USJ Volume VII

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SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL

Balance VOLUME VII | 2024-2025

UNDERGRADUATE SOCIOLOGY STUDENTS’ UNION | UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

BALANCE THEME DEFINITION:

In our polarized world, jumping to conclusions about societal issues has become common, while balanced perspectives grow scarce.

This year’s theme, Balance, highlights sociology’s role in fostering evidence-based, reasoned insights. With recent developments in technology, politics, and culture fueling division, it is crucial to approach humanity’s challenges with informed observations.

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UNDERGRADUATE SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL

Volume VII 01

Letter

f rom the

Editor-in-Chief Dear Readers,

It is with great excitement that I present to you this year’s issue of the Undergraduate Sociology Journal. As always, our mission is to spotlight the diverse and thoughtprovoking work of undergraduate scholars who are engaging deeply with the social world.

This year, however, our issue takes on a particularly timely theme: Balance.

In our increasingly polarized world, jumping to conclusions about complex societal issues has become common, while balanced, evidence-based perspectives are growing ever more scarce. This year’s contributors rise to the challenge, demonstrating how sociology—at its best—grounds us in reasoned, rigorous inquiry, even amid uncertainty and division.

The articles in this volume reflect a range of approaches, but all share a commitment to understanding social life through a lens of nuance, critique, and care. Whether analyzing how social norms shape what we eat, who we love, and how we navigate family life; investigating how socio-economic conditions impact issues such as elder abuse in nursing homes, student achievement, housing precarity, and attitudes toward abortion; or exploring the personal and political legacies of coloniality, our authors resist easy answers —choosing instead to pursue clarity, context, and connection.

I would like to thank all those who made Volume VII of the USJ possible. Thank you to our copy and design editors for their tireless work in reviewing and preparing this issue, and to our contributors for their insight, creativity, and courage. This journal would not be possible without the generous support of UofT’s Department of Sociology whose continued encouragement of undergraduate scholarship makes this work possible. I’d also like to extend a heartfelt thank-you to Emily Mastracci and Jenkin Yuen, Co-Presidents of the Undergraduate Sociology Student Union, for their dedication to uplifting student voices. Above all, I thank you—our readers—for engaging with these ideas. I hope this journal inspires you to ask new questions, rethink old assumptions, and seek balance in how you understand and interpret the social world.

Warmly, Libby Li Editor-in-Chief Undergraduate Sociology Journal Volume VII 2025

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Editorial Board Editor-in-Chief Libby Li

Copy Editors Greta Billingsley Hasti Dehdashtian Michael Ladd Liam Marshall Jenna Mihalchan Michael Saleki Lily Sharma Amanda Singh Madelyn Stanley Mio Sugiugra Shania Winter Albert Xie Gabriel Yi Esther Yoon Callie Zhang

Design Editors Aliyah Rahim Rochelle Wu Nicole Zeng

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Authors

Michael Ladd

Tamara Altarac

is a third-year Sociology Specialist and Political Science Minor at the University of Toronto – St. George. His current research interests are urban sociology, the sociology of education, and the sociology of religion.

is a recent BSc graduate with a double major in Criminology & Sociolegal Studies and Psychology. She plans to pursue graduate studies in law, driven by her passion for sustainability, policy, and equity.

Anastasia Markandonis

Sophia Bannon

is a second-year student studying Criminology and Sociology with aspirations to pursue a career in health law. Across her various roles, she remains a tenacious advocate, using her writing to drive meaningful discourse. She looks forward to engaging with readers and sharing her work.

is a fourth-year Sociology and Urban Studies student.

She pursues diverse research interests, including data analysis, urban issues in Toronto, settlement experiences in immigration and failures in the shelter system. She appreciates the opportunity to have her work shown in the USJ and the sociology courses that sparked her interest in quantitative research.

Amitav Johri

is an undergraduate student at the University of Toronto, specializing in Financial Economics with minors in Mathematics and Statistics.

His research interests include macroeconomic modelling and data-driven policy analysis.

Rachel Xie

is a third year student at the University of Toronto, specializing in Sociology with a minor in Education.

Her academic interests include intergenerational familial trends, social change, and educational equity. She is particularly interested in how family dynamics evolve across generations and how these patterns shape broader social outcomes.

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Simona Agostino

is a third-year undergraduate student at the University of Toronto St. George, double-majoring in Sociology and Criminology and minoring in Art History. In her spare time, she enjoys illustrating and working on her family tree.

Polina Gorn

is in her third year of Urban Studies and Human Geography double major.

She is passionate about equity planning and community resilience as ways of challenging the modern-day capitalist city.

Jenkin Yuen is a fourth- and final-year undergraduate student at the University of Toronto, pursuing a double major in Sociology and Women & Gender Studies, and a minor in Anthropology (as of March 2025). His recent research includes an ethnographic study on young heterosexual male friendships in gym settings, a collaborative project on sports and disability, and an independent study on the unspoken behaviours and interactions in public washrooms. His research in early 2024, published in the Undergraduate Sociology Journal (USJ), touches on the issues of elder abuse and social isolation in Hong Kong.

Hannah Bharmal

is a creative 3rd year undergraduate student double majoring in Sociology and Environmental geography at the University of Toronto.

Passionate about social justice and decolonial frameworks.

Sydney Baxter

is a fourth year Sociology major.

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Contents Letter from the Editor-in-Chief .......................................................................................................................................................................i Editorial Board.............................................................................................................................................................................................................ii Author Biographies ...............................................................................................................................................................................................iii The Protestant Ethic and The Spirit of Thinness ...........................................................................................................................01 “It’s Just a Preference!”: Understanding Social Constructions of Racial Preferences in Dating ...............03 “I’d Rather Die, and Die Alone”: Unravelling the Hidden Tragedy of Elderly Nursing Home Abuse in Hong Kong’s Urban “Elderscape” ................................................................................................................................................................11 Peer Effects on Pupils in Chinese Schools .........................................................................................................................................21 The Land of Promise ...........................................................................................................................................................................................26 Eviction as a Sociolegal Relationship: Poverty and Exploitation in the American City .................................27 Coloniality and Extractivism in the Russian Arctic: Case study of Cape Nagleynyn .........................................33 Passive Stressors: Measuring the Impact of Experienced Microaggressions and Internalized Stigma on Substance Use in Gay and Bisexual Men* ..................................................................................................................................39 Balancing Tradition and Modernity: Intergenerational Evolution of Parental Love in Chinese Families .........................................................................................................................................................................................................................43 Statistical Analysis of Opinions on Abortion Banning in Canada, 2011 .......................................................................52 Letter from the USSU Co-Presidents .....................................................................................................................................................56

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The Protestant Ethic and The Spirit of Thinness Anastasia Markandonis Abstract Balance is a principle that has been incompatible with society throughout history. Our society glamorizes pursuing activities in their maximal form, and prizes obsession. This relentless drive can carry dangerous unintended consequences. The case of ‘eating orders’ is explored below. This piece will highlight the utmost importance of finding a balance in all aspects of life.

According to 20th-century sociologist Max Weber (2003:1), the ascetic ethos that arose from the rise of Protestantism provided a unique rationale for the capitalist system. Weber asserts that humans did not engage in a capitalist mode of production for purely materialistic reasons, and delves into the theological value systems that underpin it (Weber 2003:1). Being disciplined, diligent, and self-restraining was a symbol of religious righteousness, which unintentionally brought economic and social rewards. Although Weber considers the expression of Protestant values extending to limits on consumption and encouragement of frugal spending, he omits the manifestation of the Protestant Ethic in the realm of the restriction of food consumption. This omission is a significant oversight, particularly considering the experiences of women during his time.

My paper argues that the elective affinity – the complementary reinforcement of Protestantism and capitalism (Weber 2003:1) – is also found within the ‘spirit of thinness’ that pervaded Weber’s time. Firstly, I will discuss the unique social context, namely, the rise of Protestantism, which established thinness as a virtuous and holy pursuit. Secondly, I will explore the interaction of the rationalization of the world – an increase in universal efficiency and calculative ability – with the pursuit of thinness. Thirdly, I will apply Weber’s ‘iron cage’ metaphor to the confinement of individuals to the pursuit of thinness, and the consequent loss of spirituality, freedom, and joy. Similar to Weber’s analysis of the contemporary work ethic, I do not ignore materialistic factors or events that may have contributed to the rise of the thin ideal, but rather note an elective affinity that amplified the desire for thinness. The virtuosity of thinness is largely owed to the rise of Protestantism. Resisting the ‘temptations’ of the body, such as hunger, indicated moral purity and superiority (Owen 2007). The human body represented a vehicle to express this superiority by suppressing biological instinct. Hence, thinness was equated with righteousness,

and fatness with immorality. Gluttony was regarded as a carnal sin in Protestantism (Schwartz 1986), as fatness was associated with being greedy, lazy, and ingesting ‘excess’ food. Lay citizens often looked down upon such qualities as they conflicted with the idea of righteous and frugal Protestant values. As individuals believed that adherence to the Protestant Ethic was a sign of their worthiness of a place in heaven, this belief led people to reduce their food intake and indulgence to act as a sign that they were spiritually among the righteous. Although these expectations were universal, they had an exaggerated impact on women, in part due to the social and bodily ideals portrayed. Protestant churches began to monitor the amount of communion wafers given to women (Schwartz 1986). It later became common practice for women to ingest worms in order to “eat up the impurity they had consumed” (Galán-Puchades and Fuentes 2022). These connotations reflect Weber’s postulations on the Protestant Ethic of frugality and restriction, in the case of food consumption.

The thin ideal became increasingly attainable due to the “rationalization of the world” in the 17th century (Weber 2003:4). Progress in scientific rationalization made the knowledge of food items’ nutritional contents known. New information became available about caloric content, and new methods for weight loss became accessible (Owen 2007). This awareness contributed to the labeling of certain foods as ‘good’ or ‘bad,’ and creating ‘eating orders’ of rules or regimens that dictated what to consume. Weber’s (2003:4) description of the magnitude of the capitalist system’s role in prescribing individuals an “unalterable order” as a way of life can be applied to the pursuit of thinness as well. Individuals of Weber’s time who pursued thinness had a distinct way of eating, exercising, and going about their day (Schwartz 1986). In 1903, psychiatrist Dr. Piaget observed techniques used for weight loss among females, such as purging, restriction, and compulsive exercise (Jr, Hudson, and Mialet 1985). As further evidence of this magnification, the pursuit of thinness at its most extreme form can present

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eating disorders, which were on the rise in the early 20th century (Owen 2007).

Weber’s (2003) assertion that functioning in a capitalist system invades everyday life and entraps individuals in a cycle applies in the context of thinness as well. His metaphor of the ‘iron cage’, in the context of the capitalist system, demonstrates how individuals lose their freedom by hyper-focusing on the acquisition of money, depleting their pursuits of religious virtues such as humility and modesty (Weber 2003:3). In this endless cycle, individual freedom is suffocated as humans are presented with an all-encompassing “immense cosmos” of how to act around food (Weber 2003:4). The iron cage in the case of thinness resembles capitalism’s relentless cycle of restriction, compulsion, and rigid routines such as long workdays, but with our relationships with food. Similarly to how Weber (2003:3) notes an attack on spontaneity at a time of capitalism, the pursuit of thinness restricted the ability of individuals to engage in social activities. The lack of freedom and abundance of rigidity around food simultaneously contaminated individuals’ aptitude for being flexible and spontaneous at social gatherings. Likewise, similar to how possessing a strong work ethic “communicat[ed] to the world” that one was a hard worker, being devoted to restrictive eating signaled discipline to the Protestant Ethic (Weber 2003:4). Akin to Weber’s analysis of the spirit of capitalism, thinness too was transferred from a means of religious reward to one of societal validation.

The avoidance of ostentation was a Protestant virtue, yet the societal ‘prize of thinness’ took precedence.

In conclusion, the elective affinity between the Protestant Ethic and capitalism can be extended to the pursuit of thinness. The ability to pursue thinness was amplified in a time of increasing rationalization and created an iron cage, akin to the one that evolved from capitalism. Hence, it is not surprising that frugality in terms of food manifested as a form of symbolic righteousness. Weber’s omission of the relationship between the pursuit of thinness and his Protestant Ethic thesis is a crucial oversight; it may be responsible for frugality at its most extreme form, take in the case of eating disorders (APA 2024). If this connection is valid, then a broader sociological implication is that achieving a thin physique in the modern day must be considered in an idealist sense. Current epidemics of eating disorders and ‘spirits of thinness’ that pervade society should be viewed with attention to their sociological context. The extension of Weber’s Protestant Ethic in the case of thinness indicates that when balance is .

sacrificed for rigid discipline, even virtues such as diligence and self-control can become dangerous References APA. 2024. “The ‘Silent Epidemic’ of Eating Disorders.” Retrieved November 21, 2024 (https://www.apa.org/news/podcasts/speaking-ofpsychology/eating-disorder).

Galán-Puchades, María Teresa, and Màrius V. Fuentes. 2022. “On Hazardous Pills for Weight Loss and Cysticercosis.” The American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 107(1):216. doi: 10.4269/ajtmh.22-0196.

Jr, Harrison G. Pope, James I. Hudson, and JeanPaul Mialet. 1985. “Bulimia in the Late Nineteenth Century: The Observations of Pierre Janet.” Psychological Medicine 15(4):739–43. doi: 10.1017/S0033291700004979.

Owen, Lesleigh J. 2007. “Consuming Bodies: Fatness, Sexuality, and the Protestant Ethic.”

Schwartz, Hillel. 1986. Never Satisfied: A Cultural History of Diets, Fantasies, and Fat. New York : London: Free Press ; Collier Macmillan.

Weber, Max. 2003. “The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.” Pp. 74–81 in Social Theory: Roots and Branches, edited by Peter Kivisto.

Roxbury Publishing.

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“It’s Just a Preference!”: Understanding Social Constructions of Racial Preferences in Dating Sydney Baxter Research Statement Understanding Sociological Factors Influencing Racial Preferences in Dating Among Young Adults in the Greater Toronto Area Abstract This study examines the sociological factors influencing racial preferences in dating among young adults in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). Using qualitative interviews with individuals aged 19-22, the research explores how media exposure, peer reinforcement, and personal experiences shape dating preferences.

Social Identity Theory and intergroup dynamics suggest that majority groups maintain the means of perpetuating values associated with attraction, influencing dating choices. Social Cognitive Theory further explains how repeated exposure to media, particularly TV shows featuring main characters in romantic roles, contributes to internalized racial biases. This is accompanied by peer reinforcement in school environments, which strengthens ideals of attraction. The study finds that access to different racial groups and personal experiences play a significant role in shaping racial preferences, with positive portrayals in media having a stronger impact than negative stereotypes. A grounded theory approach was used to analyze interview data, revealing that racial biases are closely tied to exposure and reinforcement. Participants who grew up in racially homogeneous settings tended to favour the dominant racial group. While the study is limited by sample size, it highlights the need for larger-scale research to further investigate the formation of racial dating preferences, challenging current mainstream ideas rooted in primarily negative bias.

Introduction As Toronto is a diverse city (Statistics Canada 2022), the dynamics of romantic relationships and race is more likely to be a prominent topic of discussion. The research question, “What sociological factors influence social attitudes towards racial preferences in dating within multicultural cities, considering elements such as cultural stereotypes portrayed in media and individual experiences?” guides this investigation with a specific focus on the dynamics between macro structures of media and culture, and microstructures of relationships. The increase in

minority racial demographics within the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) over the past decades (Statistics Canada 2022) offers an interesting shift in social attitudes towards interracial couples.

The prevalence of racial preferences in dating has become increasingly evident, with online dating statistics and social media coverage shedding light on these preferences (AdeyinkaSkold 2025). From tropes of Black male hypersexuality to the perpetuation of submissive Asian women stereotypes, the media plays a significant role in shaping societal perceptions.

Stereotypes perpetuated by the media can influence how race is constructed and viewed, shaping perceptions that influence social stratification. Historically, marginalized groups such as Black and Brown women have faced harsh realities when navigating romantic relationships due to socially perpetuated stereotypes. In turn, these factors impact their societal position due to reinforced stereotypes that spread under the guise of “preference”.

This research contributes to a sociological understanding of racial dating preferences by addressing gaps in current knowledge on the social construction of race and dating.

Particularly, this study seeks to understand how young people in a multicultural society perceive and propagate racial preferences in dating. By examining the potential impact on societal perceptions and relationships, it aims to provide insights into the sociological aspects of racial preferences. The practical implications of this research are significant, as it addresses the sociological root of racial preferences in dating.

Understanding the dynamics of dating preferences can inform strategies to promote inclusivity and diversity in interpersonal relationships, leading to a more tolerant and open-minded society.

Literature Review Dating practices have undergone significant transformations in multicultural cities where diverse populations coexist. Understanding the sociological factors influencing social attitudes towards racial preferences in dating within these urban settings is crucial for comprehending the dynamics of contemporary relationships. This literature review explores the intersection of social attitudes, race, and dating practices, considering elements such as cultural stereotypes in media and individual experiences.

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Social Attitudes Social attitudes are shaped by factors in Social Identity Theory and intergroup dynamics. As proposed by Dovidio et al. (2009), individuals derive personal esteem from group membership which motivates them to associate positive distinctiveness for their group. Members of the majority group (within the context of a physical space or place) are motivated to maintain their position and may employ strategies to protect their collective identity (Dovidio et al. 2009).

This can result in subtle biases in societies based on race and ethnicity which manifests intergroup bias that reinforces existing disparities (Dovidio et al. 2009). On the other hand, minority group members will occasionally endorse the majority group’s ideologies, out of motivation to improve their social position and group status (Dovidio et al. 2009).

To summarize, the authors claim majority and minority group attitudes are influenced by the preferred group’s representations.

When analyzing racial preferences, background knowledge of the processes behind majority and minority groups helps dissect how certain attitudes arise in settings of majority racial groups within dating networks. A shift within majority group preferences impacts change in social attitudes towards racial preferences in dating. In multicultural settings, individuals have more freedom to make dating choices outside their own racial identity as there is an increase in distinct group types present. This dynamic will help inform how underlying forces within majority group values can impact individuals’ social attitudes.

Sociological Explanation of Race People learn the rules of racial classification, often without obvious teaching or conscious inculcation, and race becomes “common sense”.

The seemingly consistent categorization of people based on identifiable physical attributes reinforces the notion that these categories are objective groupings (Obach 1999). This is consistent with Dovidio et al.’s (2009) findings on majority group bias, where racial classification establishes unequal power dynamics. Within interracial dating contexts, power dynamics between majority-minority racial groups shape people’s dating preferences.

Bloch and Solomos argue dating preferences are intertwined with employment discrimination and racial media representations (Bloch and Solomos 2010). According to their claims, individual choices including dating, reflect broader racial ideologies (Bloch and Solomos 2010). The media’s role in constructing racial stereotypes can influence broader racial ideologies, which

can impact romantic preferences (Bloch and Solomos 2010). It is important to take into consideration the societal influences and personal biases that shape these romantic inclinations. The processes outlined in the literature contribute significantly to understanding how race functions socially and affects dating preferences.

Sociology of Love and Dating Sociological perspectives on love reflect two philosophical theories, with one emphasizing specific components that differentiate it from liking or lust, and the other suggesting a subjective, private experience for individuals (Owens 2007). Love typologies, like “love styles” and Sternberg’s Triangle Theory, categorize experiences and offer insights into the different beliefs and preferences that shape romantic connections (Owens 2007). Sternberg’s Triangle Theory may be applied to understand how individuals with different racial backgrounds navigate their preferences for intimacy, passion, and commitment. Owens (2007) further claims courtship is a public and intimate process that involves stages like rapport, self-revelation, and mutual dependency. Through Filter Theory, she explains the significance of shared values and the need for complementarity (Owens 2007). On the other hand, dating is seen as a casual form of interaction that includes evolving goals, rules between partners, expectations of behaviour, and Homogamy (Owens 2007). Homogamy revolves around the idea that individuals choose people similar to them to form romantic relationships, which raises questions about how racial backgrounds influence individuals’ expectations and choices in relationships. This claim would be interesting to examine during data collection. She also highlights negative traits of relationships including deception and intimate partner violence.

Negative dating attributes and associations with racial groups in particular could also play a role in forming racial preferences, especially if such depictions are widespread and upheld.

Overall, Owens piece highlights important information on the function of dating based on sociological theory.

