support”, https://carnegieendowmentorg/research/2025/03/the-eu-common-security-anddefense-policy-moving away-from-democracy-support?lang=en

European Union, EUR-Lex: Access to European Union law, “Common foreign and security policy (CFSP)”, https://eur lexeuropaeu/EN/legal-content/glossary/common-foreign-and-security-policy-cfsphtml

33 European Union, EUR-Lex: Access to European Union law, “Common foreign and security policy (CFSP)”, https://eur lexeuropaeu/EN/legal-content/glossary/common-foreign-and-security-policy-cfsphtml

34 European Commission, Aid, Development Cooperation, Fundamental Rights: Service for Foreign Policy Instruments, “European Peace Facility”, https://fpieceuropaeu/what-we-do/european-peace-facility en Ricardo Farinha, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, “The EU Common Security and Defense Policy: Moving Away from Democracy Support”, March 4, 2025, https://carnegieendowmentorg/research/2025/03/the-eu-commonsecurity-and-defense policy-moving-away-from-democracy-support?lang=en

35 European Commission, Aid, Development Cooperation, Fundamental Rights: Service for Foreign Policy Instruments, “European Peace Facility”, https://fpieceuropaeu/what-we-do/european-peace-facility en

36 Ricardo Farinha, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, “The EU Common Security and Defense Policy: Moving Away from Democracy Support”, https://carnegieendowmentorg/research/2025/03/the-eu-common-security-anddefense-policy-moving away-from-democracy-support?lang=en

37 Ricardo Farinha, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, “The EU Common Security and Defense Policy: Moving Away from Democracy Support”, https://carnegieendowmentorg/research/2025/03/the-eu-common-security-anddefense-policy-moving away-from-democracy-support?lang=en

their participation in peace processes faces a downward trend.³⁸ This was reiterated in the 2023 Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary General, where findings from more than 50 peace processes paint a bleak picture: when women did participate in peace processes, they comprised only “96 percent of negotiators, 137 percent of mediators and 266 percent of signatories to peace agreements and ceasefire agreements”³⁹ Sadly, if you remove Colombia, “the setting with the highest direct participation of women as negotiators in the peace effort” from the equation, women signatories in regards to proportionality decreases even further, plummeting to 15 percent ⁴⁰

The reframing of women in militarized institutions as a metric of success for the WPS Agenda has indeed transformed the participation pillar, just not in the ways the Agenda set out to do As highlighted by Senem Kaptan in UNSCR 1325 at 20 Years: Perspectives from Feminist Peace Activists and Civil Society, “adding women into armed structures of power, specifically the military and peacekeeping operations, has become a major focus in WPS implementation”⁴¹ Additionally, women’s participation has consistently been overemphasized at the expense of actual transformative policies and norms by “minimising the holistic framework of Resolution 1325 to simply increasing the number of women in security structures as a hallmark WPS initiative”.⁴² For the WPS Agenda to be truly transformative, the participation pillar must return to its roots by embracing conflict prevention and centering women’s political and decision-making power in peace processes to demilitarize security policies and institutions Absent this evolution, the participation pillar will continue to remain hollow, advancing the very security institutions it was meant to radically upend

The Instrumentalized Pillar: Protection

The protection pillar emphasizes women’s physical protection from brutality in armed conflict, urging actors engaged in armed conflict to develop measures to protect women from violence, with a focus on sexual abuse, gender-based violence (GBV), conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), and rape⁴³ There are five WPS Resolutions that specifically underscore sexual violence,

38 Gretchen Baldwin and Marta Bertea, “Where next for the women, peace and security agenda?”, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, October 1, 2024, https://wwwsipriorg/commentary/blog/2024/where-next-womenpeace-and-security-agenda

39 United Nations Security Council, “Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General”, S/2024/671, September 24, 2024, https://documentsunorg/doc/undoc/gen/n24/273/49/pdf/n2427349pdf

40 United Nations Security Council, “Women and peace and security: Report of the Secretary-General”, S/2024/671, September 24, 2024, https://documentsunorg/doc/undoc/gen/n24/273/49/pdf/n2427349pdf

41 Senem Kaptan, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom – Women, Peace and Security Program, “UNSCR 1325 at 20 Years: Perspectives from Feminist Peace Activists and Civil Society”, October 2020, https://wwwwilpforg/wp content/uploads/2020/11/WILPF UNSCR-1325-at-20-Years Webpdf

42 Senem Kaptan, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom – Women, Peace and Security Program, “UNSCR 1325 at 20 Years: Perspectives from Feminist Peace Activists and Civil Society”, https://wwwwilpforg/wp content/uploads/2020/11/WILPF UNSCR-1325-at-20-Years Webpdf

including UNSCRs 1820, 1888, 1960, 2106, and 2467.⁴⁴ CRSV is a horrendous crime and accountability and justice measures under international humanitarian law (IHL) are obligated to treat it as such⁴⁵ But the emphasis on CRSV and rape as a tool of war cannot overshadow the root causes of why armed conflict and violence is happening in the first place A true intention to end rape in war means a true intention to end war This is especially important as conflict and insecurity worsen rates of gender-based violence (GBV).⁴⁶ Unfortunately, conflict trends reveal we are moving in the opposite direction, with the UN reporting that 2024 saw an increase in sexual violence across conflict contexts rise by 25% as compared to 2023⁴⁷, while the Conflict Intensity Index (CII)⁴⁸ cited an overall rise in conflict zones increasing to 65% since 2021⁴⁹

In 2011, Cora Weiss delivered her infamous address at the Nobel Women’s Initiative Conference on Ending Sexual Violence in Conflict, stating: “We cannot pluck rape out of war and let the war go on. We must not make war safe for women. It is time to abolish war.”⁵⁰ This promotes a return to the anti-war principles the WPS Agenda was founded on and is echoed in academic literature.

43 Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325”, Chapter 4: Protecting and Promoting the Rights and Leadership of Women and Girls in Humanitarian Settings, UN Women, 2015, https://wpsunwomenorg/pdf/CH04pdf

44 WPS Focal Points, UN Frameworks, https://wpsfocalpointsnetworkorg/un-frameworks/

45 International Committee of the Red Cross, “Q&A: sexual violence in armed conflict,” September 22, 2016, https://wwwicrcorg/en/document/sexual-violence-armed-conflict-questions-and-answers

45 International Committee of the Red Cross, “Q&A: sexual violence in armed conflict”, September 22, 2016, https://wwwicrcorg/en/document/sexual-violence-armed-conflict-questions-and-answers

46 United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, OHCHR and women’s human rights and gender equality, “Women’s human rights and gender-related concerns in situations of conflict and instability”, https://wwwohchrorg/en/women/womens-human-rights-and-gender-related-concerns-situations-conflict-andinstability

47 United Nations, UN News: Global perspective Human stories, “UN warns of steep rise in sexual violence during conflict”, August 14, 2025, https://newsunorg/en/story/2025/08/1165650

48 According to Verisk Maplecroft, their Conflict Intensity Index (CII) “measures the severity of armed conflict at subnational levels across 198 countries, [and] also provides valuable insights into countries and regions that are less well reported on” Hugo Brennan and Mucahid Durmaz, Verisk Maplecroft / Political Risk Outlook, “Global conflict zones grow by two thirds since 2021, topping 6 million km2”, https://uploadsguimcouk/2024/11/20/Global conflict zones grow by two thirds since 2021, topping 6_million_km2_Reportpdf

49 Hugo Brennan and Mucahid Durmaz, Verisk Maplecroft / Political Risk Outlook, “Global conflict zones grow by two thirds since 2021, topping 6 million km2”, https://uploadsguimcouk/2024/11/20/Global conflict zones grow by two thirds since 2021, topping 6_million_km2_Reportpdf

Kaamil Ahmed, The Guardian, Global development, “World’s conflict zones increased by two-thirds in past three years, report reveals”, November 21, 2024, https://wwwtheguardiancom/global-development/2024/nov/21/world-conflict-zonesincreased-by two-thirds-past-three-years-report-ukraine-myanmar-middle-east-africa

50 Cora Weiss, “We must not make war safe for women”, May 24, 2011, openDemocracy, https://wwwopendemocracynet/en/5050/we-must-not-make-war-safe-for-women/

For example, researcher Laura J Shepherd advocates for a return to the Agenda’s feminist peace principles, highlighting how “UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and subsequent resolutions should not legitimise or normalise war, but rather the agenda should support the demilitarisation of society and facilitate the development of anti-militarist politics of peace.”⁵¹ Success for this pillar, then, would entail not only protecting women in armed conflict and war, but protecting the conditions for peace, stability, and human security sustainable peace is the key to true protection

If the participation pillar faces tokenization by security actors and institutions, the protection pillar faces instrumentalization by both State and NSAs. Much has been written about the U.S.’ weaponization of “protecting” and “saving” women as a means to legitimize invasion, occupation, and violence in the name of national security, especially in Iraq and Afghanistan.⁵² Perpetrators of this State-centric, faux feminism operate predominantly in Minority World policy centers, promoting and normalizing hegemonic, militarized interventions in the Majority World, under the pretense of “saving” or “liberating” women⁵³ With imperialism parading as feminism, the women in need of “saving” and “protection” are often those in a “foreign” country, with a “foreign” accent, and a “foreign” dress code, usually in countries that are Majority Muslim, majority Black, or majority Brown.⁵⁴ Thus, the protection pillar is invoked by States to explicitly advance militarized foreign policy, and often has nothing to do with truly protecting women in war zones from CRSV or rape; this is especially true as the presence of conflict makes women less safe It has everything to do, however, with how the State can utilize this pillar to meet its own security objectives, often through militaristic, violent means.

This weaponization of protection is also used in domestic contexts by State and NSAs. In the U.S., the National Rifle Association (NRA),⁵⁵ a political and advocacy organization claiming that an

51 Laura J Shepherd, “Making war safe for women? National Action Plans and the militarisation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda”, International Political Science Review, Volume 37, Issue 3, https://journalssagepubcom/doi/101177/0192512116629820

52 Corinne L Mason, “Global Violence Against Women as a National Security Emergency”, Feminist Formations - Special Issue: Feminists Interrogate States of Emergency, Vol 25, No 2, 55 – 80, 2013, https://wwwjstororg/stable/43860686 Nancy W Jabbra, “Women, Words and War: Explaining 9/11 and Justifying US Military Action in Afghanistan and Iraq”, Journal of International Women’s Studies, Volume 8, Issue 1, Article 18, Bridge Water State University, https://vcbridgewedu/cgi/viewcontentcgi?referer=&httpsredir=1&article=1362&context=jiws

53 Katharina Motyl, “Saving María, Mitsu, and Mahsa US Imperial Feminism from the Mexican-American War to the “War on Terror””, Amerikastudien/American Studies, Volume 69, Issue 1, 2024, 61 – 79, https://amstwinterverlagde/article/amst/2024/1/7 and https://amstwinter-verlagde/data/article/11941/pdf/102401007pdf

54 Rafia Zakaria, “How the War On Terror Became America’s First “Feminist” War”, Literary Hub, August 19, 2021, https://lithubcom/how-the-war-on-terror-became-americas-first-feminist-war/ 55 NRA: National Rifle Association, “A Brief History of the NRA”, https://homenraorg/about-the-nra/

increase in guns equates to an increase in public safety and vehemently lobbies against gun control, argues that “guns protect women”⁵⁶ This argument is routinely disproved by research For example, annual studies by the Violence Policy Center (VPC), an educational nonprofit organization (NPO) that engages in advocacy, research, collaboration, and education to stop gun injury and death,⁵⁷ find that women are killed not protected by guns In the VPC’s most recent report, When Men Murder Women: An Analysis of 2023 Homicide Data, ⁵⁸ findings showed that in the US “nine out of 10 women murdered by men are killed by someone they know and nearly two thirds die by gunfire”⁵⁹ Whether the context is domestic or international weapons further advance women’s insecurity, not safety.

In both the US ⁶⁰ and United Kingdom (UK)⁶¹, anti-immigration and anti-migrant rhetoric is consistently instrumentalized in the name “protecting women”, often accompanied by racist tropes of protecting white women from immigrant men⁶² In April 2024, the US Congress introduced the “Violence Against Women by Illegal Aliens Act”,⁶³ which purports to protect gender-based crimes and domestic violence (DV) survivors⁶⁴. However, the bill, which passed the U.S. House of Representatives in September 2024,⁶⁵ makes women less safe: “[a]lthough

56 George Zornick, The Nation, “A New Study Debunks the NRA’s Claim That Guns Protect Women”, September 22, 2017, https://wwwthenationcom/article/archive/a-new-study-debunks-the-nras-claim-that-guns-protectwomen/#google vignette

57 Violence Policy Center, “About the VPC”, https://vpcorg/about-the-vpc/

58 Terra Wiens, Violence Policy Center, “When Men Murder Women An Analysis of 2023 Homicide Data”, September 2025, https://vpcorg/studies/wmmw2025pdf

59 Violence Policy Center, “Nine out of 10 Women Murdered by Men are Killed by Someone They Know and Nearly Two Thirds Die by Gunfire, New Violence Policy Center Study Finds”, September 24, 2025, https://vpcorg/press/nine-out-of-10women-murdered by-men-are-killed-by-someone-they-know-and-nearly-two-thirds-die-by-gunfire-new-violence-policycenter-study-finds/

60 Zain Lakhani, Women’s Refugee Commission, “In Name Only: The False Allure of Anti-Immigration Policies That Claim to Protect Women from Harm”, January 21, 2025, https://wwwwomensrefugeecommissionorg/blog/in-name-only-thefalse-allure-of-anti immigration-policies-that-claim-to-protect-women-from-harm/ 61 Amelia Gentleman, The Guardian, “‘Go-to trope’: how the far right is exploiting violence against women and girls”, September 19, 2025, https://wwwtheguardiancom/politics/2025/sep/19/go-to-trope-how-the-far-right-are-exploitingviolence-against-women-and girls

62 Mel Leonor Barclay and Barbara Rodriguez, The 19th, Election 2024, “How the imagery of White women victims is being used to stoke anti-immigrant fear”, March 27, 2024, https://19thnewsorg/2024/03/deaths-white-women-weaponizedimmigration/ Rachel Smilan-Goldstein, “Protecting Our (White) Daughters: US Immigration and Benevolent Sexism”, Cambridge University Press: Politics & Gender, October 26, 2023, https://wwwcambridgeorg/core/journals/politics-andgender/article/protecting-our white-daughters-us-immigration-and-benevolentsexism/77FEB2A2E9851F6738558A2A0000B555

63 Congressgov, “HR7909 - Violence Against Women by Illegal Aliens Act”, Introduced on April 9, 2024, https://wwwcongressgov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/7909

64 Zain Lakhani, Women’s Refugee Commission, “In Name Only: The False Allure of Anti-Immigration Policies That Claim to Protect Women from Harm”, January 21, 2025, https://wwwwomensrefugeecommissionorg/blog/in-name-only-thefalse-allure-of-anti immigration-policies-that-claim-to-protect-women-from-harm/ 65 Congressgov, “HR7909 - Violence Against Women by Illegal Aliens Act: Actions”, Introduced on April 9, 2024, https://wwwcongressgov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/7909

framed in the language of protecting women, the law, if enacted, would make it harder for immigrant victims of domestic violence to safely leave abusive situations”⁶⁶ These narratives, policy proposals, and legislation decrease women’s safety and security through the expansion of weapons and creation of barriers for escaping DV situations. States and NSAs alike co-opt protection and use it to securitized ends, effectively expanding both domestic and international militarism

Additionally, instrumentalization of the protection pillar creates cyclical securitized responses; the politicization of CRSV in Israel’s genocide in Gaza against Palestinians⁶⁷ is illustrative. Following the October 7 Hamas attacks against Israel,⁶⁸ Global Minority media outlets,⁶⁹ Western “feminists”,⁷⁰ and Israeli and US leadership⁷¹ all made public, unsubstantiated claims that Hamas committed “widespread and systematic sexual assault”⁷² and “that rape was used as a weapon of war by Hamas”⁷³ on October 7 These allegations were made absent hard evidence and while investigations were still ongoing, and were largely debunked by multiple

66 Women’s Refugee Commission, Press Releases, “The Violence Against Women by Illegal Aliens Act Will Harm Survivors of Domestic Violence”, January 17, 2025, https://wwwwomensrefugeecommissionorg/press-releases/the-violence-againstwomen-by illegal-aliens-act-will-harm-survivors-of-domestic-violence/

67 NBC News, “Second anniversary of Hamas-led attack on Israel falls during Gaza truce negotiations”, October 7, 2025, https://wwwnbcnewscom/world/middle-east/live-blog/hamas-attack-anniversary-israel-war-gaza-conflict-live-updatesrcna235225

68 Jeffery Gettleman, Adam Sella, and Anat Schwartz, New York Times, “Screams Without Words: How Hamas Weaponized Sexual Violence on Oct 7”, December 28, 2023, https://wwwnytimescom/2023/12/28/world/middleeast/oct-7attacks-hamas-israel-sexual violencehtml

69 Jennifer Cunningham, Business Insider, “Sheryl Sandberg, Hillary Clinton, Sen Kirsten Gillibrand and others issue a global call to action to denounce sexual violence at UN Summit”, December 4, 2023, https://wwwbusinessinsidercom/sheryl-sandberg-urge world-to-denounce-hamas-for-sexual-violence-october-7-attack2023-12

70 Carrie Keller-Lynn, The Times of Israel, “Netanyahu, Biden slam global silence on Hamas sexual violence against Israeli women”, December 6, 2023, https://wwwtimesofisraelcom/netanyahu-biden-slam-global-silence-on-hamas-sexualviolence-against-israeli women/

71 Foundation for Middle East Peace, “Media Bias in Reporting on Sexual Assault on October 7th – Breaking Down the Damage”, March 6, 2024, https://fmeporg/resource/media-bias-in-reporting-on-sexual-assault-on-october-7th-breakingdown-the-damage/

72 Nicole Froio, Prism, “As Israel continues to use debunked claims of sexual violence to justify genocide, feminist movements must push back”, October 9, 2024, https://prismreportsorg/2024/10/09/feminist-movements-push-backagainst-debunked-sexual violence-claims/

73 Nicole Froio, Prism, “As Israel continues to use debunked claims of sexual violence to justify genocide, feminist movements must push back”, https://prismreportsorg/2024/10/09/feminist-movements-push-back-against-debunkedsexual-violence-claims/ Jeremy Scahill, Ryan Grim, and Daniel Boguslaw, The Intercept, “Between the Hammer and the Anvil: The Story Behind the New York Times October 7 Exposé”, February 28, 2024, https://theinterceptcom/2024/02/28/new-york-times-anat-schwartz-october-7/ Richard Sanders and Al Jazeera Investigative Unit, Al Jazeera, “October 7: Forensic analysis shows Hamas abuses, many false Israeli claims”, March 21, 2024, https://wwwaljazeeracom/news/2024/3/21/october-7-forensic-analysis-shows-hamas-abuses many-false-israeli-claims

investigative journalism outlets,⁷⁴ and reiterated by additional media outlets⁷⁵ This did not stop Israel’s persistent politicization of these “systemic sexual violence” narratives, which used “wartime rape propaganda” to legitimize its military assault on Gaza: “Israeli leadership relentlessly refers to sexual violence committed by Hamas on [October 7] to justify the ongoing genocide of Palestinians”⁷⁶ Meanwhile, this politicization simultaneously occurs in Israeli and US leadership ignoring CRSV committed by Israel against Palestinians The March 2025 report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, “More than a human can bear”: Israel's systematic use of sexual, reproductive and other forms of gender-based violence since 7 October 2023, provides evidence of the Israeli Security Forces’ (ISF) actions. The report concludes that the ISF committed rampant SGBV against Palestinians, especially women, with the “inten[t] to retaliate and punish [Palestinians] collectively for the attacks carried out [ ] in southern Israel on 7 October” While far from equatable, the gendered impact of Israel’s protracted bombardment does not only affect Palestinian women; gender equality is decreasing for Israeli women as well as “women’s rights in Israel [are] sacrificed for political benefit.”⁷⁷ This includes women’s reduction in the workforce, an anticipated uptick in violence, and “an increase in the number of weapons on the streets.”⁷⁸ Militarization campaigns breed insecurity and make protection for women a near impossibility, ultimately resulting in securitized violence begetting more securitized violence

When sexual violence is weaponized and securitized, this leaves the “decisions on whom to protect, care for and save rest[ing] with international actors and their priorities.”⁷⁹ It erases autonomy and decision-making for those most impacted and willfully hands over protection to the interests and agendas of those not with the most intention or care, but with the most power States and NSAs must stop instrumentalizing protection so the pillar can comprehensively address the root causes of conflict, violence, and war that would result in an authentic transformative means to protect women

74 Omny Miranda Martone, Katie Knick, Lia McDonald Meteer, and Michelle Reilly, Sexual Violence Prevention Initiative, “SORVO Case Study: Israel, Zionist Entities, & Palestine”, September 2025, https://drivegooglecom/file/d/1ct3OlGYUoQxMjnE4kmS9V0U7r057 6gd/view and https://s-v-p-aorg/sorvo-palestine/

75 Keren Setton, The Medialine, “Under the Shadow of War: Women’s Rights in Israel Sacrificed for Political Benefit”, January 16, 2024, https://themedialineorg/people/under-the-shadow-of-war-womens-rights-in-israel-sacrificed-forpolitical-benefit/

76 Sara Meger, “The Fetishization of Sexual Violence in International Security”, International Studies Quarterly, Volume 60, No 1, 149 – 159, March 2016, https://wwwresearchgatenet/publication/304983001 The Fetishization of Sexual Violence_in International Security

77 Keren Setton, The Medialine, “Under the Shadow of War: Women’s Rights in Israel Sacrificed for Political Benefit,” January 16, 2024, https://themedialineorg/people/under-the-shadow-of-war-womens-rights-in-israel-sacrificed-forpolitical-benefit/

78 Keren Setton, The Medialine, “Under the Shadow of War: Women’s Rights in Israel Sacrificed for Political Benefit,” https://themedialineorg/people/under-the-shadow-of-war-womens-rights-in-israel-sacrificed-for-political-benefit/

The Neglected Pillar: Prevention

Prevention has been de-prioritized since the Resolution’s adoption, regularly called “unquestionably the most neglected pillar”,⁸⁰ the “Weakest ‘P’ in the 1325 Pod,”⁸¹ and “the [pillar] that has received least attention”⁸² The pillar demands the prevention of violence in all its forms against women in both post conflict and conflict contexts and the broader prevention of conflict ⁸³ Due to its emphasis on conflict prevention, success for this pillar would entail it becoming one of the WPS Agenda’s most transformative peacebuilding tools However, the securitization of the Agenda has cast the prevention pillar in a more limited scope. focused on threat reduction and deterrence, rather than a means to address the root causes of conflict. As Soumita Basu and Catia C Confortini state in their article in International Studies Perspectives, “implementation of the conflict prevention mandate of 1325 fails to confront the war system and gendered forms of militarism and militarization”⁸⁴

While the U.S.-led, so-called “GWOT” undoubtedly exacerbated the militarization of all four pillars, for prevention, the adoption of Resolution 2242 in October 2015⁸⁵ created a “degree of engagement, if not alignment, between WPS and [counter-terrorism] CT and [preventing and countering violent extremism] P/CVE”⁸⁶ UNSCR 2242 called for increased integration of countering violent extremism (CVE), counter-terrorism, and WPS agendas by the UN and Member States⁸⁷ It requested the Counter-

80 The United Nations Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia (UNRCCA), “Women, Peace and Security: Four Pillars of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda”.

81 Soumita Basu and Catia C Confortini, “Weakest “P” in the 1325 Pod? Realizing Conflict Prevention through Security Council Resolution 1325”, International Studies Perspectives, Volume 18, Issue 1, 43 – 63, August 12, 2016, https://academicoupcom/isp/article-abstract/18/1/43/2669532?login=false

82 United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 2242 (2015): S/RES/2242 (2015)”, October 13, 2015, https://docsunorg/en/S/RES/2242(2015)

83 Doris Asante, Yasmin Chilmeran, Laura J Shepherd, and Zoe Tiller, “The impact of UN Security Council resolution 2242 in Australia, the UK and Sweden”, Australian Journal of International Affairs, May 17, 2021, https://wwwinternationalaffairsorgau/australianoutlook/un-security-council-resolution-2242-and-the-women-peace-andsecurity agenda/

84 United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 2242 (2015): S/RES/2242 (2015)”, Operative Paragraph 11, October 13, 2015, https://docsunorg/en/S/RES/2242(2015)

85 United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 2242 (2015): S/RES/2242 (2015),” October 13, 2015, https://docsunorg/en/S/RES/2242(2015)

86 Doris Asante, Yasmin Chilmeran, Laura J Shepherd, and Zoe Tiller, “The impact of UN Security Council resolution 2242 in Australia, the UK and Sweden,” Australian Journal of International Affairs, May 17, 2021, https://wwwinternationalaffairsorgau/australianoutlook/un-security council-resolution-2242-and-the-women-peace-andsecurity-agenda/

87 United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 2242 (2015): S/RES/2242 (2015),” Operative Paragraph 11, October 13, 2015, https://docsunorg/en/S/RES/2242(2015)

Terrorism Executive Directorate (CTED) and the Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC) “to integrate gender as a cross-cutting issue throughout the activities within their respective mandates”,⁸⁸ and urged UN Women to collaborate with CTED on conducting research and collecting data through a gendered lens on counter-terrorism strategies’ impacts on women’s organizations and women’s radicalization drivers⁸⁹ The groundwork for UNSCR 2242 was laid by another WPS Resolution, 2122, passed in October 2013,⁹⁰ which paved the way by “express[ing] its intention to incorporate women, peace, and security issues in all relevant thematic areas of work on its agenda, including in threats to international peace and security caused by terrorist acts”⁹¹ Finally, in April 2019, WPS Resolution 2467 was adopted, which reinforced the provisions in UNSCR 2242,⁹² and connected the CVE, WPS, and counter-terrorism agendas via crimes of sexual violence.⁹³

The overlap between WPS and these more overtly securitized agendas created apprehension and express resistance from women’s civil society and women’s activists⁹⁴ concerning “explicitly link[ing] the WPS agenda” to counter-terrorism and P/CVE⁹⁵ These concerns are elaborated in the Gender Action for Peace and Security report, Prioritise Peace: challenging approaches to Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism from a Women, Peace and Security perspective. ⁹⁶

The findings show that “current approaches to P/CVE [ ] are inconsistent with peacebuilding

88 United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 2242 (2015): S/RES/2242 (2015),” Operative Paragraph 11, October 13, 2015, https://docsunorg/en/S/RES/2242(2015)

89 United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 2242 (2015): S/RES/2242 (2015),” Operative Paragraph 12, October 13, 2015, https://docsunorg/en/S/RES/2242(2015)

90 Doris Asante, Yasmin Chilmeran, Laura J Shepherd, and Zoe Tiller, “UN Security Council Resolution 2242 and the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda”, Australian Institute of International Affairs, July 7, 2021, https://wwwinternationalaffairsorgau/australianoutlook/un-security-council-resolution-2242-and-the-women-peace-andsecurity agenda/

91 International Crisis Group, Briefing No 5, Gender and Conflict, “A Course Correction for the Women, Peace and Security Agenda”, December 9, 2020, https://wwwcrisisgrouporg/global/b005-course-correction-women-peace-and-securityagenda

92 Kerry Crawford and Chloé Lewis, openDemocracy, “UN resolution 2242: gender, generation, and counter terrorism”, November 18, 2025, https://wwwopendemocracynet/en/5050/un-gender-generation-and-counter-terrorism-in-womenpeace-and-security debate/

93 Gender Action for Peace and Security, “Prioritise Peace: challenging approaches to Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism from a Women, Peace and Security perspective”, April 2018, https://gaps-ukorg/wpcontent/uploads/2018/06/GAPS report Prioritise-Peace-Challenging-Approaches-to-P-CVE-from-a-WPS-perspectivepdf