Media Influence on Social Attitudes Towards Love Media plays a pivotal role in shaping perceptions of love (Banaag et al. 2014). Through the use of the Internet, media has become a powerful tool that spreads information, entertainment, and interpersonal communication. The authors extensively explored the link between media exposure and its effects on individuals, particularly teenagers, whose exploration of societal expectations is often guided by information from mass and social media (Banaag

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et al. 2014). The Cultivation Theory, developed

by Gerbner and Gross, claims that prolonged exposure to media can mould individuals’ beliefs and attitudes about their social environment (Banaag et al. 2014). In addition, Social Cognitive Theory emphasizes observational learning, where individuals internalize societal values presented in media (Banaag et al. 2014).

These theories highlight how individuals’ beliefs, expectations, and ideals regarding relationships can be impacted by exposure to media. Relating to Owens’ article on the sociology of love and dating, the spread of negative or positive associations with specific racial groups in the media can be explained, through the lens of Social Cognitive Theory and Cultivation Theory, which could impact the social attitudes of individuals towards racial preferences in dating.

This idea is also supported by a study on media and interracial relationship acceptance by Lienemann and Stopp (2013). This article concluded that media contact positively influenced the inclusion of out-groups within individuals, which in turn had a significant positive effect on attitudes toward interracial relationships and Black people (Lienemann and Stopp 2013). Notably, the study supported that extended contact with media representations can enhance attitudes by allowing for the inclusion of out-groups in individuals and vice-versa (Lienemann and Stopp 2013). Thus, the media serves not only as a reflection of societal norms but also as a potent force shaping individuals’ understanding and expectations of love and relationships. The connection between media exposure and minority racial groups will be further explored through the personal experience collected during the interview process.

Methodology Research Design and Sampling Qualitative interviews were chosen as the primary research method for an in-depth exploration of individual perceptions and experiences for a better understanding of factors influencing attitudes towards racial preferences in dating. This approach facilitated the exploration of patterns in socialization, individual understanding of racial stereotypes, and the diverse opinions of racial groups and dating preferences. The sampling strategy targeted young people aged 18 to 25 currently residing in the GTA who were either open to romantic relationships or currently in relationships. Convenience sampling was used given the constraints of resources, drawing participants from the researcher’s personal network. The sample size included six

participants, two women and four men of various racial backgrounds, including queer-identifying participants.

Data Collection Data collection involved the development of an interview guide consisting of three major sections: media consumption; self-identified personal preferences in dating; and personal experiences. First, media consumption focused on the internalized opinions of participants toward reference groups. This determined what opinions they were exposed to concerning interracial relationships and race in the media.

The section also asked participants to reflect on how they think their racial and gender categories are perceived in broader society, highlighting the concept of Mead’s (1934) generalized other.

These questions were also made to uncover implicit influences that the participant may hold, by gathering data on observed stereotypes in the media about specific racial groups. Second, the personal preference section focuses on participants’ explicit romantic preferences. The questions were categorized based on personality, physical, racial, and relationship dynamic preferences. Additional follow-up questions were designed to gauge how much the participants valued the preferences listed. Overall, these questions were organized to reveal physical preferences before racial preferences, to pinpoint specific physical feature preferences without the bias of directly being asked about racial preferences. Finally, the personal experience section focused on gathering data on the participant’s social network and real-life interactions. Given that social values do not necessarily translate to behaviour, the section acted as background context to socialization and an indicator for racial preferences. Questions were asked about interactions with peers, past relationships, and pressure to conform to perceived immediate norms. Participants were also asked about past experiences with attraction, specifically to provide a chronological list and racial description of their romantic interests.

Essentially, these questions were designed for the purpose of gauging how racial preferences were playing out in real-world settings.

After the pilot testing stage, the interview guide was refined to focus more on the implicit reinforcement of racial preference norms from peers. Interviews were conducted both in-person and over the phone, with recordings and transcripts made for analysis. Detailed interview notes were taken during each session. Ethical considerations were paramount, with consent forms sent to participants via email for their review and signature, ensuring informed consent and confidentiality throughout the research

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process. Efforts were made to mitigate researcher bias, particularly considering the researcher’s identity as a Black female. Instances of potential biases, particularly in interactions with White male participants, were acknowledged, and steps were taken to ensure neutrality and sensitivity throughout the research process.

Data Analysis In this study, a grounded theory approach was employed to analyze the qualitative data gathered through semi-structured interviews.

The analysis process began with a thorough review of written interview notes, allowing for the refinement of the interview guide to focus more on key areas such as personal experiences.

Preliminary open coding was conducted by highlighting key points in the written notes and formulating initial codes. These preliminary codes, including categories like “friend groups,” “childhood crushes,” and “reinforcement in schools,” served as a foundation for creating a coding outline in NVivo. During the coding process, transcripts were systematically coded into open codes, and similar concepts were sorted into focus codes. The final focus codes included perceptions, social network demographics, preferences, racial sentiments, media consumption, relationships, social values, and reinforcement.

Media Exposure

One prominent theme was media exposure. The theme can be split into two areas, positive exposure and lack of exposure. During the interviews, participants were asked about childhood TV shows and movies. Participants cited Disney as a recurring channel that they watched. TV shows such as Austin and Ally, Wizards of Waverly Place, Good Luck Charlie, and Victorious, among others, were some examples used. The commonality between the media that participants consumed between the ages of 7-14 was the feature of White main characters.

Furthermore, all participants referred to White actors as their childhood crushes. After further investigation, participants also revealed that their peers were watching similar shows with mainly White actors.

These actors were portrayed in specific roles such as rock stars, princesses, or popular girls/guys. Within the structure of these shows, other characters would perpetuate the idea that attractiveness relates to these specific roles through social dialogue in the shows. For example, characters would have romantic interests or verbally praise people in these roles, showing viewers that they are associated with attractiveness. I will label these specific roles as

Roles of Attraction. I define this term as statuses socially associated with individuals who possess traits that garner attraction such as; conforming to accepted standards of physical beauty, intelligence, and charisma. Roles of attraction are socially negotiated and upheld by majority groups and are therefore reinforced throughout social networks. As discussed by Bloch and Solomos (2010), majority groups determine broader norms, making racialized roles of attraction dependent on racial majority-minority groups in a given environment. The environment can be physical spaces such as neighbourhoods, or can be broader with regards to media consumption habits (i.e., channels watched, accounts on social media, etc.).

Based on the idea of social scripts, if a group of children is consuming content depicting middle school/high school settings that consistently place White actors in roles of attraction, there could be an internalization of this type of constructed view. Similarly, the lack of other races in roles of attraction can explain why participants’ initial racial preferences were all biased towards White people, despite the varying racial identities of participants. This is consistent with Social Cognitive Theory, which argues social habits and cues can be internalized through means of observation (Banaag et al.

2014). Here, observation is achieved through exposure to TV entertainment that features particular people (e.g. White actors) in roles of attraction. And so, children internalize these media depictions of “attractive people” into their own racial preferences. The data suggests that positive portrayals are more impactful than negative stereotypes in the formation of racial preferences. Participants were asked to list negative and positive stereotypes they observed on social media about five racial categories: White, Black, East/Southeast Asian, South Asian/Middle Eastern, and Indigenous. The recurring negative stereotypes all participants listed when asked about what they thought were commonly held racial stereotypes during the interview process included: White people as ignorant, Black people as aggressive, and East Asian/Southeast Asian people as feminized. If current literature on racial bias rooted in negative stereotypes were salient, participants would avoid racial groups associated with negative traits they do not want in partners.

Auelua-Toomey et al. (2024) argue that cognitive processes combined with interaction with racial social identities in interracial relationships between Asian, Black and White Americans reinforce Eurocentric hierarchy beliefs. However, when participants were asked about nonnegotiable personality preferences in a romantic relationship, there were often stark

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contradictions between racial preference and blanket racial stereotypes participants consumed in broader media. One example is a Black female participant, Magnolia; and a Persian female participant, Hannah. Magnolia and Hannah cited “understanding” as a non-negotiable personality expectation in a partner, yet both participants had a racial preference bias towards White people. The contradiction between the commonly held negative stereotype about White people being perceived as ignorant did not impact the racial preferences of Magnolia and Hannah.

Reinforcement Another theme was reinforcement with peers as a crucial role in reinforcing social scripts derived from media portrayals. Circling back to roles of attraction, participants reflected on attraction stratification within their middle schools and high schools. During the interviews, participants were asked to list what the perceived consensus was on specific traits that were reinforced as attractive in their schools. All participants cited White people explicitly, or White dominant traits (blonde hair, blue eyes) as the ideal partner, similar to the characters in roles of attraction in the commonly watched shows of themselves and their peers. This strengthens the argument that social scripts portrayed in media can be replicated in real-life settings.

Additionally, participants highlighted the normalization of interracial relationships in multicultural school settings and implicit reinforcement of White as the standard in predominantly White environments. Magnolia, Hannah, and Karl connected predominantly White school settings with White-centered concepts of the ideal partner. As a Black woman, Magnolia cited White men as her racial preference. Magnolia’s high school environment was predominantly White, and she cited those in roles of attraction at her school as having similar traits to those portrayed in popular Disney channel shows (i.e., charismatic, athletic, and White). These roles were upheld through the social network of her school, as she mentioned other girls would discuss their attraction for men who fit the role. Being in an environment that reinforced the idea of Whiteness as the standard could lead to the internalization of Whiteness in roles of attraction, even if individuals identify with minority racial groups.

Personal Experience Personal experiences were identified as influential factors in shaping racial preferences, with access to racial groups and positive or negative experiences impacting preferences significantly. Karl identifies as a White Latino

man and mentions a shift in his racial preferences. Karl explained how he was in a predominantly White city, where Whiteness was reinforced through friends, peers, and family as the ideal racial preference for a partner. He further explained that White women were his preference up until he began to date a biracial Black and White Latina girl. He explained how this was an “amazing experience” and how the relationship opened his preferences for Brown and Black women.

“I can’t even lie I think I was also influenced a lot about life through my music taste as well I started getting a lot into like rap and a lot into like reggae when I was like 17 and so I guess I started listening to like artists that weren’t necessarily like white and so I started getting like a bit of like you know taste and likeness in other races and in other areas too so yeah”.

He cited the following relationship with a White girl as a negative experience, which he attributed to her race. Karl brought up instances of ignorance and “blandness” as to why he no longer has a preference for White women. In contrast, Magnolia said there were no Black men in her schools or area. She attributed the lack of Black men’s physical presence in her environment to her lack of attraction towards that particular category. This would suggest that experiences with romantic interests are constrained to available racial groups in a given environment. In the context of multicultural settings, increased access to different groups offers more racial diversity in dating habits.

Discussion The common conception that racial preferences are active choices that people make when assessing potential partners is the status quo explanation of why people may not date certain races. During my research, it appears that the idea that a racial preference is a swift choice between preferable dating options vs nonpreferred options is not accurate. Participants showed an understanding of differences and openness to dating when asked directly, but in practice had biases towards certain categories.

The question of how these biases were formed related to two categories, (1) exposure and (2) reinforcement.

Exposure The category of exposure deals with media exposure and the racial demographic(s) participants grew up with. The media participants consumed shared a common experience of watching Disney Channel in their youth. Due to participants’ ages ranging from

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19 to 21, the shows watched aired during the early 2000-2010’s, and the majority of shows on Disney Channel at that time had White actors. It was also mentioned that peers of participants were watching Disney Channel shows as well.

This would suggest that the consumption of specifically Disney Channel was widespread and highly influential. The topic of childhood crushes also revealed additional suggestions that consuming White-centered media content at a young age influenced the perception of what an attractive person is. All participants cited a minimum of one White celebrity crush despite the differences in aspects of their social identities including their gender, race, sexuality, and country they grew up in. This phenomenon can be explained using Social Cognitive Theory.

When individuals observe media content, there is potential to internalize aspects of what is portrayed (Banaag et al., 2014). In this case, the celebrities participants cited as childhood crushes played roles that are associated with attractive people. In the context of Social Cognitive Theory, White people disproportionately holding Roles of Attraction in the media that was consumed by the participants could have significantly impacted what they internalized as attractive.

Reinforcement Disney Channel shows portrayed plots revolving around characters within similar age ranges to the participants at the time of viewing.

Cultivation Theory claims that prolonged exposure to media can impact individuals’ perceptions of their own social environments (Banaag et al. 2014). By picking up on the social scripts embedded in the shows that were widely consumed, Cultivation Theory can explain how these values transitioned to real-life attraction standards in the school environments of the participants. This leads to the second aspect of exposure, demographics. Four of the six participants went to predominantly White high schools while the other two went to predominantly East Asian high schools. Five out of the six participants had a racial bias towards the dominant race they grew up around, with one outlier. Dovido et al. (2009) explanation of majority versus minority groups and social attitudes offers the theoretical framework for how these results may have occurred. In this scenario, the majority group was responsible for reinforcing dating ideals as participants cited people within the majority group being deemed as the “standard” at their respective schools, often ending up in relationships more frequently than other groups. It is also interesting to note how the standards in predominantly White schools reflected the traits used to describe

characters in roles of attraction on Disney Channel, which include language such as “Jock” or “Popular” to describe people. Yet in schools where there was little white presence, the standard shifted to the majority group. This suggests that although media consumption played a primary role in the formulation of racial attraction bias, without the in-person day-to-day reinforcement of these ideals, individuals became biased towards the majority group in their immediate environment instead.

This can be seen with three of the six participants, as they were racial minorities in their environments but developed a racial bias towards the majority group in their environment.

However, it appears that individuals are not completely constrained to the majority group, as the outlier Karl had similar results with the participants of Lienemann and Stopp’s study (2013) on media exposure. In this study, researchers concluded that prolonged exposure to positive reinforcement of minority groups can positively enhance individuals’ perceptions (Lienemann and Stopp 2013). Karl was the only participant who cited prolonged exposure to a minority culture (Black culture), and therefore engaged with portrayals of Black women in roles of attraction through the lyrics and videos of the music he was consuming. This was followed by a relationship with a mixed Black woman which he said was very enjoyable. This could have acted as the in-person reinforcement which combined with the positive media portrayals shifted his racial bias towards Black and Brown women instead of his previous bias towards White women.

Negative Stereotypes In contrast, negative stereotypes did not appear to have a lasting impact on participants’ racial biases. Bloch and Solomans (2010) claimed that racial ideologies portrayed in the media affected dating choices. Based on my research, this was partially correct. While positive portrayals in the media had a significant impact on individuals, negative portrayals seemed to not have an impact.

Given the taboo nature of stereotyping races, interview questions were formulated to mitigate social desirability. Participants were asked to describe negative and positive racial stereotypes they saw in the media, which was then compared to what qualities they preferred to have in a partner's personality. Positing the stereotypes as what “others” have said allowed participants to more freely discuss the topic. Essentially participants still extracted information from their schemas, shaped by personal experiences, about specific racial group stereotypes. This comparison would partially reveal if there is a correlation between internalized stereotypes, personality

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preferences, if the preferences were non– negotiable, and the racial dating/ interest history of the individual to confirm the true racial bias of the individual. Due to interviews being the vehicle of data collection, there is the possibility that participants had negative sentiments toward dating particular races and did not voice this opinion, which would limit the effectiveness of this method. However, in terms of personality preferences, participants shared around 70% similarities across sexualities, gender, and race of the individuals. The contrast between the differences in racial biases and similarities in personality preferences is an area of further investigation, as any racial group can possess traits of kindness, understanding, loyalty, and respect which were consistently highlighted as the most important factors when considering a partner.

Conclusion This study addresses the sociological roots of racial preferences in dating, emphasizing how social structures and cultural influences shape individual choices. Understanding these dynamics can inform strategies to promote inclusivity and diversity in interpersonal relationships, fostering a more tolerant and open-minded society. By examining the intersection of race, attraction, and socialization, this research contributes to a broader sociological understanding of racial dating preferences, filling gaps in existing knowledge on how race and romance are socially constructed and connected.

The findings of this research provide insight into contemporary social attitudes toward dating and racial preferences, offering a lens through which to assess the broader societal impact of media portrayals and interpersonal relationships.

It examines the evolving nature of dating through a sociological perspective, which is crucial for understanding shifts in social attitudes toward race and attraction. The study reveals that media, particularly television shows with White main characters in Roles of Attraction play a significant role in shaping racial preferences. The consistent portrayal of White individuals as desirable romantic leads, coupled with the absence of diverse racial representation in similar roles, contributes to participants initially favoring White partners, even when their own racial identities differ. This process of internalization reflects the broader influence of cultural narratives in shaping individual perceptions of desirability.

Potential limitations of the qualitative interview methodology include the possibility of participants providing inaccurate information on preferences to maintain social desirability.

Furthermore, the sample size and composition may constrain the generalizability of the findings, particularly considering the use of convenience sampling and missing racial categories in the sample. Large-scale studies on the topic of roles of attraction and the socialization process of racial preference should be conducted for higher external validity. Given the limitations on sample size, further exploration into specific demographics of gender and sexuality can offer insight into how factors of larger gender roles and norms contribute to racial preferences. A suggestion would be utilizing mixed methods. Surveys can be adopted using the main categories used in the study (Media exposure, local social values in dating, and self-reported personal experience) to quantify patterns in environmental exposure to race and racial preferences while maintaining deeper personal perspectives through interviews.

Additionally, the study highlights the role of peer reinforcement in solidifying social scripts derived from media portrayals. Participants associated predominantly White school environments with White-centered ideals of attraction, reinforcing the racial preferences already shaped by media exposure. This suggests that racial preferences in dating are not simply personal choices but are socially cultivated through repeated exposure to dominant racial narratives. The research also indicates that positive portrayals are more influential than negative stereotypes in the formation of racial preferences.

Representation that frames particular racial groups as desirable and aspirational plays a more defining role in shaping attraction than overtly negative depictions of other groups.

Personal experiences also significantly impact racial preferences, with access to different racial groups and the nature of those interactions influencing dating choices.

Encounters with diverse racial communities, whether positive or negative, shape how individuals conceptualize attraction and compatibility. The study challenges the notion that racial preference is an autonomous decision, suggesting instead that it is deeply embedded in social structures, cultural exposure, and reinforcement mechanisms. Ultimately, this research highlights the importance of critically examining the ways in which race and desirability are constructed, offering a foundation for broader conversations on inclusion, diversity, and social change in the realm of dating and relationships.

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References Auelua-Toomey, S. L., and Roberts, S. O. 2024.

“Romantic racism: How Racial Preferences (and Beliefs about Racial Preferences) Reinforce Hierarchy in U.S. Interracial Relationships.”

Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology 30(3):532–552. https://doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000592.

Adeyinka-Skold, S. (2025). Not My Type: Automating Sexual Racism in Online Dating.

Sociology of Race and Ethnicity, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/23326492251321481 Banaag, M. E. K. G., K. P. Rayos, M. G. AquinoMalabanan, and E. R. Lopez. 2014. “The Influence of Media on Young People’s Attitudes towards their Love and Beliefs on Romantic and Realistic Relationships.” International Journal of Academic Research in Psychology 1(1):78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.6007/IJARP/v1-i1/7390.

Bloch, A., and Solomos, J. 2010. “Key questions in the Sociology of Race and Ethnicity.” Race and Ethnicity in the 21st Century, pp. 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07924-4_1.

Schunk, D. H. 2012. “Social Cognitive Theory. In K. R. Harris, S. Graham, T. Urdan, C. B. McCormick, G. M. Sinatra, & J. Sweller (Eds.), APA educational psychology handbook, Vol. 1. Theories, constructs, and critical issues (pp. 101–123).

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Statistics Canada. 2022. “2021 Census: Citizenship, Immigration, Ethnic Origin, Visible Minority Groups (Race), Mobility, Migration, Religion: Backgrounder.” City of Toronto.

Retrieved May 2, 2025 (https://www.toronto.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2023/03/8ff2-2021-CensusBackgrounder-Immigration-EthnoracialMobility-Migration-Religion-FINAL1.1corrected.pdf).

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Lienemann, B. A., and H. T. Stopp. 2013. “The Association Between Media Exposure of Interracial Relationships and Attitudes Toward Interracial Relationships.” Journal of Applied Social Psychology 43(S2). https://doi.org/10.1111/jasp.12037.