94 Gender Action for Peace and Security, “Prioritise Peace: challenging approaches to Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism from a Women, Peace and Security perspective”, https://gaps-ukorg/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/GAPSreport Prioritise-Peace Challenging-Approaches-to-P-CVE-from-a-WPS-perspectivepdf

95 Kerry Crawford and Chloé Lewis, openDemocracy, “UN resolution 2242: gender, generation, and counter terrorism,” November 18, 2025, https://wwwopendemocracynet/en/5050/un-gender-generation-and-counter-terrorism-in-womenpeace-and-security-debate/

96 Gender Action for Peace and Security, “Prioritise Peace: challenging approaches to Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism from a Women, Peace and Security perspective,” April 2018, https://gaps-ukorg/wpcontent/uploads/2018/06/GAPS-report Prioritise-Peace Challenging-Approaches-to-P-CVE-from-a-WPS-perspectivepdf

processes.”⁹⁷ The report further underscores that women’s rights are appropriated “for the expediency of P/CVE policy and programming” which can have negative consequences for women’s rights, including women human rights defenders (WHRDs) facing targeted violence⁹⁸ Women’s groups emphasize that aligning their work with State-led priorities can jeopardize their physical safety and that “[c]ombining WPS and CVE often simply does not work, compromising both women’s well-being and violence reduction efforts.”⁹⁹ While the Security Council may have found it pertinent to interconnect these agendas, on the ground, it exacerbates danger for women’s civil society groups and often impedes the prevention pillar When women’s groups are expected to work on agendas that uphold the priorities of the State instead of locally-led peacebuilding efforts, prevention becomes tailored to securitized initiatives rather than preventing conflict through addressing the root causes and systemic drivers to promote sustainable peace.¹⁰⁰

Similar concerns from women-led civil society were echoed in the Global Study on the Implementation of Resolution 1325¹⁰¹ published a day after UNSCR 2242 was adopted¹⁰² For example, consultations conducted with women in support of the Global Study highlight the evident opposition of linking WPS to securitized agendas like counter-terrorism and P/CVE¹⁰³: “women’s rights should not be securitized and should not be seen as an instrumental tool for countering extremism. Rather, women’s rights are an end in and of themselves.”¹⁰⁴ The Study

97 Gender Action for Peace and Security, “Prioritise Peace: challenging approaches to Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism from a Women, Peace and Security perspective,” https://gaps-ukorg/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/GAPSreport Prioritise-Peace-Challenging Approaches-to-P-CVE-from-a-WPS-perspectivepdf

98 Gender Action for Peace and Security, “Prioritise Peace: challenging approaches to Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism from a Women, Peace and Security perspective,” https://gaps-ukorg/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/GAPSreport Prioritise-Peace-Challenging Approaches-to-P-CVE-from-a-WPS-perspectivepdf

99 International Crisis Group, Briefing No 5, Gender and Conflict, “A Course Correction for the Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” December 9, 2020, https://wwwcrisisgrouporg/global/b005-course-correction-women-peace-and-securityagenda

100 Chloé White, “15 Years On, A New Opportunity: UNSCR 2242”, Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, October 28, 2015, https://giwpsgeorgetownedu/2015/10/28/15-years-on-a-new-opportunity-unscr-2242/

101 Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325”, Chapter 9: Countering Violent Extremism While Respecting the Rights and Autonomy of Women and Their Communities, UN Women, 2015, https://wpsunwomenorg/pdf/CH09pdf

102 Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325”, Chapter 9: Countering Violent Extremism While Respecting the Rights and Autonomy of Women and Their Communities, UN Women, 2015, https://wpsunwomenorg/pdf/CH09pdf

103 Chloé White, “15 Years On, A New Opportunity: UNSCR 2242,” Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, October 28, 2015, https://giwpsgeorgetownedu/2015/10/28/15-years-on-a-new-opportunity-unscr-2242/

104 Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325,” Chapter 9: Countering Violent Extremism While Respecting the Rights and Autonomy of Women and Their Communities, UN Women, 2015, https://wpsunwomenorg/pdf/CH09pdf

also cautioned against women’s advocacy aligning too closely with State-centric counterterrorism, noting that this creates increased risks for backlash against women’s rights and women’s rights defenders (WRD).¹⁰⁵ It highlighted that counter-terrorism initiatives’ attempts to engage women have “heighten[ed] women’s insecurity, and create a concern of women being ‘used’ by the government”¹⁰⁶

The Agenda that was born out of opposing war, demilitarization, and upending security structures was gradually co-opted to one of “feminism as counter-terrorism”¹⁰⁷ Securitization won out yet again, solidly cementing itself as a centerpiece of both the prevention pillar and the Agenda. For prevention to truly work, States must stop wielding it as a means for threat reduction and deterrence, and support WPS actors in utilizing it as a transformative tool for peacebuilding and conflict resolution

The Ambiguous Pillar: Relief and Recovery

The relief and recovery pillar focuses on centering the needs, leadership, access to resources, financing, and expertise of women in post-conflict contexts Similar to prevention, this pillar has been called “the most ambiguous and under-researched”¹⁰⁸ and a “siloed latecomer”¹⁰⁹ It encompasses the implementation phase of peace agreements, post-conflict rebuilding and reconstruction, and ensuring that constitutional, judicial, and electoral systems are designed in gender sensitive, inclusive, and participatory manners that promote human rights and women’s rights.¹¹⁰ Relief and recovery includes a range of conflict resolution and humanitarian assistance

105 Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325,” Chapter 9: Countering Violent Extremism While Respecting the Rights and Autonomy of Women and Their Communities, UN Women, 2015, https://wpsunwomenorg/pdf/CH09pdf

106 Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325,” Chapter 9: Countering Violent Extremism While Respecting the Rights and Autonomy of Women and Their Communities, UN Women, 2015, https://wpsunwomenorg/pdf/CH09pdf

107 Vasuki Nesiah, “Feminism as Counter-terrorism: The Seduction of Power,” Routledge: Gender, National Security and Counter-terrorism: Human Rights Perspectives, January 2012, https://wwwresearchgatenet/publication/272238461 Feminism as Counter terrorism The Seduction of Power

108 Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325”, Chapter 7, https://wpsunwomenorg/pdf/CH07pdf

109 Richard Caplan and Anke Hoeffler, “Why peace endures: an analysis of post-conflict stabilization”, Centre Européen de Recherches Internationales et Stratégiques, March 2021, https://wwwcerisbe/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Why-Peaceendures Richard-Caplan-2017pdf

110 Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325,” Chapter 7: Building Inclusive and Peaceful Societies in the Aftermath of Conflict, UN Women, 2015, https://wpsunwomenorg/pdf/CH07pdf

Data on relief and recovery is limited compared to the participation and protection pillars, and existing research on this pillar sits largely within security institutions For instance, the Office of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) Secretary General’s Special Representative for Women, Peace and Security’s publication, Women, Peace and Transforming Security: Visions for the Future of Women, Peace and Security for NATO, has a full chapter titled “Refocusing on Relief and Recovery: How NATO Can Support the Fourth Pillar of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda”¹¹⁷ For context, NATO is a military block composed of purely Minority World countries, that self-proclaims being “founded on the principle of collective defence, meaning that if one NATO Ally is attacked, then all NATO Allies are attacked [ ] on 9/11, all NATO Allies stood with America as though they had also been attacked.”¹¹⁸ NATO boasts about its role in “fighting

111 Radhika Coomaraswamy, “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325,” Chapter 7, https://wpsunwomenorg/pdf/CH07pdf

112 Richard Caplan and Anke Hoeffler, “Why peace endures: an analysis of post-conflict stabilization,” Centre Européen de Recherches Internationales et Stratégiques, March 2021, https://wwwcerisbe/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Why-Peaceendures-Richard-Caplan 2017pdf

113 Beyond Intractability, “Peacebuilding and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Checklist for Intermediaries,” https://wwwbeyondintractabilityorg/userguide/checklist/peacebuilding-intermediaries

114 Maria R Volpe, “Restorative Justice in Post-Disaster Situations: Untapped Potential,” Cardoza Journal of Conflict Resolution, Volume 8, Issue 2, 2007, https://larccardozoyuedu/cgi/viewcontentcgi?article=1581&context=cjcr

115 Nina Potarska, Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom, Analysis, “Human-Centered Recovery: Why Feminist Approaches Matter in Post-War Reconstruction,” July 31, 2025, https://wwwwilpforg/human-centered-recoverywhy-feminist-approaches-matter-in-post-war reconstruction/

116 Conciliation Resources, “Explainer: Why is inclusion vital for peace?,” January 2023, https://wwwc-rorg/news-andinsight/explainer-why inclusion-vital-peace

117 Lauren Blanch, Beth Eggleston, and Pip Henty, “Refocusing on Relief and Recovery: How NATO Can Support the Fourth Pillar of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” Women, Peace and Transforming Security: Visions of the Future of Women, Peace and Security for NATO, October 31, 2020, https://wwwnatoint/nato static fl2014/assets/pdf/2020/10/pdf/201110-wps-essay-transforming-security-epdf 118 North Atlantic Treaty Organization, “10 Things You Need to Know about NATO,” November 21, 2024, https://wwwnatoint/cps/en/natohq/126169htm programs, such as Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) and Security Sector Reform (SSR);¹¹¹ Post-conflict Stabilization (PCS) initiatives;¹¹² and access to justice and psychosocial support, including Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRC), trauma healing services and tribunals,¹¹³ and restorative justice¹¹⁴. Feminist and WPS advocates emphasize that relief and recovery encompass local and community-led initiatives, the politics of care, and collective and cohesive rebuilding of the very fabric of society¹¹⁵ For countries or contexts that have experienced violence or war, the post-conflict period is a crucial time for equitable rebuilding Success for this pillar would entail inclusion of all actors in implementing peace or post conflict agreements, as inclusive processes are a clear indicator that countries will sustain peace, while exclusion leads to countries being more likely to relapse and return to conflict.¹¹⁶

terrorism”, providing “support for Ukraine”, and expectations for 2024 as “the tenth consecutive year of defence investment increases across European Allies and Canada”¹¹⁹ Few organizations, outside of Departments of Defense and War, prioritize militarized responses at the level of NATO; as of June 2025, NATO countries agreed to increase the amount allocated towards security and defense “to five percent of their [Gross Domestic Product] GDP”¹²⁰ US President Donald Trump made this demand, which could shift some NATO members to spend more on defense than education¹²¹

One way in which NATO securitizes WPS is by leaning alarmingly towards the continued trend of further militarizing the Agenda. In “Refocusing on Relief and Recovery: How NATO Can Support the Fourth Pillar of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” authors Lauren Blanch, Beth Eggleston, and Pip Henty claim that “a key area of impact is how military forces can be an enabler for the humanitarian community to fulfill its mandate in times of emergency”¹²² However, when aid is delivered with military convoys, as is the only option in some conflict zones, it risks politicizing aid and making humanitarian workers targets of warring parties. This further securitizes the WPS Agenda by limiting the actors who can be involved in this work due to attacks by State actors, as we see routinely carried out by Israel against UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) aid workers¹²³ NATO also securitizes the Agenda to the extent of publishing factually inaccurate claims The chapter referenced above alleges that “historically, WPS has been framed within a security lens”¹²⁴ That simply is not true WPS was historically framed within a bottom-up,¹²⁵ rights-based

119 North Atlantic Treaty Organization, “10 Things You Need to Know about NATO,” https://wwwnatoint/cps/en/natohq/126169htm

120 Hanna Duggal and Reuters, Al Jazeera, Explainer: NATO, “NATO countries’ budgets compared: Defence vs healthcare and education,” June 25, 2025, https://wwwaljazeeracom/news/2025/6/25/nato-countries-budgets-compared-defence-vshealthcare-and-education

121 Hanna Duggal and Reuters, Al Jazeera, Explainer: NATO, “NATO countries’ budgets compared: Defence vs healthcare and education,” https://wwwaljazeeracom/news/2025/6/25/nato-countries-budgets-compared-defence-vs-healthcareand-education

122 Lauren Blanch, Beth Eggleston, and Pip Henty, “Refocusing on Relief and Recovery: How NATO Can Support the Fourth Pillar of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” Women, Peace and Transforming Security: Visions of the Future of Women, Peace and Security for NATO, October 31, 2020, https://wwwnatoint/nato static fl2014/assets/pdf/2020/10/pdf/201110-wps-essay-transforming-security-epdf

123 Philippe Lazzarini, UNRWA, Newsroom, “Fifteen Months on the War in Gaza Horrors Continue Unabated Under the World’s Watch,” December 31, 2024, https://wwwunrwaorg/newsroom/official-statements/fifteen-months-war-gazahorrors-continue-unabated-under world%E2%80%99s-watch

124 Gretchen Baldwin and Marta Bertea, “Where next for the women, peace and security agenda?”, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, October 1, 2024, https://wwwsipriorg/commentary/blog/2024/where-next-womenpeace-and-security-agenda

125 Women in International Security, ““Framers of 1325” Series: Dr Louise Olsson,” Dr Inonge Mbikusita-Lewanika, Women In International Security: Shaping the Future, https://wiisglobalorg/resource publications/framers-of-1325-essay-series/

and anti-war lens¹²⁶ with specific aims to disrupt and overturn traditional security architectures¹²⁷, thus redefining and reframing security¹²⁸ NATO’s reframing the Agenda’s origins emphasizes the harms in security institutions’ repeated co-optation, decontextualization, and exploitation of this pillar and the Agenda writ large in service of their own objectives These institutions have little regard for supporting women, and every intention of using women to further securitize relief and recovery

Another stark example of securitization within the relief and recovery pillar is post-conflict reconstruction.¹²⁹ While post-conflict reconstruction is often thought of as being separate from the violence that preceded it, in actuality, “reconstruction is formed in large part by the conflict, not divorced from it”¹³⁰ In trying to prevent further securitization, the relief and recovery pillar must integrate this reality into its response in post-conflict contexts Syria provides an example, as restoration efforts for informal neighborhoods pre-war drastically shifted during the war, highlighting how the conflict fundamentally reshaped these rebuilding efforts: “plans to restore (as opposed to demolish and rebuild) informal neighborhoods before the war changed to destruction and reconstruction during the fighting, concluding that planning has been used as a weapon”¹³¹ And this does not apply solely to Syria It is but one of many examples of “how war destruction is employed and why reconstruction is inherently intermingled with it”; additional examples include Yemen, Colombia, Ukraine, Palestine, Lebanon, Bosnia, Iraq, and Kosovo¹³²

The further securitization of relief and recovery is evidenced within reconstruction, namely by conflict dynamics transferring into various societal realms and seeping into post-conflict spaces, thereby “suggesting that the built environment becomes a battleground for further

126 Dr Zeynep Kaya, Oxfam International, “Feminist Peace and Security in the Middle East and North Africa,” September 2020, https://oxfamilibraryopenrepositorycom/bitstream/handle/10546/621055/dp-feminist-peace-security-mena-210920enpdf?sequence=1

127 Gretchen Baldwin and Marta Bertea, “Where next for the women, peace and security agenda?,” Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, October 1, 2024, https://wwwsipriorg/commentary/blog/2024/where-next-womenpeace-and-security-agenda

128 Sanam Naraghi Anderlini and Isabela Karibjanian with Helena Grönberg, International Civil Society Action Network, “The Odd Couple: Women Peacebuilders and Security Actors – Bridging Positions, Building Trust,” May 2025, https://icanpeaceworkorg/wp content/uploads/2025/05/ICAN The-Odd-Couple ENpdf

129 Wendy Pullan, “War by Other Means: Reconstruction in Syria,” Reconstruction as Violence in Assad’s Syria, The American University in Cairo Press, Chapter 2, August 19, 2025, https://booksgooglecom/books? id=5UcaEQAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs ViewAPI&hl=en#v=onepage&q&f=false

130 Wendy Pullan, “War by Other Means: Reconstruction in Syria,” https://booksgooglecom/books? id=5UcaEQAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs ViewAPI&hl=en#v=onepage&q&f=false

131 Wendy Pullan, “War by Other Means: Reconstruction in Syria,” https://booksgooglecom/books? id=5UcaEQAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs ViewAPI&hl=en#v=onepage&q&f=false

132 Wendy Pullan, “War by Other Means: Reconstruction in Syria,” https://booksgooglecom/books? id=5UcaEQAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs ViewAPI&hl=en#v=onepage&q&f=false

violence.”¹³³ For example, in Yemen, humanitarian assistance from the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia may be viewed as an attempt to continue supporting the wider military effort ¹³⁴ In Palestine and in particular Gaza, a 2018 publication by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) emphasized that “policies labeled as reconstruction can actually be a vehicle for sustaining and perpetuating structures of domination”¹³⁵ Thus, post-conflict initiatives cannot be removed from the contextual underpinnings of the conflict itself. The linearity so often presented between conflict and post-conflict settings is blurred at best and non-existent at worst. Just as existing gender inequalities are exacerbated by conflict, in post-conflict contexts, these same gender inequalities persist in relief and recovery unless intentionally disrupted While more research and initiatives surrounding relief and recovery are needed, it is clear that even the most ambiguous pillar is not able to escape the greater securitization and militarization of the WPS Agenda. To set the Agenda up to successfully change course, relief and recovery must be able to operate inclusively and independently from the securitization this pillar currently faces.

Conclusion

Can WPS be the Transformative Agenda the World Needs?

WPS originated as a grassroots, civil society-led Agenda that advocated for feminist peace to replace militarized, hegemonic security frameworks. Locally, domestically, regionally, and internationally, women-led civil society from a diverse array of countries and contexts remain at the forefront of advancing these frameworks and advocating for the WPS Agenda, despite the rising dangers of doing this work ¹³⁶ The Agenda envisioned a world where opposition to war and militarism become the new normative and operational policy responses where transformative approaches to women’s equity, leadership, and decision-making in peace and

133 Middle East Urban Studies, “Reconstruction as Violence in Assad’s Syria,” The American University in Cairo Press, August 19, 2025, https://aucpresscom/9781649034151/

134 Maha Yahya, Marc Lynch, Frederic Wehrey, Frances Z Brown, and Dalia Ghanem, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace – Project on Middle East Political Science, “The Politics of Post-Conflict Reconstruction,” September 13, 2018, https://carnegieendowmentorg/posts/2018/09/the-politics-of-post-conflict-reconstruction?lang=en

135 Maha Yahya, Marc Lynch, Frederic Wehrey, Frances Z Brown, and Dalia Ghanem, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace – Project on Middle East Political Science, “The Politics of Post-Conflict Reconstruction,” https://carnegieendowmentorg/posts/2018/09/the-politics-of post-conflict-reconstruction?lang=en

136 Maha Abu-Dayeh Shammas, Grace Akallo, Hamsatu Allamin, Visaka Dharmadasa, Bineta Diop, Wazhma Frogh, Terry Greenblatt, Abir Haj Ibrahim, Rita Lopidia, Julienne Lusenge, Amina Megheirbi, Charo Mina-Rojas, Yanar Mohammed, sen Nader, Eugenia Piza-Lopez, Mossarat Qadeem, and Rosa Emilia Salamanca, International Civil Society Action Network, “Open Statement to the United Nations Security Council on behalf of Women Peacebuilders Marking 25 Years of the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda,” October 6, 2025, https://icanpeaceworkorg/2025/10/open-statement-to-the-unscfrom-women-peacebuilders/

security dismantle the apparatuses of war, conflict, and violence for good¹³⁷ However, 25 years on, this world has not yet come to fruition, with the Agenda’s pillars being co-opted by the very structures it sought to dismantle.

However, while the Agenda has been strangled by the securitized and militarized architectures and policy priorities of the past 25 years, it does mean the future holds the same fate It is time to create a new status quo To do this, women-led civil society must hold true political and decisionmaking power at all levels of peace and security Member States must recommit to the Agenda and uphold its original vision and aims. Moving forward, nations must adopt National Action Plans (NAPs) on WPS¹³⁸ with the explicit understanding that they are committing to dismantling current security frameworks and institutions This commitment must extend to partnering with women-led civil society to replace these frameworks and institutions with policies that prioritize people, human security, and pathways to lasting peace As for the pillars, Participation must meaningfully enhance women’s inclusion in peace processes, with the goal of rendering women’s participation in police and armed forces, and standing militaries more broadly, a limited option of last resort because peacebuilding has enough political will and funding to prevent conflict. Protection must no longer be instrumentalized by States and NSAs so it can truly address the root causes of conflict and violence; likewise, war must be eradicated just as CRSV must be eradicated Prevention must be resourced as a primary security policy and made more central as a key element of peacebuilding through localized and community-led interventions, and it must be championed to radically reshape counter-terrorism and P/CVE. Relief and recovery must be inclusively and accountably researched and supported, claiming its rightful place as a staple of post-conflict reconstruction and rebuilding to prevent the recurrence of conflict; to build a more just, equitable future, and to sustain peace

133 Middle East Urban Studies, “Reconstruction as Violence in Assad’s Syria,” The American University in Cairo Press, August 19, 2025, https://aucpresscom/9781649034151/

137 Gretchen Baldwin and Taylor Hynes, “The Securitization of Gender: A Primer,” International Peace Institute, October 11, 2022, https://theglobalobservatoryorg/2022/10/the-securitization-of-gender-a-primer/

138 According to UN Women, “National action plans (NAPs) are practical documents that detail the actions a government is taking to meet its obligations under the [] UN Security Council Women, Peace and Security (WPS) resolutions and other internationally agreed-upon resolutions” UN Women, Asia and the Pacific, “National Action Plans: Women, Peace and Security,” https://asiapacificunwomenorg/en/focus-areas/peace and-security/national-action-plans

After 25 years, the WPS Agenda has not yet radically upended security architectures It has instead been co-opted and instrumentalized by security actors and institutions, leading it closer to securitization and militarization, and farther away from feminist peace. However, there is room for hope. Criticism can often be taken as a loss of faith in a cause. Nothing could be farther from the authors’ beliefs in the potential of what the WPS Agenda can and will be. As the great James Baldwin states, “I love America more than any other country in this world, and, exactly for this reason, I insist on the right to criticize her perpetually” ¹³⁹ Replace America with WPS and country with Agenda and the reason for this piece is clear: the right to perpetual criticism remains precisely because of the transformative power the Agenda holds.

WPS can only succeed if it returns to its roots, is fully supported and resourced, and reiterates that while violence, securitization, and militarization may have become normalized, they are anything but normal They are not the ways we have to live and the Agenda provides an alternative policy and security framework, and ultimately, an alternative way of being

139 CUNY Academic Commons, The Langston Hughes Festival at City College, “James Baldwin (1978),” 2010, https://langstonhughescommonsgccunyedu/james-baldwin/

Bibliography

Ahmed, Kaamil. The Guardian. Global development. “World’s conflict zones increased by twothirds in past three years, report reveals” November 21, 2024 https://wwwtheguardiancom/global-development/2024/nov/21/world-conflict-zones-increased-by two-thirds-past-three-years-report-ukraine-myanmar-middle-east-africa

Amnesty International. “Israel/OPT: Israeli organizations conclude Israel committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza in another milestone for accountability efforts.” July 28, 2025. https://wwwamnestyorg/en/latest/news/2025/07/israel-opt-israeli organizations-conclude-israelcommitting-genocide-against-palestinians-in-gaza-in-another-milestone-for-accountabilityefforts/

Anderlini, Sanam Naraghi and Karibjanian, Isabela with Grönberg, Helena. International Civil Society Action Network. “The Odd Couple: Women Peacebuilders and Security Actors – Bridging Positions, Building Trust” May 2025 https://icanpeaceworkorg/wp content/uploads/2025/05/ICAN The-Odd-Couple ENpdf

Anderlini, Sanam Naraghi. “Civil Society’s Leadership in Adopting 1325 Resolution.” The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace, and Security. Chapter 4, 38 – 52. December 11, 2018. https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/27959/chapter abstract/211549651? redirectedFrom=fulltext

Asante, Doris Chilmeran, Yasmin Shepherd, Laura J Tiller, Zoe “The impact of UN Security Council resolution 2242 in Australia, the UK and Sweden.” Australian Journal of International Affairs. May 17, 2021. https://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australianoutlook/un-security-councilresolution-2242-and-the-women-peace-and-security agenda/.

Asante, Doris Chilmeran, Yasmin Shepherd, Laura J Tiller, Zoe “UN Security Council Resolution 2242 and the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda” Australian Institute of International Affairs July 7, 2021. https://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australianoutlook/un-security-councilresolution-2242-and-the-women-peace-and-security agenda/.

Baldwin, Gretchen and Bertea, Marta “Where next for the women, peace and security agenda?” Stockholm International Peace Research Institute October 1, 2024 https://wwwsipriorg/commentary/blog/2024/where-next-women-peace-and-security-agenda

Baldwin, Gretchen and Hynes, Taylor. “The Securitization of Gender: A Primer.” International Peace Institute. October 11, 2022.

Barclay, Mel Leonor and Rodriguez, Barbara The 19th Election 2024 “How the imagery of White women victims is being used to stoke anti-immigrant fear” March 27, 2024 https://19thnews.org/2024/03/deaths-white-women-weaponized-immigration/.

Beyond Intractability “Peacebuilding and Post-Conflict Reconstruction Checklist for Intermediaries ” https://www beyondintractabilityorg/userguide/checklist/peacebuildingintermediaries.

Blanch, Lauren. Eggleston, Beth. Henty, Pip. “Refocusing on Relief and Recovery: How NATO Can Support the Fourth Pillar of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda ” Women, Peace and Transforming Security: Visions of the Future of Women, Peace and Security for NATO October 31, 2020 https://www nato int/nato static fl2014/assets/pdf/2020/10/pdf/201110-wps-essay transforming-security-e pdf

Brennan, Hugo and Durmaz, Mucahid Verisk Maplecroft / Political Risk Outlook “Global conflict zones grow by two thirds since 2021, topping 6 million km2.” https://uploads.guim.co.uk/2024/11/20/Global conflict zones grow by two thirds since 2021. to pping 6 million km2 Report.pdf.

Buchanan, Cate and Daley, Shelagh “Conflict Prevention, Women, Peace and Security and Feminist Perspectives ” ISF Women Peace and Security Helpdesk October 24, 2024 https://wpshelpdesk org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/WPS090-Examining feminist-approachesin-upstream-conflict-prevention formatted-1 pdf

Caplan, Richard and Hoeffler, Anke. “Why peace endures: an analysis of post-conflict stabilization.” Centre Européen de Recherches Internationales et Stratégiques. March 2021. https://www.ceris.be/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Why-Peace-endures Richard-Caplan-2017.pdf.

Conciliation Resources “Explainer: Why is inclusion vital for peace?” January 2023 https://wwwc-r org/news-and-insight/explainer-why-inclusion-vital-peace

Congress gov “H R 7909 - Violence Against Women by Illegal Aliens Act ” Introduced on April 9, 2024. https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/7909.

Congress.gov. “H.R.7909 - Violence Against Women by Illegal Aliens Act: Actions.” Introduced on April 9, 2024. https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/7909.

Coomaraswamy, Radhika “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 ” Chapter 4: Protecting and Promoting the Rights and Leadership of Women and Girls in Humanitarian Settings UN Women 2015 https://wps unwomen org/pdf/CH04 pdf

Coomaraswamy, Radhika. “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325.” Chapter 6: Keeping the Peace in an Increasingly Militarized World. UN Women. 2015. https://wps unwomen org/pdf/CH06 pdf

Coomaraswamy, Radhika. “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 ” Chapter 9: Countering Violent Extremism While Respecting the Rights and Autonomy of Women and Their Communities UN Women 2015 https://wps unwomen org/pdf/CH09 pdf

Coomaraswamy, Radhika “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 ” Chapter 7: Building Inclusive and Peaceful Societies in the Aftermath of Conflict. UN Women. 2015. https://wps.unwomen.org/pdf/CH07.pdf.

Coomaraswamy, Radhika “Preventing Conflict, Transforming Justice, Securing the Peace: A Global Study on the Implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 ” UN Women 2015 https://wps unwomen org/pdf/en/GlobalStudy EN Web pdf

Crawford, Kerry and Lewis, Chloé openDemocracy “UN resolution 2242: gender, generation, and counter terrorism ” November 18, 2025 https://wwwopendemocracy net/en/5050/un-gendergeneration-and-counter-terrorism-in-women-peace-and-security debate/.

Cruz, Dr. Claudia Pfeifer. “Women in Multilateral Peace Operations 2023: What is the Sate of Play?” SIPRI Multilateral Peace Operations Database accessed Oct 2023 https://www sipri org/sites/default/files/2023 10/1325 women pko state of play 2023 pdf

Cunningham, Jennifer Business Insider “Sheryl Sandberg, Hillary Clinton, Sen Kirsten Gillibrand and others issue a global call to action to denounce sexual violence at UN Summit ” December 4, 2023. https://www.businessinsider.com/sheryl-sandberg-urge world-to-denounce-hamas-forsexual-violence-october-7-attack-2023-12.

CUNY Academic Commons. The Langston Hughes Festival at City College. “James Baldwin (1978).” 2010 https://langstonhughes commons gc cunyedu/james-baldwin/

Department of Peace Operations “Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy 2018 – 2020 ” Unclassified https://peacekeeping un org/sites/default/files/uniformed-gender-parity-2018-2028 pdf

Duggal, Hanna and Reuters. Al Jazeera. Explainer: NATO. “NATO countries’ budgets compared: Defence vs healthcare and education.” June 25, 2025. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/6/25/nato-countries-budgets-compared-defence-vshealthcare and-education

European Commission Aid, Development Cooperation, Fundamental Rights: Service for Foreign Policy Instruments “European Peace Facility” https://fpi ec europa eu/what-we-do/europeanpeace-facility en

European Union External Action “EU Security Defence and Crisis Response: The Common Security and Defence Policy” September 24, 2025 https://wwweeas europa eu/eeas/commonsecurity-and-defence-policy en

European Union EUR-Lex: Access to European Union law “Common foreign and security policy (CFSP) ” https://eur-lex europa eu/EN/legal-content/glossary/common-foreign-and-security-policycfsp.html.

Farinha, Ricardo. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “The EU Common Security and Defense Policy: Moving Away from Democracy Support ” March 4, 2025 https://carnegieendowment org/research/2025/03/the-eu-common-security-and-defense policymoving-away-from-democracy-support?lang=en

Foundation for Middle East Peace “Media Bias in Reporting on Sexual Assault on October 7th –Breaking Down the Damage ” March 6, 2024 https://fmep org/resource/media-bias-in-reportingon-sexual-assault-on-october-7th-breaking-down-the-damage/.

Froio, Nicole. Prism. “As Israel continues to use debunked claims of sexual violence to justify genocide, feminist movements must push back ” October 9, 2024 https://prismreports org/2024/10/09/feminist-movements-push-back-against-debunked-sexual violence-claims/

Garamone, Jim U S Department of War “Women, Security, Peace Initiative Militarily Effective ” November 5, 2020. https://www.war.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/2407094/womensecurity-peace-initiative-militarily-effective/.

Gender Action for Peace and Security. “Prioritise Peace: challenging approaches to Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism from a Women, Peace and Security perspective ” April 2018 https://gaps-uk org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/GAPS report Prioritise-Peace-ChallengingApproaches-to-P-CVE-from-a-WPS-perspective pdf

Gentleman, Amelia The Guardian “‘Go-to trope’: how the far right is exploiting violence against women and girls.” September 19, 2025. https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2025/sep/19/go-totrope-how-the-far-right-are-exploiting-violence-against-women-and-girls.

Gettleman, Jeffrey Sella, Adam Schwartz, Anat New York Times “Screams Without Words: How Hamas Weaponized Sexual Violence on Oct 7” December 28, 2023 https://www nytimes com/2023/12/28/world/middleeast/oct-7-attacks-hamas-israel sexualviolence html

Goldenberg, Tia and Frankel, Julia PBS News “How 2 debunked accounts of sexual violence on Oct. 7 fueled a global dispute over Israel-Hamas war.” May 22, 2024. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/how-2-debunked-accounts-of-sexual-violence-on-oct-7 fueled-a-global-dispute-over-israel-hamas-war.

Heer, Jeet. The Nation. “The Nixonian New York Times Stonewalls on a Discredited Article About Hamas and Rape ” March 1, 2024 https://wwwthenation com/article/culture/new-york-timesintercept-hamas-rape/

Huckerby, Jayne “Feminism and International Law in the Post 9/11 Era ” Fordham International Law Journal Volume 39, Issue 3, Article 2, 2016 https://ir lawnet fordham edu/cgi/viewcontent cgi? article=2442&context=ilj

Human Rights Council. Sixtieth Session. “A/HRC/60/CRP.3: Legal analysis of the conduct of Israel in Gaza pursuant to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide Conference room paper of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel ” September 16, 2025 https://wwwohchr org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessionsregular/session60/advance-version/a-hrc-60 crp-3 pdf

International Association of Genocide Scholars “IAGS Resolution on the Situation in Gaza ” Current as of July 28, 2025 – Resolution passed August 31, 2025. https://genocidescholars.org/wpcontent/uploads/2025/08/IAGS-Resolution-on-Gaza FINAL.pdf? utm source=substack&utm medium=email.

International Committee of the Red Cross “Q&A: sexual violence in armed conflict ” September 22, 2016 https://www icrc org/en/document/sexual-violence-armed-conflict-questions-and-answers

International Crisis Group Briefing No 5 Gender and Conflict “A Course Correction for the Women, Peace and Security Agenda.” December 9, 2020. https://www.crisisgroup.org/global/b005course-correction-women-peace-and-security-agenda. Interpeace. “The foundations of lasting peace.” https://www.interpeace.org/annual-report-2023/in-focus-article/.

Jabbra, Nancy W “Women, Words and War: Explaining 9/11 and Justifying U S Military Action in Afghanistan and Iraq ” Journal of International Women’s Studies Volume 8, Issue 1, Article 18 Bridge Water State University https://vc bridgewedu/cgi/viewcontent cgi? referer=&httpsredir=1&article=1362&context=jiws Kaptan, Senem Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom – Women, Peace and Security Programme “UNCSCR 1325 at 20 Years: Perspectives from Feminist Peace Activists and Civil Society.” October 2020. https://www.wilpf.org/wp content/uploads/2020/11/WILPF UNSCR-1325-at-20-Years Web.pdf.

Kaya, Dr Zeynep Oxfam International “Feminist Peace and Security in the Middle East and North Africa ” September 2020 https://oxfamilibraryopenrepositorycom/bitstream/handle/10546/621055/dp-feminist-peacesecurity-mena-210920 en pdf?sequence=1

Keller-Lynn, Carrie The Times of Israel “Netanyahu, Biden slam global silence on Hamas sexual violence against Israeli women.” December 6, 2023. https://www.timesofisrael.com/netanyahubiden-slam-global-silence-on-hamas-sexual-violence-against-israeli women/.

Kirby, Paul and Shepherd, Laura J. “The futures past of the Women, Peace and Security agenda.” International Affairs Volume 92, Issue 2, 373 – 392 March 4, 2016 https://academic oup com/ia/article abstract/92/2/373/2417215?redirectedFrom=fulltext#77890299 and https://wwwchathamhouse org/sites/default/files/publications/ia/inta92-2-08shepherdkirby pdf

Krentz, Oliver European Parliament “Fact Sheets: Common Security and Defence Policy” April 2025. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/ftu/pdf/en/FTU 5.1.2.pdf.

Lakhani, Zain. Women’s Refugee Commission. “In Name Only: The False Allure of AntiImmigration Policies That Claim to Protect Women from Harm ” January 21, 2025 https://wwwwomensrefugeecommission org/blog/in-name-only-the-false-allure-of-anti immigration-policies-that-claim-to-protect-women-from-harm/

Lazzarini, Philippe UNRWA Newsroom “Fifteen Months on the War in Gaza Horrors Continue Unabated Under the World’s Watch ” December 31, 2024 https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/official-statements/fifteen-months-war-gaza-horrors-continue unabated-under-world%E2%80%99s-watch.

Martone, Omny Miranda Knick, Katie Meteer, Lia McDonald Reilly, Michelle Sexual Violence Prevention Initiative “SORVO Case Study: Israel, Zionist Entities, & Palestine ” September 2025 https://drive google com/file/d/1ct3OlGYUoQxMjnE4kmS9V0U7r057 6gd/view and https://s-v-pa org/sorvo-palestine/

Mason, Corinne L. “Global Violence Against Women as a National Security Emergency.” Feminist Formations - Special Issue: Feminists Interrogate States of Emergency. Vol. 25, No. 2, 55 – 80. 2013. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43860686.

Meger, Sara “The Fetishization of Sexual Violence in International Security” International Studies Quarterly Volume 60, No 1, 149 – 159 March 2016 https://www researchgate net/publication/304983001 The Fetishization of Sexual Violence in Int ernational Security

Middle East Urban Studies. “Reconstruction as Violence in Assad’s Syria.” The American University in Cairo Press. August 19, 2025. https://aucpress.com/9781649034151/.

Mohammadi, Elaheh “The Women Not Liberated by Bombs ” Untold Mag July 8, 2025 https://untoldmag org/the-women-not-liberated-by-bombs/

Motyl, Katharina “Saving María, Mitsu, and Mahsa U S Imperial Feminism from the MexicanAmerican War to the “War on Terror ”” Amerikastudien/American Studies Volume 69, Issue 1, 61 –79 2024 https://amst winter-verlag de/article/amst/2024/1/7 and https://amst winterverlag.de/data/article/11941/pdf/102401007.pdf.

NBC News. “Second anniversary of Hamas-led attack on Israel falls during Gaza truce negotiations ” October 7, 2025 https://www nbcnews com/world/middle-east/live-blog/hamasattack-anniversary-israel-war-gaza-conflict-live-updates rcna235225

Nesiah, Vasuki “Feminism as Counter-terrorism: The Seduction of Power ” Routledge: Gender, National Security and Counter- terrorism: Human Rights Perspectives January 2012 https://www researchgate net/publication/272238461 Feminism as Counter terrorism The Seduction of Power.

Ní Aoláin, Fionnuala. “The Rise of Counter-terrorism and the Demise of Human Rights.” Emory International Law Review Volume 39, Issue 1, 2024 https://scholarlycommons lawemoryedu/cgi/viewcontent cgi?article=1343&context=eilr

North Atlantic Treaty Organization “10 Things You Need to Know about NATO” November 21, 2024 https://www nato int/cps/en/natohq/126169 htm

NRA: National Rifle Association. “A Brief History of the NRA.” https://home.nra.org/about-the-nra/. Philipose, Pamela. The Wire. “Has the Needle Shifted on Israel’s Claim That Hamas Used Mass Rape as Strategy?” June 20, 2024. https://thewire.in/world/has-the-needle-shifted-on-israelsclaim-that-hamas-used-mass-rape-as-strategy

Pillars for Peace “Participation: Feminism empowers women in public life and decision-making, enhancing democratic processes ” Updated May 22, 2025

https://www pillarsforpeace org/pillars/2/participation

Potarska, Nina. Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom. Analysis. “Human-Centered Recovery: Why Feminist Approaches Matter in Post-War Reconstruction.” July 31, 2025. https://www.wilpf.org/human-centered-recovery-why-feminist approaches-matter-in-post-warreconstruction/

Pullan, Wendy “War by Other Means: Reconstruction in Syria ” Reconstruction as Violence in Assad’s Syria The American University in Cairo Press Chapter 2 August 19, 2025

https://books google com/books?

id=5UcaEQAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs ViewAPI&hl=en#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Sanders, Richard and Al Jazeera Investigative Unit. Al Jazeera. “October 7: Forensic analysis shows Hamas abuses, many false Israeli claims ” March 21, 2024

https://www aljazeera com/news/2024/3/21/october-7-forensic-analysis-shows-hamas-abuses many-false-israeli-claims

Scahill, Jeremy and Grim, Ryan The Intercept “Kibbutz Be’eri Rejects Story in New York Times October 7 Exposé: “They Were Not Sexually Abused” ” March 4, 2024 https://theintercept.com/2024/03/04/nyt-october-7-sexual-violence-kibbutz-beeri/.

Scahill, Jeremy Grim, Ryan Boguslaw, Daniel The Intercept “Between the Hammer and the Anvil: The Story Behind the New York Times October 7 Exposé ” February 28, 2024 https://theintercept com/2024/02/28/new-york-times-anat-schwartz-october-7/

Setton, Keren The Medialine “Under the Shadow of War: Women’s Rights in Israel Sacrificed for Political Benefit ” January 16, 2024 https://themedialine org/people/under-the-shadow-of-warwomens-rights-in-israel-sacrificed-for-political-benefit/.

Shammas, Maha Abu-Dayeh. Akallo, Grace. Allamin, Hamsatu. Dharmadasa, Visaka. Diop, Bineta. Frogh, Wazhma Greenblatt, Terry Ibrahim, Abir Haj Lopidia, Rita Lusenge, Julienne Megheirbi, Amina Mina-Rojas, Charo Mohammed, Yanar Nader, Zahra Piza-Lopez, Eugenia Qadeem, Mossarat Salamanca, Rosa Emilia International Civil Society Action Network “Open Statement to the United Nations Security Council on behalf of Women Peacebuilders Marking 25 Years of the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda ” October 6, 2025 https://icanpeacework org/2025/10/openstatement-to-the-unsc-from-women-peacebuilders/

Shepherd, Laura J. “Making war safe for women? National Action Plans and the militarisation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda.” International Political Science Review. Volume 37, Issue 3 https://journals sagepub com/doi/10 1177/0192512116629820

Smilan-Goldstein, Rachel “Protecting Our (White) Daughters: U S Immigration and Benevolent Sexism ” Cambridge University Press: Politics & Gender October 26, 2023 https://wwwcambridge org/core/journals/politics-and-gender/article/protecting-our whitedaughters-us-immigration-and-benevolent-sexism/77FEB2A2E9851F6738558A2A0000B555.

Smyth, Fionna. Hersi, Amina. Baldoumus, Abigael. Tonelli, Anna. Oxfam GB for Oxfam International. “Transforming Power to Put Women at the Heart of Peacebuilding.” September 2020 https://oxfamilibraryopenrepositorycom/bitstream/handle/10546/621053/dp-feminist-peacesecurity-introduction-210920 en pdf

Tamaru, Nanako and Jacevic, Mirsad “Miki” The Collaborative for Development Action (CDA) “How localization supports practical solutions for women, peace, and security” October 2020 https://www.cdacollaborative.org/blog/how-localization-supports practical-solutions-for-womenpeace-and-security/.

The United Nations Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia (UNRCCA) “Women, Peace and Security: Four Pillars of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda ” 2020 https://unrcca unmissions org/sites/default/files/unrcca handout wps 2020 pdf

Toronto Metropolitan University Vice-President Equity and Community Inclusion “Anti-Muslim Racism ” https://wwwtorontomu ca/equity/resources/discourse-docs/anti-muslim-racism/

True, Jacqui and Hewitt, Sarah. “What Works in Relief and Recovery.” The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace, and Security” Chapter 15, 178 – 192 December 11, 2018 https://academic oup com/edited-volume/27959/chapter abstract/211552070?

redirectedFrom=fulltext&login=false

Turner, Catherine and Swaine, Aisling International Peace Institute “At the Nexus of Participation and Protection: Protection- Related Barriers to Women’s Participation in Northern Ireland ” June 2021. https://www.ipinst.org/wp content/uploads/2021/06/Womens-Participation-Northern-Ireland2-Final.pdf.

UN Women Asia and the Pacific “National Action Plans: Women, Peace and Security” https://asiapacific unwomen org/en/focus-areas/peace-and-security/national-action-plans

United Nations | United Nations Office to the African Union “The Four Pillars of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 ” https://wwwun org/shestandsforpeace/content/four-pillarsunited-nations-security-council-resolution-1325

United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner. OHCHR and women’s human rights and gender equality. “Women’s human rights and gender-related concerns in situations of conflict and instability” https://wwwohchr org/en/women/womens human-rights-and-genderrelated-concerns-situations-conflict-and-instability

United Nations Security Council “Resolution 1325 (2000): S/RES/1325 (2000) ” October 31, 2000 https://www securitycouncilreport org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/WPS%20SRES1325%20.pdf.

United Nations Security Council. “Resolution 2122 (2013). S/RES/2122 (2013).” October 18, 2013. https://www.un.org/shestandsforpeace/sites/www.un.org.shestandsforpeace/files/unscr 2122 2013 on wps english pdf

United Nations Security Council “Resolution 2242 (2015): S/RES/2242 (2015) ” October 13, 2015 https://docs un org/en/S/RES/2242(2015)

United Nations Security Council. “Resolution 2242 (2015): S/RES/2242 (2015).” Operative Paragraph 11. October 13, 2015. https://docs.un.org/en/S/RES/2242(2015).

United Nations Security Council “Resolution 2242 (2015): S/RES/2242 (2015) ” Operative Paragraph 12 October 13, 2015 https://docs un org/en/S/RES/2242(2015)

United Nations Security Council “Resolution 2467 (2019): S/RES/2467 (2019) ” April 23, 2019 https://docs un org/en/S/RES/2467(2019)

United Nations Security Council. “Women and peace and security: Report of the SecretaryGeneral.” S/2024/671. September 24, 2024. https://documents.un.org/doc/undoc/gen/n24/273/49/pdf/n2427349.pdf.

United Nations. UN News: Global perspective Human stories. “UN warns of steep rise in sexual violence during conflict ” August 14, 2025 https://news un org/en/story/2025/08/1165650

United Nations United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner Press Release: Independent Investigation “Israel has committed genocide in the Gaza Strip, UN Commission finds ” September 16, 2025 https://wwwohchr org/en/press releases/2025/09/israel-hascommitted-genocide-gaza-strip-un-commission-finds

Violence Policy Center. “About the VPC.” https://vpc.org/about-the-vpc/.

Violence Policy Center “Nine out of 10 Women Murdered by Men are Killed by Someone They Know and Nearly Two Thirds Die by Gunfire, New Violence Policy Center Study Finds ” September 24, 2025 https://vpc org/press/nine-out-of-10-women-murdered-by men-are-killed-by-someonethey-know-and-nearly-two-thirds-die-by-gunfire-new-violence-policy-center-study-finds/

Volpe, Maria R “Restorative Justice in Post-Disaster Situations: Untapped Potential ” Cardoza Journal of Conflict Resolution. Volume 8, Issue 2, 2007. https://larc.cardozo.yu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1581&context=cjcr.

Weiss, Cora openDemocracy “We must not make war safe for women ” May 24, 2011 https://wwwopendemocracy net/en/5050/we-must-not-make-war-safe-for-women/

White, Chloé “15 Years On, A New Opportunity: UNSCR 2242 ” Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security October 28, 2015 https://giwps georgetown edu/2015/10/28/15-years-on-a-newopportunity-unscr-2242/.

Wiens, Terra. Violence Policy Center. “When Men Murder Women An Analysis of 2023 Homicide Data.” September 2025. https://vpc.org/studies/wmmw2025.pdf.

Women in International Security ““Framers of 1325” Series: Dr Louise Olsson ” Dr Inonge Mbikusita-Lewanika Women In International Security: Shaping the Future https://wiisglobal org/resource publications/framers-of-1325-essay-series/

Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom. “10 Things You Need to Know About Women, Peace and Security.” October 9, 2025. https://www.wilpf.org/10-things-you-need-to-know-aboutwomen-peace-and-security/.

Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom “RESOLUTION 1325: Security Council Resolution 1325 (SCR1325) ” https://wwwwilpf org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Security-CouncilResolution-1325-1 pdf

Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom “UNSCR 1325: Key Milestones ” https://www.wilpf.org/women-peace-and-security/unscr-1325-key-milestones/.

Women’s Refugee Commission. Press Releases. “The Violence Against Women by Illegal Aliens Act Will Harm Survivors of Domestic Violence ” January 17, 2025 https://wwwwomensrefugeecommission org/press-releases/the-violence-against-women byillegal-aliens-act-will-harm-survivors-of-domestic-violence/

WPS Focal Points “UN Frameworks: Women, Peace and Security Resolutions ” https://wpsfocalpointsnetwork org/un-frameworks/

Yahya, Maha. Lynch, Marc. Wehrey, Frederic. Brown, Frances Z. Ghanem, Dalia. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace – Project on Middle East Political Science. “The Politics of Post-Conflict Reconstruction ” September 13, 2018 https://carnegieendowment org/posts/2018/09/the-politics-of-post-conflict-reconstruction? lang=en

Zakaria, Rafia “How the War On Terror Became America’s First “Feminist” War ” Literary Hub August 19, 2021 https://lithub com/how-the-war-on-terror-became-americas-first-feminist-war/

Zakarian, Natalie. Georgetown University. “Beyond Securitization: Rethinking Women, Peace, and Security for Genuine Global Change.”

Georgetown Security Studies Review https://gssr georgetown edu/theforum/topics/identity/beyond-securitization-rethinking-women-peace and-security-for-genuineglobal-change/

Zornick, George. The Nation. “A New Study Debunks the NRA’s Claim That Guns Protect Women.” September 22, 2017. https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/a-new-study-debunks-the-nrasclaim-that-guns-protect-women/#google vignette.

Author:

Tambria Schroeder

Tambria Schroeder was most recently the Gender Equality Policy Advisor for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) at the U.S. Department of State. In this capacity, she led the integration of gender issues into global and multilateral policy frameworks on democracy and human rights. Prior to that, Tambria was contracted as a Senior Data Analyst and Program Officer with the Secretary's Office of Global Women's Issues to coordinate the doubling of gender equality foreign assistance programs across the Department and, separately, as a Program Analyst with DRL to manage a multi-million dollar global programming portfolio. She is currently serving as an inaugural Founders Fellow with the Security and Democracy Forum. Tambria has an MA in Conflict Transformation and Social Justice from Queen’s University Belfast and a dual BA/BS in Political Science, International Studies, and Women's Studies from SUNY Brockport. She is passionate about understanding the gendered implications of technology at the nexus of democracy, peace, and security issues.

Locating a Glitch in the Women, Peace and Security

Agenda: A Cyberfeminist Reflection for the Future of Gendered Peace and Security Frameworks

Abstract

Over the last four decades, the advent of new technologies and digital spaces have fundamentally transformed how we interact with each other and the world around us. However, policymakers have largely failed to stay apace with these innovations and their potential implications for democracy and global peace and security. As security threats intensify and democratic backsliding accelerates, the need to examine the gendered dimensions of the digital world has become urgent This essay responds to that need by asking how cyberfeminism a theoretical framework that applies feminist thought to cyberspace and digital technologies can be used to analyze and re-imagine the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. Drawing on my unpublished master’s research and subsequent experience working on gender and technology issues within the U.S. government, this reflective essay revisits the four themes

identified in my original analysis of grey literature on WPS and gendered technology issues: a security-democracy divide, ideas about gender and intersectionality, conceptualizations of cyberspace and technology, and the risk of reproducing global hierarchies. Through an intersectional cyberfeminist lens, I examine where progress has been made and where challenges remain, arguing that cyberfeminism’s embrace of multiplicity, ambiguity, and disruption offers a powerful framework for advancing a more inclusive and transformative WPS agenda The essay concludes with four recommendations for “glitching” the WPS framework to ensure that it is equipped to adapt to emerging technology issues in the years ahead

Introduction

Over the past four decades, rapid technological change has reshaped how we interact with one another and the world around us Yet policymaking has not kept pace with these shifts or their implications for democracy, peace, and security. As technologies evolve alongside rising insecurity and democratic backsliding, 2 it is increasingly clear that our policy frameworks must better account for the gendered realities of digital life This essay responds to that need through the lens of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda Rather than treating WPS “as a starting point for feminist cyber engagement,”3 I ask how cyberfeminism might serve as a framework for analyzing and re-imagining the future of WPS Drawing from my master’s research on the nexus of technology and WPS, and informed by my subsequent experience working on related issues within the U.S. government, I explore what it looks like to mobilize theory into practice. Although much has changed since I first conducted this research, the questions it raised remain valid and urgent My findings illuminate enduring gaps that must be addressed if the WPS agenda is to be fit-for-purpose in the years ahead As we mark the 25th anniversary of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, I offer this essay as both reflection and provocation; a call to think differently about the intersections of gender and technology, and to reinvigorate critical conversations on how we implement WPS in a digital age.

1 The title of my essay invokes and pays homage to two key sources of influence for my writing: Legacy Rusell, who coined the term “Glitch Feminism” in 2013, and the work of UK-based feminist charity, Glitch, founded by Seyi Akiwowo with the mission “to ensure that internet technologies in the information ecosystem do not replicate or further discrimination to Black women and other marginalized people”

2I EP, Global Peace Index 2024: Measuring Peace in a Complex World (Sydney: IEP, 2024); Marina Nord et al, Democracy Report 2025: 25 Years of Autocratization – Democracy Trumped? (Gothenburg, Sweden: V-Dem Institute, University of Gothenburg, 2025)

3 Anwar Mhajne, Luna KC, and Chandler Whetstone, “A Call for Feminist Analysis in Cybersecurity: Highlighting the Relevance of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” Women, Peace and Security – LSE Blogs (2021)

Getting Curious

Grounded in standpoint feminism and the value I place on reflexivity,4 I want to begin by sharing where my own journey with questions about gender, technology, security, and democracy began In January 2017, as millions from around the world joined the Women’s March following Donald Trump’s inauguration, the palpable sense of collective energy was tempered by uncertainty about what the years ahead would bring It was in this context that I experienced my first instance of politically-motivated, gendered online harassment During a conversation about the gender pay gap on a friend’s social media post, a stranger intervened with hostility and began questioning the data I shared before escalating into personal attacks. Though I reported and blocked the individual, they continued through the night and their comments reached an extended circle of friends and community members on Facebook The experience left me shaken by how quickly gendered abuse could escalate, how powerless I felt to stop it, and how much it influenced my engagement online

I knew that this deeply personal situation had even deeper political roots and ramifications that extended from my home to the international arena and back again5 I was also acutely aware that “gendered harassment in isolation” wasn’t a reality for most but a persistent risk at the intersection of multiple marginalized identities6 It raised questions that have guided my work ever since: why are the gendered dimensions of technology so often overlooked, and what does that omission mean for global governance and security? That sense of curiosity 7 has driven my research and policymaking over the past eight years, including through my work at the U.S. Department of State from 2023 to mid-2025, where gendered technology issues became a central pillar of my broader portfolios There are countless stories like mine told and as yet untold each revealing how gender shapes power, participation, and security across online and offline spaces This essay invites you to become curious about those stories, what structural inequalities they reveal, and how we can transform them.