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“I’d Rather Die, and Die Alone”: Unravelling the Hidden Tragedy of Elderly Nursing Home Abuse in Hong Kong’s Urban “Elderscape” Jenkin Yuen Abstract This essay examines the issue of elder abuse within nursing homes in Hong Kong. As a multifaceted issue, both physical and emotional abuse are prevalent in these nursing homes, and are illustrated by specific case studies such as the Cambridge Nursing Home scandal in this research, illustrating the pervasive and institutionalized nature of this issue. This essay examines how Hong Kong’s urban landscape and socio-economic conditions – characterized by overcrowding, limited land, and an ageing population – act as structural factors that contribute to the issue of elder abuse in nursing homes. Intersectionality and disposable ties are two relevant and useful conceptual frameworks that can help with interpreting the issue through the lens of urban sociology. The former helps us understand the causal relationships and tensions between environmental, socio-economic, and cultural factors that contribute to the issue; whereas the latter offers a way of interpreting the elderly’s resistance to the abusive conditions within nursing homes. In conjunction with the aforementioned causal link embedded with pervasive cases of mental heath issues, this paper illuminates several consequences of elder oppression within nursing homes, such as suicidal ideation.

Introduction This research paper is motivated by the hidden and unaddressed part of elderly social isolation in Hong Kong. While the intersection of alienation, loneliness, and ageing among elderly people is studied and discussed by existing works in general, this paper aims to unveil this social problem in the particular context of Hong Kong.

With regard to this area or topic of study, current literature mostly covers the general ongoing problem of social isolation in Hong Kong (Chou 2018; Lee and Chou 2019; Rodrigues et al. 2022; Sit et al. 2022; Wong et al.

2017; Yeung et al. 2020). As such, my essay attempts to fill this gap in existing literature and societal discourse surrounding the specific issue of elderly abuse in nursing homes – another indication or aspect of Hong Kong’s wider

elderly social isolation problem. Despite its severity, the issue remains conspicuously underexplored and inadequately addressed within both scholarly literature and sociopolitical spheres. The dearth of comprehensive research surrounding this specific, overlooked issue highlights the urgency for scholarly inquiry. Thus, this also constitutes the significance of my research.

By exploring this specific issue and how it reinforces the broader alienation issue of ageing individuals, this research presents itself as a work of urban sociology, as it attempts to attribute the problem to the physical and structural factors that stem from Hong Kong’s urban landscape. The essay title also presents an imaginary quote or dialogue, “I’d rather die, and die alone.” This part aims to portray the perspective of an elderly individual who experiences abuse in elderly nursing homes, as a way to draw readers’ attention to the severity of the issue, and its resulting sense of despair among these elderly people. The design of this imaginary quote involves two key parts of their mindset: first, their wish to “rather die” – to commit suicide than continue living; and second, their wish and tendency to “die alone” – inspired by the work of Dying Alone by Eric Klinenberg (2001). Although the current literature does not directly explore the issue being studied, some of its insights can still be made use of as pieces of evidence in my analysis, especially since this paper relies on literature review as its major methodology.

Therefore, this paper intricately connects both scholarly academic and news agency sources, the latter providing empirical findings on the susceptibility of elder abuse in Hong Kong nursing homes.

Through an exploration of the structural constraints, cultural expectations, and lived experiences of elderly residents in Hong Kong’s nursing homes, this essay aims to elucidate the issue of elderly abuse within an urban landscape characterized by overcrowding, limited land, ageing population, and socio-economic pressures. Building upon that, this essay offers sociological interpretations of the problem, including the tension between socioeconomic

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status (SES) and filial piety intersection between structural factors, and the formation of disposable ties as survival mechanisms.

Ultimately, the analysis is for the sake of explaining the extreme suicidal mindset among elderly in Hong Kong as the final impact.

Issue Overview: The Categories of Institutional Abuse Against Elders In Hong Kong Physical Abuse Elder abuse in nursing homes in Hong Kong comes in two main forms: physical and emotional.

Regarding physical abuse, it manifests in egregious acts that violate the physical well-being of elderly residents and lead to negative health impacts, such as sleep deprivation, frequent sickness, and hunger. As a way of illustrating the state of physical abuse in elderly nursing homes, it is marked by a series of incidents, documented in past news reports.

One such incident unfolded at the Cambridge Nursing Home, where elderly residents were subjected to dehumanizing treatment, as revealed in a scandal that erupted in May 2015 (Lau 2015; Tsang 2016). Incipiently, reports revealed that early individuals were compelled to endure the humiliation of waiting naked on the rooftop before being allowed to take a shower (Lau 2015).

Furthermore, elderly residents were identified as “stripped and exposed” outside the premises both before and during showering (Chan 2015). Photos and videos taken by reporters at that time captured a group of elderly residents being bathed by the nursing home’s staff altogether using hose nozzles, watering wands, sprays, and buckets of water (Chan 2015). Not only do such practices abuse affect elderly residents individually, but also perpetuate a culture of institutionalized abuse among elderly nursing homes in Hong Kong, wherein vulnerable elderly individuals are treated as objects of convenience – rather than deserving recipients of care. In response to the violations of physical abuse at the Cambridge Nursing Home, authorities took legal action by terminating the Cambridge Nursing Home’s facility license (Ngo and Lai 2015).

Nevertheless, this only signals a willingness to address this as an individual case of elder abuse, not systemically; also, only if it is as extreme as this case example. Further exacerbating concerns surrounding elder abuse in nursing homes, another disturbing case that came to light involved a caretaker at the same elderly nursing facility, the Cambridge Nursing Home, who physically assaulted a wheelchair-bound elderly man (Lau 2015). After being captured on video by a resident using a smartphone, the caretaker

admitted to the act of abuse (Lau 2015).

As a third case example, the pervasiveness of elder abuse in nursing homes is further highlighted by a case in 2020 involving the death of an elderly man, Wong Chi-shing (Wong 2020b). Despite being found to have died of pneumonia, an inquest revealed that Mr. Wong was also found to have foreign objects, including gauze and tape, in his rectum (Wong 2020b). While nursing staff denied any wrongdoing, suspicions lingered regarding the circumstances surrounding his death, with his relatives alleging retaliation in response to a prior complaint.

These case studies and examples illustrate the severity of physical abuse in elderly nursing homes. Beyond that, the resulted loss of dignity and ongoing vulnerability to physical abuse itself extend to the emotional aspect of abuse as well.

Figure 1. Rooftop Naked Showering at the Cambridge Nursing Home (Ming Pao Daily News 2015).

Figure 2. Censored Photograph of Rooftop Naked Showering at the Cambridge Nursing Home (Wong 2020a).

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Emotional Abuse The loss of dignity that elderly residents experience embeds the emotional toll of elderly abuse. As demonstrated in the Cambridge Nursing Home scandal, many elders experience a marginalized sense of dignity from being subjected to acts of degradation and dehumanization.

Additionally, the cases of physical abuse in nursing homes highlight an ongoing vulnerability through perpetual cycles of psychological trauma among elderly residents.

Through constant threats of both physical and structural harm, many residents remain susceptible to potential acts of victimization and misconduct. These ontological insecurities amplify the degrees of emotional trauma, which in turn exacerbates psychological factors of mental health illness, including anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder.

As these risk factors for mental illness persist among Hong Kong’s aging population, this merits a deeper investigation of the various consequences of mental illness.

Besides, emotional abuse may also take more subtle forms, such as the use of threats for verbal intimidation or psychological manipulation, which can be equally damaging to the individual's emotional well-being (Rivers 2024). The previous paragraph demonstrates how emotional abuse is caused by or stems from the susceptibility to physical abuse. On top of that, reciprocally, emotional abuse can also inflict further physical abuse, or be imposed upon elderly residents in the form of more physical abuse. Often, to reach the goal of intimidating or manipulating residents emotionally, physical forms of violence are used by nursing home staff members to deter the elderly from certain behaviours (Lau 2015).

Therefore, emotional abuse encompasses another case of abuse in Hong Kong nursing homes. While these findings suggest higher palpabilities of physical abuse, emotional abuse takes an exceptional toll on the psychological factors of mental health, leaving many elders susceptible to both distress and trauma. It demonstrates a crucial recognition of the complex interplay between both physical and emotional cases of abuse that shape the marginalization of elder livelihoods.

Contributing to the Issue: Structural Factors of Elderly Abuse in Nursing Homes This section exposes the structural factors that shape the ongoing cases of elder abuse in

Hong Kong nursing homes. Additionally, it elaborates on the causal dependency between the structural factors and the context of Hong Kong’s urban landscape. Land Scarcity and High Population Density: The Absence of Residential Options Besides Overcrowded Nursing Homes.

The overcrowded urban landscape of Hong Kong is derived from its limited land availability (alias land scarcity) which poses a significant challenge to the provision of both housing units (or residential buildings) for elderly people and nursing home (or care-taking) facilities.

Statistically, Hong Kong’s total area is 2754.97 km2, with a land area of 1050 km2 and the fourth-highest population density around the world (7140/km2) (Hong Kong SAR Government Census and Statistics Department 2023). On the first level, land scarcity causes limited residential options for elderly people to live in, or for their adult children to place their elderly parents in, especially also due to the extremely high and increasing housing prices as a result of land scarcity. Thus, this leaves adult children with no choice but to place their elderly parents in nursing homes. On the second level, the accessibility and availability of nursing homes themselves are inadequate due to land scarcity. Limited land availability disallows inadequate construction and operation of sufficient elderly homes that are spatial enough to accommodate the relatively large number of elderly inhabitants as well. As a result, this leads to an unbalanced supply of and demand for nursing homes.

As residential housing demands compete with the need for institutional care facilities, resources are stretched thin, exacerbating the shortage of available options for elderly care.

This is not a mere influence on the physical infrastructure of nursing homes, but also on the quality and accessibility provided to elderly residents because the former affects the latter by confining excessive numbers of residents in a limited, physical space. The cramped quarters and overcrowded conditions within most nursing homes reflect the broader struggle for space in Hong Kong’s urban environment – characterized by a high population density. Residents find themselves living in close quarters, with limited privacy and personal space. Not only do such conditions compromise the comfort and wellbeing of elderly individuals, but create an environment ripe for abuse and neglect as well.

Moreover, the limited land availability of land for expansion hampers efforts to address the systemic issues plaguing the elder care system, perpetuating a cycle of inadequate care and institutional failure.

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The spatial problem is itself a problem of quality – not just an environmental problem of quantity.

On a side note, due to their goal of profitmaximization more than as a community service or initiative, nursing homes take advantage of the land scarcity factor. In doing so, they try to accommodate as many elder residents as possible in the facility – as long as they seek and reach out for such services, and frames land scarcity as an ongoing problem that has adversely affected elderly people’s basic livelihood. Then, they frame themselves as a rare chance for Hong Kong elderly people to have a shelter.

Aging Population Hong Kong faces a demographic transition characterized by an ageing population; in 2021, over a fifth of the population was reported as aged 65 or older. (The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region 2022).

According to the United Nations, this percentage is projected for an estimated increase by 40% by 2050. This is controversial, as several nursing homes frame a hospitable service by accommodating the increasing cases of elders in need, despite exceeding the maximum occupancy of residents.

Unaffordable Elderly Care-Taking Alternatives As another structural factor in Hong Kong, the unaffordability of alternative care options for elderly individuals increases the reliance on elderly nursing homes as the primary or most accessible care-taking service provider, which contributes further to the risk of abuse within these settings. Major alternatives include, for instance, hiring a Filipino or Indonesian foreign domestic helper (FDH) from specialized agencies within the formal, institutionalized system, or the adult children taking care of their elderly parents by themselves – in the case of elderly individuals who have (an) adult child(ren). However, to be explained below, both alternatives are less affordable compared to elderly nursing homes, hence making nursing homes the more dominant care-taking service provider in this oligopoly of the elder care industry.

First, the high cost of hiring FDHs places a significant financial burden on families who are already struggling with the high cost of living in Hong Kong. This is especially seen among adult children who are already spending a larger part of their disposable income on housing rents of the unit they themselves live in, again, owing to land scarcity, and do not have enough money left for hiring FDHs for elderly relatives.

As a result, with less adequate services and facilities, and despite this being known by the adult children already, elderly nursing homes control price-setting in the market of elder care by setting a more “affordable” price for adult children. Here, “affordable” refers to any price that is amply lower than the total cost of hiring a FDH. Not to mention, hiring a FDH only tackles the care-taking part, the shelter/accommodation part is still not tackled, and even becomes a heavier burden because hiring a private helper requires providing shelter for both the elderly person and the helper. As such, the total cost of hiring a FDH to be borne by an adult child is not just the amount of wage received by the helper, but also including a separate housing unit that can accommodate both their parent(s) and the FDH. The minimum wage for a FDH is HK$4,630 (~US$600) per month, plus accommodation and food (or food allowance), plus return airfare to/from their home country at least once in every two-year contract (AIG Insurance Hong Kong 2021). This amounts to over HK$25,000 (~US$3200) per month, while the average monthly salary in Hong Kong is only HK$36,500 (~US$4650) (Hong Kong SAR Government Census and Statistics Department 2024). The average price of traditional elderly homes “range[s] from HK$8,000 [~US$1020] to $14,000 [~US$1780] per month, excluding extra services” (Kwok 2020). Therefore, nursing homes manipulate the market of supply and demand of/for elder care services, forcing lower- to middle-class adult children to send their elderly parents there as a superficially “affordable” option.

Second, the demanding work culture in Hong Kong further complicates the issue, making it difficult for adult children to provide care for their elderly parents by themselves.

With long working hours, frequent over-time working, and – in some cases – the pressure to maintain multiple jobs in order to earn enough money, many adult children consider taking care of their parents by themselves a very difficult task, causing an imbalance between their demands of work and caregiving responsibilities (Chan et al. 2021; Ko et al.

2007; Ng and Feldman 2008; Wong et al. 2019; Zou and Leung 2019). As a result, they are forced to resort to placing their elderly parents in nursing homes despite the infamously low quality of care provided in most of them.

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Interpreting the Implications and Significance: Two Useful Sociological Frameworks This section analyses the structural factors of elder abuse in Hong Kong nursing homes by drawing on the interplay of these factors and the concept of disposable ties. Incorporating these theoretical frameworks will expose a complex interplay between social identities and dynamics of power, in addition to its role in perpetual elder abuse cases within Hong Kong’s urban landscape.

Understanding the Causal Relationships and Tensions between Environmental, Socio-economic, and Cultural Factors First, the interplay between socioeconomic status (SES) and filial piety represents a fundamental tension within the “elderscape” of Hong Kong, particularly in the case of elderly individuals who have adult children. Unlike in western cultures, filial piety is a traditional principle of ethical conduct in Chinese culture, as it prescribes adult children with various moral obligations to supervise the needs of their aging parents. In this context, filial piety functions as a cultural factor, whilst SES acts as a socio-economic factor by virtue of personal income.

The inherent cultural essence notwithstanding, filial piety is rarely indispensable in situating elderly parents in nursing homes, irrespective of being conscious of risking their vulnerability to an abusive environment. In essence, the verdict of allocating elderly parents to nursing homes is less concerned about choice than about obligation. On account of experiencing socioeconomic barriers to healthcare alternatives, lower-class families may be obligated to approach nursing homes as an affordable option for senior health care; conversely, upper-class families can afford various alternatives to palliative care, including FDHs, professional maids, as well as intrafamilial caregiving practices.

Correspondingly, the intersection of SES and filial piety highlights two key consequences: 1) the development of one variable constraining the other, and 2) the perpetuation of disparities across elder care based on socioeconomic barriers to a widespread accessibility of healthcare service providers.

The second intersection highlights a multifaceted dynamic between unaffordable care alternatives and the demanding work culture in Hong Kong, which further perpetuates the

reliance on elderly nursing homes. While the paper previously characterized Hong Kong’s demanding work culture as a structural barrier to caregiving, this inequality is also shaped by an unequal distribution of affordable health care. That is, I present a complex interplay between the following two factors: A) demanding work culture, and B) unaffordable health care alternatives. On the one hand, the causal link from A to B characterizes Hong Kong’s demanding work culture as a systematic obstacle to caregiving for the needs of elderly parents. On the other, from B to A, the structural factors of affording alternatives to health care include various practices of increasing SES such as dual employment, which thereby reifies the implications of a highly demanding work culture. Thus, recognizing the dialectic or symmetrical nature in the relationship between the two variables – one cultural and the other economic – is imperative to unravelling the causal factors of elder care inequality.

Third, this issue pinpoints an intersection between land scarcity and an ageing urbanized population in Hong Kong. On account of adjusting high levels of supply and demand for elderly nursing homes, land scarcity restricts supply, whilst the ageing population increases demands, thereby widening imbalances between the supply and demand of health care services.

Noteworthily, as both factors shape these disparities by virtue of being commonplace within the urban context of Hong Kong, this structures a push and pull effect on both the supply of and demand for elder health care provision. Additionally, both factors may not necessarily produce a similar outcome simultaneously, but the magnitude potentially owes to the co-existence of the two factors within Hong Kong’s urban landscape. This demonstrates a habitually inconsistent intersection between land scarcity and an ageing urbanized population, that nevertheless characterizes the result of an insufficient access to health care beyond elder nursing home institutions.

Disposable Ties: A Conceptual Framework for Understanding the Resilience against Abuse Disposable ties is a term coined by Matthew Desmond (2012) in his work of Disposable Ties and the Urban Poor to refer to the interpersonal ties that lack authentic, emotional connection between the stakeholders.

The concept originated as a way of understanding how urban

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individuals rely on these ties as a survival strategy to, for instance, ensure one’s own accessibility to certain resources or necessities through mutual effort (Desmond 2012). In this subsection, I argue that the concept helps us understand how elderly residents in nursing homes use it as a survival strategy against abuse, but falls short in depicting the full picture as it understates the emotional authenticity and depth of the ties.

In arguing for the effectiveness of this conceptual framework in describing the issue, the elderly residents indeed rely on each other’s help to lower their risk of being abused in the nursing homes. For instance, they help each other lie about certain things, such as behaviours that they might have engaged in but are unaccepted or not tolerated by the badtempered and unreasonable nursing home staff, or according to unreasonable, unwritten rules and standards in these nursing homes (Cheng et al. 2010; Yang et al. 2020). Often, this mutual aid of hiding or lying about certain things for each other among the residents is a survival strategy to counter physical abuse. Additionally, with shared experiences of physical and emotional abuse, such as constantly being intimidated and manipulated by nursing home staff, the residents share mutual empathy by relating to each other’s feelings of despair, loss of self-dignity, etc. (Cheng et al. 2010). This provision of emotional support and companionship for each other is another survival strategy to resist the physical and, especially, emotional abuse.

However, as one would normally notice, there is a contradiction between the original definition of disposable ties and what is seen between the elderly nursing home residents – the absence and presence of deeper emotional ties respectively.

First, they offer emotional support to one another by relating to each other’s experiences of abuse in the nursing homes and the corresponding feelings of despair and torment, as mentioned above. Second, besides the abusive experiences, they also relate to each other’s general feeling of loneliness as an ageing individual in a fast-moving urban city. In these homes where a group of elderly is gathered, emotional resonance takes place. Therefore, based on these two levels of emotional support, the ties between elderly residents in nursing homes are not always purely disposable or formed out of absolute necessity, but characterized by deeper emotional understanding too. In this case, the conceptual framework only represents a part of the situation.

Back to the Elderly Suicidal Mindset: The Issue’s Severity and Ramifications The mental health of Hong Kong’s elderly population is a growing concern, with increasing rates of depression, anxiety, and chronic loneliness observed in recent years. A survey conducted by the Sau Po Centre on Ageing found that about 10% of respondents reported experiencing severe chronic loneliness (Knott 2020). Moreover, another study found that one-third of elderly individuals surveyed exhibited at least one of depression, anxiety and chronic loneliness symptoms (CE Noticias Financieras 2022). These findings underscore the heavy mental health burden faced by the elderly population in Hong Kong while struggling to cope with feelings of despair and hopelessness.

The social impact of mental health issues in Hong Kong are eminently common among seniors, particularly through the demographic consequences of suicide. In 2022, more than 1,080 suicide cases were accounted in Hong Kong, with 40% of these cases involving a demographic age structure of 60 and older (CE Noticias Financieras 2022). This accounts for a suicide rate nearly twice the population average of Hong Kong. Furthermore, the societal implications of these cases remain severe, as Hong Kong’s suicide rate increased by 5% from 2018 to 2019 (Yip 2020). These statistics demonstrate the prevalence and severity of suicide cases involving seniors in urbanized contexts. The extent of suicidal ideation among victims of elder abuse will be investigated in the sequential sub-section. In 2022, Hong Kong recorded 1,080 suicides, with more than 40% of them occurring among individuals aged 60 and older (CE Noticias Financieras 2022). That means, the suicide rate among older adults in Hong Kong is nearly twice the population average. Besides, the problem of suicide among Hong Kong elderly is not just severe, but increasingly severe, as the suicide rate increased by more than 5% from the year of 2018 to 2019 (Yip 2020). These statistics underscore the severity of the issue within this urban demographic. In the next sub-section, the ways in which the issue leads to the mental problems and suicide mentality will be explored.