4 Donna Haraway, “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective,” Feminist Studies 14, no 3 (1988): 575–99; Sandra Harding, The Science Question in Feminism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986)

6 Lucy Hackworth, “Limitations of ‘Just Gender’: The Need for an Intersectional Reframing of Online Harassment Discourse and Research,” in Mediating Misogyny: Gender, Technology, and Harassment, ed Jacqueline R Vickery and Tracy Everbach (Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 58

7 Cynthia Enloe, The Curious Feminist: Searching for Women in the New Age of Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004)

Cyberfeminism as a Framework

The purpose of this section is not to revisit every aspect of my sixty-page thesis or to summarize the growing literature on gender, technology, and the WPS agenda, but to outline the approach that shaped my findings and reflections I situated my research at the intersection of three perspectives: socio-technical approaches to cybersecurity and technological governance,8 feminist international relations and security studies,9 and cyberfeminism. Each offers a lens for examining identity, power, and security, yet each contains a gap. Mainstream socio-technical theorizing often overlooks gender; feminist security studies rarely engage with cyber issues; and, as Nicole Shephard also observes, cyberfeminism has yet to be strategically applied in policy spaces10 When taken together, however, these perspectives provide a strong foundation for analyzing if and how technology is being integrated into the WPS framework. Cyberfeminist theories, in particular, examine who governs cyberspace and how gendered power dynamics shape digital life. Donna Haraway’s cyborg, described as “a condensed image of both magination and material reality committed to partiality, irony, intimacy and perversity,”11 remains central to this discourse Building on that metaphor, cyberfeminists resist rigid binaries that separate human from machine, virtual from real, and public from private12 Their work embraces contradiction and ambiguity, and recognizes that technology can both reproduce and resist structural inequalities.13 Black, queer, and decolonial feminist thinkers have expanded and diversified critiques of how technology and digital spaces embed or challenge bias in different ways across time and place, and pushed cyberfeminists beyond their initial, simplified utopian versus dystopian debates14 Attempting to craft one singular and totalizing narrative from various

8 See, for example: Melvin Kranzberg, “Technology and History: ‘Kranzberg’s Laws,’” Technology and Culture 27, no 3 (1986): 544–60; Andriane Lapointe, “When Good Metaphors Go Bad: The Metaphoric ‘Branding’ of Cyberspace” (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies – Technology and Public Policy, 2011); Heather M Roff, “Cyber Peace: Cybersecurity through the Lens of Positive Peace” (Washington, DC: New America, 2016)

9 See, for example, Anne S Runyan, Global Gender Politics, 5th ed (London and New York: Routledge, 2019); J Ann Tickner, Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992); Annick T R Wibben, Feminist Security Studies: A Narrative Approach (London and New York: Routledge, 2011)

10 Nicole Shephard, “Where Have All the Cyberfeminists Gone? Part 2,” LSE Engenderings, June 10, 2013

11 Donna Haraway, “A Manifesto for Cyborgs: Science, Technology and Socialist Feminism in the 1980s,” in The Haraway Reader, 7–46 (New York and London: Routledge, 2004), 8–9

12 Susan Hawthorne and Renate Klein, “Introduction: CyberFeminism,” in CyberFeminism: Connectivity, Critique and Creativity, ed Susan Hawthorne and Renate Klein (Melbourne: Spinifex Press, 1999): 11-26

13 Anne Balsamo, “Reading Cyborgs Writing Feminism,” in Cybersexualities: A Reader on Feminist Theory, Cyborgs and Cyberspace, ed Jenny Wolmark (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999): 145–56

14 Radhika Gajjala, “Internet Constructs of Identity and Ignorance: ‘Third-World’ Contexts and Cyberfeminism,” Works and Days 17 and 18 (1999): 117–37; Hackworth, “Limitations of ‘Just Gender’”; Trevor S Milford, “Revisiting Cyberfeminism: Theory as a Tool for Understanding Young Women’s Experiences,” in eGirls, eCitizens: Putting Technology, Theory and Policy into Dialogue with Girls’ and Young Women’s Voices, ed Jessica Bailey and Valerie Steeves (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2015), 56; Chela Sandoval, “New Sciences: Cyborg Feminism and the Methodology of the Oppressed,” in Cybersexualities: A Reader on Feminist Theory, Cyborgs and Cyberspace, ed Jenny Wolmark (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999): 247–63; Nakeema Stefflbauer, “Decolonizing the Digital: Feminism and Intersectional Tech,” Heinrich Böll Stiftung: Gunda Werner Institute, February 11, 2021

theorists would be antithetical to the entire cyberfeminist project15 Therefore, I use the term cyberfeminism(s) here to broadly encompass a range of perspectives connected through their shared application of feminist thought to the digital world from technofeminism, which views technology as “both a source and a consequence of gender relations,”16 to glitch feminism, which reframes error as resistance,17 and to digital or fourth-wave feminism, which translates theory into practice through transnational solidarity that simultaneously occupy both digital and physical spaces18

To explore how these ideas intersect with and can be applied to policy, I conducted a latent thematic analysis19 of eighteen pieces of grey literature produced as of June 2022 by governments, multilateral institutions, and civil society actors working at the nexus of gender, technology, cybersecurity, and the WPS agenda 20 My dataset was composed of publicly available, English-language materials largely written or funded by stakeholders based in the Global North, which has important implications for my findings While the scope of my study was modest and not without its limitations, the review revealed a rapidly evolving field, especially with technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) having gained prominence during the COVID-19 pandemic, and offered an early snapshot of how policymakers and practitioners were beginning to engage with questions around gendered technology issues This essay continues that inquiry, using my findings as a foundation for reflection on practice The aim is not an exhaustive analysis, but an invitation to consider how cyberfeminism can inform the ways we integrate digital spaces and technologies into the WPS framework to “avoid making the mistakes of past feminists”21 while also anticipating future realities.

Toward a Cyberfeminist Analysis of the WPS Agenda

Through a rigorous coding process, I identified four recurring patterns that reveal conceptual and practical gaps in how gendered cybersecurity issues are understood and addressed in relation to the WPS agenda: a security–democracy divide, inconsistent approaches to gender and intersectionality,

Jessie Daniels, “Rethinking Cyberfeminism(s): Race, Gender, and Embodiment,” Women’s Studies Quarterly 37, no 1/2 (2009): 101–24

16 Judy Wajcman, TechnoFeminism (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004), 7

17 Legacy Russell, Glitch Feminism: A Manifesto (London: Verso, 2020), 18

18 Kira Cochrane, “The Fourth Wave of Feminism: Meet the Rebel Women,” The Guardian (2013); Ealasaid Munro, “Feminism; A Fourth Wave?” Political Studies Association 4, no 2 (2013): 22–25

19 Virginia Braun and Victoria Clarke, “Using Thematic Analysis in Psychology,” Qualitative Research in Psychology 3, no 2 (2006): 79–84

20A full list of documents analyzed is available upon request to the author, as not all documents are directly cited

21 Faith Wilding, “Where Is the Feminism in Cyberfeminism?” nparadoxa 2 (1998), 7

(varying conceptualizations of cyberspace and technology, and the risk of reproducing global hierarchies

Together, these themes illuminate how policy discourse continues to struggle with the feminist “both/and” complexity that cyberfeminism invites.

The Security–Democracy Divide

A central finding of my analysis was that policy and research communities continue to treat democracy and security as distinct arenas Of the eighteen texts reviewed, only two incorporated both concepts in their discussion of gendered technology issues. Most positioned gendered risks, particularly TFGBV, as either threats to democracy or to security but rarely both. Documents that applied more of a democracy lens tended to frame online abuse as a personal security or civic participation issue, while WPS-oriented texts framed such harms within a broader humansecurity perspective that sees individual and international security as inseparable 22 This division shapes what is considered relevant to the four WPS pillars participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery and what is not. I argue that it also reveals important differences in how security, itself, is defined as either state-based or people-centered. Such divergent approaches perpetuate false binaries that ultimately limit our understanding of gendered cyber issues and ability to advance coordinated policy responses

Viewed through a cyberfeminist lens, this siloing of efforts becomes untenable and creates critical “policy blind spots.”23 As Haraway reminds us, “the political struggle is to see from both perspectives at once because each reveals both dominations and possibilities unimaginable from the other vantage point”24 Focusing on gendered cybersecurity only through a democracy lens narrows attention to issues with the most visible threats to participation and rights, like TFGBV, while overlooking broader gendered risks and opportunities enabled by technology Without a democracy lens, however, responses risk becoming overly securitized and restrictive, echoing longstanding critiques of WPS implementation.25

22 See, for example: Katharine Millar, James Shires, and Tatiana Tropina, Gender Approaches to Cybersecurity: Design, Defence and Response (Geneva: United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research [UNIDIR], 2021), 50; see also, Heidi Hudson, “‘Doing’ Security as Though Humans Matter: A Feminist Perspective on Gender and the Politics of Human Security,” Security Dialogue 36, no 2 (2005): 155–74;

23 Sahana Dharmapuri and Jolynn Shoemaker, Women, Peace & Security, and the Digital Ecosystem: Five Emerging Trends in the Technology and Gender Policy Landscape (Our Secure Future, 2021), 2 See also: Sarah Shoker, Making Gender Visible in Digital ICTs and International Security (United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs, 2020)

24 Haraway, “A Manifesto for Cyborgs,” 13

25 Gina Heathcote, “Women and Children and Elephants as Justification for Force,” Journal on the Use of Force and International Law 4, no 1 (2017): 66–85; Laura J Shepherd, “Making War Safe for Women? National Action Plans and the Militarisation of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” International Political Science Review 37, no 3 (2016): 324–35 See also: Marcela S Estrada, “Feminist Struggles against Criminalization of Digital Violence: Lessons for Internet Governance from the Global South,” Policy and Internet (2021): 1–14

lGendered dynamics of disinformation and online radicalization, meanwhile, straddle both realms;26 treating them as either democracy or security concerns alone leads to partial and ineffective solutions Therefore, our challenge is to recognize democracy and security as interdependent and mutually reinforcing concepts 27 Integrating a human-security approach across both fields would help bridge gaps, reduce duplication, and generate more innovative solutions. In a moment of democratic backsliding and rising authoritarianism,28 treating gendered cyber issues as matters of both democracy and security is not only conceptually sound but essential

Applications of Gender and Intersectionality

A second major finding of my analysis was the multiplicity and inconsistency of how stakeholders understand gender and intersectionality Across the literature, definitions ranged widely, exposing tensions between how these terms are conceptualized and applied in practice With a few notable exceptions,29 most documents reproduced the familiar “conceptual slippage” between women and gender that has long-plagued the WPS agenda 30 They rarely discussed gender as a spectrum or examined how masculinities and femininities influence technology design and use, and extended essentialist narratives around vulnerability, victimhood, and violence that both diminish agency and invisibilize the experiences of certain populations 31 References to LGBTQI+ populations were typically folded into a single, homogenous narrative alongside cisgender, heterosexual women and girls, erasing variation in experiences and blurring important distinctions between sex, gender identity, and sexual orientation Intersectionality was similarly invoked but rarely applied in practice. While most texts recognized that gender intersects with other categories of identity, very few referenced underlying systems of power that create differences in privilege and oppression 32 Analyses often focused on “women with intersectional identities”33 rather than on intersectionality as “a lens for seeing the way in which

26Deborah Brown and Allison Pytlak, Why Gender Matters in International Cyber Security (Association for Progressive Communications, 2020); Alexis Henshaw, “Bringing Women, Peace and Security Online: Mainstreaming Gender in Responses to Online Extremism,” GNET (2021); Nina Jankowicz, Sandra Pepera, and Molly Middlehurst, Addressing Online Misogyny and Gendered Disinformation: A How-To Guide (Washington, DC: National Democratic Institute, 2021)

27 International IDEA, Democracy, Conflict and Human Security: Policy Summary – Key Findings and Recommendations (Stockholm: International IDEA, 2006); Security and Democracy Forum, Beyond the False Choice: How National Security and Democracy Reinforce One Another (2025)

28 Nord et al, Democracy Report 2025

29 See Millar, Shires, and Tropina, Gender Approaches to Cybersecurity as one good example of this

30 Jamie J Hagen, “Queering Women, Peace and Security,” International Affairs 92, no 2 (2016): 318

31 R Charli Carpenter, “Recognizing Gender-Based Violence against Civilian Men and Boys in Conflict Situations,” Security Dialogue 37, no 1 (2006): 83–103

32 Kimberlé Crenshaw, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics,” University of Chicago Legal Forum 1989, no 1 (1989): 139–167

33 Jankowicz, Pepera, and Middlehurst, Addressing Online Misogyny and Gendered Disinformation, 22

various forms of inequality often operate together and exacerbate each other”34 to create social hierarchies that shape everyone’s lived realities in different ways

This approach risks perpetually addressing symptoms of exclusion rather than its causes. A cyberfeminist perspective offers a corrective to this. It reasserts that identities and technologies are co-constitutive with digital spaces reproducing inequalities but also opening new possibilities for resistance and belonging It also views digital life as simultaneously embodied and deeply intertwined with identity,35 yet fluid and subjective enough to allow individuals to “ghost the binary body”36 To integrate gendered cybersecurity issues into the WPS agenda in ways that are truly transformative, practitioners must move beyond universal narratives that generalize and essentialize experiences, recognize that gender and identity exist along a spectrum, and design interventions that appropriately account for and challenge power dynamics that perpetuate structural inequalities

Conceptualizing Cyberspace and Technology

The third theme in my analysis considered how cyberspace and technology are understood in practice. Although most of the documents I examined were not designed to critique the nature of cyberspace, they nonetheless reveal clear patterns in how cyber issues are framed within gender and WPS discourse Roughly half acknowledged the dual or ambiguous nature of technology as both empowering and oppressive while the other half presented technology as inherently dangerous and fraught with gendered risks, glossing over technology’s emancipatory potential. These texts also expose a tension in how the relationship between the digital and physical realms is conceptualized. Nearly all recognize online–offline continuums which make it “difficult to distinguish the consequences of actions that are initiated in digital environments from offline realities, and vice versa”37 Yet many still make clear distinctions bifurcating the physical from the digital, and treating the virtual as separate from the ‘real’ world This is particularly evident in how TFGBV is framed as an act that can result in or escalate to physical violence in the ‘real world,’ which reinforces a problematic hierarchy of violence and downplays the significance of “non-physical harms in cybersecurity.” 38

34 Katy Steinmetz, “She Coined the Term ‘Intersectionality’ over 30 Years Ago Here’s What It Means to Her Today,” TIME Magazine (2020)

35 Jessica E Brophy, “Developing a Corporeal Cyberfeminism: Beyond Cyberutopia,” New Media and Society 12, no 6 (2010): 929–45

36 Russell, Glitch Feminism, 59

37 Dubravka Šimonović, “Report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, Its Causes and Consequences on Online Violence against Women and Girls from a Human Rights Perspective (A/HRC/38/47)” (United Nations Human Rights Council, 2018), 6

38 Millar, Shires, and Tropina, Gender Approaches to Cybersecurity, 28

A cyberfeminist perspective, by contrast, insists that these harms are real and consequential in themselves, and that current WPS language which generally categorizes violence as physical, psychological, sexual, and/or economic must evolve to reflect this reality. Recognizing this fact, Henshaw introduces the term “semiotic violence” as “a distinct form of harm that flourishes in the online space” and “deploys words, gestures, and images with the purpose of silencing women”39 As technologies like AI-generated deepfakes increasingly blur the lines of what is real and fake or physical and digital, revisiting what constitutes violence and the rhetoric we use to talk about it becomes essential for responsive policy However, we also can’t become too focused on violence Cyberfeminisms remind us that “single vision produces worse illusions than double vision”40 and, indeed, focusing only on the negative gendered impacts of technology risks extending paternalistic and protectionist narratives long-critiqued in WPS practice41 Conversely, focusing only on the emancipatory potential of technology risks overlooking harms and inequalities perpetuated in and through digital spaces and technologies Ultimately, any one-sided understanding of technology limits the scope of our analysis and policy imagination, and oversimplifies the lived experiences of users who navigate both harm and agency online. Therefore, drawing on Kranzberg’s first law of technology and society, I suggest that we view technology as “neither good nor bad, nor neutral,”42 but always gendered It is only by holding the contradictions of cyberspace together that we will be able to craft security and governance frameworks that truly reflect how people live, communicate, and experience power in the digital age

Risk of Reproducing Global Hierarchies

The final theme concerns the risk of reproducing global hierarchies through the integration of cyber issues into the WPS agenda, both in whose experiences are centered and who shapes the discourse Much of the literature I reviewed privileges women in public leadership roles, such as politicians, journalists and peacebuilders, while overlooking the experiences of “ordinary” people who may be less visible but are similarly affected by online harms and inequalities. This emphasis echoes a broader pattern, for which WPS has been critiqued, of producing racialized and classist hierarchies of participants 43 Global hierarchies were also evident in authorship and funding patterns, with most documents having been produced or financed by North American, European, and multilateral institutions and focused on initiatives predominantly led by Global North actors

39 Henshaw, “Bringing Women, Peace and Security Online,” 7; 13-15 I would add that semiotic violence also affects and is used to silence gender-diverse persons

40 Haraway, “A Manifesto for Cyborgs,” 13

41 Fionnuala Ní Aoláin and Nahla Valji, “Scholarly Debates and Contested Meanings of WPS,” in The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security, ed Sara E Davies and Jacqui True (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), 55

42 Kranzberg, “Technology and History,” 545

43 Toni Haastrup and Jamie J Hagen, “Racial Hierarchies of Knowledge Production in the Women, Peace and Security Agenda,” Critical Studies on Security 9, no 1 (2021): 27–30; María Martin de Almagro, “Producing Participants: Gender, Race, Class, and Women, Peace and Security,” Global Society 32, no 4 (2018): 395–414

Cyberfeminism as a Framework

Many of the recommendations presented, though well-intentioned and certainly part of the solution, rarely interrogate how multilateral bodies and private technology companies sustain and benefit from the very systems of power we need to reform As with the WPS agenda itself, limiting authorship and agenda-setting to Global North stakeholders risks erasing the agency of those in the Global South and reproducing neo-colonial dynamics.44

Still, there were also encouraging signs of transformation across my dataset Many authors make clear that digital threats and opportunities are not confined to geographical borders but rather require both global and context-specific solutions.45 They challenge the prioritization of public leaders over others and specifically raise concerns about the “invisibilization of those who are not online”46 They highlight concerns related to the global digital gender divide47 and exclusionary biases of artificial intelligence systems trained primarily on Global North data,48 and offer insightful counter-narratives by centering the lived experiences of women and queer individuals in the Global South through their writing49 Tamara Nair explicitly rejects the adoption of imported WPS narratives and instead argues that digital spaces offer an opportunity “to create a native WPS agenda that resonates with all ASEAN states.”50 Similarly, Westaway highlights cybersecurity as “the next frontier for the WPS agenda” in Asia and the Pacific51 and provides compelling examples from the region to support this These efforts demonstrate that integration of cyber issues into the WPS agenda need not entrench existing hierarchies; it can instead dismantle them Cyberfeminism, with its attention to power and positionality, urges that integration of cyber issues into WPS must be co-created with, not imposed upon, those historically marginalized in global governance structures and processes. We must take seriously what the limitations of the WPS agenda have been in practice over the last two decades and grapple with diverse feminist critiques of its implementation to date, some of which have been

44 Soumita Basu, “The Global South Writes 1325 (Too),” International Political Science Review 37, no 3 (2016): 362–74

45 See for example: Kristen Zeiter, Sandra Pepera, and Molly Middlehurst, Tweets That Chill: Analyzing Online Violence Against Women in Politics (Washington, DC: National Democratic Institute, 2019)

46 Alina Buzatu et al, Women, Peace, and Security and Human Rights in the Digital Age: Opportunities and Risks to Advance Women’s Meaningful Participation and Protect Their Rights (Global Network of Women Peacebuilders, 2021), 28

47 Henshaw, “Bringing Women, Peace and Security Online;” Shoker, Making Gender Visible in Digital ICTs and International Security

48 Alexandra H Schmidt, Action Brief – From Warfare to Peacebuilding: Employing Artificial Intelligence for the Women, Peace and Security Agenda (UN Women, 2022)

49 Brown and Pytlak, Why Gender Matters in International Cyber Security; Buzatu et al, Women, Peace, and Security and Human Rights in the Digital Age

50 Tamara Nair, A Native WPS Agenda for ASEAN: Security in Digital Space (Singapore: S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, 2022), 1–2

51 Gillian Westaway, Action Brief – Women, Peace & (Cyber) Security in Asia and the Pacific (Bangkok: UN Women, 2020), 1; see also Schmidt, Action Brief – From Warfare to Peacebuilding

noted throughout this essay Furthermore, drawing upon decolonial cyberfeminist theorizing,52 we must look to, create space for, partner with and learn from those in the Global South who are pioneering transformative, feminist approaches to both technology and the WPS agenda.53

Moving from Theory to Practice

During the strategy update, strong momentum existed to address TFGBV under the participation and protection pillars but discussions of gendered technology issues largely stopped there. I encouraged colleagues to broaden our scope, recognizing that technology also offers tools for advancing our WPS goals A brief addition to the Department’s “lessons learned” annex, which acknowledged the dual nature and gendered implications of digital technologies in peace and conflict,54 was a modest but meaningful win It signaled that nuance could take root even in bureaucratic soil. We went on to convene dialogues that probed both the harms and possibilities of digital spaces, and we helped advance multilateral resolutions55 on gendered technology issues We situated our TFGBV programs at the nexus of democracy and security issues and encouraged our partners to think creatively about how to use technology for positive aims Initiatives like Women LEAD, launched in 2024, mobilized governments, philanthropies, and civil society to promote women’s civic participation and leadership in the digital age56 I also made it a priority to study machine learning and technology ethics myself so I could speak the language of those with more technological power and know-how, and leverage that fluency to try to push for reform from within

Yet the limitations of bureaucracy were constant “Women” and “gender” were regularly used interchangeably, despite efforts to challenge that conflation, and TFGBV preoccupied most of our attention. As the Department-specific WPS Implementation Plan took shape, our intersectional commitments softened to accommodate broader strategic priorities. I also became increasingly attuned to how US foreign policy and assistance, even when well-intentioned, reinforces global hierarchies We approached WPS as part of our foreign policy and failed to translate many of its

52Daniels, “Rethinking Cyberfeminism(s),” 101–24; Gajjala, “Internet Constructs of Identity and Ignorance,” 117–37; Hackworth, “Limitations of ‘Just Gender’”; Sandoval, “New Sciences,” 247–63; Stefflbauer, “Decolonizing the Digital” 53Nair, A Native WPS Agenda for ASEAN; Westaway, Action Brief – Women, Peace and (Cyber) Security See also: Bot Populi, “Feminist Digital Futures” (podcast); Luna KC and Crystal Whetstone, “Women, Peace and Security: Digitalization and Cyber Feminist Solidarity Building in the Global South,” Women’s Studies International Forum 105 (2024): 102952; Rebecca Ryakitimbo, Needs and Wants: A Feminist Approach to AI in Sub-Saharan Africa (Washington, DC: Stimson Center, 2025)

54US White House, US Strategy and National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security (Washington, DC: The White House, 2023), 30

55 See UNGA, Resolution 79/152, “Intensification of efforts to prevent and eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls: the digital environment,” adopted December 17, 2024, A/RES/79/152, as just one example of this 56USAID, Fact Sheet: The US Government, in Collaboration with Partners, Launches Global Initiative to Advance Women’s Leadership in the Digital Age, Totaling Over $850 Million (July 8, 2024)

its aims domestically;57 we advanced partnerships and initiatives predominantly led by Global North countries; and we funded programs overseas to mitigate gendered harms online while also hesitating to regulate American-based technology companies that enable many of these harms and shape broader power structures globally. I recognized that dismantling global hierarchies requires the type of introspection and willingness to decolonize at home that the United States hasn’t quite reckoned with

When the political tides shifted in 2025, many of the aforementioned programs and initiatives linking technology and WPS issues were defunded and we quickly lost our ability to even use the word gender. We reworked our language and approaches, within the confines of restrictive policy directives, to reduce harm and preserve space for marginalized communities The victories became smaller and quieter but they mattered; persistence became its own form of resistance Today, most of the offices and the people working in them that led cross-functional efforts at the nexus of gender, democracy, and security have been eliminated from US government foreign policy infrastructure.58 The regression on policy, global funding,59 and rights themselves60 has been incredibly disheartening; yet, I also believe it exposes some of the limitations of past approaches and opens a rare chance to rebuild differently away from colonial, capitalist, and patriarchal logics and toward shared, feminist governance of technology, peace, and security

Looking ahead, the field must widen its lens beyond TFGBV, which continues to dominate much of the discourse on gender, technology, democracy, and WPS.61 That focus, while critical, has overshadowed other gendered dimensions of technology with deep security implications, from cyberattacks, data breaches, and Internet shutdowns to online radicalization and autonomous weapons systems62 We must also reclaim technology’s transformative potential; with the right safeguards, digital tools can expand participation in peace processes, enhance early warning detection of conflict dynamics, connect marginalized communities across borders, and strengthen survivor support services. Feminist practitioners in the Global South are already

57Haastrup and Hagen, “Racial Hierarchies of Knowledge Production”

58 Scott Busby and Charles O Blaha, “How the Proposed State Department Reorganization Guts US Human Rights Diplomacy,” Just Security (2025); Rachel Wein, “The Office of Global Women’s Issues Is Gone America Is Less Safe Because of It,” More to Her Story (2025)

59 UN Women, At a Breaking Point: The Impact of Foreign Aid Cuts on Women’s Organisations in Humanitarian Crises Worldwide (New York: UN Women, 2025)

60 Saskia Brechenmacher, The New Global Struggle Over Gender, Rights, and Family Values (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2025)

61 See, for example: Kristine Baekgaard, Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence: An Emerging Issue in Women, Peace and Security (Washington, DC: Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security [GIWPS], 2024); Sarah Sobieraj, Credible Threat: Attacks against Women Online and the Future of Democracy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020)

62 Brown and Pytlak, Why Gender Matters in International Cyber Security; Henshaw, “Bringing Women, Peace and Security Online;” Schmidt, Action Brief – From Warfare to Peacebuilding

leading this work, using digital platforms to organize, teach, innovate, and build solidarity under repressive conditions Their leadership should not complement global policy; it should shape it

This reorientation demands a collective shift in mindset, valuing intentionality over acceleration and innovation rooted in care, collaboration, and ethics rather than control and profit Underpinning all of this remains a commitment to seeing democracy and security not as competing priorities, but as interdependent projects grounded in human dignity A secure world is one where people of all genders can participate freely, safely, and meaningfully in shaping their futures online, offline, and in all the spaces between. As we mark twenty-five years since the adoption of UNSCR 1325, we stand at an inflection point. Cyberfeminist theories taught me to see contradictions; practice taught me how to navigate them and the challenges in doing so The task now is to merge both; to critique systems while imagining alternatives and to act within institutions while also fundamentally transforming them In short, we must glitch the WPS agenda and reprogram it as a shared, dynamic global project capable of evolving alongside the technologies and people shaping our world.

Conclusion

Legacy Russell suggests that, “one is not born, but rather becomes, a glitch The glitch-becoming is a process, a consensual diaspora toward multiplicity that arms us as tools, carries us as devices, sustains us as technology, while urging us to persist, survive, stay alive”63 To become the glitch is not to break systems but to evolve them, to stay curious within contradiction, and to see policy not as code to be perfected but as language to be continually rewritten as realities change. The WPS agenda has always carried radical potential but realizing that in a digital age requires a radical re-imagination

My journey from theory to practice revealed some of the “error codes” embedded in how we talk about and implement WPS: false binaries between democracy and security, narrow definitions of gender and identity, limited conceptions of cyberspace and technology, and hierarchies reproduced through policy frameworks. These are not flaws to patch but warning signs about where the system must evolve Cyberfeminist theories offer the tools to do so They teach us to hold complexity without fear, to value multiplicity as strength, and to see experimentation as essential to change The task ahead is to make the WPS agenda more adaptive, inclusive, and responsive to a digital world defined by both peril and possibility, and simultaneously connecting and dividing us.

Becoming the glitch, then, is a collective act It is the everyday work of activists, scholars,

63 Russell, Glitch Feminism, 104

Becoming the Glitch in the WPS Agenda

policymakers, and practitioners who resist simplicity, defend space for nuance, and treat care and collaboration as strategy In moments of regression or reform, it is what allows us to rebuild not in the image of what was but toward what could be. Cyberfeminism is not a distant theory but a living, fluid practice of imagination and transformation. To glitch the WPS agenda is not to break it but to awaken it and help it evolve, together

Bibliography

Baekgaard, Kristine. Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence: An Emerging Issue in Women, Peace and Security. Washington, DC: Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS), June 2024 https://giwpsgeorgetownedu/wpcontent/uploads/2024/06/Technology-Facilitated-Gender-Based-Violencepdf

Balsamo, Anne. “Reading Cyborgs Writing Feminism.” In Cybersexualities: A Reader on Feminist Theory, Cyborgs and Cyberspace, edited by Jenny Wolmark, 145–156. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999.

Basu, Soumita “The Global South Writes 1325 (Too)” International Political Science Review 37, no 3 (2016): 362–374 https://doiorg/101177/0192512116642616

Bot Populi. “Feminist Digital Futures” (podcast). Accessed June 17, 2022. https://botpopuli.net/podcast/feminist-digital-futures/

Braun, Virginia, and Victoria Clarke “Using Thematic Analysis in Psychology” Qualitative Research in Psychology 3, no 2 (2006): 77–101 https://doiorg/101191/1478088706qp063oa

Brechenmacher, Saskia. The New Global Struggle Over Gender, Rights, and Family Values. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, June 2025. https://carnegieendowmentorg/research/2025/06/the-new-global-struggle-over-gender-rightsand-family-values?lang=en

Brophy, Jessica E. “Developing a Corporeal Cyberfeminism: Beyond Cyberutopia.” New Media and Society 12, no. 6 (2010): 929–945. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444809350901.

Brown, Deborah, and Allison Pytlak Why Gender Matters in International Cyber Security 2020 https://wwwapc org/en/pubs/why-gender-matters-international-cyber-security

Buzatu, Anne-Marie, Agnieszka Fal-Dutra Santos, Dinah Lakeha, Panthea Pourmalek, and Michaela Zelenanska Women, Peace, and Security and Human Rights in the Digital Age: Opportunities and Risks to Advance Women’s Meaningful Participation and Protect Their Rights. 2021. https://gnwp.org/wp-content/uploads/DIL-GNWP-Research-Report WPS-and-HumanRights-in-Digital-Age 2021pdf

Busby, Scott, and Charles O Blaha “How the Proposed State Department Reorganization Guts US Human Rights Diplomacy” Just Security, 2025 https://www.justsecurity.org/114200/state-department-reorganization-human-rights/.

Carpenter, R Charli “Recognizing Gender-Based Violence against Civilian Men and Boys in Conflict Situations” Security Dialogue 37, no 1 (2006): 83–103 https://doiorg/101177/0967010606064139

Cochrane, Kira. “The Fourth Wave of Feminism: Meet the Rebel Women.” The Guardian, December 10, 2013. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/dec/10/fourth-wave-feminism-rebelwomen

Crenshaw, Kimberlé “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics” University of Chicago Legal Forum 1989, no. 1 (1989): 139–167. http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf/vol1989/iss1/8.

Daniels, Jessie “Rethinking Cyberfeminism(s): Race, Gender, and Embodiment” Women’s Studies Quarterly 37, no 1/2 (2009): 101–124 https://wwwjstororg/stable/27655141

Dharmapuri, Sahana, and Jolynn Shoemaker Women, Peace and Security, and the Digital Ecosystem: Five Emerging Trends in the Technology and Gender Policy Landscape. 2021. https://oursecurefuture.org/sites/default/files/WPS%20Digital%20Ecosystem.pdf.

Enloe, Cynthia The Curious Feminist: Searching for Women in the New Age of Empire Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004

Enloe, Cynthia. Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics. 2nd ed. [Electronic edition]. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014.

Estrada, Marcela S “Feminist Struggles against Criminalization of Digital Violence: Lessons for Internet Governance from the Global South” Policy and Internet (2021): 1–14 https://doiorg/101002/poi3 277

Gajjala, Radhika “Internet Constructs of Identity and Ignorance: ‘Third-World’ Contexts and Cyberfeminism” Works and Days 17 and 18 (1999): 117–137

Haastrup, Toni and Jamie J. Hagen. “Racial Hierarchies of Knowledge Production in the Women, Peace and Security Agenda” Critical Studies on Security 9, no 1 (2021): 27–30 https://doiorg/101080/2162488720211904192

Hackworth, Lucy “Limitations of ‘Just Gender’: The Need for an Intersectional Reframing of Online Harassment Discourse and Research.” In Mediating Misogyny: Gender, Technology, and Harassment, edited by Jacqueline R. Vickery and Tracy Everbach, 51–70. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018

Hagen, Jamie J “Queering Women, Peace and Security” International Affairs 92, no 2 (2016): 313–332 https://wwwjstororg/stable/24757887

Haraway, Donna. “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective” Feminist Studies 14, no 3 (1988): 575–599 https://doiorg/102307/3178066

Haraway, Donna “A Manifesto for Cyborgs: Science, Technology and Socialist Feminism in the 1980s” In The Haraway Reader, 7–46 New York and London: Routledge, 2004

Harding, Sandra. The Science Question in Feminism. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986.

Hawthorne, Susan, and Renate Klein “Introduction: CyberFeminism” In CyberFeminism: Connectivity, Critique and Creativity, edited by Susan Hawthorne and Renate Klein, 11-26 Melbourne: Spinifex Press, 1999

Henshaw, Alexis. “Bringing Women, Peace and Security Online: Mainstreaming Gender in Responses to Online Extremism” GNET, 2021 https://gnet-researchorg/2021/03/29/bringing-women-peace-and-security-online-mainstreaminggender-in-responses-to-online-extremism/

Heathcote, Gina. “Women and Children and Elephants as Justification for Force.” Journal on the Use of Force and International Law 4, no. 1 (2017): 66–85. https://doiorg/101080/20531702 20171294929

Hudson, Heidi “‘Doing’ Security as Though Humans Matter: A Feminist Perspective on Gender and the Politics of Human Security” Security Dialogue 36, no 2 (2005): 155–174 https://doi.org/10.1177/0967010605054642.

Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP) Global Peace Index 2024: Measuring Peace in a Complex World Sydney: Institute for Economics & Peace, June 2024

https://www.economicsandpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/GPI-2024-web.pdf

International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Democracy, Conflict and Human Security: Policy Summary: Key Findings and Recommendations Stockholm: International IDEA, 2006

https://wwwideaint/sites/default/files/publications/chapters/democracy-conflict-and-humansecurity/democracy-conflict-and-human-security-handbook-policy-summary.pdf.

Jankowicz, Nina, Sandra Pepera, and Molly Middlehurst Addressing Online Misogyny and Gendered Disinformation: A How-To Guide National Democratic Institute, 2021 https://wwwndiorg/sites/default/files/Addressing%20Gender%20%26%20Disinformation%202%20 %281%29pdf

K.C., Luna, and Crystal Whetstone. “Women, Peace and Security: Digitalization and Cyber Feminist Solidarity Building in the Global South” Women’s Studies International Forum 105 (2024): 102952 https://doiorg/101016/jwsif2024 102952

Kranzberg, Melvin “Technology and History: ‘Kranzberg’s Laws’” Technology and Culture 27, no 3 (1986): 544–560. https://doi.org/10.2307/3105385.

Lapointe, Andriane “When Good Metaphors Go Bad: The Metaphoric ‘Branding’ of Cyberspace” Center for Strategic and International Studies – Technology and Public Policy, 2011 https://csis-website-prods3 amazonawscom/s3fs-public/legacy files/files/publication/110919 Cyb er Metaphorpdf

Martin de Almagro, María. “Producing Participants: Gender, Race, Class, and Women, Peace and Security” Global Society 32, no 4 (2017): 395–414 https://doiorg/101080/13600826 20171380610

Mhajne, Anwar, Luna K C , and Crystal Whetstone “A Call for Feminist Analysis in Cybersecurity: Highlighting the Relevance of the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda” Women, Peace and Security– LSE Blogs, September 17, 2021. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/wps/2021/09/17/a-call-for-feminist-analysis-in-cybersecurity-highlighting-the -relevance-of-the-women-peace-and-security-agenda/

Milford, Trevor S “Revisiting Cyberfeminism: Theory as a Tool for Understanding Young Women’s Experiences” In eGirls, eCitizens: Putting Technology, Theory and Policy into Dialogue with Girls’ and Young Women’s Voices, edited by Jessica Bailey and Valerie Steeves, 55–82. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2015. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt15nmj7f.6.

Millar, Katharine, James Shires, and Tatiana Tropina Gender Approaches to Cybersecurity: Design, Defence and Response UNIDIR, 2021 https://unidirorg/publication/gender-approachescybersecurity.

Munro, Ealasaid “Feminism; A Fourth Wave?” Political Studies Association 4, no 2 (2013): 22–25 https://doiorg/101111/2041-906612021

Nair, Tamara A Native WPS Agenda for ASEAN: Security in Digital Space RSIS, 2022 https://www.rsis.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/PR220210 Native-WPS-Agenda-inASEAN.pdf.

Ní Aoláin, Fionnuala, and Nahla Valji “Scholarly Debates and Contested Meanings of WPS” In The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace and Security, edited by Sara E Davies and Jacqui True, 53–66 Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019 https://doiorg/101093/oxfordhb/97801906382760134

Nord, Marina, David Altman, Fabio Angiolillo, Tiago Fernandes, Ana Good God, and Staffan I. LindbergDemocracy Report 2025: 25 Years of Autocratization – Democracy Trumped Gothenburg, Sweden: V-Dem Institute, University of Gothenburg, March 2025 https://wwwvdemnet/documents/61/v-dem-dr 2025 lowres v2 pdf

Roff, Heather M. “Cyber Peace: Cybersecurity through the Lens of Positive Peace.” New America, 2016. https://static.newamerica.org/attachments/12554-cyber-peace/FOR%20PRINTINGCyber Peace Rof f2fbbb0b16b69482e8b6312937607ad66 pdf

Runyan, Anne S Global Gender Politics 5th ed London and New York: Routledge, 2019

Russell, Legacy. Glitch Feminism: A Manifesto. Verso, 2020.

Ryakitimbo, Rebecca Needs and Wants: A Feminist Approach to AI in Sub-Saharan Africa Washington, DC: Stimson Center, October 6, 2025 https://wwwstimsonorg/2025/feminist-approach-to-ai-in-sub-saharan-africa/

Sandoval, Chela. “New Sciences: Cyborg Feminism and the Methodology of the Oppressed.” In Cybersexualities: A Reader on Feminist Theory, Cyborgs and Cyberspace, edited by Jenny Wolmark, 247–263 Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999

Schmidt, Alexandra H Action Brief – From Warfare to Peacebuilding: Employing Artificial Intelligence for the Women, Peace and Security Agenda UN Women, 2022 https://asiapacific.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2022/04/from-warfare-topeacebuil ding.

Security and Democracy Forum Beyond the False Choice: How National Security and Democracy Reinforce One Another October 2025

https://www.securityanddemocracy.org/ files/ugd/62f5e5 ab70c3a88c6744d8b3f1a90183730693. pdf.

Shephard, Nicole “Where Have All the Cyberfeminists Gone? Part 2” LSE Engenderings, June 10, 2013 https://blogslse ac uk/gender/2013/06/10/where-have-all-the-cyberfeminists-gone/

Shepherd, Laura J. “Making War Safe for Women? National Action Plans and the Militarisation of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda.” International Political Science Review 37, no. 3 (2016): 324–335 https://doiorg/101177/0192512116629820

Shoker, Sarah Making Gender Visible in Digital ICTs and International Security 2020 https://frontun-armorg/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/commissioned-research-on-gender-andcyber-report-by-sarah-shoker.pdf.

Šimonović, Dubravka “Report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, Its Causes and Consequences on Online Violence against Women and Girls from a Human Rights Perspective (A/HRC/38/47)” United Nations Human Rights Council, 2018 https://undocsorg/A/HRC/38/47

Sobieraj, Sarah. Credible Threat: Attacks Against Women Online and the Future of Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020

Stefflbauer, Nakeema “Decolonizing the Digital: Feminism and Intersectional Tech” Heinrich Böll Stiftung: Gunda Werner Institute, February 11, 2021 https://www.gwi-boell.de/en/2021/02/11/decolonizing-the-digital-feminism-and-intersectional-tech

Steinmetz, Katy “She Coined the Term ‘Intersectionality’ Over 30 Years Ago Here’s What It Means to Her Today” TIME Magazine, February 20, 2020 https://timecom/5786710/kimberle-crenshaw-intersectionality/

Tickner, J. Ann. Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security. New York: Columbia University Press, 1992.

United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women) At a Breaking Point: The Impact of Foreign Aid Cuts on Women’s Organisations in Humanitarian Crises Worldwide New York: UN Women, 2025 https://wwwunwomenorg/en/digitallibrary/publications/2025/05/at-a-breaking-point-the-impact-of-foreign-aid-cuts-on-womensorganizations-in-humanitarian-crises-worldwide.

United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution 79/152, “Intensification of efforts to prevent and eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls: the digital environment” Adopted December 17, 2024. A/RES/79/152. https://docs.un.org/en/A/RES/79/152.

United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Fact Sheet: The US Government, in Collaboration with Partners, Launches Global Initiative to Advance Women’s Leadership in the Digital Age, Totaling Over $850 Million July 8, 2024 https://wwwgwdresourcesorg/ files/ugd/0b116e fce43fa7abfa456f9fe837d3d85606d6 pdf

United States White House. U.S. Strategy and National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security Washington, DC: The White House, October 2023 https://bidenwhitehouse archivesgov/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/US -Strategy-and-NationalAction-Plan-on-Women-Peace-and-Securitypdf

Wajcman, Judy. TechnoFeminism. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004. Wein, Rachel. “The Office of Global Women’s Issues Is Gone. America Is Less Safe Because of It.”

More to Her Story, October 31, 2025

https://wwwmoretoherstorycom/stories/the-office-of-global-womens-issues-is-gone-america-isless-safe-because-of-it

Westaway, Gillian. Action Brief – Women, Peace and (Cyber) Security in Asia and the Pacific. UN Women, 2020.

https://asiapacific unwomenorg/sites/default/files/Field%20Office%20ESEAsia/Docs/Publicati ons/2020/06/Action%20Brief%20%20WPS%20%20CYBERSECURITY16620finalpdf

Wibben, Annick T R Feminist Security Studies: A Narrative Approach London and New York: Routledge, 2011.

Wilding, Faith “Where Is the Feminism in Cyberfeminism?” nparadoxa 2 (1998): 6–13 https://monoskoporg/images/8/82/Wilding Faith 1998 Where is the Feminism in Cyberfeminis mpdf

Zeiter, Kristen, Sandra Pepera, and Molly Middlehurst. Tweets That Chill: Analyzing Online Violence against Women in Politics. Washington, DC: National Democratic Institute, 2019. https://wwwndiorg/sites/default/files/NDI%20Tweets%20That%20Chill%20Report pdf

Author:

Mmm. Yeya Ly

Mme Yeya Ly possède une expérience tant dans le secteur privé que public, ainsi qu'au sein d'une institution nationale Ancienne membre du Haut Conseil des Autorités Territoriales du Sénégal, elle a pu contribuer à l'élaboration et à la mise en œuvre de politiques publiques et renforcer le dialogue entre l'État, les collectivités territoriales et les acteurs locaux Son engagement en faveur des droits humains, et notamment son militantisme pour les droits des femmes, l'a rapidement amenée à explorer des thématiques connexes telles que le genre, l'égalité des genres, l'inclusion sociale, la gouvernance, etc Spécialiste du droit public, du genre et de la consolidation de la paix, elle est titulaire de deux masters : l'un en administration publique et l'autre en genre et consolidation de la paix Dans ce contexte, elle a eu l'honneur d'intégrer la deuxième promotion du Réseau des femmes africaines pour la prévention et la médiation des conflits à l'échelle continentale, Femwise Africa, afin de contribuer à la prévention et à la résolution des conflits et d'apporter une modeste contribution à la consolidation de la paix en tant que médiatrice aux niveaux continental et international

Perspectives féministes critiques sur le militarisme, la sécurisation et la consolidation de la paix

Abstract

Cette note d’orientation analyse les perspectives féministes critiques du militarisme en questionnant les approches sécuritaires dominantes fondées sur l’État, l’armée et la stabilité géopolitique Le militarisme est décrit comme une idéologie patriarcale reposant sur la hiérarchie, la violence et le contrôle, perpétuant les structures oppressives même en temps de paix Les politiques de « paix négative », centrées sur l’absence de conflit armé, échouent à reconnaître les violences structurelles économiques, sociales, sexuelles, vécues quotidiennement par les femmes.. Elle critique la notion de « paix négative », axée sur l’absence de conflit armé, qui ignore les violences structurelles vécues quotidiennement par les femmes

Approche méthodologique et cadre d’analyse

La note adopte une approche inter sectionnelle et critique du militarisme, considéré comme enraciné dans les logiques patriarcales, capitalistes et coloniales. À travers des études de cas, elle montre comment les femmes développent des alternatives à la militarisation, souvent ignorées dans les politiques institutionnelles

L’analyse redéfinit la sécurité au-delà de la défense territoriale, l’envisageant comme accès à une vie digne (santé, éducation, mobilité)

Elle met aussi en lumière la cooptation du discours féministe par des institutions qui limitent la participation des femmes à un rôle symbolique

Les féminismes africains, sont essentiels à cette analyse Ils dénoncent les effets conjoints du colonialisme, du capitalisme et du patriarcat, tout en valorisant des formes locales et communautaires de paix fondées sur l’écoute, la solidarité et la justice réparatrice.

La méthodologie repose sur l’analyse de cas concrets comme la résistance féminine en Israël/Palestine, la critique du féminisme « embarqué » en Afghanistan, les médiations communautaires en RDC et l’examen critique de l’Agenda « Femmes, Paix et Sécurité »

Ces cas illustrent comment les femmes, souvent réduites à une fonction symbolique, s’affirment comme actrices politiques et sociales, capables de transformer les processus de paix

Principaux résultats et arguments

La note propose une redéfinition de la sécurité comme sécurité humaine (accès à la santé, l’éducation, la justice sociale), en rupture avec la conception militarisée et territoriale. Elle critique la « paix négative » et la cooptation du discours féministe par les institutions étatiques, qui perpétuent des rapports de pouvoir patriarcaux L’approche féministe ne vise pas seulement l’inclusion des femmes, mais une transformation radicale des structures violentes (patriarcat, racisme, capitalisme, colonialisme), en faveur d’une paix fondée sur la justice

Recommandations stratégiques : Cinq grands axes sont identifiées

1. Démilitariser les politiques de paix ;

2 Valoriser les initiatives locales portées par les femmes ;

3 Adopter une approche inter sectionnelle et décoloniale ;

4 Garantir une participation significative des femmes ;

5 Recentrer la sécurité sur les droits humains

Signification

Cette note contribue à repenser la gouvernance sécuritaire, en mettant les femmes et les communautés au cœur des stratégies de paix Elle appelle à un changement de paradigme : de la sécurité des États vers celle des personnes, de la logique de domination à celle de ma justice et de la coopération, et de la militarisation vers la justice sociale, en s’appuyant sur les apports critiques des féminismes Africains et mondiaux.

Introduction

Les débats contemporains sur la sécurité et la consolidation de la paix restent dominés par des approches centrées sur l’État, l’armée et la stabilité géopolitique qui reposent sur une vision militarisée de la sécurité, où les conflits sont réduits à des affrontements armés, et la paix à l’absence de guerre.

Cette vision réductrice ignore les violences invisibles, structurelles et systémiques vécues au quotidien par les couches vulnérables, les minorités de genre, et les communautés marginalisées

Les perspectives féministes critiques offrent une lecture alternative essentielle, en interrogeant les logiques de pouvoir et les stéréotypes de genre qui sous-tendent ces dynamiques. Elles dénoncent le militarisme orienté sur les stratégies sécuritaires qui reposent sur des conceptions de la masculinité associée à la force, à la domination et à la rationalité froide, marginalisant d’autres approches centrées sur le soin, la vulnérabilité et la justice sociale

Dans cette foulée, la chercheuse Carol Cohn a démontré que les politiques sécuritaires traditionnelles reposent sur des rapports de pouvoir genrés où les expériences et les besoins des femmes, ainsi que d’autres groupes marginalisés sont invisibilisées

Dans le même esprit critique, les travaux du sociologue Norvégien Johan Galtung permettent de distinguer la paix négative, comme simple absence de conflit et la paix positive qui intègre la justice sociale, l’égalité et l’inclusion. Une telle dichotomie permet d’évaluer de manière critique les politiques de consolidation de la paix.

En effet, les approches dominantes, centrées sur le maintien de l’ordre et le renforcement des appareils militaires, privilégient souvent la paix négative, laissant intactes les inégalités structurelles et les violences de genre

1 Cynthia Enloe, Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014)

2 Carol Cohn, “Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense Intellectuals,” Signs 12, no 4 (1987): 687–718

Johan Galtung, “Violence, Peace, and Peace Research,” Journal of Peace Research 6, no 3 (1969): 167–191

3 Johan Galtung, “Violence, Peace, and Peace Research,” Journal of Peace Research 6, no 3 (1969): 167–191

Contexte et justification

Ces débats trouvent une résonance particulière dans les pays du Sud et particulièrement en Afrique, où les crises sécuritaires persistantes, les insurrections, le terrorisme, et les conflits intercommunautaires exacerbent les vulnérabilités des femmes et où la réponse sécuritaire reste largement militarisée

A l’approche du 25ème anniversaire de la résolution 1325 du conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, adoptée le 31 octobre 2000 qui consacre un espace de reconnaissance du rôle essentiel des femmes dans les processus de paix et de l'impact disproportionné des conflits armés sur les femmes et les filles : Quel bilan, défis et perspectives ? 4

Problématique

C’est dans un tel contexte que s’inscrit notre question centrale qui est de savoir : « Comment repenser les politiques de sécurité, de consolidation de la paix à travers une perspective féministe critique, afin d'assurer une paix véritablement inclusive, juste et durable ? »

L’Objectif de la note est double : D’une part il s’agit de proposer une relecture de la paix, à partir des expériences vécues des femmes, souvent invisibilisées, ou instrumentalisées dans les processus de réconciliation ; et d’ autre part de promouvoir un changement de paradigme en faveur de la sécurité humaine, comprise comme accès à la dignité, à la justice sociale et à la réparation.

Afin d’atteindre cet objectif, il conviendra :

D’abord d’interroger l’évolution des cadres normatifs et théoriques de l’agenda Femmes Paix et Sécurité et analyser les limites des approches traditionnelles de la sécurité centrées sur l’État et la militarisation ; Ensuite de mettre en évidence les apports des perspectives féministes critiques dans la redéfinition de la sécurité et de la paix, en intégrant les dimensions sociales, économiques et de genre fondée sur des études de cas ; Et enfin de proposer des orientations stratégiques et politiques, sous forme de recommandations favorisant une paix inclusive, fondée sur la justice, l’égalité et la participation effective des femmes et des communautés marginalisées

4 Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, Résolution 1325 (2000) sur les femmes, la paix et la sécurité (New York: ONU, 2000)

1. Cadre d’analyse et méthodologie

Cadre d’analyse :

La présente note adopte une approche holistique et critique du militarisme, envisagée comme un système enraciné dans les logiques patriarcales, capitalistes et coloniales Elle intègre la dimension genre, la race, la classe sociale, la sexualité et le statut socio-économique.

Cette perspective rejette la conception dominante de la sécurité centrée sur la souveraineté, la défense territoriale et sur la seule protection physique des biens et des personnes

A l’inverse, elle promeut une conception de la sécurité humaine, fondée sur l’égal accès aux services sociaux de base tels que la santé, l’éducation, l’assainissement, le logement, la sécurité alimentaire, la mobilité, la justice et la protection contre les violences basées sur le genre

Cette approche s’inspire des travaux des auteurs comme Cynthia Enloe qui explore le lien entre militarisme et patriarcat ; Carol Cohn et Laura Sjoberg qui développent la critique féministe des relations internationales ; d’Amina Mama et de Grace Musila, qui interrogent les dynamiques coloniales et capitalistes dans les contextes africains.

Les expériences d’Evelyn Amony, ancienne enfant-soldate Ougandaise, éclairent quant à elles, les expériences vécues des femmes dans les conflits et la mise en œuvre de l’Agenda « Femmes, Paix et Sécurité »

Ce cadre théorique pluriel combine plusieurs approches basées sur :

Les théories critiques de la sécurité, qui remettent en question la centralité de l’État ;

Les apports des concepts de « paix négative » de Johan Galtung, qui pointent la limite des processus de paix centrés uniquement sur l’arrêt des hostilités, sans s’attaquer aux causes profondes de la violence ;

Les perspectives féministes africaines, qui dénoncent les effets conjoints du patriarcat, du colonialisme et du capitalisme, tout en valorisant des formes locales de paix fondées sur l’écoute, la solidarité et la justice réparatrice ;

Les approches critiques du militarisme, qui révèlent l’invisibilisation des violences structurelles et quotidiennes subies par les femmes

5 Sjoberg, Laura. Gendering Global Conflict: Toward a Feminist Theory of War. New York: Columbia University Press, 2013, p 25

6 Mama, Amina, “what does it mean to do feminist research in African context?” Feminist Review, vol 98,n°1 p4-20

7 Evelyn Amony. I Am Evelyn Amony: Reclaiming My Life from the Lord’s Resistance Army. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2015,pp. 45-68, 102-118).

Cette note montre également, à travers des études de cas, comment les femmes développent des alternatives à la militarisation, souvent ignorées dans les politiques institutionnelles

Elle consacre une redéfinition de la sécurité qui dépasse l’inclusion symbolique des femmes dans les processus de paix pour proposer une transformation radicale des structures sociales et politiques violentes qui permettra l’élimination des inégalités systémiques et la promotion des Droits de l’Homme et des Droits Humains.

Méthodologie :

Elle repose sur une approche qualitative et critique, fondée sur une revue documentaire et sur l’analyse secondaire de données tirées d’articles scientifiques, d’ouvrages académiques, de rapports institutionnels et d’études de terrain.

Les sources incluent :

Les rapports et manuels des Nations unies relatifs au genre, à la paix et à la sécurité ;

Les recherches féministes sur le militarisme et les relations internationales ;

Les travaux académiques sur la fragilité des transitions politiques en Afrique ;

Les récits et expériences de militantes féministes et de mouvements transnationaux

Trois axes structurent notre analyse :

La déconstruction du militarisme ;

La relecture de la sécurité à travers la notion de sécurité humaine ;

La valorisation de pratiques locales de paix portées par les femmes

L’étude s’appuie également sur des études de cas illustratives comme :

Les résistances féministes en Palestine et en Israël ;

Les critiques du « féminisme embarqué » en Afghanistan ;

Les médiations communautaires en République démocratique du Congo ;

Les crises électorales en Afrique de l’ouest ;

Le conflit communautaire en Casamance, dans le sud du Sénégal

Ces cas d’étude révèlent que la sécurité ne peut être réduite à la seule présence militaire ni au désarmement. Elle doit inclure des mécanismes de justice transitionnelle, des mesures de participation inclusive et des réformes structurelles en faveur de la sécurité humaine recentrée sur les Droits de l’Homme et sur les Droits Humains En outre l’examen critique de l’Agenda « Femmes, Paix et Sécurité » montre les contradictions entre les engagements institutionnels et les réalités vécues par les femmes dans les zones de conflit

Enfin, la méthodologie adoptée vise à dépasser l’analyse descriptive pour proposer un cadre d’action stratégique qui oriente les politiques de sécurité vers la justice sociale en intégrant pleinement les approches intersectionnelles et décoloniales dans la consolidation de la paix

2. Principaux résultats de l’analyse critique

Cette section met en lumière les principaux enseignements de l’analyse Elle souligne les limites des approches actuelles de sécurité et de consolidation de la paix, ainsi que les perspectives féministes critiques qui ouvrent la voie à des alternatives plus inclusives et durables.