From Nursing Home Abuse to Elderly Suicidal Mindset This subsection highlights three crucial levels of impact on the mental health of elder populations in Hong Kong from perpetual cases

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of abuse. Based on the interconnection between these pathways, the cases of abuse in nursing homes amplify elderly mental health issues.

The first level of impact concerns the risk of elderly social isolation through large-scale placements in the abusive environment of nursing homes. This risk of loneliness is justified by a confined socio-spatial arrangement, as well as a lack of meaningful social connections beyond similar experiences of abuse. In his work Dying Alone, Eric Klinenberg (2001) demonstrates four implications of elderly social isolation in urban contexts – “living alone, being isolated, being reclusive, and being lonely” (Klinenberg 2001, 505). These consequences correspond to the systematic process of elderly social isolation in nursing homes. To begin with, elders experience loneliness through being placed in nursing homes by their adult children, as the latter are habitually incapable of assuming a caregiving role to supervise their needs. Moreover, as adult children typically cannot afford alternatives to health care provision, the placement of elderly parents to nursing homes contributes to a sociodemographic segregation from the urban population. The third step concerns cases of abuse and subjugation within nursing homes, often without presenting a wide range of recreational activities for elderly residents. This scope of residential confinement draws parallels with Klinenberg (2001)’s classification of “being reclusive”. Consequently, these patterns of social isolation and reclusiveness shape elderly experiences of “being lonely” – which serves as detrimental to both the mental and emotional state of elderly residents.

The second level concerns the psychological dynamics of suicidal ideation, embedded by feelings of shame, guilt, and despair. First, many elders experience feelings of shame from the perennial cases of abuse within nursing homes.

These feelings also encompass an elderly selfperception as burdensome to their children, many of whom experience a detachment from the principles of filial piety, from an unaffordability of alternatives to health care provision amid a highly demanding occupational culture. These burdensome feelings exacerbate mental health issues, thereby precipitating a negative mental health impact that increases the risk of suicidal ideation.

Finally, the third level concerns the structural factors of an elderly suicidal mindset. This is commonly shaped by the prolonged cases of physical and emotional abuse. The pervasive cases of abuse increases both the social

marginalization and suicidal ideation of elders, who may consider death a preferable alternative to incessant forms of centralized subjugation.

Therefore, these structural factors play an instrumental role in increasing the risk of elderly suicidal ideation and conduct.

The distinction between these four aspects, as highlighted in his work, as four steps. As the first step, the separate and different lifestyle of their adult children causes them to have to “live alone.” Next, as caretaking alternatives are often unaffordable for adult children, these elderly parents are sent to and gathered in elderly nursing homes, hence are “being isolated” or segregated as a separate demographic from other settings in the city. The third step, then, involves the elderly being abused and forcefully kept in these nursing homes without being arranged ample social, communal or recreational outdoor activities.

This state of confining or being confined to a residential setting is referred to as “being reclusive” by Klinenberg (2001). Finally, all these physical and social forms of isolation and reclusiveness result in the elderly “being lonely” – a mental or emotional impact. This constitutes the first level of impact.

On the second level – concerning the initial development of a suicidal mindset, it is enabled by feelings of shame, guilt, and despair. As a result of the physical abuse that they experience in the nursing homes, in some cases, their dignity is not considered important. This leads to feelings of shame. Another way in which these feelings arise is associated with the selfperception as a burden on their adult children – having to afford their living and care service costs, more than as a “chance” for their adult children to show or exhibit filial piety. This thought of being a burden on their loved ones can exacerbate existing mental health challenges, hence adding another level of negative impact on their mental health and increasing the likelihood of suicidal ideation.

On the third level – concerning the continuing development or exacerbation of their suicidal mindset, the prolonged experience of physical and emotional abuse within nursing homes may lead to a mindset where the pain from the torture outweighs the fear of death.

The pervasive nature of abuse within elderly nursing homes can erode elderly residents’ sense of self-worth and diminish their will to live. In more extreme cases, elderly individuals may even come to view death as a preferable alternative to their continued suffering – a large and long-lasting cost of continued existence, as

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soon as they think the pain from the physical abuse and/or emotional torment overrides their pain from death or simply committing suicide.

Therefore, this can further facilitate the development of a suicidal mindset or exacerbate their existing suicidal ideation, increasing the risk of elderly suicidal behaviour.

As shown, experiences of abuse in nursing homes gradually contribute to suicidal ideation among the elder residents, hence explains the broader patterns of mental health decline among the elderly in Hong Kong, especially when most of them reside in these homes.

Conclusion As we grapple with the issue of elder abuse in Hong Kong nursing homes, it is essential to acknowledge the limitations of our understanding and the need for further research and dialogue surrounding it. While my research sheds light on the prevalence and severity of elder abuse within nursing homes in Hong Kong, there are also flaws and limitations in my study.

For instance, the portrayal of abuse may be exaggerated to some extent, as not all elderly care-taking homes exhibit the same level of mistreatment – for instance, there are high-end nursing homes that provide better services as well, but are also less affordable. However, this exaggeration is for the sake of highlighting the severity of the issue and its prevalence across traditional elderly nursing homes in Hong Kong, and how it seems to have developed a culture of normalizing the abuse in this institutional context. Additionally, the lack of qualitative evidence and specific examples that delve into the residents’ emotions or feelings and the concrete ways in which they cope with abuse.

Nevertheless, this lack of qualitative data should also be attributed back to the insufficient discussion of the issue in both academic and socio-political spheres. This underscores the need for deeper investigation into the experiences of elderly residents in nursing homes.

Despite these notable limitations, the significance of my research lies in its initiation of dialogue and awareness surrounding the issue.

By highlighting the forms of abuse, the structural factors contributing to the abuse, and its impact on the mental health of elderly people, this urban sociology essay illuminates the intersections of social inequality, urbanization, and elder care in the context of Hong Kong’s urban landscape.

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Peer Effects on Pupils in Chinese Schools Amitav Johri Abstract The education landscape is shifting towards specialized programming, including among younger students. This paper seeks to analyze whether the associated peer effects are significant and whether this can create inequalities in the education system from a young age. Using data from a study conducted in Chinese schools, we attempt to analyze the size of peer effects between deskmates, controlling for key variables such as parental education, associated personality traits and past academic performance. By accounting for variables that affect the student outside of the classroom, we can extend the analysis from (Wu et al., 2023) and consider how inequalities manifest in education systems. Students in the bottom half of the grade distribution benefit heavily from these interventions, implying that interacting with higher-achieving students can affect academic outcomes for all students.

1 Introduction Peer effects have become a key topic of discussion in educational programming. In this paper, we look to measure the short-term peer effects on academic performance. We also link this to specialized programming and how this can create inequalities in the education system.

Cohodes (2020) studies the impact of an accelerated curriculum program for fourth to sixth graders in Boston, showing that Black and Latino students have vastly different academic outcomes when enrolled. Even for students with similar academic performance before the study, we can still see significant differences in their future performance. In addition, special programs have been described as an “accumulation of advantage” (Subotnik et al., 2011). This is due to the correlation between enrolment in specialized programs and families holding high levels of cultural and social capital.

Affluent students are six times more likely to be identified as gifted than less affluent students, qualifying them for these specialized programs (Grissom et al., 2019). We want to further analyze whether special programs create inequalities in the education system, which can be measured by tracking peer effects between classmates over time. Students enrolled in special programs are likely surrounded by motivated and high-performing peers, meaning that positive peer effects will further widen the gap

between students who are privileged enough to benefit from these programs and those who are not. This is especially relevant for students near the median, where making the cutoff into these programs can truly alter the trajectory of a student’s prospects. We base our analysis on a study conducted in China which analyzes peer effects from the perspective of a student’s deskmate (Wu et al., 2023). This study allows us to analyze an educational environment that is quite different from those we see in North America. Students start by writing a standardized test and are then placed into one of three groups. The students in the control group are randomly paired with another student. The students in treatment group 1 are paired based on their performance on the test.

For example, if a given student performed below the median, they will be placed with a student who scored above the median. The students in treatment group 2 follow the same pattern, but the higher-performing deskmate is given a monetary incentive to help their partner improve. We can think of being placed in the treatment group as similar to being placed in a specialized program for those who fall below the median because they benefit from sitting next to a motivated and high-performing peer. Similar to the original article, we hypothesize that students in the treatment group will perform higher on the final exam. However, we also account for control variables that were not included in the original study, such as willingness to cooperate, whether parents are concerned about academic performance and whether students have home tutoring. We extend the literature by focusing more on variables related to a student’s personality or home environment, whereas other studies may focus on family income. This analysis can help to inform educational policy-makers' decisions surrounding classroom organization as well as specialized programming. Note that this analysis does not measure the probability that students of higher socioeconomic status will be accepted into specialized programs. Rather, if we assume that this is true, we can quantify the advantage they have by estimating the peer effects that result from specialized programs.

2 Data Our model uses the panel data provided by Wu et al. (2023). Our outcome variable is the student’s final exam score, the sum of their

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scores from the Chinese and Math sections. This is measured in test score units. Our main independent variable is a binary variable that measures whether the student is in the control or treatment group. We also control for related variables such as parents’ education, the student’s level of cooperation and the student’s baseline test score. A summary of the key variables in this dataset can be found in Table 1.

Note that both the Control Group and the Treatment Reward Group are dummy variables, where the variable holds a value of 1 when the student is a member of that group and 0 otherwise. For our analysis, we only consider students who score below the median on the baseline exam. Surprisingly, the results in Table 1 do not support our hypothesis. We can see that students in the control group scored 2.72 points higher on the final exam and 8.39 points higher on the baseline exam. Unsurprisingly, deskmate baseline exam scores are higher in the treatment group by 8.49 points. By design, students below the median in the treatment group must have higher-performing deskmates, whereas this is not the case in the control group. In the following sections, we attempt to figure out the basis of this difference through simple and multi-linear regression models. In particular, we consider the baseline exam scores and how this impacts our estimation of peer effects as well as other key control variables listed in Table 1.

increase in final exam scores. For the treatment group, a 100-point increase in deskmate baseline scores corresponds to a 30-point increase in final exam scores. Neither of these results is statistically significant. The standard deviation (σ) of deskmate baseline scores is 18.04 for the treatment group and 27.72 for the control group. Therefore, a 1σ increase in deskmate baseline scores correlates with a 3.33point increase in final exam scores for students in the control group and a 5.41-point increase for students in the treatment group. The standard deviation in final exam scores is 39.63 for students in the control group and 37.03 for students in the treatment group. This implies that a 1σ increase in deskmate baseline scores corresponds to 8% of a standard deviation in final exam scores for students in the control group and 14.6% for students in the treatment group. We view these numbers as being low in economic significance. However, this model suffers from a severe simultaneous causality bias problem. While a student is impacted by the performance of their deskmate, it is also true that their deskmate is impacted by the student’s performance. Therefore, it is difficult to discern the true peer effects when we model our regression in this way. In the following section, we test more advanced models to capture the true peer effects in this study.

3.2 Extended Regression Model

3 Empirical Methodology 3.1 Primary Regression Model Table 3 presents the results of our primary regression model, which was conducted on both the treatment 2 group and the control group.

While our dataset does not contain a variable measuring each student’s total score, we can calculate this by summing their score on the literacy section and their score on the mathematics section. The associated linear regression model is as follows: Yi = β0 + β1Deskmate_Baselinei + β2Baselinei + β3(Deskmate_Baselinei x Baselinei) + ui Yi represents the final exam score of student i, and Deskmate_Baselinei is the baseline score of student i’s deskmate. We include an interaction term (Deskmate_Baselinei x Baselinei) as we are interested in how a student’s previous performance affects this relationship.

From Table 3, we can see that higher deskmate baseline scores do not correlate with a significant increase in final exam scores. For the control group, a 100-point increase in deskmate baseline scores corresponds to a 12-point

Table 2 presents the results of our extended multi-linear regression. Rather than focusing on the observed student’s deskmate, a more practical method of observation is to compare the control group and the treatment 2 group.

Here, the assignment of students to the control or treatment group is based completely on random sampling, so this solves our simultaneouscausality problem. Our multilinear regression captures this effect while controlling for the student’s baseline test score. Here we also include a personality measure, which captures the extent of a student’s cooperativeness. This allows us to control for the fact that certain students may not respond well to having a higher-performing deskmate, which would ultimately bias the outcome variable negatively.

Additionally, we hypothesize that parents’ education level will be highly correlated with students’ baseline test scores; therefore, including the mother’s education as a regressor will eliminate some of the omitted variable bias.

We also include a variable measuring parents’ concern surrounding their child’s performance, another behavioural that is linked to parental

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education. We speculate that parents with a higher level of education will demonstrate more interest in their child’s academic performance.

Similarly, we control for students whose mother was absent the previous semester, as this is likely to impact performance. Picot et al. (2023) conclude that a mother’s characteristics are significantly more likely to impact student performance, informing our variable selection.

We include a binary variable measuring whether a student has home tutoring in Chinese, as this will impact our discussion surrounding inequality stemming from non-classroom sources and is likely to impact test performance.

Controlling for the number of siblings and the amount of housework a student contributes to gives us insight into a student’s home situation, regarding how much time they have to study and how much attention they receive from their parents. Blake (1986) notes that students with a larger family complete one year less of schooling, likely due to a larger distribution of resources and parental attention. Finally, this regression focuses on students below the median final exam score as our population of interest.

Given our hypothesis, we are interested in lower-performing students and how we can improve their academic outcomes.

The multilinear model is as follows: Yit = β0 + β1Treatmenti + β2Baselinei + Xitγ + εit Yit is the final exam score for student i.

Treatment is a binary variable, which is equal to 0 ifstudent i is in the control group and 1 if student i is in the treatment 2 group. The Baseline represents the student’s first exam score, and X is a vector of control variables.

Looking at Table 2, specification 1 tells us that students in the treatment group performed 4.13 points better on the final exam, with a robust standard error of 1.92. This result is statistically significant (p<0.05) and appears to be of relatively high economic significance. Students in the treatment group performed more than 4 points higher on the final exam, corresponding to 10.5% of a standard deviation in final exam scores. However, from specification 8, we can see that the students in the treatment group perform 4.50 points higher on the final exam with a robust standard error of 2.01 when we include our controls. This result is also statistically significant (p<0.05) and economically significant. This implies that a student in the treatment group performs 4.5 points higher on the final exam compared to a student in the control group, which corresponds to 11.84% of a standard deviation in final exam scores. The R-squared in this multilinear

regression is 0.63, suggesting that 63 percent of the variation in students’ end-line test scores can be explained by the regressors. We use an Ftest to predict whether our controls have a significant effect on final exam scores, with a value of 4.41, which is significant (p<0.05).

Another result that jumps out from Table 2 is the coefficient on the tutor variable. This implies that students with a tutor perform close to 9 points higher on the final exam, all else held fixed. The result itself is not surprising, but the size of the coefficient is quite significant.

Tutoring is highly likely to have a positive impact on performance, but many students who use tutors outside of school may also be struggling academically. This simultaneous causality effect would hypothetically lead to a much smaller effect, but the economically large coefficient seen in Table 2 does not support this.

In-home tutoring is costly, and this result points towards the fact that students of higher-income families have a notable advantage in the classroom. However, note that this result is not statistically significant at any recognized levels, so we must be cautious when interpreting this result. We also note that a mother’s education has a small but positive impact on final exam scores. This result is not statistically significant at any recognized levels with a p-value of 0.29, but this fits with results seen in similar previous studies. Students with more siblings also perform worse on the final exam, fitting with our hypothesis. However, this result is also statistically insignificant with a large p-value of 0.87. Curiously, students whose mothers were absent the previous semester perform slightly better on the final, and this result is statistically significant (p<0.05). This highlights a possible point of emphasis for future extensions and studies surrounding peer effects. Similarly, the coefficient on cooperation is negative and significant (p<0.01), which is counterintuitive.

This can also be highlighted in future studies.

While less important for our study, we can also look at how this intervention affects higherperforming students. Surprisingly, we observe that for students on the high end of the distribution, students in the treatment group perform better than those in the control group.

This is a fascinating result, as it tells us that being paired with a lower-performing student has a positive effect on the performance of higher-scoring students. This could be because by working with their deskmate and explaining concepts learned in class, the student is reinforcing their learning through the process of summarizing and consolidating.

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3.3 Limitations Even in our multilinear regression, there are certain aspects of this study that we cannot control for. For example, conformity bias is a common issue in experiments that is difficult to solve. In this case, we wonder whether the improvement in the treatment group is because students know they are in the treatment group.

Is it possible that students work harder if they know they are part of an experiment, and to what extent does that affect their final score?

Moreover, self-response variables such as parents’ concerns are likely to suffer from conformity bias, as participants are likely to change their answers to match what they think the experimenter wants to hear. Social norms and pressures will also bias these results. There are also concerns with the generalizability of this study. In treatment group 2, students are given a monetary incentive to help their deskmate, which is triggered if their deskmate’s score improves by a certain amount. This may not be feasible in many classrooms, and this may also depend on the size of the reward. In that regard, the average income of the students in the class would also be a factor, as lower-income students may be more motivated by the reward. It is important to note that there is another treatment group in this study, where the deskmate is not given any incentive to help their partner perform. When running the same regression using this group, we do not see any improvements from the lower-scoring students.

Another potential limitation we have not considered here is whether the nature of the relationship between the two deskmates affects whether the lower-performing student will improve. How do matters of race, gender, age and status impact the peer effects we are studying? Our dataset does not include much information regarding students’ backgrounds regarding regional or municipal differences, which could pose sample selection bias issues. If we were to run a more comprehensive analysis, an ideal dataset would include students’ past performance in previous years, regional and geographical information by family, more detailed information on parental education and occupations, and information from other schools in different Chinese cities. For example, this dataset provides us with how many years of education parents have completed, but does not provide any insight into the kinds of education parents have pursued. Many other factors are captured in our error term, meaning that there are plenty more opportunities to run variations of this experiment in the future.

However, our variable of interest is based entirely on random sampling, so we do not need to consider omitted variable bias in our model. We can still interpret the results of this analysis with a relatively high degree of confidence. Finally, how our dataset is organized makes it difficult to include fixed effects or run a difference-in-differences regression. While each student has test score information for three separate periods, the data is not organized in a way that allows us to include time-based variables. Including timefixed effects could be beneficial for this analysis if the study were conducted over a longer period; however, in this case, we cannot include this.

4 Conclusion Our study reveals that peer effects between deskmates have a significantly positive impact on academic outcomes. In the referenced study, being placed in the treatment group is similar to being placed in a specialized educational program, where you are likely sitting next to a high-achieving student with a history of outstanding grades. We can interpret this result as students in specialized programs performing better than students in regular streams over time. This implies that these kinds of programs can create inequalities, raising concerns for the current state of education systems around the world. While in this case the treatment group is randomly sampled, we know this is not the case in the real world. Students who come from families of higher status and class are more likely to be accepted into these programs, and we can already see that these variables impact our results in Section 3.2. This is not to say that these initiatives should be abolished altogether. They can yield positive results, as long as we account for variables of race, gender and class backgrounds. This means that we are simulating random assignment to specialized programs in a real-world setting. As a solution, emphasizing enrollment among minority groups and outreach to minority communities can help combat some of these structural problems.

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References Duflo, Esther, Pascaline Dupas, and Michael Kremer. 2011. "Peer Effects, Teacher Incentives, and the Impact of Tracking: Evidence from a Randomized Evaluation in Kenya." American Economic Review, 101 (5): 1739–74.

Cohodes, Sarah R. 2020. "The Long-Run Impacts of Specialized Programming for HighAchieving Students." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 12 (1): 127–66.

Grissom J. A., Redding C., Bleiberg J. F. (2019). Money over merit? Socioeconomic gaps in receipt of gifted services. Harvard Educational Review, 89(3), 337–369.

Standard errors in parentheses *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001

Subotnik, R. F., Olszewski-Kubilius, P., & Worrell, F. C. (2011). Rethinking Giftedness and Gifted Education: A Proposed Direction Forward Based on Psychological Science.

Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 12(1), 3-54.

Wu, Jia, Junsen Zhang, and Chunchao Wang.