Constats clés :

a) Militarisme, environnement et féminisme

Le militarisme dans les approches contemporaines de la sécurité et de la consolidation de la paix, en reproduisant des rapports de pouvoir patriarcaux, privilégie la stabilité à court terme par des mesures coercitives et répressives, au détriment d’une transformation structurelle des causes profondes de l’insécurité Cette vision réductrice de la sécurité considère la paix comme une absence de violence directe, occultant les violences structurelles liées au patriarcat, aux inégalités économiques et aux exclusions sociales

A l’inverse, le concept de sécurité humaine, développé notamment par le Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement (PNUD) dans les années 1990, propose une redéfinition radicale de la sécurité centrée sur les individus et les communautés, et non sur l’État Elle englobe la sécurité économique, alimentaire, sanitaire, environnementale, personnelle, communautaire et politique

Dans les contextes africains post-conflit, cette redéfinition est essentielle, car elle révèle les violences invisibles telles que la pauvreté, l’inégalité d’accès aux ressources, l'insécurité alimentaire, la marginalisation politique, qu’une simple grille de lecture strictement militaire de la sécurité ne permettrait pas de déceler

Elle reconnaît le rôle politique et social des femmes en les plaçant au centre des approches féministes critiques qui identifie le militarisme comme une cause fondamentale de la crise climatique et de la dégradation environnementale, affectant particulièrement les populations vulnérables et les femmes

b) Limites des politiques actuelles de paix et de sécurité

Les politiques actuelles de paix et de sécurité, tant au Sénégal que dans d'autres pays du sud

global, présentent plusieurs limites majeures qui compromettent la construction d'une paix véritablement inclusive, durable et juste

Ces limites s’expliquent par l’héritage colonial, la logique autoritaire, et une dépendance persistante à des approches sécuritaires centrées sur l'État, au détriment des populations

Par ailleurs, il convient de mettre en exergue l’inadéquation entre les principes révolutionnaires de la Résolution 1325 du Conseil de sécurité, et sa traduction en actions politiques concrètes dans les Plans d’Actions Nationaux

De cette analyse, il appert que les politiques actuelles axées sur des préoccupations formelles pour la paix et la sécurité, demeurent tributaires d’un paradigme militarisé et symbolique En revanche, les alternatives féministes critiques montrent qu’une paix véritable ne peut être obtenue que par la transformation des structures de domination, la reconnaissance de la sécurité humaine et l’inclusion effective des femmes Ces enseignements appellent à un changement de paradigme, passant d’une paix superficielle et militarisée à une paix durable, inclusive et transformatrice.

c) L’invisibilisation des violences structurelles basées sur le genre

L’approche fragmentée et sectorielle de la gouvernance sécuritaire entraine la marginalisation des femmes dans les processus de paix et de sécurité, du fait qu’elle ne s’attaque pas aux causes structurelles des conflits, comme les inégalités, les exclusions et les violences systémiques basées sur le genre

Les statistiques récentes de l’association des femmes juristes au Sénégal, indiquent une prévalence élevée des violences basées sur le genre (VBG) dans la région de Casamance, exacerbées par les conflits armés et les crises politiques. Ces violences sont, non seulement physiques, mais aussi économiques, psychologiques et structurelles.

L’étude des cas sélectionnés en Afrique démontre que les violences sexuelles sont enracinées dans des systèmes de domination préexistants, patriarcaux et intersectionnels

Elles augmentent dans les zones de conflits et sont même utilisées comme armes de guerre, de contrôle social et de terreur (viols collectifs, mutilations, esclavage sexuel, camps de viols, transmission intentionnelle du VIH)

Ces abus révèlent les rapports de domination structurels et ont un impact disproportionné sur les femmes et filles, en particulier sur celles marginalisées comme les déplacées, les femmes rurales, les migrantes ou en situation de handicap.

Dans cette optique, l’auteure Canadienne Erin Baines met en lumière les violences de genre persistantes dans les contextes post-conflit, ainsi que les défis liés à la justice transitionnelle qui échoue souvent à prendre en compte les expériences des femmes. Elle souligne l’importance d’une approche transformative de la paix qui intègre les femmes comme actrices politiques et sociales

Dans ses recherches en Ouganda, elle met en évidence que la participation des femmes à la paix ne peut être réelle que si leurs expériences de violence, notamment sexuelles, sont reconnues comme politiques, et qu’elles peuvent redevenir des sujets politiques, même après avoir été victimes ou complices de violences.

Enseignements tirés des cas étudiés :

Les violences basées sur le genre restent structurellement invisibilisées ou minimisées.

Les études de cas choisis sur la résistance féminine en Palestine, le rôle des femmes dans les processus de paix en RDC, la critique du féminisme en Afghanistan, les processus post-conflit au Libéria et en Sierra Leone, la fragilité de la paix en Côte d’Ivoire exacerbée par les tensions politiques liées aux élections et le conflit endémique en Casamance, dans la partie sud du Sénégal illustrent concrètement les enjeux sécuritaires, les violences basées sur le genre et les résistances féminines à la militarisation

Ces limites structurelles se traduisent par une marginalisation persistante des femmes dans les processus de paix et de sécurité, malgré l’existence de normes internationales comme la Résolution 1325 Et les femmes continuent d’être perçues davantage comme des victimes à protéger plutôt que comme des actrices politiques à part entière

Bonnes pratiques et opportunités identifiées

Malgré ce tableau sombre dépeint, l’analyse révèle par ailleurs des pratiques alternatives émergentes et prometteuses Dans plusieurs contextes, l’implication active des organisations féministes et communautaires a permis de renforcer la cohésion sociale, de prévenir des conflits et de développer des initiatives de sécurité centrées sur les besoins des populations

Ces pratiques démontrent que les approches féministes critiques, axées sur la sécurité humaine, la justice sociale, la prévention structurelle et la transformation des rapports de pouvoir offrent des alternatives viables aux modèles militarisés Les femmes se révèlent non seulement comme bénéficiaires mais comme sujets politiques et agents de changement

8 Baines, Erin K 2011 Women and War: Transitional Justice, Accountability and Post-Conflict Reconstruction London: Zed Books

Par exemple, au Sénégal l’implication de réseaux de femmes locales et de la société civile , à travers la plateforme des femmes pour la paix en Casamance a permis de réduire les conflits intercommunautaires et de renforcer la résilience.

L’un des exemples les plus puissants d’actions collectives et d’expériences locales, est celui du mouvement « Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace » fondé en 2003 au Libéria, par Leymah Gbowee qui a joué un rôle clé dans la fin de la guerre civile, en combinant action directe non violente et plaidoyer politique Grâce au soutien de ce réseau, madame Ellen Johnson Sirleaf devient la première femme Présidente d’Afrique en 2005.

En Colombie, l’accord de paix de 2016 a inclus des dispositions spécifiques sur les droits des femmes et la justice de genre grâce aux pressions des mouvements féministes qui ont joué un rôle crucial dans sa négociation et sa rédaction

Synthèse critique

Les politiques et programmes existants montrent une volonté politique, mais souffrent d’un manque de pragmatisme opérationnel et de suivi

Pour qu’elles contribuent réellement à la paix durable, il est nécessaire de renforcer la participation des femmes, de garantir l’accès de tous aux services de base essentiels et de promouvoir la responsabilisation des acteurs à tous les niveaux.

Malgré ces limites, des pratiques locales inclusives et féministes démontrent que la sécurité humaine et la participation active des femmes produisent des résultats durables et concrets

En résumé, afin d'obtenir une paix véritable et durable il s’avère impératif de repenser la sécurité en termes de justice sociale, de transformation structurelle et d’inclusion féministe.

3. Recommandations stratégiques

Dix recommandations stratégiques et politiques concrètes sont formulées et destinées aux décideurs des institutions internationales et régionales, aux gouvernants nationaux, aux partenaires techniques et aux dirigeants des organisations de la société civile

Il s’agira de :

1 Démilitariser les politiques de paix en recentrant les approches sécuritaires sur la réduction des violences structurelles et en investissant dans le capital humain plutôt que sur la force militaire ;

2.Valoriser les initiatives féminines locales en soutenant les actions des femmes en tant qu’actrices essentielles de la paix ;

3 Adopter une approche intersectionnelle et décoloniale en prenant en compte les spécificités culturelles, sociales et historiques, en déconstruisant les héritages coloniaux et patriarcaux dans les politiques de paix ;

4.Garantir une participation politique significative des femmes pour assurer un rôle décisionnel réel aux femmes dans tous les processus liés à la paix et à la sécurité ;

5 Promouvoir la sécurité humaine qui inclut l’accès à la santé, à l’éducation, à la justice sociale et à la protection contre toutes formes de violences, en particulier celles basées sur le genre ;

6 Visibiliser et combattre les violences structurelles basées sur le genre ; Promouvoir l'engagement communautaire dans la lutte contre les VBG ;

7.Tenir compte des dynamiques intersectionnelles dans la conception et la mise en œuvre des politiques Femme, Paix et Sécurité :

8 Soutenir les espaces non-mixtes et inclusifs pour permettre aux groupes opprimés de définir leurs priorités ;

9 Intégrer la perspective de genre dans toutes les missions de sécurité et de consolidation de la paix

4. Conclusion

Cette note d’orientation met en lumière les limites des approches militarisées et étatiques de la sécurité et de la paix qui, en se concentrant sur la cessation des conflits armés, tendent à ignorer les violences structurelles et quotidiennes, particulièrement celles subies par les couches vulnérables, en particulier les femmes

Elle appelle à une redéfinition profonde de la sécurité, recentrée sur les Droits Humains et tenant compte de l’intégration de la dimension genre dans toutes les politiques de paix et de sécurité pour la réalisation d’une paix durable, combinant paix négative et positive

Les récents évènements de crise politique et sociale survenus à Madagascar, suite à des violences lors de manifestations contre les coupures d’eau et d’électricité a révélé les limites de ces approches sécuritaires traditionnelles.

En effet, en dépit d’un impressionnant dispositif de sécurité, les défaillances structurelles du système sur la question de la protection et de l’accès aux services de base ont plongé le pays dans un chaos aux conséquences désastreuses sur la paix et la sécurité

Autre fait marquant est la situation en RDC, où malgré le mandat onusien de la mission de l’organisation des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en République Démocratique du Congo (MONUSCO), les activités des groupes armés, les nombreux déplacements de population et les violences intercommunautaires persistent.

Ces cas cités, illustrent de manière poignante les limites des approches sécuritaires traditionnelles dominées par les logiques militaristes Ils prouvent qu’au-delà de l’arrêt des hostilités, il faut bâtir des sociétés justes et inclusives où le genre, l’ethnicité et les droits humains deviennent des piliers centraux de la sécurité.

Au terme de cette réflexion qu’il faudra poursuivre dans d’autres espaces d’échange et de partage, sous forme de plaidoyer pour la mise en œuvre des recommandations contenues dans cette note, nous demeurons convaincu(e)s que la durabilité de la paix dépend de notre capacité à réinventer nos systèmes, nos pratiques et nos imaginaires autour de l’égalité de genre, de la solidarité et de la justice sociale.et de la protection et de la promotion des Droits de l’Homme et des Droits Humains.

Bibliographie indicative et reference

Baines, Erin K 2011 Women and War: Transitional Justice, Accountability and Post-Conflict Reconstruction. London: Zed Books

Cohn, Carol “Sex and Death in the Rational World of Defense Intellectuals” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 12, no 4 (1987): 687–718

Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, Résolution 1325 (2000) sur les femmes, la paix et la sécurité (New York: ONU, 2000).

Enloe, Cynthia Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000

Evelyn Amony I Am Evelyn Amony: Reclaiming My Life from the Lord’s Resistance Army Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2015,pp. 45-68, 102-118).

Johan Galtung, “Violence, Peace, and Peace Research,” Journal of Peace Research 6, no 3 (1969): 167–191

Mama, Amina, “what does it mean to do feminist research in African context?” Feminist Review, vol 98,n°1 p4-20

Sjoberg, Laura Gendering Global Conflict: Toward a Feminist Theory of War New York: Columbia University Press, 2013, p 25

Kavitha Nallathambi

Kavitha Nallathambi, MSc, MPH, MBA is a policy advisor with 15+ years of experience leading global health, medicines policy, and advocacy initiatives across NGOs, publicprivate partnerships, and academic institutions. She helps mission-driven organizations influence policy, mobilize coalitions, and elevate thought leadership on issues from antimicrobial resistance to global supply chain resilience. She is a member of WCAPS and has served as a review for the Pipeline Fellowship Program. Kavitha has a BA in international studies and journalism from Emory University and an MPH/MBA from Johns Hopkins University, and is a first-generation American woman of South Asian heritage.

Proximity Without Power: Race, Gender, and Gatekeeping in Global Health Policymaking

Abstract

This essay interrogates how race, gender, and institutional power intersect to shape global health policymaking spaces, with a focus on the lived experiences of women of color. Through a hybrid methodology blending personal narrative, feminist theory, and peer insights, it critiques how proximity to power often conceals persistent marginalization Drawing on Black feminist thought, postcolonial feminism, and the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda, the paper identifies four key dynamics the racialized geography of work; voice and containment; professional invisibility and epistemic or knowledge extraction; and diasporic dual awareness that constrain authentic participation. The essay argues that inclusion without emotional, institutional, and narrative safety replicates colonial hierarchies under feminist or equity language Recommendations include epistemic inclusion audits, organizational accountability, leadership pipelines, and emotional safety protocols By centering the security of women of color as essential to peacebuilding, this paper reimagines global policy as a site not only of critique but of transformation.

Keywords: global health, race, gender, diaspora, epistemic injustice, Women Peace and Security, feminist policy, inclusion, power, institutional critique

Introduction: The Illusion of Inclusion

I have sat in rooms where every policy buzzword was uttered equity, empowerment, participation yet walked away with the haunting sense that I had not been truly seen or heard I was proximate to power, but not of it As a woman of color navigating the professional terrain of global health policymaking, I was often invited in but usually on someone else’s terms.

This essay explores the dissonance between visibility and voice, between access and authority. It critiques how proximity to power often disguises the persistent marginalization of women of color in global health policy institutions and spaces, even those that publicly espouse equity, inclusion, or feminist values Using a hybrid methodology that blends personal narrative, critical feminist analysis, and selected interviews and peer reflections, this piece explores the subtle yet persistent ways that institutions marginalize those closest to the communities they claim to serve. Theoretical grounding comes from Black feminist thought, postcolonial feminism, and intersectionality, which offer tools to critique the institutional preference for “neutral” (often white, male, elite) leadership while relegating women of color to technical implementation, community engagement, or performative DEI roles

The essay unpacks four interconnected dynamics:

1 The racialized geography of work how the “field” is feminized and racialized, while Headquarters (HQ) and strategy roles remain dominated by whiteness

2 Voice and containment how women of color are asked to self-silence or dilute critique to remain palatable or credible.

3.Professional invisibility and epistemic extraction how ideas are often recognized only when filtered through white or male gatekeepers.

4 Diasporic dual awareness how women of color with ties to the Global South possess a unique vantage point often discounted

Beyond institutional dynamics, this piece explores the internalized gaze the ever-present echo of whiteness, patriarchy, and organizational power dynamics–within professional, relational, and even intimate spaces. In moments of discomfort or dismissal, I was reacting to the cumulative weight of employers, funders, former supervisors, and even partners, who found my crosscultural, postcolonial, and emotional attunement to be useful, but not always comfortable When institutions (or individuals within them) lack the capacity to hold such complexity, they often respond by minimizing it questioning, belittling, or labeling it as “too much” or “too emotional.”

This paper argues that the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda affirms the necessity of women’s participation in peace and security governance,

yet it remains incomplete without reckoning with the racialized power structures and the epistemic silencing of women of color By expanding our vision of security to include emotional, institutional, and narrative safety, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda could more effectively dismantle colonial hierarchies and foster truly inclusive, transformative peacebuilding.

Theoretical Framework: Intersectionality, Orientalism, and Epistemic Control

This essay draws from Black feminist thought (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1991), intersectionality and postcolonial feminism (Mohanty, 2003; Mahmood, 2005), Orientalism (Said, 1978), and institutional critique (Ahmed, 2021), to explore how knowledge, race, gender, and institutional power converge in global health policy. These frameworks expose how policy spaces often reproduce dominant knowledge systems under the guise of neutrality

As Collins (2000) writes, “the outsider within” occupies a unique, often painful position of partial legitimacy seen but not heard, consulted but not trusted The concept captures the paradox of being professionally embedded but socially marginalized. This reality is one that many women of color in the field of global health face.

The concept of intersectionality, coined by Crenshaw (1991), offers a tool for naming how race and gender are co-constitutive forces within policy hierarchies, along with geography, class, and institutional affiliation Further, Mohanty (2003) critiques how development discourses often flatten Global South women into voiceless beneficiaries, even when they are the architects of community solutions. Ahmed’s writing (2021) on institutional affect the emotional toll of navigating whiteness, gatekeeping, and defensiveness in equity-branded institutions illuminates how inclusion often becomes conditional As Ahmed (2021) notes in Complaint!, “To speak about exclusion is to risk being excluded for speaking” In other words, raising the issue makes you the issue

Said’s Orientalism (1978) serves to explain how global health institutions construct “the field,” and by extension, its people, as objects of Western analysis and intervention Institutions may appear post-colonial in their missions, but retain a colonial logic in structure: those closest to communities are seen as informants, not as leaders or policymakers

This is the position where I, and many of my peers, find ourselves: present, but provisional. Trusted to implement, but not to define. Expected to lead community engagement, but not policy agendas This is the gap between being in the room and being allowed to shape the room As global health threats are now recognized as national and global security issues, health system resilience and preparedness that integrates diverse perspectives, must be part of peacebuilding and security strategies

I. The Racialized Geography of Work

In global health, the division between the “field” and “headquarters” is not just logistical, it is racialized and gendered. Fieldwork is often feminized, racialized, and located in the Global South, while strategy, funding, and leadership are centralized in Washington, Geneva, or London and frequently dominated by white, male, Western professionals

Women comprise 67% of the global health workforce, yet hold only 25% of global health leadership positions (WHO, 2022; Women in Global Health, 2023). Less than 2% of board seats in nonprofit global health organizations are held by women from low-income countries (Global Health 50/50, 2024) This structural separation reifies a hierarchy of knowledge and power: those closest to communities are tasked with implementation, while those furthest removed from the communities design the policies The implication is that “strategic” thinking is the domain of whiteness, a concept that echoes colonial governance, where native informants were trusted only to advise, but never to decide. This arrangement also mirrors Said’s Orientalist divide: knowledge is constructed in the “West,” but implemented in the “Rest.” Community-based knowledge is extracted and filtered through institutional gatekeepers, whose positionality often remains unquestioned

II. Voice and Containment

Even when women of color do reach policymaking spaces, they often encounter powerful norms of self-containment, ie, expectations to be professional, neutral, and non-confrontational For women of color, critique must be constructive, emotions must be modulated, and injustice translated into policy language For example, One colleague indicated that she was asked to smile and soften her appearance, things that her white female colleagues were never asked to do, things that had nothing to with her intelligence, competence, analysis, or conclusions. I myself have sometimes encountered expectations to provide intellectual property and writing without appropriate credit

This dynamic is central to what Zakaria (2021) critiques as “white feminism” as a form of feminism that centers gender equity while ignoring structural racism, colonial legacies, and institutional power. Zakaria (2021) writes, “White feminism elevates white women’s experiences as universal, while erasing the capabilities and complexities of women of color.” This assessment also aligns with Hochschild’s (1983) work on emotional labor, and Ahmed’s (2021) observation that institutions often pathologize discomfort while labeling truth-telling as incivility The emotional burden of self-policing not only your ideas, but the tone in which they’re received, is exhausting for women of color; but it is the cost of conditional belonging

The framing of “diversity work” as “the work you do to stay in institutions that do not mirror you” by Ahmed (2021) echoes the lived experience of many women of color This work is the labor of staying in spaces that were not built for us, made harder by the expectation that we self-edit, selfcontain, and avoid making others uncomfortable At a high-level meeting in Geneva, a colleague reminded the men in the room that without having ever undergone a Pap smear or colposcopy, their policies lacked embodied knowledge, thereby leading to a change in the policy. In my own case, I found myself being the only woman of color in the room in a discussion regarding expenditures for the global health workforce, a detail that seemed to go unnoticed by others in attendance

In global health, white women often occupy the most visible “equity” leadership roles, while women of color are asked to do the relational labor without institutional backing, resulting in a white “feminist face” on still entrenched colonial systems.

III. Professional Invisibility and Epistemic Extraction

In policy settings, ideas presented by women of color are frequently dismissed or ignored until repeated by white and/or male colleagues This pattern of epistemic erasure, related to knowledge and its validation, reinforces who gets to be seen as an “expert” or “thought leader.”

At a national meeting in Canada, a colleague raised concerns about racism in global health spaces, an act which catalyzed women and men of color into sharing stories that had remained buried beneath politeness and fear This moment of collective rupture led to a tsunami of testimony, but also revealed how institutions rely on individuals to carry the emotional weight of transformation. In a meeting, I provided input for a policy-oriented panel discussion at a major annual international global health forum. The ideas were ignored or barely acknowledged only to be repeated (and validated) almost immediately afterward by a white male counterpart After co-planning the event, I was also denied the opportunity to attend

This exclusion is not incidental; it is the epistemic structure of many institutions Ideas are only considered “valid” when spoken in the right accent, with the right credentials, from the right body. One of my supervisors expressed to me, with some exasperation, that the leaders had a particular idea of who should be the external face of policy and advocacy, and it did not include women, let alone women of color Another colleague quipped that the best thing a man can do to promote women’s leadership is to leave the table As Mohanty argues, the dominance of Western epistemologies in global policymaking renders subaltern knowledge unintelligible or anecdotal.

In a sample of global health NGOs, male CEOs earned an average of $140,000 more than female CEOs and led NGOs with double the revenue even as women constitute the workforce majority (Global Health 50/50, 2024). This imbalance is not just financial, it is also narrative. It shapes who gets quoted, cited, funded, and whose knowledge is treated as “lived experience” rather than “policy insight” It is why many women of color feel they must include a white co-author in publications in order to gain legitimacy As Mohanty (2003) argued in Under Western Eyes, “Third World women” are too often cast as the subjects of policy, not its authors Global health continues to reflect this dynamic, treating women of color as data points, translators, or implementers, but rarely as agenda-setters.

IV. Diasporic Dual Awareness

Diasporic professionals, especially women of color from first- or second-generation immigrant backgrounds, occupy a liminal space and hold hybrid positionalities Our ties to the Global South are lived, emotional, and embodied We understand local contexts not through reports, but through memory, kinship, and cultural fluency We are conversant in both the technocratic language of Western policy and the cultural nuance of Global South communities Yet institutions often view this dual consciousness as a bias or a liability rather than insight, access, or power. I have been explicitly told on multiple occasions that this lived experience, including residency in the country of my origin, does not count as legitimate insight or experience

This reflects the enduring legacy of Orientalist suspicion, the belief that proximity to the Global South compromises objectivity As a result, diasporic professionals are trusted to consult, but not to decide. And yet, diasporic actors are precisely those who can bridge donor logic and community priorities not by translating one into the other, but by rethinking the frameworks entirely As Raj Kumar (2019) of Devex notes, there is an increased role for so-called “inpats,” or citizens of Western countries willing to go back to the country of their heritage of birth, to do international aid and development work These individuals are strategically positioned to blend cultural knowledge, lived experience, and technical skills, offering unique access and insight in complex settings. Instead, we are asked to serve as translators between Western institutions and Global South realities without the power to shape either. This emotional labor, combined with intellectual containment, exacts a profound toll Diaspora professionals are not “biased actors,” but informed interlocutors who are essential to building truly inclusive policy Rather than misreading it, we could leverage this potential as a strategic resource

Some notable examples of diasporic dual awareness and engagement include:

Africa CDC Diaspora Engagement: Africa CDC has established diaspora engagement platforms to connect health experts abroad with continental response teams, especially during COVID-19.

Indian & Pakistani Diaspora in Vaccine Diplomacy: Many diaspora scientists influenced both the public understanding and cross-border support for equitable vaccine access

The Haitian Diaspora’s Role in Rebuilding Health Systems: After the 2010 earthquake, Haitian diaspora professionals worked in tandem with local NGOs to redesign health delivery often pushing back against top-down UN interventions

WomenLift Health Leadership Program: A fellowship program with regional cohorts that advances women of color and diaspora professionals from implementation roles to policy leadership, fostering mentorship, visibility, and systemic change in global health

Grand Challenges Canada’s Innovator Council: Over 60% of GCC’s investments support local institutions and leaders in the Global South The Innovator Council co-led by diaspora professionals elevates community-rooted expertise, including that of women of color, and strengthens locally led solutions in global health.

V. Implications for the WPS Agenda and WCAPS

The Women, Peace, and Security agenda, anchored in UNSCR 1325, calls for women's full participation in peacebuilding and security governance But what kind of participation, and on whose terms? If WPS does not confront the structural racism, organizational gatekeeping, and epistemic exclusion embedded in policy institutions, then it risks reproducing colonial hierarchies under white feminist branding Emotional, institutional, and epistemic safety must be seen as legitimate forms of security Without them, participation becomes performative a diversity box ticked, not a transformation realized This is especially urgent for organizations like WCAPS, which sit at the intersection of advocacy, diplomacy, and lived experience What is the value of proximity without power? And that is why in addition to representation, redistributing power and obtaining more actual seats at the decision making table, is so critical.

VI. Recommendations

Conduct Epistemic Inclusion Audits:

Actors: Global health funders, multilateral institutions, and international security bodies (eg, UN, WHO, NATO). Assess whose voices and language shape strategy documents, funding priorities, and public representation. Disaggregate findings by race, gender, and geography. International bodies should regularly review who holds narrative and decision-making power and who is excluded

Fund Policy Leadership Pipelines for Women of Color:

Actors: Donors, multilateral organizations, foundations, and national governments. Invest in structured policy pathways for women of color, including fellowships, advisory roles, residencies, and community-led policy labs or incubators Prioritize leaders with ties to low- and middleincome countries (LMICs) or diasporic experience

Create Organizational Accountability Metrics

Actors: Bilateral and multilateral funders, NGO boards, and global health partnerships. Move beyond performative representation Require grantees and implementing partners to demonstrate inclusive governance with concrete metrics (eg, leadership demographics, agenda-setting influence, resource allocation)

Institutionalize Emotional Safety Protocols

Actors: INGOs, ministries of health, and global health HR departments. Embed emotional safety, trauma-informed leadership, and burnout prevention into organizational culture, DEI efforts, and leadership training particularly in institutions engaging frontline workers and marginalized staff

Support Peer-Based Reflection Spaces

Actors: Advocacy networks, professional associations, and women-of-color-led initiatives. Fund and facilitate ongoing, protected spaces for healing, strategic resistance, and collective sensemaking among women of color navigating gatekeeping and extractive institutional cultures

Reframe “Security” to Include Epistemic and Institutional Wellbeing:

Actors: UN Women, UNSCR 1325 actors, WPS funders, and policy strategists. Expand the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda to include epistemic justice, institutional belonging, and narrative sovereignty as integral to sustainable peace and security

Conclusion

A Room We Can Shape

To be proximate to power but denied the ability to shape it is a uniquely painful form of exclusion It mimics inclusion while reinforcing hierarchy For women of color in global health, peace, and security policymaking, this is not theoretical, it is structural and deeply personal It is a daily reality But, it is not immutable. By expanding the definition of security to include emotional, institutional, and epistemic safety and by including policy leadership that is also in lived experience (co-creation) we can begin to dismantle the scaffolding and gatekeeping of colonial feminism and white expertise that still shapes global health Only then can we build institutions worthy of our presence Although it is necessary, it is simply not enough “to be in the room where it happens” as the character of Aaron Burr so desires in the musical Hamilton It is crucial to also be seen, heard, and empowered to shape the room, and the policies that impact us.

References

Ahmed, S (2021) Complaint! Duke University Press

Collins, P H (2000) Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment (2nd ed.). Routledge.