2023. "Student Performance, Peer Effects, and Friend Networks: Evidence from a Randomized Peer Intervention." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 15 (1): 510–42.

Picot, Garnett, Youjin Choi, Yasmin Gure, and Feng Hou. “The effect of parent’s education and income on the educational attainment of childhood immigrants”, September 27, 2023. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/36-280001/2023009/article/00002-eng.htm.

Standard errors in parentheses Note: The dependent variable is final exam scores, used robust standard errors *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001

Blake, Judith. 1986. “Number of Siblings, Family Background, and the Process of Educational Attainment.” Social Biology 33 (1– 2): 5–21. doi:10.1080/19485565.1986.9988618.

*The results above are for those students who initially score below the median

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The Land of Promise Tamara Altarac Artist’s statement "The Land of Promise" is a reflection on the complexities of displacement, survival, and reconciliation. Written from the perspective of a Jewish immigrant to Canada, the poem navigates the historical trauma of the Holocaust. It explores the tension between appreciation for newfound refuge and complicity in a system built on settler colonialism. The piece highlights the paradox of one displaced people finding safety in the dispossession of another. It challenges readers to reflect on their own positionality in Canadian society.

The Land of Promise A nation of safety Peace existing coast to coast A new life for my family In the land of promise and possibility In search for a better future We chased a new normal Oblivious to the nightmares Of the nation’s colonial sins I learned too late that Its structure was covered in dirt The cracks in the foundation The true soil of this nation Sown with the horrors Of genocide and racism The hatred inflicted on the Indigenous Those native to this land we call home Displaced to make room for the colonizers Generations erased, A genocide revealed My breath began to slow For the land I stood upon The history I was taught The culture I embraced Was embedded with false tales My promise land was their stolen land Blinded by the hope of safety, peace, and possibility Too late I learned your land was taken And given to me

These feelings overflowed within me Brought a wave of memories My roots eradicated My ancestors executed Our rights were stolen Eliminated by those who wanted us broken But you will never know – That, while you were forced to residential schools, We were forced to concentration camps While your children bled, My parents suffocated While you lost your native tongue, We lost our voice But you will never know – That, when your hair was cut, Our heads were shaved When your clothes were replaced, Ours were burned When you were renamed, I was numbered But you will never know For now, I stand on the other side.

Professed to be home of the “strong and free” While built on the suppression of liberty “Our home and native land” as they instilled into me This home that did not belong to you or me Asking God to keep this land “glorious and free” Just not for those who were here before me As I learned this too late The cracks in the cement crumbled Truth rising between my feet Reconciliation required to heal the wrongs That apologies could never right Now I’m on my promise land Your stolen land And you will never know That we walked the same path.

But you will never know that we walked the same path.

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Eviction as a Sociolegal Relationship: Poverty and Exploitation in the American City A Book Review of Matthew Desmond, Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City (Crown Publishers, New York, 2016) Tamara Altarac Abstract Matthew Desmond’s (2016) Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City (Evicted) reframes eviction as a cause rather than a condition of poverty, illustrating how legal and informal housing practices exploit low-income tenants. This review examines Evicted through a sociolegal lens, analyzing three key themes: informal bargains in the shadow of the law (Mnookin and Kornhauser 1979), the disparity between "law-on-the-books" versus "law-inaction," and the intersection of housing and the criminal justice system. Desmond’s relational ethnography method exposes the unequal yet interdependent relationship between landlords and tenants, revealing how eviction perpetuates economic instability and social marginalization.

Additionally, the book critiques third-party policing, including nuisance property ordinances, which disproportionately impact marginalized communities, especially women experiencing domestic violence. While Evicted provides a compelling narrative on housing injustice, Desmond’s proposed expansion of the federal housing voucher program fails to address affordable housing supply limitations and systemic inequalities. This review highlights Desmond’s contribution to law and society scholarship while emphasizing the necessity of a broader, rights-based approach to housing reform.

Matthew Desmond’s (2016) Evicted points us to an overlooked yet severely consequential factor of urban poverty: the process of eviction.

Rather than viewing eviction solely as a symptom of poverty, Desmond argues that it actively contributes to economic hardship, stating that “eviction is a cause, not just a condition of poverty”(p. 299). Through firsthand accounts of low-income renters, Evicted illustrates how losing one’s home triggers a downward spiral, making it harder to secure stable housing, employment, and community support. By exposing these realities, Desmond calls for critical policy reforms to

address the structural injustices that make eviction a driver of poverty. In the context of eviction, Desmond views the law as an exploitative tool rather than a neutral mechanism for regulating housing. By framing the low-income housing market in terms of 'exploitation,' he challenges the widespread belief that markets operate impartially or that morality should be separated from economic systems (Ezra 2017). Instead, Evicted exposes how market structures and legal frameworks systematically disadvantage the poor, creating space to question the dominant assumption that housing markets function fairly.

Focusing on three key sociolegal spheres — bargaining in the shadow of the law, "law-onthe-books" versus "law-in-action," and the relationship between the criminal justice system and housing market — I argue that Evicted significantly contributes to the field of law and society. I conclude with a brief discussion of limitations with Desmond’s (2016) proposed federal housing voucher program.

Evicted is the product of nearly two years of ethnographic work on eviction, for which Desmond (2016) used a methodological approach of relational ethnography. This approach prioritizes the study of relationships over the examination of specific groups of people or places, focusing on the interconnected social processes and power dynamics between individuals, institutions, and broader societal structures (pp. 334-336). By exploring how these relationships influence experiences of eviction and housing insecurity, Desmond uncovers the systemic forces that shape the lives of lowincome renters. This approach allowed Desmond to offer unique insights into the minds, motives, and actions of tenants and landlords and draw attention to this unequal yet symbiotic relationship. The book follows the stories of eight families of different racial backgrounds as they navigate the private housing market of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. At the same time, Desmond (2016) locates tenants and landlords as players within a broader field of social and

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power relations, challenging the tendency to distance the poor as 'the other.' By presenting the struggles of low-income renters in a deeply personal and relational way, Desmond counters narratives that reduce poverty to individual failings, instead revealing how eviction is embedded within systemic inequalities.

Importantly, Evicted analyzes rent in a way that goes beyond the conventional monetary and quantitative assessments of the US poverty line.

Instead, it portrays rent as a dynamic relationship, where tenancy reflects a condition dependent on the will and power of other people.

Departing from a strictly empirical view of “the poor” as isolated, static categories (Wilson 2021), Desmond (2016) frames poverty and housing insecurity as relational conditions shaped by power dynamics between tenants, landlords, and broader societal structures.

This unconventional approach to setting and perspective, where eviction and tenancy are seen as contingent upon the will and power of others, allows Desmond to explore how housing instability reinforces the cycle of poverty. This approach challenges simplistic, quantitative definitions of poverty and forces readers to reconsider eviction not just as a consequence of financial hardship, but as a driver of social marginalization and political exclusion. As Sociologist Christopher Wilson notes, Desmond’s narrative style challenges the reader’s understanding of cause and effect, allowing them to question whether eviction may exacerbate or even cause the cycle of poverty.

EVICTION AS RELATIONSHIP

A

SOCIOLEGAL

Evicted reveals unexpected insights regarding the connection between urban poverty and American housing markets, including Desmond’s (2016) bold attempts to reverse the cause-and-effect positions within this relationship and claim that eviction is a cause and not a condition of poverty.

This section focuses on how Evicted’s stories support Desmond’s view of the law as an exploitative tool used to profit off poor Americans.

Bargaining in the Shadow of the Law Desmond's (2016) exploration of eviction dynamics exposes the severe power disparity between landlords and tenants, revealing that landlords not only benefit from legal power dynamics but also leverage social norms and informal arrangements.

Importantly, the removal of someone from their residence does not necessarily occur through legal

court proceedings (Roesch-Knapp 2020). Legal scholars Mnookin and Kornhauser (1979) describe this extrajudicial decision-making as occurring in "the shadow of the law," where legal norms shape negotiations and outcomes without direct court intervention. Desmond (2016:330) notes that formal evictions are "less common, constituting 24 percent of forced moves." Rather, "1 in 8 Milwaukee renters experienced at least one forced move – formal or informal eviction, landlord foreclosure, or building condemnation – in the two years prior to being surveyed," and "nearly half of those forced moves (48 percent) were informal evictions: off-the-books displacements not processed through the court, as when a landlord pays you to leave or hires a couple of heavies to throw you out" (p. 330). These statistics crucially illustrate that eviction is not simply a legal process but also an extralegal one, where tenants are often displaced without any official record.

By highlighting the prevalence of informal evictions, Desmond challenges the assumption that housing instability is always the result of legal proceedings and draws the readers’ attention to the complexities and exploitation of bargaining in the shadow of the law. His findings reveal a hidden dimension of forced displacement that disproportionately affects low-income renters, reinforcing systemic instability and limiting tenants' ability to challenge unjust evictions. This contributes to Desmond’s broader argument that eviction is not just a symptom of poverty but a mechanism that actively reinforces it.

The prevalence of informal evictions aligns with Roesch-Knapp’s argument that disputes follow a process of naming, blaming, and claiming (Felstiner, Abel, and Sarat 1980), often conceptualized as a "pyramid of disputes" (Roesch-Knapp 2020:847). While conflicts are everyday occurrences, they do not always escalate into formal legal disputes. For an issue to be legally contested, it must first be perceived as an injury (naming), attributed to a responsible party (blaming), and asserted as a claim (claiming) (Felstiner et al., 1980).

However, whether and how this process unfolds depends on a range of social, cultural, and structural factors. Desmond’s (2016) findings provide concrete examples of this phenomenon in the housing market, where landlords and tenants resolve disputes through informal mechanisms rather than legal proceedings. In the case of eviction, tenants often do not reach the final stage of claiming due to the power imbalance between landlords

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and low-income renters, as well as broader institutional and political barriers. Many forced moves remain informal precisely because tenants lack the legal knowledge, resources, or confidence to challenge them in court.

Desmond’s work reveals how eviction frequently occurs in the "shadow of the law," where landlords exploit these dynamics to remove tenants without triggering legal scrutiny. By illustrating how tenants struggle to name, blame, and claim their displacement as a formal grievance, Desmond exposes the systemic mechanisms that keep eviction largely invisible while ensuring its continued role in the cycle of poverty.

Many tenants accept informal evictions or leave their homes under economic duress, often driven by the desire to maintain a clean record and avoid stigmatization associated with a formal eviction (Alexander 2017). This stigma reflects a broader societal narrative that frames poverty as an individual failing, reinforcing the trend of distancing the poor as 'the other' rather than recognizing systemic barriers to stable housing. Desmond (2016) draws our attention to the myriad ways that landlords engage in informal evictions and use social norms to govern evictions. For example, Tobin Charney is a white landlord in a predominantly white, lowincome trailer park who often engages in informal evictions (p. 36). Desmond explains how Tobin's practice of renting to financially challenged individuals ensures a consistent flow of tenants through a high turnover rate (p. 128).

Tobin deliberately rents to financially vulnerable individuals who are more likely to fall behind on rent and be evicted, creating a continuous cycle of tenant turnover (p. 128). By repeatedly cycling through tenants with few options, landlords like Tobin exploit not only economic vulnerability but also societal attitudes that treat low-income renters as disposable, further alienating them from broader social and economic participation. Because these tenants struggle to maintain stable housing, they frequently leave—whether through informal evictions, voluntary departures under financial duress, or formal eviction proceedings. As a result, Tobin always has new tenants moving in to replace those who leave, ensuring that his rental units are never vacant for long (p. 128).

This strategy allows him to maintain a steady stream of rental income while also reinforcing his control over tenants, who are often too financially unstable to challenge his authority.

This approach grants Tobin the power to decide who gets evicted and who does not, often guided by motivations beyond rational

transactional considerations, such as whether tenants can make rent (Desmond 2016:113). For instance, men can often avoid or delay evictions through offers to work off their debts by "laying concrete, patching roofs, or painting rooms for landlords" (p. 113) while some women settle their debt by "trading sex for rent" (p. 129).

These exchanges illustrate how landlords leverage tenants' desperation to extract personal or exploitative concessions, reinforcing the informal control they hold. This dynamic underscores how poverty is often framed as a personal shortcoming rather than a structural condition, perpetuating the distancing of lowincome tenants as 'the other' and allowing such exploitative practices to persist unchecked.

Rather than facing a formal eviction, which could harm their ability to secure future housing, tenants accept these informal deals as a means of survival, demonstrating how eviction is often shaped by power dynamics and social norms rather than just financial transactions.

This example highlights how economic vulnerability forces tenants into exploitative arrangements to avoid formal eviction.

Landlords might also overlook overdue payments due to necessity, compassion, or the nuisance of formal evictions (Alexander 2017:436).

In these bargains, the law serves as a “penalty default rule” (Alexander 2017:437), meaning it represents an undesirable outcome that both parties aim to avoid. To prevent this, landlords and tenants rely on informal agreements, choosing to operate outside the formal legal framework. However, these agreements often come at the expense of tenants' humanity and dignity, forcing them to endure substandard housing conditions or accept degrading terms for shelter (Alexander 2017:437). This results in the long-term exploitation of tenants for temporary and immediate financial gains. This dynamic echoes Desmond's (2016) overarching theme of the impoverishing social impacts of eviction and unveils how evictions generate new markets for profit and exploitation. This exposes an underground economy where landlords create a workforce willing to accept subpar wages, typically off the books, furthering their financial gains (Wilson 2021:177). Desmond compares these landlords to drug kingpins to underscore the degree of exploitation, writing that “[t]he biggest drug kingpin in the city would have been envious of the massive cashpaid labour force urban landlords had at their disposal” (p. 141). This metaphor emphasizes the extent to which landlords, like criminals in

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illicit industries, exploit vulnerable populations.

Just as a drug lord profits from illegal activity, landlords profit from a cycle of exploitation, taking advantage of tenants’ desperation for affordable housing and leveraging their precarious situations for financial gain. The comparison to organized crime draws attention to how normalized, albeit legal, exploitation can be as damaging as illegal activities, framing landlords as key players in a larger system of economic abuse.

Law-in-the-Books and Law in Action: The Fair Housing Act The federal Fair Housing Act (FHA) explicitly prohibits discrimination against families with children under 18 in home rentals based on race, colour, sex, national origin, religion, and disability (Alexander 2017:433). Yet, Alexander (2017:434), in her review of Evicted, notes that the book illuminates a stark gap between legal prohibitions and their actual application, particularly affecting very low-income individuals with children, and families of colour (p. 434). Arleen, a middle-aged Black woman with two young boys, faced eviction when her thirteen-year-old son's snowball incident resulted in property damage (Desmond 2016:1).

Struggling to find habitable housing, Arleen ended up in a substandard unit paying $550 a month, constituting 88% of her $628 welfare check (Desmond 2016:3).

Meanwhile, Pam, a white woman with five children, faced eviction due to missed rental payments after spending rent money on drugs and losing several jobs (Desmond 2016:47). She also struggled to find new housing, with one landlord directly telling her, “we don't want your kids, ma'am” (p. 236). Nonetheless, Pam eventually acquired new housing when the landlord did not require credit references and allowed her to omit bank information (p. 237-238). Despite Pam's drug habits and prior felony convictions and evictions, she continually found safe and affordable housing much more promptly and easily than Arleen. In contrast, Arleen had no known drug habits or felonies, two children, and only a few prior evictions. However, she was rejected by all eightytwo apartments she applied for (p. 231). These narratives from Evicted show that despite the FHA's mandates, families with children, families of colour, and specifically Black women face heightened challenges in securing suitable, affordable, and livable housing that provides opportunities for them and their children. This reflects a broader societal pattern in which racial minorities are already 'othered' due to their identity (Butler 2012:135). This occurs through economic,

legal, and social exclusion, making them particularly vulnerable to exploitation in the housing market.

As Desmond (2016) illustrates, their marginalization compounds the challenges they face, as landlords and housing policies often reinforce, rather than alleviate, these systemic barriers. While the FHA is crucial for ensuring equal access to affordable housing for low-income minorities in low-poverty, predominantly white neighbourhoods, it is currently the only federal tool designed to address discrimination based on race and familial status. However, Desmond's research reveals that, despite the FHA, housing discrimination persists and takes on new forms, often going unchallenged.

Third-Party Policing: Nuisance Laws, Domestic Violence, and Evictions In the evolution of policing over the last four decades, there has been a notable shift towards evidence-based practices, including the adoption of "third-party policing," which unites public and private sectors by assigning law enforcement practices to non-state, civil actors (Roesch-Knapp 2020:848).

One prevalent form of third-party policing is the enforcement of nuisance property ordinances, which allows police to designate properties as nuisances if a certain number of 911 calls are made within a defined timeframe (Alexander 2017:438). For instance, in Milwaukee, a property can be labelled a nuisance if it accumulates three or more 911 calls within thirty days (Roesch-Knapp 2020:848). Property owners of designated nuisances may face penalties such as fines, property forfeiture, or even incarceration (p. 848). These penalties create a strong incentive for landlords to avoid renting to tenants who may require frequent emergency services, disproportionately affecting vulnerable populations, including victims of domestic violence, people with disabilities, and those in high-crime areas. By shifting policing responsibilities onto landlords, nuisance ordinances effectively criminalize tenants for seeking help, forcing them to choose between their safety and their housing stability. This aligns with Desmond’s broader critique of housing policies that exacerbate poverty and marginalization by making stability contingent on factors beyond tenants' control.

As revealed in Evicted, if women experiencing domestic abuse make multiple 911 calls or repeatedly report their abuse, landlords can be cited with a nuisance property

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ordinance violation (Desmond 2016:188).

Desmond (2016:191) reports that "[i]n the vast majority of cases (83 percent), landlords who received a nuisance citation for domestic violence responded by either evicting the tenants or by threatening to evict them for future police calls." This is significant because it demonstrates how nuisance ordinances punish victims of domestic violence rather than protecting them. Instead of ensuring their safety, these policies force women to choose between enduring abuse in silence or facing eviction for seeking help. In some cases, local law enforcement officials pressure landlords to evict their "nuisance" tenants to avoid being slapped with special charges. Desmond (2016:188-191) tells the story of how, when one of Sherrena Tarver's tenants called 911 to report a woman in the complex being physically assaulted by her boyfriend, the police responded by sending Sherrena a letter informing her that "she would be subject to a special charge for any future enforcement costs [...] that occurred at her property.” The police department required that Sherrena "respond in writing with a plan to abate the nuisance activities" (p. 188). When Sherrena notified police that she would ask the tenant to vacate the premises if the problems continued, the police department rejected her plan, citing the word "ask" as the problem (p.

188). The police department's rejection of this plan suggests that, within the framework of nuisance property ordinances, landlords are expected to take more forceful, definitive action.

The implication is that landlords must be prepared to act with the authority and finality of an official eviction notice, which would be legally recognized and enforceable. This requirement underscores the intersection of lawand-order regulations and landlord-tenant laws, where landlords are pressured to prioritize eviction over the protection of vulnerable tenants, reinforcing the punitive nature of the system. Only when Sherrena stapled the official eviction notice to her response did the police department accept her "written course of action" (p. 188). This example reflects how lowincome groups face adverse social consequences within a law-and-order state, which is grappling with diminishing law enforcement resources. In particular, it demonstrates how poor women, especially women of colour, are systematically 'othered' by legal and social structures that prioritize punitive measures over protection.

Rather than receiving support, they are treated as liabilities, reinforcing their exclusion from stable housing and safe communities. As Desmond illustrates, this legal framework does

not just fail to protect vulnerable women; it actively works against them, pushing them further into cycles of poverty and displacement.

The convergence of law-and-order maintenance regulations with conventional landlord-tenant laws results in a double victimization of specifically poor women, first by their abusers and subsequently by the local legal system.

Despite the vital contributions of Evicted, the book underscores the urgent need for an American right to housing. While Desmond advocates for reforms, particularly the expansion of the Housing Choice Voucher Program, this solution is limited in addressing key issues such as housing supply, sociopolitical factors, and housing quality (Alexander 2017:439). Alexander, in particular, argues that vouchers alone are insufficient to overcome the social and political constraints that limit meaningful choices for low-income individuals (p. 440). By framing the right to housing as a fundamental standard, Alexander asserts that policymakers must look beyond vouchers to address the structural factors perpetuating housing insecurity. While recognizing the importance of the right to housing, Alexander emphasizes that the market cannot meet housing needs without proper incentives and a balance between social and profit-driven goals. Instead, she advocates for a normative framework that establishes the right to housing, which could guide localities in planning for housing needs, engaging private stakeholders, and addressing growing housing inequality. Alexander (2017) points to local-level initiatives, such as the "tiny homes" movement for the homeless, as examples of city-backed solutions that, when combined with a universal voucher system, could help advance the practical realization of the right to housing—even if it is not formally recognized by law (p. 441).