Crenshaw, K (1991) Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1241–1299

Global Health 50/50 (2024) Gender and health index: 2024 report https://globalhealth5050org

Hochschild, A. R. (1983). The managed heart: Commercialization of human feeling. University of California Press

Kumar, R (2019) The business of changing the world: How billionaires, tech disruptors, and social entrepreneurs are transforming the global aid industry Beacon Press

Mahmood, S. (2005). Politics of piety: The Islamic revival and the feminist subject. Princeton University Press

Mohanty, C T (2003) Feminism without borders: Decolonizing theory, practicing solidarity Duke University Press

Mohanty, C. T. (2003). Under Western eyes: Feminist scholarship and colonial discourses. In Feminism without borders: Decolonizing theory, practicing solidarity (pp 17–42) Duke University Press

Said, E W (1978) Orientalism Pantheon Books

WHO (World Health Organization). (2022). Delivered by women, led by men: A gender and equity analysis of the global health and social workforce https://wwwwhoint/publications/i/item/9789240053293

Women in Global Health (2023) Annual report: Gender equality in global health leadership https://womeningh.org/resources/

Zakaria, R (2021) Against white feminism: Notes on disruption WW Norton & Company

Author:

Lateefah Mosley

Lateefah Mosley is a global health practitioner with nearly two decades of experience advancing health equity and leading innovative initiatives across humanitarian and public health settings.

Lateefah currently serves as Vice Chair of the AMREF USA Associate Board of Directors, where she advocates and fundraises to support AMREF Health Africa’s mission of strengthening health systems and empowering communities across the continent. She is also a Research Fellow at the Institute for Research and Policy Integration in Africa (IRPIA), where her work focuses on promoting evidence-based public health and policy research on core pressing issues across Africa and disseminating findings in policy-relevant formats that inform decision-making and regional integration.

Reaffirming Health as a Human Right through the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda: Addressing the Needs of Women in Conflict and Post-Conflict During Outbreaks

Abstract

Over the past 25 years, the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda has highlighted the critical role of women in conflict prevention, peacebuilding, and post-conflict recovery Yet emerging global health threats particularly disease outbreaks introduce layered challenges that disproportionately affect women in fragile and conflict-affected settings Drawing on more than a decade of frontline experience with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the World Health Organization (WHO), UNICEF, and international NGOs, this reflection examines how outbreaks intersect with conflict dynamics to amplify women’s vulnerabilities within a broader polycrisis of health, security, and socio-economic instability

In the field, women shoulder the majority of caregiving responsibilities, increasing their exposure to infectious diseases while facing disruptions in maternal, reproductive, and social services. These crises often exacerbate gender-based violence and erode fragile systems of care, revealing how conflict and disease converge to magnify existing inequalities Using experiences from Sierra Leone and South Sudan, this reflection explores how syndemics interacting epidemics rooted in structural inequity transform women’s lives and reshape pathways to peace and recovery

While the United Nations Security Council has progressively recognized disease as a security issue through Resolutions 1308, 2177, 2439, and 2532, health remains underarticulated within the WPS framework. This article argues that explicitly recognizing health as a human right within the WPS agenda and aligning this with institutional advances such as WHO’s Gender Mainstreaming Strategy (2022–2026) would move policy from recognition to action Integrating women’s health as a central pillar of peace and security would ensure that the next generation of WPS implementation truly safeguards women’s dignity, safety, and resilience in the face of global health crises

Introduction

In 2000, the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) marked a watershed moment for the WPS agenda Over the past twenty-five years, this framework has sought to transform how the international community understands and responds to the roles of women in conflict prevention, peacebuilding, and post-conflict recovery. Considerable progress has been made: women’s participation in peace processes is increasingly recognized as essential to durable outcomes, and attention to the protection of women and girls in conflict has expanded significantly (Krause et al, 2018) Yet, while 1325 embedded women’s rights firmly within international human-rights law implicitly encompassing the right to health under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) its implementation has remained narrow (True & Hewitt, 2019). The agenda’s early focus on political participation and protection from violence left health systems, and the gendered dynamics of disease and caregiving, largely outside the security frame These gaps become even more pronounced when layered with emerging global health threats such as disease outbreaks and pandemics, which disrupt not only health systems but also the social and economic fabric of communities.

Understanding how resolutions like 1325 function helps explain this gap between recognition and action The preamble of a UN resolution serves as the recognition section: it acknowledges existing rights, references key international instruments such as CEDAW, ICESCR, and the Geneva Conventions, and establishes the moral and legal rationale for action (United Nations, 2014) . In contrast, the operative part represents the implementation section, translating those recognized principles into directives for states, UN agencies, and partners. It is through the operative clauses that principles become policy urging actors to take measures such as increasing women’s representation, protecting them from violence, and ensuring their participation in peacebuilding

Yet effective implementation requires not only political will but the integration of research and evidence into practice Even as 1325 was adopted, extensive research by UN agencies, NGOs, and scholars already documented women’s experiences in conflict, health crises, and HIV/AIDS (El-Bushra, 2003; Davies & True, 2016). However, these insights were rarely incorporated into WPS frameworks or operational plans This disconnect underscores an enduring challenge: ensuring that research not only informs recognition but also guides implementation so that policy reflects the lived realities of the women it seeks to protect and empower

It is also important to recognize that when Resolution 1325 was adopted, the concept of global health security was itself still emerging The same year, the Security Council adopted Resolution 1308 on HIV/AIDS the first time a disease was formally recognized as a threat to international peace and security (UNSC, 2000a) In this sense, 1325 and global health security developed in parallel rather than in conversation, reflecting the same compartmentalized tendencies evident in the Millennium Development Goals, where gender equality was treated as a discrete rather than cross-cutting concern (Cornwall & Rivas, 2015). The frameworks, ideas, and institutions necessary to link gender, health, and security were only beginning to take shape The process of translating these evolving concepts into policy and practice would take time, requiring sustained research, political will, and institutional innovation This historical timing helps explain why health was not explicitly included within the WPS agenda, even as 1325 laid the normative groundwork for a broader understanding of women’s security one that must now encompass global health security as fundamental to peacebuilding and resilience.

Today’s epidemics and pandemics cannot be understood in isolation They unfold within a broader polycrisis a convergence of interlocking crises spanning health, conflict, climate change, and economic instability (GPMB, 2022) This global polycrisis magnifies existing vulnerabilities and destabilizes already fragile systems. For women in conflict settings, these overlapping global shocks are experienced most acutely at the local and bodily level as syndemics: the interaction of disease with structural inequalities such as gender-based violence, displacement, food insecurity, and limited access to reproductive and maternal health services (Singer, 2017) In this sense, polycrisis provides the global frame, while syndemics illuminates the lived experience of women navigating compounded risks on the ground (Farmer, 2004; Closser, 2010).

Despite these realities, the WPS agenda has only minimally engaged with pandemics as a structural challenge to women’s security and agency in conflict-affected contexts

The COVID-19 pandemic, alongside earlier crises such as Ebola, revealed how women are positioned simultaneously as caregivers, frontline responders, and economic actors roles that increase exposure while often remaining undervalued and unsupported in response planning (Davies & Bennett, 2016; Wenham, 2021). Research also shows that women are more severely affected by disease outbreaks in conflict and post-conflict settings than men (Harman, 2016)

This reflection builds on almost two decades of frontline global health experience with the CDC, WHO, UNICEF, and international NGOs Working at the nexus of health and humanitarian response, I have witnessed firsthand how polycrises amplify syndemics, and how women bear the brunt while also driving resilience and recovery. The central question guiding this reflection is therefore: How do disease outbreaks whether pandemics, epidemics, or smaller-scale events situated within a global polycrisis but experienced as syndemics, intersect with conflict to disproportionately impact women? And in light of these realities, should health as a human right be explicitly reaffirmed within the Women Peace and Security agenda?

The interconnections between health security, conflict, and gender become most visible in the lived realities of sub-Saharan Africa Drawing from my experience supporting outbreak preparedness and response across the region, I explore two cases that exemplify how these forces converge Africa hosts one of the highest concentrations of non-international armed conflicts globally more than 35 such conflicts are currently documented across its states (Geneva Academy, 2023). These protracted crises have consistently amplified the risk, scale, and severity of epidemics, as fragile health systems collapse, displacement intensifies, and preventive services such as vaccination erode Within these contexts, outbreaks of Ebola, cholera, measles, and HIV/AIDS emerge as syndemics deeply entwined with conflict, food insecurity, and migration

Women already considered a vulnerable group under public health frameworks have faced this double burden most acutely. Conflict often thrusts women into roles as primary caregivers while simultaneously exposing them to violence, displacement, and economic marginalization Yet women also become central to community survival and recovery: sustaining families in camps, maintaining informal health networks, and mobilizing for peace Reflecting on these dynamics in the African context highlights how cycles of conflict and post-conflict fragility are inseparable from the trajectory of epidemics, and why integrating gendered perspectives into health security and peacebuilding remains urgent.

Sierra Leone

I turn first to Sierra Leone one of the countries that informed the adoption of UNSCR 1325 The war’s legacy made visible the acute vulnerabilities women face in conflict and post-conflict settings, while also illustrating their centrality to peacebuilding and recovery My own experiences in Sierra Leone reinforced this reality, revealing how health and security are inseparably linked.

While on assignment with the Global Polio Eradication Initiative’s Stop Transmission of Polio (STOP) program, I found myself deeply confronted by the suffering of women it was inescapable, woven into daily life, and a constant reminder that health, gender, and security could not be separated. During a vaccination campaign in Port Loko, I received a call from the District Medical Officer requesting assistance. As one of the few with reliable transportation, I was asked to collect a mother and newborn identified during the campaign as suffering from neonatal tetanus

I recall sitting in the back of a 4x4 truck holding the infant, her tiny face frozen in risus sardonicus the forced grin that belies unbearable pain. Her body convulsed violently against mine as we rushed to the hospital. I tried to comfort her, whispering silent prayers, but the sharp smell of herbs applied by a traditional healer to the umbilical cord drew my attention to the precarious balance between biomedical and local healing practices The next morning, I learned she had died Even now, I sometimes wonder what her life might have been had she been born elsewhere, or had preventive measures been available to protect her That single encounter became, for me, a lasting reminder that behind every statistic in maternal and child health lies an individual story of loss, love, and survival.

Her death was not an isolated tragedy A single case of neonatal tetanus is considered an outbreak and a matter of national concern under global health surveillance standards (WHO, 2015) At the time, Sierra Leone had not yet achieved Maternal and Neonatal Tetanus Elimination (MNTE); it was officially validated as having eliminated the disease in 2013, following campaigns and community outreach (WHO, 2015). Neonatal tetanus is more than a clinical condition it is a sentinel indicator of fragile systems, disproportionately affecting women in conflict and post-conflict countries where health facilities are destroyed, midwives displaced, and basic supplies absent Because the disease is transmitted primarily through maternal pathways unsafe deliveries and lack of vaccination its persistence reflects the structural inequalities women face in accessing essential care. In this sense, maternal and neonatal tetanus sits at the intersection of gender, health, and security: a reminder that protecting women’s health in fragile states is inseparable from broader peacebuilding and recovery efforts

At the campaign’s outset, we had already heard reports of a mother and the child she was carrying dying in transit to facilities While visiting riverine communities, local leaders repeatedly asked for boat motors to help pregnant women reach hospitals in time requests that underscored how access to care was shaped by geography and poverty as much as by health system capacity I was overwhelmed not only by these unmet needs, but also by broader questions: What preventive strategies had failed? How did poverty and gender inequality converge to produce such outcomes? What did these stories reveal about the structural inequities women navigate every day?

It was impossible to separate these deaths from the wider legacy of Sierra Leone’s ten-year civil war (1991–2002) Even more than a decade later, bullet holes scarred government buildings, and amputees women and men who had lost limbs in the brutality were daily reminders of violence Beneath these visible scars lay deeper inheritances: one of the world’s highest maternal and infant mortality rates, a health system hollowed out by war, and a generation of women and girls deprived of education. Hospitals had been destroyed, skilled workers killed or displaced, and whole communities left reliant on traditional healers. Women bore the greatest burden of this collapse High maternal mortality reflected not only the absence of skilled birth attendants, but also the lack of basic infrastructure, safe facilities, and reliable supply chains Infant deaths, like that of the baby I held, were tragically common in a system where vaccines and preventive care were inconsistent at best

Here, the unfinished promise of Resolution 1325 is painfully visible. Sierra Leone was among the first African countries to craft a National Action Plan (NAP) on 1325, with implementation beginning in 2010; evaluation later noted progress alongside persistent challenges in funding and coordination (Government of Sierra Leone, 2015) My assignment was not formally part of 1325 implementation, yet it unfolded amid competing priorities across government and donor mandates. Walking through communities, I could see how legacies of war and poverty were embodied in women’s daily lives: mothers exhausted by relentless caregiving, girls with limited prospects for education or autonomy, and families forced into impossible choices between traditional and biomedical care For me, Sierra Leone illustrated with brutal clarity how structural violence translates into health outcomes, and why global health interventions cannot be divorced from efforts to rebuild systems, restore education, and empower women

There were, however, glimpses of hope. I witnessed the birth of a baby girl in a Freetown clinic and met women serving in leadership at sub-national and national levels educated, determined, and actively building health systems

During my studies at the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine, I encountered Sierra Leonean nurses and midwives training in emergency obstetric and neonatal care through the Making it Happen program an encouraging sign that investment in women’s health leadership was growing. Yet even this progress highlighted a larger truth: in post-conflict countries, the resilience of women must be matched with systemic support and global policy frameworks that recognize and address their unique vulnerabilities

The devastating Ebola outbreak of 2014 reminded the world how quickly weak systems can collapse under the weight of an epidemic (Davies & Bennett, 2016). Sierra Leone, already fragile, was devastated by Ebola, which exploited gaps in governance and infrastructure. The outbreak demonstrated how swiftly health emergencies can escalate into national security threats, destabilizing fragile states and eroding hard-won recovery gains During the West African epidemic, a joint letter from the presidents of Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Guinea prompted the Secretary-General to refer the crisis to the Security Council elevating it to the highest level of international diplomacy and paving the way for Resolution 2177 (Ban, 2014; UNSC, 2014).

Sierra Leone thus offers a double lesson First, syndemics are not abstract: they are lived realities where conflict, inequality, and fragile health systems converge to produce devastating outcomes, disproportionately borne by women Second, pandemics and epidemics must be understood as central to questions of peace and security. While 1325 did not explicitly protect women from diseases such as neonatal tetanus, national efforts (including FGM responses and midwifery training) and UNSC recognition of disease as a security issue (2177) point toward the next needed step: integrating women’s right to health into WPS frameworks, particularly regarding epidemics and pandemics

South Sudan

My global health work has taken me across several African countries and into headquarters postings, where I observed the intersection of health, conflict, and gender from multiple vantage points. Among these experiences, South Sudan stands out as the most fitting reflection for this discussion It was my most recent field assignment and unfolded in the shadow of the 2019 Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) At the time, preparedness efforts focused on preventing cross-border transmission into South Sudan a country still grappling with insecurity despite a fragile peace agreement The experience underscored how, in contexts of ongoing fragility, women remain at the center of both risk and resilience, even as their realities are often absent from formal preparedness planning.

In 2019, I served as Ebola Preparedness and Response Coordinator with the humanitarian NGO, Medair I was immediately struck by the warmth of my reception, particularly from women They welcomed me into their homes, shared their stories, braided my hair, and cooked for me in the field. I played football with spirited girls whose laughter and determination reflected resilience despite conflict In local salons, women spoke candidly about family dynamics, the challenges of polygamy, and the pride and freedom they carried even as cultural expectations constrained their autonomy At times, I wondered whether this openness reflected cultural dynamics unique to South Sudan or whether it stemmed from my own growing confidence as a practitioner.

Much of my work was based in Nimule, a key border town along the major trade route from Uganda to JubaNimule sits on the only tarmac road in southern South Sudan, a vital economic corridor linking Uganda to the capital, Juba There, I coordinated preparedness activities across three government health facilities and more than thirty private clinics and dispensaries Unlike in Sierra Leone, I did not witness the same scale of maternal and neonatal mortality. However, in nearly every facility, women carried a dual burden: caring for their children while also providing health services At one clinic situated on church grounds, nearly all staff were women, and the facility was constantly overcrowded with women seeking antenatal care or treatment for their children At times the patient load was so overwhelming that staff could not attend Ebola trainings until late in the day One major success at this facility was negotiating with the Catholic priest who managed the property to allow our group to establish a separate entrance for suspected Ebola cases an important but modest gain in infection prevention.

Days in Nimule were spent working closely with government counterparts to strengthen vertical disease surveillance systems: ensuring health workers and communities knew what to do if they suspected a case who to call, how to isolate, and how to protect themselves While trainings seemed comprehensive, I now recognize they lacked sufficient gender sensitivity. Communication strategies often positioned women and children as “vulnerable groups,” with education materials focused on roles such as breastfeeding, cooking, or childcare, but they did not fully address how women’s broader responsibilities heightened risk Research underscores the importance of gender-sensitive communication and vaccination strategies, linking gender to disease risk and outcomes (Phuong et al, 2022; Davies & Bennett, 2016) My observations echoed this: women were advised about avoiding bushmeat, but messaging seldom engaged in caregiving, reproductive health, or cultural responsibilities most likely to expose them to infection

My responsibilities also took me briefly into the DRC to support the response at the outbreak’s epicenter In one Ebola Holding Unit, I saw a woman holding her young son Our eyes met, and fear was etched into her face. I stood silently praying for her, though I never learned whether her test was positive or if she survived. That moment remains a visceral reminder of lives caught at the intersection of conflict, fragility, and disease

At the same time, I encountered how harmful cultural practices shaped women’s lives While in Nimule, I came across an anti–child marriage campaign organized by local activists Community leaders, mothers, and girls spoke openly about the devastating consequences of early marriage lost education, heightened maternal health risks, and cycles of poverty. It was striking to see these conversations unfolding in the very communities where I was leading Ebola preparedness The campaign was a reminder that even as we worked to prevent an epidemic, girls and women were navigating daily struggles for autonomy, safety, and dignity

Looking back, I recognize my own limitations. At the time, I had not been trained in gender mainstreaming, and I now understand that simply categorizing women as a “vulnerable population” is insufficient Public health interventions often prioritize women’s needs rhetorically, yet fail to embed gender analysis into the technical core of outbreak preparedness Women’s roles as caregivers, health workers, and cultural custodians place them at unique risk during epidemics, but these realities are rarely reflected in program design (Davies & Bennett, 2016) True (2020) further underscores that gender mainstreaming is not an optional add-on, but a necessary condition for effective public health practice. WHO has also acknowledged this gap: its Emergencies Strategic Plan called for integrating gender considerations into technical support and delivery (WHO, 2015), and the 2022–2026 strategy renews this commitment (WHO, 2022) Yet these frameworks, while promising, must be consistently reviewed at ground level to assess whether they make tangible differences in outbreak settings The real question is not whether women’s needs should be prioritized, but how technical aspects of preparedness surveillance, communication, logistics, and training can be systematically integrated with gender perspectives Without this integration, responses risk overlooking the very roles and responsibilities that shape women’s disproportionate exposure as well as their capacities for resilience

Although Ebola never crossed into South Sudan during my tenure, the 2019 DRC outbreak illustrated the stakes. Women and girls accounted for 56% of cases, reflecting how gendered roles translated into disproportionate exposure and mortality (WHO, 2019) Social and cultural norms deepened these risks As primary caregivers, women were the ones washing, feeding, and tending to the ill As guardians of cultural traditions, they prepared bodies for burial rituals involving direct contact with highly infectious corpses (Harman, 2016) As workers, many were

nurses, midwives, or traditional healers, roles that placed them in constant contact with patients Reproductive health further shaped vulnerability: many cases occurred among women of reproductive age, and infected mothers could transmit the virus through breastfeeding. Access to information was similarly gendered: studies revealed that men often reported higher levels of accurate Ebola knowledge than women, and greater knowledge correlated with protective behaviors such as seeking formal healthcare (UNICEF, 2015)

These dynamics were intensified by South Sudan’s post-conflict environment The peace agreement was not fully implemented, and displacement, insecurity, and high rates of gender-based violence persisted (Human Rights Watch, 2019). Child marriage curtailed girls’ access to education and reproductive health information Overcrowded health facilities became high-risk environments where infection prevention was difficult With the majority of the health workforce composed of women, the burden of preparedness fell disproportionately on them, yet their unique needs whether related to menstruation, pregnancy, or protection from GBV were rarely acknowledged in planning.

Taken together, these realities underscore the concept of syndemics: the convergence of conflict, gender-based violence, harmful cultural practices, fragile health systems, and infectious disease (Singer, 2017) Each of these forces amplified the other, creating conditions in which women’s everyday social roles translated directly into heightened exposure and preventable loss of life. Notably, UNSCR 2439 framed Ebola in the DRC within a conflict-security context condemning attacks on health workers and emphasizing access and protection. It mentioned community engagement, including women, but still largely treated the crisis in outbreak-security terms (UNSC, 2018) The lesson is clear: recognition is not enough; gendered health needs must be operationalized

Conclusion

Health as a Human Right in the Next Generation of the WPS Agenda

My experiences in Sierra Leone and South Sudan reveal that disease outbreaks in conflict and post-conflict settings are not isolated health events they are security crises that expose the unfinished agenda of Resolution 1325. In both countries, women’s daily realities illustrated how structural violence, fragile health systems, and limited access to care converge into a syndemic reality The newborn who died of neonatal tetanus in Sierra Leone and the women health workers in South Sudan balancing caregiving with exposure during Ebola preparedness embodied what global policy often abstracts: that women’s health and survival are central to peace, recovery, and resilience.

Across the history of the Security Council, this intersection between health and security has become increasingly visible. Resolution 1308 (2000) on HIV/AIDS was the first to recognize a disease as a threat to international peace and security, but it largely overlooked the gendered dimensions of vulnerability and care Resolution 2177 (2014) on Ebola in West Africa advanced this conversation by acknowledging the destabilizing effects of epidemics on fragile states and implicitly recognizing women’s disproportionate burdens as caregivers, health workers, and community leaders Resolution 2439 (2018) on Ebola in the Democratic Republic of the Congo deepened this recognition by calling for the protection of health and humanitarian workers many of whom were women amid conflict and violence at the outbreak’s epicenter.

By the time of Resolution 2532 (2020) on COVID-19, the Security Council made this gendered reality explicit It recognized that the pandemic exacerbates existing inequalities and disproportionately affects women and girls, including through increased gender-based violence, loss of livelihoods, and disrupted access to maternal and reproductive health services (UNSC, 2020). This resolution marked a decisive shift from viewing disease solely as a biomedical or humanitarian issue to understanding it as a multidimensional security threat with profound gendered consequences Together, these resolutions trace an evolution from recognition of disease as a security concern to the acknowledgment that women’s health, rights, and leadership are essential to global stability

As history has shown, bold decisions by the Security Council can transform recognition into action The COVID-19 resolution demonstrated this by translating women’s disproportionate suffering into a concrete call for protection, inclusion, and sustained service delivery On this twenty-fifth anniversary of Resolution 1325, the same courage is required: to reaffirm health as a human right and embed it explicitly within the WPS framework This call does not replace the ongoing work of the World Health Organization and its partners it reinforces it. WHO’s Health Emergencies Program Gender Mainstreaming Strategy (2022–2026) has advanced institutional commitments to integrate gender, equity, and human rights across all stages of outbreak preparedness and response; elevating this recognition at the level of the Security Council would turn those technical commitments into binding political will Evidence accumulated since the HIV/AIDS pandemic makes the imperative clear: women are consistently and disproportionately affected by disease outbreaks both in morbidity and mortality and through disrupted access to reproductive and maternal health services. Naming this reality explicitly within the WPS agenda would convert decades of research into policy and resource allocation that meet women’s needs in practice

At the institutional level, the WHO Health Emergencies Programme Gender Mainstreaming Strategy (2022–2026) reflects this growing alignment. Developed by the WHE Gender Working Group, it embeds gender, equity, and human rights throughout outbreak preparedness and response (WHO, 2022) The strategy’s coordination with UN Women, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), and the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) demonstrates a system-wide recognition that gender equality and health security must advance together Yet as my experiences in Sierra Leone and South Sudan underscore, these frameworks often falter in implementation. Outbreaks continue to disproportionately affect women deprioritizing their health needs, interrupting maternal and reproductive care, and heightening gender-based violence all of which directly undermine peacebuilding and recovery efforts These intersecting burdens illustrate that without centering women’s health, global responses risk reinforcing the very inequalities they aim to address (Davies & Bennett, 2016; Harman, 2016)

Resolution 1325 broadened the definition of security to include women’s participation and protection, but the next generation of the WPS agenda must go further It must explicitly recognize that health particularly reproductive, maternal, and child health is a human right central to peace and security The Security Council’s recognition of disease as a security issue through Resolutions 1308, 2177, 2439, and 2532 provides a normative foundation for this expansion. What remains is to codify that foundation within WPS frameworks and operational mandates, ensuring that outbreak preparedness, humanitarian coordination, and peacebuilding systematically integrate women’s health as both a right and a security priority

As the world commemorates the twenty-fifth anniversary of Resolution 1325, the lessons from Sierra Leone and South Sudan converge with this evolving global consensus: there can be no sustainable peace without health security, and no health security without gender equity. To fulfill the spirit of 1325 in the age of pandemics, the WPS agenda must evolve to enshrine health as a fundamental human right transforming the protection of women’s health from a moral imperative into a structural commitment that ensures women everywhere can live not merely in survival, but in dignity, safety, and peace

References

Ban, K (2014) Letter dated 17 September 2014 from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/2014/679) United Nations

Closser, S. (2010). Chasing Polio in Pakistan: Why the World’s Largest Public Health Initiative May Fail Vanderbilt University Press

Cornwall, A , & Rivas, A M (2015) From ‘gender equality and women’s empowerment’ to global justice: Reclaiming a transformative agenda for gender and development Third World Quarterly, 36(2), 396–415. https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2015.1013341

Davies, S E , & Bennett, B (2016) A gendered human rights analysis of Ebola and Zika: Locating gender in global health emergencies International Affairs, 92(5), 1041–1060

El-Bushra, J (2003) Fused in combat: Gender relations and armed conflict Development in Practice, 13(2–3), 252–265.

Farmer, P (2004) An anthropology of structural violence Current Anthropology, 45(3), 305–325

Geneva Academy (2023) Non-international armed conflicts in Africa: An overview https://www.geneva-academy.ch

Global Preparedness Monitoring Board (GPMB) (2022) A World in Disorder: Global Preparedness Monitoring Report World Health Organization

Government of Sierra Leone (2015) National Action Plan on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (2010–2013) Evaluation Report. Ministry of Social Welfare, Gender and Children’s Affairs.

Harman, S (2016) Ebola, gender and conspicuously invisible women in global health governance Third World Quarterly, 37(3), 524–541

Human Rights Watch. (2019). “We just want a rest”: Abuses against women and girls in South Sudan’s conflict. https://www.hrw.org

Krause, J, Krause, W, & Bränfors, P (2018) Women’s participation in peace negotiations and the durability of peace International Interactions, 44(6), 985–1016

Phuong, N H, et al (2022) Gender-sensitive risk communication in public health emergencies: Lessons from COVID-19. Global Health Promotion, 29(1), 15–25.

Krause, J, Krause, W, & Bränfors, P (2018) Women’s participation in peace negotiations and the durability of peace International Interactions, 44(6), 985–1016

Phuong, N. H., et al. (2022). Gender-sensitive risk communication in public health emergencies: Lessons from COVID-19 Global Health Promotion, 29(1), 15–25

Singer, M (2017) The Anthropology of Infectious Disease: Sickness, Poverty, and Power Routledge

True, J. (2020). Gender and global health security: Biopolitics and COVID-19. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 22(5), 742–747

True, J, & Hewitt, S (2019) What does UNSCR 1325 mean for the Women, Peace and Security agenda? In S E Davies & J True (Eds), The Oxford Handbook of Women, Peace, and Security (pp. 23–38). Oxford University Press.