CONCLUSION Evicted offers profound insights that deepen readers’ understanding of the lives and decisions of tenants struggling with housing insecurity, while also addressing the ongoing power dynamics between them and their landlords. In a society marked by increasing inequality, Desmond bridges the gap between different socio-economic classes, challenging the tendency to distance the poor as 'the other.' By employing relational ethnography and sharing personal narratives, he humanizes eviction while simultaneously exposing it as a sociolegal phenomenon; one governed not just by formal legal processes but by informal mechanisms operating in the shadow of the law. Through his

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discussion of informal evictions, nuisance property ordinances, and third-party policing, Desmond reveals how the law, and its circumvention, functions as both a tool and a terrain of power, exploiting tenants in often invisible yet profound ways. His framing of the low-income housing market as a system of exploitation challenges the myth of market neutrality and its being divorced from moral considerations (Rosser 2017). Evicted thus compels readers and policymakers alike to critically examine the sociolegal structures that perpetuate poverty and marginalization in the United States, and to reconsider the ethical foundations of housing systems that continue to prioritize profit over security.

Wilson, Christopher. 2021. “Markets and Players: Plotting Poverty and Citizenship in Matthew Desmond’s Evicted.” Journal of American Studies 56(1):167-190. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021875821000281

References Alexander, Lisa T. 2017. “Evicted: The SocioLegal Case for the Right to Housing.” Yale Law Journal.126:431-441. http://www.yalelawjournal.org/forum/the-sociolegal-case-for-the-right-to-housing Butler, Judith.

2012.

“Precarious Life, Vulnerability, and the Ethics of Cohabitation.”

The Journal of Speculative Philosophy 26(2):134– 151. https://doi.org/10.5325/jspecphil.26.2.0134 Desmond, Matthew. 2016. Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City. New York: Crown Publishers.

Felstiner, William L.F., Richard L. Abel, and Austin Sarat. 1980. “The Emergence and Transformation of Disputes: Naming, Blaming, Claiming.” Law and Society Review 15(3/4):631– 654. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315236353-12 Mnookin, Robert H., and Lewis Kornhauser.

1979. “Bargaining in the Shadow of the Law: The Case of Divorce.” The Yale Law Journal 88(5):950–997. https://doi.org/10.2307/795824 Roesch-Knapp, Andrew. 2020. “The Cyclical Nature of Poverty: Evicting the Poor.” Law & Social Inquiry 45(3):839–856. https://doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2020.12 Rosser, Ezra. 2017. “Exploiting the Poor: Housing, Markets, and Vulnerability.” Yale Law Journal.

126:458. http://www.yalelawjournal.org/forum/exploitingthe-poor-housing-markets-and-vulnerability

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Coloniality and Extractivism in the Russian Arctic: Case study of Cape Nagleynyn Polina Gorn Abstract This paper explores the infrastructural development of Cape Nagleynyn (Chukotka, Russian Arctic) using theories of coloniality and extractivism to understand how the Russian state has displaced and dispossessed Indigenous nations of Russia. I argue that the development at Cape Nagleynyn illustrates how the colonial understanding of nature as a resource underpins extractivism, which is Russia’s primary political objective in the Arctic Region. The idea of coloniality and the Colonial Matrix of Power unlocks the epistemological conflict between the state and Chukchi understandings of nature, where the state sees nature as a resource while the Chukchi perceive nature as a source of spiritual connection and physical sustenance.

The framework of extractivism has clarified the logic of Russia’s interests in the Arctic, with Indigenous people of Cape Nagleynyn experiencing class struggle due to the state’s interest in global capital and willingness to disregard Indigenous rights.

Key words: extractivism, Indigenous rights, Russian Arctic

colonialism,

Finding itself at the intersection of geopolitical and economic interests of the state and the global market, the Indigenous communities of the Arctic region have often found their rights violated and voices silenced in favour of stateled economic gain. This essay will start with setting the historical background to the case of Cape Nagleynyn by exploring the theories of coloniality and extractivism in the context of relations between the Russians and the Chukchi — the Indigenous people of the Russian North residing on the Chukotka peninsula. Then, it will set the regional context of Cape Nagleynyn’s role in Russia’s geopolitics and delineate how the Indigenous community of the cape is affected by the state’s development ventures. Lastly, this paper will combine the theories of coloniality and extractivism to explain how the Russian state justifies the silencing of Indigenous voices of Rytkuchi village and the dispossession of Indigenous communities.

1 “Hands off Cape Nagleynyn”

Setting the Historical Context The Coloniality of Chukchi’s Livelihoods

Introduction “Руки прочь от мыса Наглёйнын!”1 — reads the pixelated banner of a low-quality 8second video shared by Novaya Gazeta in September of 2020 (Brytskaya 2020b). In the video, school children of the Indigenous Chukchi village of Rytkuchi, Russia protest against the road and port development at Cape Nagleynyn (Brytskaya 2020b). There are over 50 people marching at the camera — more than 10% of the village’s population. Despite the large turnout, their protest did not gain government attention; the state continued with its plan to turn Cape Nagleynyn into a crucial hub for copper transportation by 2028 (Vostok Today 2023).

This paper explores the case of development at Cape Nagleynyn to answer the following question: How can the lenses of coloniality and extractivism help us understand the ways in which the Russian state has displaced and dispossessed Indigenous nations of Russia? This

Coloniality is a framework of the Peruvian scholar Anibal Quijano that explains the ways Western civilizations justified their colonial practices (Mignolo 2011). Coloniality is a system of thinking through hierarchies of gender, race, authority, and knowledge. Founded on centuriesold ideas from theology, secular philosophy and patriarchy, these elements create the Colonial Matrix of Power, which prioritizes the white cis hetero man (Mignolo 2011: p. 8). The logic of coloniality is deeply ingrained in contemporary politics and dominant worldviews, even if formal colonialism has ended. Coloniality, specifically the colonial understanding of nature, is what underlies Russian politics in the Arctic. This framework manifests in Russia's actions towards the Chukchi people, whose land and culture have long been subject to exploitation and dispossession.

Russian colonization was not similar to Western colonization: while Western colonies were geographically separated from the state by

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the ocean, Russia had what is known as “internal colonization,” which refers to the state treatment of Indigenous people and lands within its expanding territories (Etkind 2011). Nevertheless, the systems of treating Indigenous populations in Russia were largely founded on the Colonial Matrix of Power, which was developed based on the European history of colonization. The annexation of Chukotka in the late 18th century was undertaken as part of the imperial project of empress Catherine the Great, who followed Voltaire’s idea of geographic determinism, which stated that the bigger the state is, the more authoritative the ruler should be (Etkind 2011).

Therefore, the expansion of the Russian Empire was founded on the premises of secular philosophy — the basis of coloniality. Chukchi women have been the most disadvantaged group in Chukotka, which also ties into the gendered aspect of coloniality (Mignolo 2011). White colonizers bought Chukchi women from families that were unable to pay annual taxes (Nikitin 2021).

Alternatively, colonizers kidnapped Chukchi women during battles with the nation (Nikitin 2021). In the 1960s, police kidnapped nomadic children on helicopters, planes and boats and put them in schools (Golovnyov 2019). This nomadic school system reinforced the dominance of colonial knowledge over Indigenous knowledge. Russia has established itself in Chukotka through violence and discrimination by creating a hierarchy with a Western White man dominating Indigenous people.

The most crucial and persisting aspect of Russia’s coloniality in Chukotka is nature, which according to Mignolo (2011) is the most contested element of the Colonial Matrix of Power. Mignolo states that it is hard to tackle the debate around nature’s role in the Colonial Matrix of Power due to its change in meaning during the Industrial Revolution (Mignolo 2011: p. 12). This makes colonial “nature” different from “nature” in decolonial or Indigenous thinking. Mignolo argues that Francis Bacon’s reconceptualization of “nature” from an uncontrollable powerful entity into an extractable source has conflated the term with “natural resources,” making it “a repository of objectified, neutralized, and largely inert materiality” (Mignolo 2011: p. 12). In other words, “nature” in European thinking is solely perceived as a source of economic gain, which justifies centuries of Russian extractivist policies.

Extractivist Russian State in Chukotka The colonial understanding of nature as a resource is the foundation of extractivism — a

form of capitalist exploitation that depletes natural and human resources (Mullings 2024).

For extractivism to work, there must be a separation of producers from the means of production to enable exploitation (Veltmeyer & Petras 2014). For European colonialism, the exploitative separation was also geographical, since European colonies were across the ocean (Etkind 2011).

In contrast, Russian extractivism occurs within the country’s borders (Etkind 2011). The physical separation between the colony and the colonizer for European empires allowed for more overt ways of exploitation compared to the Russian context. Being an extractivist state with mainland colonies, Russia’s national identity is contradictorily founded on resource extraction as an integral part of the country’s national pride, with the direct ecological and health consequences of these practices on the nation being erased from the narrative (Tinti et al.

2024).

Extractivism has been the primary force behind Russia’s state interest in the Chaunskiy region of Chukotka where Cape Nagleynyn is located since the early 20th century. The region was “explored” by non-Indigenous people because of extractivist interests of the state.

Pevek, the only town of the region, was founded for lead transportation in the 1930s (Savinov 2017). Today, the majority of people living in Pevek are vahtoviki — people from mainland Russia who come to Chukotka for higher paying positions in the harsh climate (Настоящее время 2023). These vahtoviki tend to work in the extractive industry, typically rotating two months of work in the Arctic with two months of vacation, when they usually go back home to the mainland. Overall, extractivist state interests have not only shaped the region’s physical infrastructure and economy but have also restructured its human geographies, embedding colonial logic in Chukotka’s daily life and demographic fluctuations.

How Copper Transforms Cape Nagleynyn and Jeopardizes Chukchi The Role of Cape Nagleynyn in Russia’s Geopolitics Cape Nagleynyn is one of the most isolated regions of Chukotka, located in the easternmost federal subject of Russia (Fig. 1).

The region plays an essential role in Russia’s geopolitics and economy due to its proximity to natural resources and international waters.

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Politically, the Chaunskiy district is towards the country’s northern border, extending into highly contested Arctic waters (Tranter 2021). Since 2021, Russia’s territorial claims have tried to extend its continental shelf into Canadian and Danish claims (Tranter 2021). Due to the Arctic’s ambiguous water boundaries, the Russian government has stated that the Russian North requires increased military security to safeguard national “sovereignty and territorial integrity” (Meade 2021). This makes state control of the Chaunskiy district a strategically important part of Russian geopolitics.

Economically, the Chaunskiy district borders the waters of the Northern Sea Route (NSR) — a developing transportation corridor (Humpert 2011). As Arctic ice melts, the NSR has become a highly-demanded trade route as it cuts transportation distances between Europe and Asia or North America in half (Humpert 2011).

The Chaunskiy district is located in relative proximity to the copper-rich region of Baim, making Chukotka rich in natural resources (Tynankergav et al. 2019). Creating an efficient and cost-effective way of transporting copper from Baim would make Russia the closest copper-selling region to China, the country whose demand accounts for 65% of global copper imports (TrendEconomy n.d.).

Therefore, Chaunskiy district’s proximity to copper and the Northern Sea Route gives the region significant strategic value in Russia’s global economy and geopolitics, which costs the livelihoods of two Indigenous villages at Cape Nagleynyn.

The Indigenous People of Cape Nagleynyn In the geopolitical region of Cape Nagleynyn there are two villages — Ayon and Rytkuchi — which are home to about 600 Chukchi people (Fig. 2, 3). As these villages lack roads connecting them to mainland Russia, the only mode of transportation is monthly helicopter service (Настоящее время 2023). Due to its physical isolation, locals rely on the cape’s climate and nature: they fish in Chaunskaya bay and use surrounding land for reindeer pastures (Environmental Justice Atlas 2021). Reindeer herders are traditionally nomadic, so coming to the sea during the summer is a crucial part of their practice (Environmental Justice Atlas 2021). For the Chukchi of Cape Nagleynyn, Indigenous practices are not only a way of preserving culture but a source of sustenance and livelihood. However, due to strong state and global market interests, the Indigenous community of Cape Nagleynyn finds themselves

at peril. These political-economic pressures violate their rights by undermining their connection to land and marginalizing their cultural practices, which puts the community at risk of erasure.

Copper Transportation and the Fate of Cape Nagleynyn The Baimskaya ore deposit, identified as a source of international trade revenue for Russia in the 2010s, has become central to the geopolitical extractive interests and Indigenous resistance. In 2018, the land was acquired by a Kazakh company KAZ Minerals, and in 2020 Alexander Kozlov — the Minister for the Development of the Russian Far East and Arctic — announced the plans for a port at Cape Nagleynyn (Chukotka 2020a). The project required building a road to connect the port to the Baim ore deposit, as well as installing four optimised floating nuclear power units (OFPUs) to supply energy to the port and the mining region (Chukotka 2020a). What the project papers omit, however, is that the road will pass between two Indigenous villages, and disrupt the natural habitats of fish, deer, and endangered species including rams, polar bears, and snowy owls, which hold cultural and practical significance to the Chukchi (Dolitsky, 2019).

The Rytkuchi and Ayon communities have been actively protesting against the project (Brytskaya 2020a). The Rytkuchi reached out to the UN with pleas to protect the tundra (Indigenous Russia n.d.). The only response they received was from a Chukotka region official, who assured the Chukchi that the project complied with environmental assessment standards (Brytskaya 2020a). There were also community consultations in Moscow and Pevek, but these two locations were not directly affected by the development (Brytskaya 2020a).

The media coverage of community protests in Chukotka ends abruptly in 2020 — only a short video of Rytkuchi school children protesting against the development (Brytskaya 2020b) and a couple of articles about the concerns of locals remain. In contrast, progovernment news sources have focused on the state-led development and prospective investments of more than 27 billion rubles (around 322 million USD or 460 million CAD) to facilitate the transportation of up to 2 million tonnes of copper and gold (Chukotka 2023). Such sources only tangentially mentioned the plans of public consultation with Ayon and Rytkuchi villagers, with no information on the

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Cape Nagleynyn Extractivism

through

Coloniality

and

The colonial understanding of nature underpins state’s actions towards the Chukchi of Cape Nagleynyn, allowing it to sacrifice the locals’ traditional way of life for profits from international trade. The Russian state and extractivist companies perceive Cape Nagleynyn as a link between the copper mines and the global market, ignoring the damage this change brings to the local communities. The Chukchi’s spiritual and physical relation to Cape Nagleynyn’s ecosystem not only contradicts state priorities — this worldview is not even considered as a possible alternative of interacting with nature, which reflects the negligence of Indigenous knowledge within the Colonial Matrix of Power (Mignolo 2011: p. 13).

The case of Cape Nagleynyn is a textbook example of extractivism — a form of class struggle predominantly in rural areas with global capital in command, where the state is willing to offer land to multinational companies and not interfere with their operation of national resources (Veltmeyer & Petras 2014: pp. 28, 40).

For Cape Nagleynyn, China’s demand on copper — the global capitalist interest in question — gave rise to the project. The Russian state attracted international companies into this venture by selling Baim ore deposit to KAZ Minerals and commissioning South African SE Solutions and Moscow Ecoline EA Centre to conduct environmental assessment for the project (NS Energy 2021). The Chukchi of Rytkuchi and Ayon became rural victims of the extractivist class struggle, confronted by global capital and state power, which represent the world’s elites.

Since the Baim ore extraction site has not been launched, it is difficult to determine how much control the state will have over the operation of its national resources. Even if the Russian state does not monitor the extraction process, it will still have opportunities to enable resource management during transportation.

connection and physical sustenance. The framework of extractivism clarifies the logic of Russia’s interests in the Arctic.

Extractivism underpins the history of Russia-Chukchi relations, and its consequences reflect the theory of Veltmeyer and Petras (2014) in a textbook-like manner, with Indigenous people of Cape Nagleynyn experiencing a class struggle due to the state’s interest in global capital and willingness to disregard Indigenous rights.

Having their voices silenced, the Chukchi of Cape Nagleynyn will most likely be displaced through development and ecosystem destruction. Looking ahead, it seems that any population rise in the Chaunskiy district will be due to the influx of non-Indigenous vahtoviki who come to the region for money and contribute to ecosystem decline through copper and gold extraction. With Russia relying on natural resource extraction since the 16th century, it is hard to imagine an equitable and sustainable future for the country, especially for the Indigenous populations living in it.

Appendix

Fig. 1. The Chukotskiy Autonomous Okrug on the map of Russia. Source: Britannica

Conclusion The development of Cape Nagleynyn encapsulates the role of coloniality and extractivism in Russia’s Arctic policy, as geopolitical and economic interests are prioritized over Indigenous livelihoods. The idea of coloniality and the Colonial Matrix of Power elucidate the epistemological conflict between the state and Chukchi understandings of “nature”, where the state sees nature as a resource and the Chukchi perceive nature as a source of spiritual

Fig. 2. Rytkuchi (1), Ayon (2), and Pevek (3) on the map of Russia Tool: uMAP; Source: Open Street Map (OSM

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Chukotka. 2020b. “Na Chukotke proydut obshchestvennye obsuzhdeniya stroitel’stva porta v Chaunskoy gube [Public discussions on the construction of a port in Chaun Bay will be held in Chukotka].” ProChukotku, September 10.

Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://prochukotku.ru/news/transport/na_chuk otke_proydut_obshchestvennye_obsuzhdeniya_s troitelstva_porta_v_chaunskoy_gube_11497/).

Fig. 3. The close-up of the villages of Rytkuchi (1), Ayon (2), and the town of Pevek (3). Tool: uMAP; Source: Open Street Map (OSM)

References Brytskaya, Tatyana. 2020a. “Obmenyali na steklyashki: Pochemu chukotskaya derevnya pozhalovalas' v OON i pri chem zdes' Roman Abramovich [Sold for glass beads: Why a Chukchi village complained to the UN and what Roman Abramovich has to do with it].” Novaya Gazeta, August 28. Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://novayagazeta.ru/articles/2020/08/28/868 70-obmenyali-na-steklyashki).

Brytskaya, Tatyana. 2020b. “Na Chukotke shkol’niki vyshli na aktsiyu protesta protiv stroitel’stva porta [In Chukotka, schoolchildren protested against the construction of a port].”

Novaya Gazeta, September 5. Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://novayagazeta.ru/articles/2020/09/05/164 117-na-chukotke-shkolniki-vyshli-na-aktsiyuprotesta-protiv-stroitelstva-porta).

Chukotka.

2020a.

“Realizatsiya proekta Baymskogo GOKa nevozmozhna bez stroitel’stva porta [The implementation of the Baimsky GOK project is impossible without the construction of a port].” ProChukotku, August 14.

Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://prochukotku.ru/news/ofitsialno/aleksan dr_kozlov_realizatsiya_proekta_baimskogogoka _nevozmozhna_bez_stroitelstva_porta_11309/).

Chukotka. 2020b. “Na Chukotke proydut obshchestvennye obsuzhdeniya stroitel’stva porta v Chaunskoy gube [Public discussions on the construction of a port in Chaun Bay will be held in Chukotka].” ProChukotku, September 10.

Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://prochukotku.ru/news/transport/na_chuk otke_proydut_obshchestvennye_obsuzhdeniya_s troitelstva_porta_v_chaunskoy_gube_11497/).

Chukotka. 2023. “Portu Pevek rasshirili territoriyu [The territory of Pevek port was expanded].” ProChukotku, April 17. Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://prochukotku.ru/news/transport/portu_p evek_rasshirili_territoriyu/).

Dolitsky, Alexander B., ed. 2019. Ancient Tales of Chukotka. Translated by H. N. Michael.

Anchorage, AK: Alaska–Siberia Research Center.

Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://www.arlis.org/docs/vol1/O/1108661182.p df).

Environmental Justice Atlas.

2021.

“Copper/gold mining, nuclear power in Nagleyngyn, Arctic Russia.” April 9. Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://www.cevreadaleti.org/conflict/five-newnuclear-pp-in-nagleyngynthe-arctic-russia). Ėtkind, Alexander. 2011. Internal Colonization: Russia’s Imperial Experience. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.

Gago, Verónica, and Sandro Mezzadra. 2017.