United Nations (2014) Repertoire of the Practice of the Security Council: Structure of Resolutions New York: UN Department of Political Affairs

United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) (2015) Knowledge, attitudes and practices study on Ebola virus disease in DRC.

United Nations Security Council (UNSC) (2000) Resolution 1308 (HIV/AIDS and international peace and security)

United Nations Security Council (UNSC) (2000) Resolution 1325 (Women, Peace and Security).

United Nations Security Council (UNSC) (2014) Resolution 2177 (Ebola outbreak in West Africa)

United Nations Security Council (UNSC) (2018) Resolution 2439 (Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the Congo).

United Nations Security Council (UNSC) (2020) Resolution 2532 (COVID-19 pandemic) Wenham, C (2021) Feminist Global Health Security Oxford University Press

World Health Organization (WHO) (2015) WHO Strategic Response Plan for Ebola Virus Disease: West Africa Outbreak Geneva: WHO

World Health Organization (WHO). (2019). Ebola virus disease: Democratic Republic of the Congo situation report Geneva: WHO

World Health Organization (WHO) (2022) WHO Health Emergencies Program Gender Mainstreaming Strategy 2022–2026 Geneva: WHO

Authors:

Zakia Jebunnesa holds a Bachelor’s degree in International Relations from Bangladesh University of Professionals. Her academic and professional interests lie in research, data analysis, and innovative approaches to communicating complex social and policy issues. She has experience in developing and presenting content that bridges academic insight with practical applications, particularly in areas related to education, social development, and conflict management. Passionate about creating impact-driven solutions, she aspires to combine her background in international relations with her communication skills to contribute to knowledge generation and practical interventions in development and peacebuilding.

Md Imtiaz Kabir Prottuy is an independent researcher and a graduate of the Department of International Relations at the Bangladesh University of Professionals (BUP) His research interests include public policy, global governance, conflict studies, and development studies, with a focus on South Asian political and socio-economic issues He engages in comparative and policy-oriented research, analyzing theoretical frameworks alongside regional dynamics to address contemporary challenges in South Asia His work explores how governance structures, conflict resolution, and development policies impact the region, aiming to provide insights for policymakers and stakeholders

When ‘Peace’ Is Gender-Blind: Liberal Peacebuilding vs. Indigenous Feminist Peace in the CHT

Abstract

In 1997, the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Peace Accord was signed with the hope of closing one of South Asia’s longest-running internal conflicts It promised land justice, demilitarization, and local autonomy, and was hailed as a model of reconciliation. However, more than twenty-five years later, the promises of peace feel distant in the CHT. Land disputes remain unresolved, military camps are still entrenched, and Indigenous communities continue to face insecurity For Indigenous women, these failures cut even deeper Excluded from the negotiation table and absent from the Accord’s institutions, they live with the daily realities of displacement, genderbased violence, and political marginalization

Zakia Jebunnesa

Md Imtiaz Kabir Prottuy

This article asks: What does peace mean when half the community is left out of its design Drawing on interviews in Rangamati and Dhaka, as well as NGO, UN, and media reports, it examines the Accord through the lens of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) framework. The analysis shows that across participation, protection, prevention, and recovery, women’s rights were ignored, with consequences that persist to this day

By comparing the CHT with the peace processes in Guatemala, Nepal, and South Sudan, the article argues that integrating gender into the core structures of peacebuilding could have significantly transformed its outcomes. It argues for an Indigenous feminist peace, one that centers women’s agency, land rights, and justice, and sets out practical reforms to finally make peace in the CHT more inclusive, accountable, and lasting

Introduction

On 2 December 1997, the Government of Bangladesh and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS) signed the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Peace Accord, ending more than two decades of armed conflict. Promoted as a bold experiment in autonomy and reconciliation, the Accord pledged to devolve governance, resolve land disputes, rehabilitate displaced persons, and demilitarize Nevertheless, twenty-seven years later, implementation remains partial: land disputes persist, militarization continues under “temporary camps,” and Indigenous communities still experience exclusion and displacement

The Accord’s gender blind spot lies in its silence on Indigenous women’s political inclusion and its omission of mechanisms ensuring their participation, protection, and access to justice. Fieldwork in Rangamati and Dhaka, including interviews with chiefs, leaders, military officials, and activists, shows how women’s safety, land rights, and political voice were systematically neglected Cases such as the disappearance of Kalpana Chakma and the assaults on the Marma sisters illustrate how gendered violence circulates without accountability

This article argues that the Accord entrenched exclusions rather than dismantling them, exposing the limits of liberal peacebuilding By advancing an Indigenous feminist peace lens grounded in the principles of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, it situates gender not as a postscript to conflict resolution but as a central condition of sustainable peace In doing so, it demonstrates why the meaningful participation, protection, and agency of Indigenous women are not merely moral imperatives but structural necessities for transforming incomplete accords into inclusive and enduring peace.

Literature Review

Since the 1990s, liberal peacebuilding, emphasizing institution-building, democratization, and market reforms, has been both implemented widely and criticized for its standardizing tendencies (Natorski, 2011). Critics argue that liberal templates can impose formal institutions that fail to account for local political economies, customary governance, or hierarchical social relations (Brett, 2002) In the CHT, this critique matters practically: the Accord focuses on land commissions, regional councils, and demilitarization as technical solutions, without adequately wrestling with power asymmetries between settlers, security forces, and Indigenous communities. The article builds on a thesis demonstrating that the Land Commission’s legal architecture and its subsequent amendments have weakened its capacity to ensure justice. This outcome underscores the inherent flaws of formal legal mechanisms that disregard gender dynamics and contextual realities

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, inaugurated by UN Security Council Resolution 1325, foregrounded women’s participation, protection, and prevention in conflict contexts (UNSC, 2000). Studies on the CHT have concentrated on land, militarization, demography, and ethnic identity (Parveen & Faisal, 2002) Gender-specific work exists, but is limited, and often treated as peripheral Lamia Karim’s influential piece demonstrates the gendered framing of cases such as Kalpana Chakma’s disappearance and critiques how national feminism sometimes fails to address ethnicized differences (Karim, 1998) Local human rights NGOs and IWGIA note rising incidents of GBV affecting Indigenous women (Chakma, 2023). The research underpinning this article shows similar patterns: women were excluded from the negotiation table and from subsequent institutions, and GBV has not been systematically addressed in post-Accord mechanisms

The existing literature on the CHT explains land politics and institutional failures well, but it often treats gender as an addendum rather than a central explanatory variable. Few studies combine: (a) an explicit, theoretically informed critique of liberal peace from an indigenous feminist vantage; (b) empirically grounded voices of Indigenous women and local women activists; and (c) practical, implementable policy alternatives tied to WPS frameworks This article fills that gap by combining the empirical material from field Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) and documentary sources with a sharpened theory that links liberal peace critique, protracted social conflict, and indigenous feminist demands.

Theoretical

Framework

The authors of this article integrate three intellectual strands: liberal peace critique, protracted social conflict theory, and indigenous feminist peace

1.Liberal peace frameworks favor formal institutions, legal fixes, and market-based development as a path to sustainable peace. The critique argues that such models can be topdown, decontextualized, and oblivious to local histories, customary law, and social hierarchies (Richmond & Franks, 2009) In the CHT, the Accord’s emphasis on land commissions and regional councils overlays a colonial legal inheritance onto customary systems without reconciling their contradictions This mismatch contributes to the Accord’s limited traction

2.Edward Azar’s (1990) protracted social conflict theory centers on unmet human needs such as security, identity, and access to institutions as the drivers of long-term communal conflict. The CHT demonstrates those dynamics: land, cultural recognition, and security are daily grievances for Indigenous communities The Accord addresses these at the institutional level but leaves many basic needs unresolved, which explains the persistence of tensions However, reality shows that the delayed land commission and the lack of timelines have profound practical implications for unmet needs.

3.Indigenous feminist peace is an analytical frame that centers the intersection of gender, indigeneity, and state power This concept combines feminist insistence on gendered structures of violence with Indigenous claims to collective rights, land, and cultural survival It differs from generic feminist peace in that it insists on collective land rights and customary governance as key dimensions of women’s security, and it differs from liberal peace critique by offering prescriptive shifts: centering Indigenous women’s agency in negotiations, legal recognition of customary tenure with gender parity, and reparative justice mechanisms for GBV In short, indigenous feminist peace moves policy beyond token representation and towards structural redistribution and accountability

This tripartite framing allows us to read the CHT Accord as a liberal peace instrument that, by sidelining gender and customary forms of authority, risks reproducing the very inequalities it sought to resolve.

Theoretical Framework

This article employs a mixed-method approach, combining key informant interviews (KIIs) with documentary and secondary sources Interviewees included the Chakma Circle Chief, the chairman of the CHT Regional Council, civil society activists, military veterans, and human rights practitioners. Complementary materials were drawn from NGO reports, human rights briefings, and academic publications.

The fieldwork offers depth but not breadth: KIIs were purposive rather than representative, and, due to both political sensitivities and ethical considerations, direct interviews with GBV survivors were not conducted. Human-subjects research requires strict adherence to protocols that protect informants’ identities, safety, and psychological well-being particularly in contexts where disclosure may entail risk or retraumatization In such cases, the analysis draws on secondary reports and testimonies from activists who work directly with survivors Despite these methodological constraints, centering the voices of local leaders and activists grounds the study firmly in the political and ethical realities of the CHT

Findings

Two principal findings emerge from the fieldwork and document analysis: (1) an entrenched gender blindness in both the Accord and institutional follow-up; and (2) systemic implementation deficits that interact with gender blindness to produce concrete harms for Indigenous women

1. Gender blindness in the Accord and institutions

The CHTPA contains no explicit gender-responsive clauses, and women were minimally visible in formal processes As one development activist during KII summarized, “the CHT accord is completely gender-blind and there are no mentions of gender in the accord at all”

To an extent, the CHT Accord cannot be described as entirely gender-blind; rather, its shortcomings reflect a more profound marginalization of Indigenous communities within the national imagination. Because Adivasi (Indigenous people in Bangladesh call themselves 'Adivasi') security is rarely prioritized, the specific vulnerabilities of Indigenous women are overlooked, despite the presence of matrilineal and matriarchal traditions in parts of the hills In practice, the Accord created no gender provisions for land rights, had no embedded GBV mechanisms, and no guarantees of women’s participation (Amnesty International, 2014) Its institutional pillars were drafted without considering women’s rights or care burdens, and there was no collection of sexdisaggregated data (Amnesty International, 2016). This absence of gender-responsive mechanisms has perpetuated institutional blindness to women’s specific vulnerabilities, particularly in militarized contexts

Militarization persists and continues to expose Indigenous women to violence Three emblematic cases illustrate this continuity:

On 12 June 1996, 23-year-old Indigenous rights activist Kalpana Chakma, organizing secretary of the Hill Women’s Federation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), was forcibly taken from her home in Lallyaghona village, Baghaichari, Rangamati, by personnel allegedly linked to Bangladesh security forces. Her two brothers escaped; she has never been found. Despite national and international calls for accountability, investigations stalled and, on 27 September 2016, the police asked a court to close the case for lack of evidence (Amnesty International, 2014; IWGIA, 2024) The government’s response has been widely criticized as emblematic of impunity: authorities have not pursued a credible investigation, and military involvement has been deflected (Amnesty International, 2014).

On 22 January 2018, in Orachari village, Bilaichari sub-district, Rangamati district (CHT), two sisters of the Indigenous Marma tribe, aged 19 and 14, were allegedly raped and sexually assaulted at gunpoint by security forces during a predawn raid on their home (Aljazeera, 2018) They were hospitalized but remained under guarded, restricted conditions; their freedom to contact activists or journalists was denied Activists say law-enforcers then forcibly took them from hospital custody, within a context of surveillance and intimidation of their family and supporters (Amnesty International, 2018). The government publicly denied the allegations, and institutions like the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) pledged an investigation, but no transparent, independent process has been reported The case remains emblematic of the CHT’s structural lack of justice for Indigenous women (Buddhistdoor, 2018)

In late September 2025, a schoolgirl from the Indigenous Marma community in Singinala, Khagrachhari Sadar sub-district, went missing on the evening of 23 September and was subsequently found unconscious in a field; her father reported that she had been raped (TBS News, 2025) Protests erupted in Guimara sub-district and other hill districts, escalating into violent confrontations with security forces At least three ethnic minority protesters were killed when police and the army fired on demonstrators (The Daily Star, 2025) The government’s response included expressions of sorrow from the home ministry and the deployment of additional forces, yet protesters say no transparent investigation has been established, and the death of community members in protest reflects a deeper systemic failure to protect Indigenous women and men alike (The Daily Star, 2025)

These cases are not isolated They reveal how militarization, coupled with the Accord’s gender blindness, entrenches vulnerability and silences accountability The KIIs and the secondary literature illustrate a worrying pattern: GBV against Indigenous women is undercounted and under-investigated (Chakma, 2023). The differential national response to the disappearance of Kalpana versus the high-profile case of a Bengali teenager, Yasmin, reinforces ethnicized dynamics of empathy and media attention (Karim, 1998) While Yasmin’s case in 1995, involving her rape and murder by police, triggered widespread outrage, protests, and eventual legal reforms, Kalpana Chakma’s abduction a year later in the militarized CHT received limited national attention and no comparable mobilization. This contrast reveals how ethnic hierarchies influence whose suffering is recognized as a matter of national concern and whose is rendered

peripheral It highlights the intersection of gender and ethnicity in shaping both public empathy and accountability within Bangladesh’s justice and media systems

2. Implementation deficits that compound gender harms

Two recurring implementation failures, a dysfunctional land commission and persistent securitization, intersect with gender blindness to produce compounded harms

Land commission dysfunction: Clause D.4 of the Accord foresees a land commission to adjudicate land disputes. However, the commission has struggled to resolve cases, due in part to contradictory amendments, a limited geographic mandate, and the absence of clear procedural timelines Key informants repeatedly emphasized its ineffectiveness One community leader remarked, “The commission could not yet resolve a single land dispute, even after years of operation” An ex-military official explained, “The legal amendments have created certain contradictions that make it almost impossible for the commission to function properly.” An NGO worker added, “People come to the commission with hope, but leave disappointed. Women’s claims are particularly ignored because they are not in formal titles” Land insecurity disproportionately harms women in the CHT, as land underpins livelihoods, social status, and political standing Women’s claims are often informal or collective under customary tenure systems, leaving them especially vulnerable when the state enforces formal title logics

Militarization and security-sector influence: Despite the Accord’s demilitarization aims, security forces remain visible across the CHT Military presence is correlated with reported incidents of human rights abuses, and the security environment discourages victims from seeking redress KIIs with military veterans and local leaders acknowledged the slow pace of demilitarization and the shifting political leverage toward non-tribal actors in certain local offices, a dynamic that changes power relations and exacerbates women’s vulnerability. During a key informant interview (KII), a retired Brigadier General who had previously served as a commanding officer in the CHT observed significant changes in local governance He noted that Bengalis were increasingly taking leadership roles at the Upazila level, the administrative subdistrict tier just below the district At the same time, he emphasized that tribal communities continue to face economic decline and social dislocation Taken together, these findings show that gender blindness is not only a rhetorical omission but also an institutional condition that has measurable consequences for women’s security, property, and political voice.

Discussion & Recommendations

This section links the empirical findings to broader theory and offers practical recommendations I begin with comparative insights before presenting actionable policy measures

Comparative and contextual insights

Placing the CHT case alongside other national peace agreements and post-conflict processes that have confronted challenges of inclusion and gender representation helps highlight both its particularities and broader patterns

Guatemala (1996): Guatemala’s peace process illustrates both the potential and limits of inclusion Women’s organizations successfully formed a Women’s Sector and integrated gender and social concerns into the broader Assembly of Civil Society. However, significant implementation gaps meant that many gendered recommendations were never realized, and women remained underrepresented in political leadership and decision-making roles in the post-conflict period The key lesson is that procedural inclusion is important, but it must be accompanied by implementation guarantees, sustained political will, and concrete measures to ensure women’s substantive participation and leadership (Inclusive Peace & Transition Initiative, 2017).

Nepal (2006): Nepal’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement included explicit commitments to women’s rights and resulted in significant female participation in the first Constituent Assembly That translated into more gender-sensitive constitutional outcomes, though challenges remain in implementation The lesson here is that incorporating women into constitution-making and post-conflict institutions can produce substantive gains (Government of Nepal, 2006)

South Sudan (2018): The Revitalized Agreement increased women’s quotas and created more explicit gender provisions in the transition architecture, illustrating how later-stage accords can correct earlier gender omissions Nevertheless, implementation has been uneven, showing that quotas alone are insufficient without accountability and broader structural reforms (Government of South Sudan, 2018)

Comparatively, the CHT Accord is notable for the near absence of gender provisions from the start Unlike Guatemala or Nepal, no organized, formal channel existed within the negotiation architecture to voice women’s claims That structural omission has had downstream effects on implementation

Recommendations

Therefore, we recommend specific policy adaptation for the government to rethink and rework on the CHT accord:

Gender-Responsive Land and Resource Governance

Reform the CHT Land Commission as an independent, time-bound body with quotas for Indigenous women and space for customary leaders Recognize joint and collective titles so women are legally secured as co-owners or beneficiaries. Digitize case management, track outcomes with sex- and ethnicity-disaggregated data, and deploy mobile outreach to assist women claimants Linking land justice to gender equality directly addresses women’s economic security and political voice

Demilitarization with Accountability and Survivor-Centered Justice

Develop a phased troop withdrawal plan, independently monitored and inclusive of women’s groups, to end the prolonged insecurity fostered by militarization Establish a hybrid national–international mechanism to investigate sexual violence by security forces, with survivor protections and prosecution powers Expand shelters, trauma counseling, legal aid, and mobile forensic services In parallel, create a culturally grounded truth-and-reparations process for historic GBV cases (e.g., Kalpana Chakma), combined with legal reforms to strengthen rural courts and protect complainants from reprisals.

Inclusive Institutions and Women’s Political Participation

Institute binding quotas for Indigenous women in Regional and Hill District Councils, paired with stipends, leadership training, and legal orientation. Establish a Women’s Advisory Council within the CHTRC with mandated consultation on land, security, and repatriation. Move beyond tokenism by granting women co-chairing roles and absolute agenda-setting authority Civil society and cross-ethnic feminist alliances should be resourced to sustain this participation beyond donor cycles

Embedding CHT Reforms within the WPS Agenda

Integrate CHT-specific provisions into Bangladesh’s National Action Plan on WPS to link reforms to global commitments Use UN reporting and donor frameworks to ensure compliance and sustained political pressure This alignment provides both legitimacy and resources, ensuring that gender justice is not an optional add-on but a measurable axis of peacebuilding

Conclusion

The Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord was a landmark achievement in ending armed conflict However, its gender-blind design and uneven implementation have left Indigenous women disproportionately vulnerable to land dispossession, militarization, and gender-based violence This study has shown that women were systematically excluded from negotiations and institutions, and that the Accord’s institutional architecture reinforced, rather than dismantled, structural inequalities

These findings justify the policy adaptations recommended in this article Gender-responsive land governance is essential because land insecurity is the central axis of women’s vulnerability

Demilitarization paired with independent accountability is necessary because militarization has repeatedly created environments of fear and impunity Binding quotas, advisory councils, and agenda-setting authority for Indigenous women are required to transform their participation from symbolic to substantive The proposed policies translate Bangladesh’s WPS commitments into practice by working to secure land rights, demilitarize with accountability, and embed Indigenous women in decision-making. Their implementation depends on political will, legal reform, sustained funding for women’s organizations, and international monitoring to ensure accountability

Comparative experiences from Guatemala, Nepal, and South Sudan reinforce the lesson that gender-sensitive provisions, when backed by implementation and accountability, can reshape outcomes. For the CHT, the pathway is clear: integrate gender as a cross-cutting principle in every mechanism of implementation and center Indigenous women as key agents of peace. Durable peace will remain elusive unless these reforms are prioritized, not as optional add-ons, but as the very conditions that secure lives, land, and dignity

References

Amnesty International (2014, June 24) Kalpana Chakma: Information, disinformation or non–information. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2014/06/kalpana-chakmainformation-disinformati on-non-information/

Amnesty International (2016, October 17) Bangladesh: Closure of Kalpana Chakma investigation is the final nail in the coffin for justice https://wwwamnestyorg/en/documents/asa13/5011/2016/en/

Amnesty International. (2018). Bangladesh: Military, government neglect in sexual assault case. https://wwwamnestyorg/en/documents/asa13/7999/2018/en/

AsiaNews (2025) Bangladesh: Assault on Marma sisters under military custody https://wwwasianewsit/news-en/Case-of-Marama-sisters-and-political-fallout-in-Bangladesh-40 711.html

AsiaNews (2025, September) Marma protest in Khagrachhari after some killed for demanding justice https://wwwasianewsit/news-en/Marma-protest-in-Khagrachhari-after-some-killed-fordemanding-justice-63968 html

Azar, E E (1990) The management of protracted social conflicts: Theory and cases Dartmouth.

Azar, E E (1990) The management of protracted social conflicts: Theory and cases Dartmouth

Brett, E. A. (2002, July). Liberal theory, uneven development and institutional reform: Responding to the crisis in weak states Development Studies Institute (DESTIN), London School of Economics and Political Science

Buddhistdoor (2018) Bangladesh: Protests over Marma sisters’ assault https://www.buddhistdoor.net/news/protestors-rally-in-bangladesh-over-alleged-sexual-ass ault-of-sisters-from-minority-buddhist-community/

Chakma, A (2023) Human rights annual report 2022 on Indigenous peoples in Bangladesh: Women and girls https://doiorg/1013140/RG 2 2 29271 24487

Chapman, C. (2014, June 24). Kalpana Chakma – Information, disinformation, non-information. Amnesty International. https://wwwamnestyorg/en/latest/campaigns/2014/06/kalpana-chakma-information-disinformati on-non-information/

Government of Nepal (2006) Comprehensive peace agreement between the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). ReliefWeb. https://reliefweb.int/report/nepal/full-text-comprehensive-peace-agreement-held-between-go vern ment-nepal-and-communist

Government of South Sudan (2018) Revitalised Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (R-ARCSS) Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) https://docs.pca-cpa.org/2016/02/South-Sudan-Peace-Agreement-September-2018.pdf

Inclusive Peace & Transition Initiative (2017) Case study: Guatemala (1994–1999) women in peace and transition processes https://wwwinclusivepeaceorg/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/case-study-women-guatemala-199 4 -1999-enpdf

IWGIA. (2024, April 30). CHT Commission expresses profound shock over court acceptance of investigation clearing perpetrators in Kalpana Chakma disappearance IWGIA https://iwgiaorg/en/news/5515-chtc-court-acceptance-investigation-clearing-perpetrators-kalpan a-chakma-disappearancehtml

Karim, L (1998) Pushed to the margins: Adivasi peoples in Bangladesh and the case of Kalpana Chakma Contemporary South Asia, 7(3), 301–316

https://doi.org/10.1080/09584939808719846

Natorski, M (2011) The European Union peacebuilding approach: Governance and practices of the Instrument for Stability (PRIF Report No 111) Peace Research Institute Frankfurt https://wwwpriforg/fileadmin/Daten/Publikationen/Prif Reports/2011/prif111pdf

Parveen, S., & Faisal, I. M. (2002). People versus Power: The Geopolitics of Kaptai Dam in Bangladesh. International Journal of Water Resources Development, 18(1), 197–208. https://doiorg/101080/07900620220121756

Richmond, O P, & Franks, J (2009) Liberal peace transitions: Between statebuilding and peacebuilding Edinburgh University Press https://wwwjstororg/stable/103366/jctt1r27r6

TBS News. (2025, September 26). Protests erupt in Khagrachhari over gang rape of schoolgirl. https://wwwtbsnewsnet/bangladesh/crime/protests-erupt-khagrachhari-over-gang-rapeschoolgirl-blockade-called-tomorrow

The Daily Star (2025, September) Protest over rape: 3 shot dead in Khagrachhari https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/protest-over-rape-3-shot-dead-khagrachhari 3996791

United Nations Security Council (2000, October 31) Resolution 1325 (2000) [on women and peace and security] (S/RES/1325) https://undocsorg/S/RES/1325(2000)

Acknowledgements

Thank you to the editors and reviewers for their support and to Taylour, our Special Projects Volunteer for her tireless work in supporting the publication!

Annaleah Westerhaug Ashley Clingam-Jackson Daniet Moges

Dr. Clara Limunga Molua Jada Quinland

Taylour Holloway

Mahnan Omar

Maulline Gragau Natalia A. Bonilla Berrios Rebecca Irby Roselyn Pepela

Andreanna Mond

Lourdes Sanchez

WCAPS Special Journal Issue: Policy Briefs and Practitioners' Essays on UNSCR 1325

WCAPS PAPER TRAIL:

Disclaimer

Foreward

Foreward cont.

Note from the Former Executive Director

Founder’s Corner

POLICY BRIEFS & PRACTIONERS ESSAYS

25

Table of Contents

Table of Contents

Arab Feminism and the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda: From History to Policy

Methodology

I. The History of Arab Feminism:

Lessons from Early Arab Feminism:

The Current State of Arab Feminism:

II. WPS Texts from an Arab Feminist Lens:

Policy Recommendations to Civil Society in Arab Countries:

Conclusion

A Shared Vision: How the Youth, Peace and Security Agenda Complements and Advances the Women, Peace and Security Agenda

Abstract: Unlocking the Next Generation of Peace

1. A Foundational Legacy: The Intergenerational Bridge

2. Shared Challenges and Distinctive Architectures

Common Challenges: The Legacy of Structural Exclusion

Distinctive Architectures: Building on the WPS Legacy

3. The Peace Impact Framework: A Blueprint for Measuring YPS and WPS Success

How Policymakers

and

Practitioners Use the Framework

4. From Theory to Practice: Narratives of Youth Agency and the Investment Case

Cinema as Soft Power: Advancing Women Peace and Security through Cultural Diplomacy in Benin

Introduction

Historical and Cultural Context

Elevating Women in Security Institutions

Policy Engagement and Cultural Infrastructure

Youth Engagement and Creative Futures

Cultural Diplomacy as a Tool for WPS

Conclusion

References

From 1325 to 2250: Why the Future of Peace and Security Must Be Intergenerational

Abstract

Introduction

Defining Intergenerational Peace

The Promise and the Politics of Integration

Lessons from Practice

Movement-Led Transitions

Institutionalized Participation

Crisis Response and Reconciliation

Emerging Threats and Intersectionality

Conclusion

Toward an Intergenerational Peace Architecture

Endnotes:

From Peace to Security: The Militarization of the WPS Agenda

Abstract

Introduction

Women, Peace and a Securitized Agenda: The Four Pillars

The Tokenized Pillar: Participation

The Instrumentalized Pillar: Protection

The Neglected Pillar: Prevention

The Ambiguous Pillar: Relief and Recovery

Conclusion

Can WPS be the Transformative Agenda the World Needs?

Locating a Glitch in the Women, Peace and Security

Agenda: A Cyberfeminist Reflection for the Future of Gendered Peace and Security Frameworks

Introduction

Getting Curious

Cyberfeminism as a Framework

Toward a Cyberfeminist Analysis of the WPS Agenda

The Security–Democracy Divide

Applications of Gender and Intersectionality

Conceptualizing Cyberspace and Technology

Risk of Reproducing Global Hierarchies

Cyberfeminism as a Framework

Moving from Theory to Practice

Conclusion

Bibliography

Perspectives féministes critiques sur le militarisme, la sécurisation et la consolidation de la paix

Introduction

1. Cadre d’analyse et méthodologie

2. Principaux résultats de l’analyse critique