“A Critique of the Extractive Operations of Capital: Toward an Expanded Concept of Extractivism.” Rethinking Marxism 29(4):574– 591. doi:10.1080/08935696.2017.1417087.

Golovnyov, Andrei.

2019.

“Yamalskiy eksperiment: Kak sdelat’ shkolu dlya detey kochevnikov [The Yamal experiment: How to create a school for nomadic children].”

Arzamas.

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Humpert, Malte. 2011. “The Future of the Northern Sea Route: A ‘Golden Waterway’ or a ‘Niche Route’?” The Arctic Institute, September 15.

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Indigenous Russia. n.d. “Obrashchenie zhiteley sela Rytkuchi k gubernatoru Chukotskogo avtonomnogo okruga po voprosu stroitel’stva kruglogodichnogo morskogo porta na myse Nagleynyn [Address by the residents of the village of Rytkuchi to the governor of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug regarding the construction of a year-round seaport on Cape Nagleynyn].”

Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://indigenousrussia.com/archives/6374).

International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs.

2021. “The Indigenous World 2021: Russian Federation.” March 18. Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://www.iwgia.org/en/russia/4246-iw-2021russian-federation.html).

Meade, Justin R. 2020. “Ice Rush: Russia’s Arctic Strategy.” National Intelligence University, July 21. Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://www.niu.edu/wpcontent/uploads/2023/11/NIUShort_07212020_D NI202201735_IceRusha.pdf).

Memorial Society. n.d. “Camp 389.” Gulag Map. Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://gulagmap.ru/camp389).

Mignolo, Walter D. 2011. The Darker Side of Western Modernity: Global Futures, Decolonial Options. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Mullings, Beverley. 2024. “Lecture 9 – Extractivism, Climate Change, and Racial Capitalist Dispossession: An Existential Crisis?”

University of Toronto, November 6.

Nikitin, Nikolai. 2021. “On Gender Issues in Siberia in the Early Stages of Russian Colonization.”

Rossiiskaia Istoriia(6):61–68. doi:10.31857/S086956870017377-5.

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Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://www.nsenergybusiness.com/projects/baim skaya-copper-project/).

Savinov, Mikhail. 2021. “Sevmorput’ i geologiya: Istoriya Peveka [The Northern Sea Route and Geology: The History of Pevek].” Go Arctic, September 17.

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Tranter, Emma. 2021. “‘You Cannot Claim Any More’: Russia Seeks Bigger Piece of Arctic.” CBC News, April 11. Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/russiaarctic-ocean-canada-united-nationscontinental-shelf-1.5983289).

TrendEconomy. n.d. “Copper Ores and Concentrates (HS: 2603) Exports, Imports, and Tariffs.”

Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://trendeconomy.com/data/commodity_h 2/2603).

Tynankergav, G. A., I. V. Mishin, and E. V. Avdeeva. 2019. “Chukotka: Novye gorizonty [Chukotka: New Horizons].” Vnedra, October 21.

Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://www.vnedra.ru/glavnayatema/chukotka-novye-gorizonty-8925/).

Veltmeyer, Henry, and James Petras. 2014. The New Extractivism: A Post-Neoliberal Development Model or Imperialism of the Twenty-First Century? London: Zed Books.

Vidal, Franck. 2023. “Russia’s Mining Strategy: Geopolitical Ambitions and Industrial Challenges.” Institut Français des Relations Internationales (IFRI). Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://www.ifri.org/sites/default/files/migrate d_files/documents/atom s/files/vidal_russiaminingstrategy_2023.pdf).

Vostok Today. 2023. “Baymskiy GOK na Chukotke postroyat k 2028 godu [Baimsky Mining and Processing Plant in Chukotka Will Be Built by 2028].” Vostok Today, November 22.

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Retrieved June 9, 2025 (https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=DBDVFkIUsJc).

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Passive stressors: Measuring the impact of experienced microaggressions and internalized stigma on substance use in gay and bisexual men Michael Ladd Abstract Research shows that sexual and gender minorities are at higher risk of substance misuse due to increased minority stress from discrimination. Prior research fails to compare the effects of overt discrimination and microaggressions on sexual and gender minorities, which raises the question: how do experienced microaggressions affect the substance use behaviours in gay and bisexual men? I answer this question with the RADAR survey dataset (n=1,068) using internalized stigma, experienced homophobic microaggressions, and experienced sexuality denial microaggressions as the independent variables, and alcohol and marijuana dependency as the dependent variables. A statistically significant increase was found in the odds for both marijuana and alcohol use with increased internalized stigma. Marijuana and alcohol consumption differed based on the type of microaggression; the odds of alcohol dependency significantly increasing with each increase in experienced homophobic microaggressions. The odds of marijuana dependency significantly increased with greater experienced sexuality denial while the odds of alcohol dependency decreased.

Introduction & Background Sexual and gender minorities (SGM) are individuals who do not conform to the normative ideals of gender and sexual identity.

SGM are at higher risk of substance misuse and abuse compared to their heterosexual and cisgendered counterparts (Coulter et al. 2018; Demant et al.

2018, 2021; Duncan, Hatzenbuehler, and Johnson 2013; Livingston et al. 2017; Mereish, O’Cleirigh, and Judith 2017; Tao and Fisher 2023). Substance abuse has raised concerns, as those struggling are at heightened risk of suicidal temptation (Mereish et al. 2017), hazardous sexual behaviours (Friedman et al. 2013), and psychiatric disorders (Johnson et al. 2013). This heightened risk of substance use has been explained by SGM experiencing higher rates of minority stressors compared to their heterosexual and cisgendered counterparts due to discrimination (Meyer 2003). Heightened stress causes

increased coping-motivated use of substances among SGM (Coulter et al. 2018; Duncan et al.

2014; Livingston et al. 2018; Mereish et al.

2017).

Discriminatory language is used to belittle marginalized peoples (Woodford et al. 2013).

Prior research has demonstrated that SGM youth disproportionately face verbal discrimination online (Tao and Fisher 2023), harassment in school (Coulter et al. 2018), and in day-to-day life (Livingston et al. 2017) – all of which increase substance-dependent tendencies.

Though these findings are substantial, researchers have yet to examine the effects of different types of verbal discrimination on SGM, overlooking the potentially different impacts of microaggressions opposed to overt discrimination. Microaggressions are everyday and subtle “interactions or [behaviours] that communicate some sort of bias toward a historically marginalized group” (Limbong 2020:para. 7). Unlike overt discrimination, microaggressions are unique as they can be perpetuated unknowingly or without harmful intent (Limbong 2020). This raises the question: How do microaggressions affect gay and bisexual men’s substance use behaviours? Since research demonstrates that discrimination increases substance use in SGM, I hypothesize an observable, positive correlation between experienced microaggressions and substance use.

Methods This research question will be answered with secondary data provided by RADAR. RADAR is a survey intended to collect longitudinal data from a racially and ethnically diverse cohort of SGM living in the Chicago Metropolitan area of the United States. The main purpose of this survey is to uncover the health complications associated with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), however the survey gathered information on respondents’ experiences with discrimination (Mustanski 2023). This quantitative study uses the survey results from respondents’ first visit which was conducted from February 2015 to March 2020. In total, there were 1,068 observations (n=1,068) and included only

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gay and bisexual cisgendered men. This study will make use of five of the variables within the dataset: alcohol dependence score and cannabis dependence score as the dependent variables, and anti-gay experienced microaggressions, experienced denial of homosexuality, and internalized stigma score as the independent variables.

The dependent variables were calculated from a set of questions asking about the respondents’ alcohol and marijuana use habits (e.g., “how often do you have six or more drinks on occasion?”, “how many hours were you stoned on a typical day when you had been using marijuana?”) and the respondents ranked their answers with a set of ordinally ordered responses ranging from low to high. The scores then ranged from 0-40 and 0-38 for alcohol and marijuana respectively, with a higher score indicating a higher dependence. The two variables were then stratified into dummy variables, separating higher dependence from lower dependence based on the third quartile.

For this cohort, heavier drinkers had dependency scores of 8.00 or greater, and smokers had marijuana dependency scores of 10.00 or greater. Higher dependency is assigned the value 1 and lower dependency 0. The independent variables were calculated in the same way and asked questions pertaining to the respondents’ feelings surrounding their sexual identity (e.g., “sometimes I wish I were not gay or bisexual”) or their frequency in experiencing microaggressive language (e.g., “someone said you are not like those gay people”, “you were told that being gay is just a phase”). The microaggression variables were log-transformed to account for the skewness and non-linearity of the distributions. For all variables, missing data and/or instances where the question was not applicable to the respondent was removed to reduce the potentiality for biased results.

Results The demographic characteristics of this cohort is a racially and ethnically diverse group of young, cisgendered, gay and bisexual men.

Considering the racial diversity of this sample (Table 1), the findings of this study can be generalizable to gay and bisexual men of the different ethnic groups included in this study.

This sample also only includes gay and bisexual cisgendered men. Prior research done by Coulter et al. (2018), Demant et al (2018, 2021), Duncan et al. (2013), Livingston et al. (2017), Mereish et al. (2017), and Tao and Fisher (2023) have largely focused on the substance use patterns affecting the LGBT* community as a whole; indicating that social phenomena specific to this group may be overlooked.

Two logistic regression models will be utilized to see the independent variables effects on alcohol and marijuana dependence:

Where represents the binary outcome for separate models for alcohol and cannabis dependency, represents internalized stigma, represents experienced anti-gay microaggressions, and represents experienced homosexuality denial microaggressions.

The descriptive statistics (Table 2) show there are relatively low levels of alcohol and cannabis dependence, internalized stigma, and experienced microaggressions compared to their respective ranges. There is greater dispersion between alcohol and cannabis dependency, as observed by the high standard deviations (SD) and interquartile ranges (IQR). Internalized *Note: LGBT = Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender

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stigma and microaggression scores exhibit lower variability, displaying that there are more consistent experiences among respondents. One possible explanation is respondents all lived in the Chicago metropolitan area. Cultural attitudes and perceptions of homosexuality may be more widely accepted in this area, and therefore there is little variability in experiences and fewer encounters with microaggressions.

Regression results from Table 3 indicate that there are statistically significant effects on the tendency for substance dependence for both levels of internalized stigma and experienced microaggressions. The baseline odds of heavily depending on alcohol and/or cannabis when all predictor variables are held constant are low (0.09 and 0.14 respectively) (CI 95% [0.06, 0.15], p<0.001). For every 1-unit increase in internalized stigma levels, there are 33 per cent greater odds of a respondents heavily depending on alcohol (CI 95% [1.08, 1.64], p<0.01) and 24 per cent greater odds in heavily depending on cannabis (CI 95% [1.01, 1.53], p<0.05), holding all other variables constant.

There is a substantial, roughly three-fold increase in the odds of a respondent being a heavy drinker for every 1-unit increase in experienced anti-gay microaggressions when holding all other variables constant (CI 95% [2.08, 5.33], p<0.001). Interestingly, this observation was not seen to be statistically significant for cannabis dependence despite observable 61 per cent greater odds of heavier cannabis use being correlated with a 1-unit increase in experienced denied homosexuality (95% CI [1.12, 2.33], p<0.05). The reasoning for this discrepancy is ambiguous, therefore future research should focus on the possible reasonings for the effect of different microaggression categories on substance use.

Finally, a 1-unit increase in experienced denied homosexuality is associated with roughly 48 per cent fewer odds in respondents having heavy alcohol dependence. The reasoning for this discrepancy is also equivocal. Demant et

al. (2018) found increased participation with the LGBT community was associated with increased substance use. One possible explanation is that if one's sexuality is more frequently denied, they may question themselves and thus interact less with people who share the same sexual identity as them, though future research should aim to test this hypothesis. The subsequent increase in the odds of cannabis dependency may be explained by the cultural attitudes surrounding the two substances; alcohol consumption may be considered less acceptable to do independently as opposed to marijuana consumption. Future research should aim to uncover the difference in substance use tendencies depending on the nature of experienced microaggressions.

Conclusion Prior research has demonstrated that SGM are at a higher risk of substance use and dependency compared to their heterosexual and cisgendered counterparts because SGM’s increased minority stress leads them to misuse substances as a coping-mechanism. While previous studies showed discrimination as a motivator for substance misuse, the difference between overt discrimination and microaggressions' influence on substance use remained understudied. This led me to ask the question: How do experienced microaggressions influence the substance use patterns in gay and bisexual men? This quantitative study was consistent with my hypothesis and determined there are statistically significant effects on experienced microaggressions’ influence on alcohol and cannabis consumption. Internalized stigma increases the tendency for heavy marijuana and alcohol dependency. Exposure to anti-gay attitudes were correlated with a significant increase in alcohol consumption, while the denial of homosexuality was correlated with an increase in cannabis dependency and a decrease in alcohol dependency. Future research should aim to uncover the different motivations for this discrepancy with experienced microaggressions. However, these findings show that increased social services for gay and bisexual men are necessary to mitigate substance misuse. Additionally, these findings bring the effect of microaggressions to light and emphasizes that this unique form of discrimination calls for more awareness.

Some limitations of this study could be tied to the access to information. This open data set did not provide demographic information such as age and sexuality, indicating some social phenomena could be overlooked. Additionally, the denial of homosexuality variable was measured by two ordinal variables. Future

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surveys should create a more nuanced and complex measurement of microaggressions so there can be more substantial measurements of its impacts. Finally, this survey was conducted on gay and bisexual men living in the Chicago Metropolitan area, meaning these results are not generalizable to all gay and bisexual men.

Livingston, Nicholas, Flentje Annesa, Nicholas Heck, Allen Szalda-Petree, and Bryan Cochran.

2017. “Ecological Momentary Assessment of Daily Discrimination Experiences and Nicotine, Alcohol, and Drug Use Among Sexual and Gender Minority Individuals.” American Psychological Association 85(12):1131–43.

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Balancing Tradition and Modernity: Intergenerational Evolution of Parental Love in Chinese Families Rachel Xie Abstract investigates how societal changes—including economic growth, urbanization, and exposure This paper examines the evolution of parental to Western cultural norms—have influenced love expression within Chinese families, expressions of love and care, and how these focusing on the balance between tradition and shifts embody a delicate balance between modernity. Through qualitative interviews with preserving tradition and embracing progress. parents born in China during the 1970s and Therefore, the key research question of this study is: "How has the expression of parental young adults raised in Canada during the 2000s, love in Chinese families evolved across two the study explores how societal changes such as generations — including a parent who was born globalization, economic development, and and raised in China in the 1970s, and a young migration influence familial dynamics. The adult who was born in China in the 2000s and findings reveal a shift from discipline-focused raised in Canada — and what impact do these forms of love expression have on later love to more nurturing and emotionally generations?" This question aims to bridge the supportive approaches, reflecting broader knowledge gap in understanding changes in cultural tensions. By looking at theoretical family dynamics within a rapidly evolving insights with lived experiences, this research Chinese society and their influence on child highlights the intergenerational interplay of development, offering insights with broader cultural heritage and adaptation, providing a implications for psychological and sociological theories. balanced perspective on family relationships.

By synthesizing qualitative interviews with The study contributes to sociological theoretical insights, this research explores the discussions on family, migration, and emotional challenges and opportunities inherent in well-being, offering practical insights for balancing cultural identity and contemporary navigating identity and emotional connection in values. It reveals how families navigate these dynamics, fostering reasoned and evidencemulticultural contexts. based perspectives on love expression.

Introduction Ultimately, this study contributes to broader sociological discussions on family, migration, In the 21st century, increasing attention has and emotional well-being, exemplifying the been paid to the dynamics of familial love theme of balance in addressing humanity’s expression, a subject that bridges personal shared challenges. This study is grounded in two relationships and societal values. This discourse key theoretical frameworks: the theory of often reflects the tension between tradition and intergenerational transmission (Bengtson and modernity, with individuals striving to balance Roberts 1991), which explains how values and cultural heritage and contemporary influences. behaviors are passed down within families, and This balance is particularly pronounced within Giddens’ (1991) concept of reflexive modernity, Chinese families, as the interplay between which posits that late modern individuals traditional values and modern norms, shaped by actively reflect on traditions and reshape them globalization and migration, reforms emotional in response to evolving social conditions. These dynamics and familial roles. frameworks guide the interpretation of how This study examines the evolution of parental love expressions are inherited and transformed love expression within Chinese families, across generations in response to migration, focusing on intergenerational shifts across two globalization, and cultural negotiation. distinct periods: parents born in China during To enhance the depth and effectiveness of my the 1970s and young adults raised in Canada study, a thorough review of existing literature is during the 2000s. Central to this inquiry is the essential for grounding my analysis in recognition that parental love profoundly established frameworks and diverse impacts children’s emotional and social perspectives.

A foundational work is Song and development, creating ripple effects across Ji’s (2020) Complexity of Chinese Family Life: generations. Through this lens, the research Undergraduate Sociology Journal, Vol. 7, No. 5, 2025

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Individualism, Familism, and Gender, which examines the evolving structural and cultural forces shaping Chinese families. Their analysis highlights the tension between rising individualism and enduring familism, and the renegotiation of gender roles, leading to diverse expressions of parental love. For instance, 20thcentury Chinese men increasingly saw personal success and family unity as intertwined, while women were often caught between professional aspirations and domestic expectations. This shift has diversified family dynamics and demonstrated that parental love is not fixed, but fluid and historically contingent.

Complementing this, Harkness and Super (2002) explore the cultural construction of parenting across societies, showing how norms and rituals—both formal and informal—shape expressions of love. Their ethnographic research reinforces the idea that love is contextually embedded, varying across cultures and time. Together, their work and that of Song and Ji reveal how structural and cultural forces jointly influence parenting styles and familial interactions.

Building on this, Smith and Coleman (2010) examine the intergenerational transmission of parental love using cross-cultural and social constructivist frameworks. Their findings indicate that inadequate expressions of love can have long-term psychosocial effects, potentially perpetuating cycles of emotional trauma.

Aleksiejuk (2016) further emphasizes the role of parental love in shaping children’s selfconcept, worldview, and emotional development. His research strengthens the argument that the quality of parental affection deeply influences both individual outcomes and intergenerational dynamics.

Drawing from these scholars, my research focuses on how expressions of parental love in Chinese families have evolved across generations, shaped by both macro-level societal shifts and micro-level emotional processes. While Song and Ji provide a structural backdrop, and Harkness and Super illuminate cultural mechanisms, I aim to synthesize these with the psychological insights from Aleksiejuk and Smith and Coleman to address a gap in the literature: the lack of integrated perspectives on intergenerational love expression in Chinese society. By bridging macro-structural trends with intimate familial experiences, my study offers a comprehensive view of how parental love is expressed, received, and transmitted across generations.

This approach deepens our understanding of how changing cultural norms and historical conditions shape familial affection in

contemporary China. These theories are operationalized by viewing participants’ narratives as socially situated practices. The constructivist view (Berger and Luckmann 1966) underpins this study’s premise that emotional norms such as love are learned, internalized, and reconstructed within specific socio-historical contexts. By analyzing family stories through this lens, the study contributes to bridging theoretical abstraction with lived experiences.

Methods The research commences with interviews conducted among three families, each consisting of a parent and a young adult (n=6). This study aims to explore the complex dynamics of parental love expression within this particular demographic. To ensure a comprehensive understanding of parental love expression, careful consideration was given to the demographic characteristics of the participants.

The three parents involved in the study, including one father and two mothers, were all born in the 1970s, representing a generation shaped by unique cultural and historical experiences in China. They lived through China's major reforms, experiencing both openness to new ideas from the 1960s and a relatively conservative mindset in later years (Burianek 2009). They came of age during a time of significant societal changes, witnessing both the reinstatement of the college entrance examination system and the abolition of work allocation and housing distribution welfare in China (Ibid). The children of the three parents, including one male and two females, were born roughly in the 2000s, reflecting rapid societal growth and belonging to a unique demographic exposed to both Chinese and Canadian cultures through their educational experiences. Notably, all parents had solely been raised in China, while the young adults had received education in both China and Canada, contributing to a diverse range of perspectives on familial relationships and cultural values.

The interviews were conducted over several weeks, separately for each participant. Two parent interviews were conducted in the comfort of their homes, providing a familiar and relaxed setting conducive to open communication. The other parent interview took place in an apartment common room, offering a neutral environment for candid discussions. In contrast, interviews with young adults were conducted in library study rooms at the University of Toronto, where they were enrolled as students.

All participant names were replaced with pseudonyms to ensure confidentiality and maintain their ethical standards.

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The selection of cases for this study was deliberate, aiming to encompass a range of experiences and familial dynamics within the target demographic. The first family interviewed was an immigrant family, where the mother, Ming, had brought her daughter, Rarity, to Canada when the child was in grade six. This case provided insights into the challenges and adjustments associated with relocating to a new country during adolescence and the impact on parental love expression. In contrast, the second family comprised a father, Chuan, who brought his son, Marvin, to Canada during his high school years. This case offered a perspective on the transition from adolescence to young adulthood within the context of cross-cultural experiences and the evolving dynamics of parental love. The third family presented a unique dynamic, with the mother, Lisa, remaining in China while her daughter, Jojo, pursued higher education abroad. The interview took place when the mom was here to visit her daughter. This case sheds light on the complexities of maintaining familial bonds across geographical distances and the role of parental love in supporting educational aspirations and personal growth.

Throughout the research process, upholding ethical standards was of utmost importance, ensuring the confidentiality and welfare of all participants. Prior to conducting interviews, informed consent was diligently obtained from each participant, and steps were taken to safeguard their privacy and anonymity when sharing findings. ​ Participants were selected based on their expressed interest in joining the study. Of the three families involved, two were reached through a recruitment post on a Chinese social media platform, WeiXin XiaoChengXu, and on seeing the post, they contacted me directly to express their interest.

The third family was referred to me by someone who had shared my recruitment post and had indicated their interest in this individual.

Moreover, proactive measures were implemented to address and minimize potential biases and assumptions during data collection and analysis.

The coding process for the interview commenced by generating open codes from six participants.

These codes were interpreted with a focus on mitigating potential bias and were thoroughly analyzed in accordance with the original data.

These open codes were then organized into eight focused codes around common themes identified across all participants during the interviews (See Appendix). Ultimately, six of the eight focused codes were synthesized into three main themes: Shift in Love Expressions, Inheritance of Love Expression, and Generational Improvisations.

My social position as a young, Chinese-born and Canadian-educated individual deeply impacted the research dynamics, particularly in how I connected with and interpreted the experiences of the young adult participants.

This shared cultural and educational background facilitated a nuanced understanding and empathy, enabling richer, more authentic dialogues. Participants may have felt a sense of camaraderie and safety in sharing their personal experiences with someone who intuitively understands the cultural nuances of their expressions of parental love. However, this insider perspective also posed the challenge of potential bias, where my personal journey and cultural assimilation could overly colour my interpretations of their experiences.

To mitigate this, I consciously employed strategies such as actively seeking diverse viewpoints across parent-child pairs. I engaged in self-reflection to critically assess how my experiences influenced my perceptions and analyses. This self-awareness was crucial in navigating the fine line between empathy and objectivity, ensuring that my social position enriched the research without compromising its integrity.

Data Analysis In this analysis, we explore three key themes in the expression of love within Chinese families across generations. Firstly, we examine the transition from indirect and disciplinary approaches to more direct and nurturing expressions. Secondly, we investigate how love expression patterns are inherited within families, shaping subsequent generations.

Lastly, we explore efforts to address past traumas and shortcomings, highlighting individuals' endeavours to provide a more nurturing upbringing for future generations.

These themes shed light on the interplay between societal influences, familial dynamics, and individual experiences in shaping love expression.

Theme 1: Shift in ways of Love Expression The first theme that emerged was the love expression transition in the Chinese context: The shift in the expression of love among Chinese people across two generations indicates an evolution from indirectness and discipline to a more direct and nurturing approach. The immediate contrast in love expressions between the 1970s and 2000s generations stems from societal influences.

During the 1970s, the economy was in dire straits, instilling widespread survival fears

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among the populace. Consequently, expressions of love were often neglected, with people prioritizing mere survival over emotional connections (Yan 2003). Under the shadow of this survival mentality, parental approaches were characterized by strictness, and love was primarily demonstrated through disciplinary actions, with little emphasis on verbal or emotional affirmation. Reflecting on her upbringing, Ming, a woman born in the 1970s, recalled how her parents' expressions of love were primarily disciplinary, aimed at moulding her into a successful individual. She said, “So it's still more about discipline. They want to guide you to become a better person, to make you more successful.” This is due to their “fear of survival.” However, Ming expressed a longing for a deeper emotional connection, highlighting a disparity between her parents' actions and her own emotional needs. She recounted instances where her parents' well-intentioned actions, such as restricting her water intake before meals, were perceived as punishments rather than expressions of care. Ming reflected, “...That's their love. But for me, that's punishment. They care, but they don't care enough so that they know what I really need.” This anecdote underscores the gap between parental intentions and the emotional fulfillment desired by their children, revealing the limitations of love expressed solely through discipline, which was a common issue at that time.

This trend visibly changed when moving to the generation of the 2000s. Ming’s daughter, Rarity, provided valuable insights into this shift, noting her mother's transition towards a more nurturing and caring approach than her grandparents. Rarity remarked, “She respects me as an individual adult, as who I am, even though I was so young back then.” This observation highlights Ming's transformation as a parent compared to her upbringing, characterized by a newfound understanding and respect for her daughter's individuality.

Furthermore, Rarity emphasized that her generation is much more fortunate than her parents, as she mentioned: “Our parents' generation learned how to treat us better as they spent less time worrying about making a minimum living for the family, unlike our grandparents did.” Rarity's acknowledgment of her generation's relative privilege suggests an awareness of the broader societal factors influencing parenting practices. Economic stability enabled parents to provide for their children materially and allowed for greater emotional investment in their upbringings.

Rarity also mentions the profound impact of her mother's love and care on her own emotional

well-being. She expressed, “...I think the fact that I'm confident, I don't live with fear, I have this livable life, my mental state is stable, is because she has given me enough love expressions and care.” This statement underscores the transformative power of parental love in fostering resilience and emotional stability in children. Rarity's reflections provide compelling evidence of the generational shift in parental attitudes and behaviours towards love expression. This stark difference in parenting styles between different generations underscores the complex interplay between societal influences and familial dynamics in shaping love expression within Chinese families.

Theme 2: Inheritance of Love Expression The emergence of the second theme, lineage, reveals the inheritance of love expressions within families. How parents interact with their children shapes the expression patterns of the latter, creating a cycle that extends beyond a single generation. It's as though parental love expressions encapsulate not only their own methods but also the cumulative expressions of past generations, with each adding their unique imprint. Ming offers insight into this phenomenon, particularly through the internalization of standards. She notes that her parents instilled in her high self-expectations and a drive for success, which she, in turn, passed down to her child subconsciously: "We inherited high self-expectations and a drive for success. These values were instilled in me by my parents, and now, unconsciously, I hold similar expectations for my child. I expect her to excel and to perform exceptionally well. This is a bit materialized, that is, my parents seem to be materializing me, and I am also materializing my child." Ming's observation suggests that expressions of love are intertwined with expectations, and these expectations are unconsciously transmitted across generations. This cyclical process reflects a deeply ingrained aspect of familial dynamics, perpetuating certain modes of expression over time. It emphasizes the interplay between familial interactions and individual identity formation, highlighting how parental behaviours shape subsequent generations' understanding and enactment of love.

Another family has displayed a similar trend, underscoring a recurring pattern observed across generations in one family and highlighting how deeply ingrained values of high expectations and disciplinary love get transmitted from parents to children.

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Lisa, born in the 1970s into a family with welleducated parents—an elementary school principal mother and an engineer father—recalls a childhood filled with pressure to excel. She reflects, "My parents pushed me to surpass others from a young age, equipping me with various skills. This rigour propelled my success, and I understand now that their demanding approach was their way of expressing love, wanting me to thrive." This account illustrates that Lisa interpreted her parents' high expectations as a form of affection, a testament to how familial values shape perceptions of love.

Lisa herself has chosen to adopt her parents' high-expectation parenting style, believing it to be the only way to ensure her child's success. She argues for raising her child in a similarly demanding environment, a decision that reflects her understanding of normalcy and success.

This choice is echoed in the experiences of Jojo, Lisa's daughter, who describes growing up under the shadow of her mother's competitive and stressful childhood.

Jojo shares, “My grandparents set high standards for my mom, constantly pitting her against her sister. This fostered a competitive and stressful environment, a legacy that my mom passed on to me... I have to do extra courses....so I was really busy…. I remember I got ninety-eight out of a hundred on my math exam... and my mom was really, really mad at me. And she didn't want to sign her name on my exam.” Jojo's childhood, packed with extracurricular activities and extremely high academic expectations, mirrors her mother's experiences, perpetuating this family's unique approach to achievement and love. Jojo's narrative, particularly her recounting of the intense disappointment over a nearperfect math score, encapsulates the immense pressure and expectations she faced. This cycle of high expectations as expressions of love, established by her grandparents and continued by her mother, illustrates how familial upbringing deeply influences one's understanding of love and success. Jojo's acknowledgment of this intergenerational transmission of values and pressures reveals a profound awareness of the ways in which upbringing shapes personal development and familial relationships.

In a similar sense, Chuan, a man born in the 1970s in Beijing, also believes that expressions are inherited, specifically regarding the indirectness of love expressions in his family. He remarked, “ None of my parents actually express love verbally, or show affection directly.”

This observation underscores the deeply ingrained norms surrounding love expression within his family, where verbal declarations of

affection are rare and indirect gestures are more prevalent. Chuan attributes this trait to familial lineage, noting, “I think it may be a family inheritance. Since my grandparents do not express love in words to my parents, my parents would not express it to me either, and consequently, I would feel reluctant to say I love you to my son.” This insight into familial inheritance of love expression reflects how patterns of interaction within the family unit shape one's understanding and enactment of love, perpetuating certain modes of expression over time. Furthermore, Chuan's reluctance to verbally express love to his son demonstrates the impact of learned behaviour on interpersonal relationships, as it reflects not only a personal disposition but also a manifestation of inherited familial norms.

This intergenerational relationship is further supported by Chuan’s son, Marvin, who recalls, “I don't remember my parents saying love to each other…And I don't remember them saying love to their parents or siblings.

Never.” This lack of verbal affection within Marvin's family highlights a pattern of love expression passed down through multiple generations. Moreover, Marvin elucidates how his family's indirect expression of love has shaped him into an indirect person in love expressions. He explains, “... My family's expression of love for me shaped how I would treat them… It's not normal for me to say, ‘I love you.’” This statement underscores the reciprocal nature of love expression within familial relationships. Marvin's experience illustrates how the love he received from his family influences his own expression of affection towards them, forming a continuous cycle of behaviour passed down through generations. Marvin's reflection highlights the profound impact of familial dynamics on individual attitudes and behaviours, further underscoring how patterns of love expression within the family unit shape one's understanding of love and interpersonal relationships. In this way, familial legacies significantly shape individual identity and behaviour, influencing how people express and perceive love throughout their lives. A noteworthy finding linked to this theme of lineage is that how Marvin, Jojo, and Rarity demonstrate their love to their parents does not seem to be influenced by having been educated in Canada. They persist in following their parents' patterns of expressing affection, perhaps because their parents were born and raised in China and have instilled them with Chinese cultural norms and values.

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Theme 3: Generational Improvisations The last theme that emerged in the process of this research was the generational efforts to correct bad experiences. If there aren't any, individuals often tend to perpetuate their parents' approach because they feel positive about it. In essence, regardless of the type of love expression individuals receive, they strive to provide their children with the best possible upbringing. For example, Ming candidly admitted, “I changed the things that traumatized me for my daughter…I give my child double the love I lacked—everything I missed out on and everything I desired.” This statement illustrates Ming's determination to break the cycle of negative experiences and provide her daughter with the love and support she craved but didn't receive herself. Ming's approach exemplifies a generational shift towards conscious parenting, where individuals actively reflect on their own upbringing and strive to create a more nurturing environment for their children. By consciously addressing past traumas and shortcomings, Ming aims to provide her daughter with the emotional support and affection she yearned for but didn't receive. Similarly, Chuan also made concerted efforts to prevent his childhood traumas from affecting his son. Specifically, he aimed to avoid repeating the absence of parental involvement that he experienced as a child. Chuan reflected, “Maybe it is because my parents did not play a big role as I grew up that I chose to play a huge role in my son’s life, and I helped him to deal with all sorts of things.” Chuan's statement underscores his commitment to being actively involved in his son's life, in stark contrast to the perceived lack of parental presence he experienced during his own upbringing. By recognizing the impact of his childhood experiences, Chuan endeavours to provide his son with the support and guidance he himself lacked. This proactive approach to parenting reflects Chuan's determination to break the cycle of absenteeism and ensure that his son receives the care and attention he deserves. It exemplifies a generational effort to address past traumas and create a more nurturing and supportive family environment for future generations.

Marvin is also willing to correct his father Chuan’s approach. He remarked, “I feel like in the future, when I am having children, I will show them less love than my dad has shown me.

Because I think my father spoiled me while I was a child.” Marvin's statement reflects his recognition of the potential consequences of his father's approach to parenting.

While acknowledging the love and care he received

from his father, he also acknowledges a sense of being "spoiled" during his upbringing. In expressing his intention to show less love to his future children, Marvin aims to strike a balance between affection and discipline, recognizing the importance of instilling values such as resilience and self-reliance in his children. By reflecting on his own experiences, Marvin aims to avoid repeating the perceived mistakes and ensure a more balanced approach to parenting in the future. This willingness to learn from past experiences and adapt one's approach to parenting reflects a commitment to breaking the cycle of negative patterns and fostering a healthier family dynamic. It exemplifies a generational effort to address shortcomings and provide future generations with the best possible upbringing.

Discussion This study undertakes an in-depth examination of how expressions of parental love within Chinese families have influenced young adults’ perceptions of how they will show parental love to their subsequent generation and assesses the impact of this evolution on ensuing generations. Central to this inquiry is the exploration of how these expressions of affection have transformed amid migration and the subsequent effects on the children’s emotional and psychological growth.

Navigating through the intricate layers of cultural adaptation, generational shifts, and individual agency, this research aims to uncover the multifaceted dynamics of familial love and its lasting influence on the lineage.

Regarding the evolution of parental love expression in China, the findings reveal a significant shift from indirect, disciplinefocused expressions of love, prevalent among parents born and raised in China during the 1970s, to more direct, nurturing, and emotionally supportive approaches adopted by the next generation, particularly those born in the 2000s and raised in Canada. This evolution reflects broader societal changes, including economic development, globalization, and the influence of Western cultural norms, showcasing a nuanced negotiation between maintaining traditional Chinese values and adapting to new cultural environments.

Concerning the effects of parental love expression on future generations, the essence of this discussion revolves around the concept of lineage, highlighting how the influence of parental affection is perceived through the prism of inheritance. The study reveals that while the newer generation has moved towards more open expressions of love, the underlying

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values and expectations transmitted from one generation to the next remain influential. This intergenerational transmission of love expression styles underscores parents’ profound influence on shaping their children's emotional and relational development. It highlights how familial legacies of love, care, and expectation are intricately woven into the fabric of each generation's approach to expressing affection.

This lineage of love expression not only carries forward the cultural and emotional DNA of the family but also acts as a mirror reflecting the societal changes and individual adaptations over time.

An accidental yet pivotal finding that enriches the above discussion and further answers the research question is the phenomenon of generational improvisation. Such generational improvisations signify a critical evolutionary step in family dynamics. Parents consciously choose to alter the legacy of love expression to avoid replicating negative experiences and traumas from their own upbringing. This deliberate modification not only impacts the immediate parent-child relationship but also sets a new course for how love and affection are understood and practised in subsequent generations.

These improvisations, coupled with the enduring elements of lineage, weave a complex tapestry of parental love expression that is both shaped by and shapes the individuals within the family unit. The interplay between societal evolution, cultural adaptation, and generational inheritance and improvisation paints a rich picture of the dynamic nature of family life and love expression within Chinese immigrant families. Through this lens, we can better understand how families navigate the dual challenges of preserving cultural identity while embracing the possibilities of a new societal context, ultimately contributing to a broader narrative of change, resilience, and emotional development across generations. These findings ultimately reinforce all three guiding frameworks: the persistence and adaptation of familial values from intergenerational transmission theory (Bengtson and Roberts 1991), the reflexive reworking of tradition under Giddens’ (1991) late modernity, and the socially constructed nature of emotional norms as posited by Berger and Luckmann (1966).

Together, these theories provide an interpretive lens for understanding how Chinese immigrant families transmit, reflect on, and reshape love expression across generations.

The findings of this research align closely with the established literature, offering specific parallels and extensions to the understanding of

parental love expressions and their implications across generations. For instance, the observed shift from indirect to more direct forms of love expression among Chinese families in Canada mirrors the evolution discussed by Song and Ji (2020), who explored the dynamic interplay between individualistic aspirations and familistic values within modern Chinese society.

This study's identification of a move towards nurturing and emotionally supportive parenting styles underscores Song and Ji’s observations of evolving parental roles amidst societal changes.

Furthermore, the notion of lineage and inheritance of love expressions, as revealed in this investigation, provides a concrete example of Harkness and Super’s (2002) theoretical propositions on the cultural construction of parenting. Where Harkness and Super discuss the influence of cultural norms on parenting practices broadly, this research offers empirical evidence of how these influences manifest in the specific behaviours and choices of Chinese immigrant families, thereby demonstrating the practical application of their broader cultural theories.

Additionally, the unexpected discovery of generational improvisations in this study, where parents intentionally alter their expressions of love to avoid replicating negative experiences, finds resonance with Artur Aleksiejuk's (2016) insights into the significance of experiencing parental love for child development. While Aleksiejuk emphasizes the critical role of parental love in forming a child's worldview and emotional health, this research extends that understanding by showing how parents actively work to enhance the quality of love expressed, informed by their reflections on past experiences and societal influences. The study's findings are consistent with the themes highlighted in existing literature but extend the conversation by incorporating the complexities of cultural adaptation among immigrant families. While previous research has delved into the impact of societal and cultural factors on parenting styles, this study uniquely captures the lived experiences of Chinese families in Canada, revealing how migration and integration into a new cultural context precipitate a reevaluation and adaptation of love expressions. This not only reaffirms the dynamic nature of family relationships and parenting practices but also emphasizes the role of individual agency in shaping these practices across generations. This aligns with Giddens’ (1991) argument that under conditions of late modernity, individuals increasingly become selfreflexive agents—consciously modifying inherited practices, including parenting styles,

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to better suit new realities. In this case, Chinese immigrant parents draw on both memory and migration experience to recalibrate their emotional legacies. This aligns with Giddens’ (1991) argument that under conditions of late modernity, individuals increasingly become selfreflexive agents, consciously modifying inherited practices, including parenting styles, to better suit new realities. In this case, Chinese immigrant parents draw on both memory and migration experience to recalibrate their emotional legacies.

While providing valuable insights into the evolution of parental love expression in Chinese families across generations, this study carries certain limitations that must be acknowledged.

Firstly, the research is based on a small sample size, comprising only three family units. This limitation restricts the generalizability of the findings, as the experiences and perceptions of a broader population may differ significantly.

Therefore, the conclusions drawn from this study should be viewed as indicative rather than definitive. Further research with a more extensive and diverse sample is needed to validate and extend these findings. Secondly, the bicultural background of the participants, involving both Chinese and Canadian influences, introduces specific contextual factors that may not be present in other Chinese or diasporic communities. This particularity may affect the applicability of the results to other settings, where cultural and social dynamics could influence parental love expression differently.

Additionally, the retrospective nature of the data collection, relying on participants' memories and perceptions of past events, may lead to recall bias. This bias can affect the accuracy of the accounts of parental love expressions, as memories can be influenced by numerous factors over time, including subsequent experiences and current relationships. Finally, the researcher's background as a Chinese-born and Canadianeducated individual may introduce bias in the interpretation of the data. While efforts were made to mitigate this through various methodological approaches, personal and cultural perspectives inevitably colour the analysis and conclusions. These limitations suggest the need for a cautious interpretation of the findings and underscore the importance of further studies to explore the complex dynamics of parental love expression in diverse contexts.

Conclusion In conclusion, the evolution of parental love in Chinese families reflects an ongoing negotiation between tradition and modernity. As societal norms shift, each generation adapts expressions

of love to align with changing values, preserving cultural roots while embracing new realities. This dynamic is especially relevant for immigrant families, who must balance cultural identity with assimilation. By examining how love is expressed, transmitted, and transformed across generations, this research highlights the resilience and adaptability of families navigating cultural change. It fills a critical gap in scholarship by showing how familial love is not only preserved but reimagined to foster well-being in diverse, evolving contexts.

Ultimately, the study underscores familial love as a transformative force—shaped by the past, responsive to the present, and vital to building emotional strength and connection in an interconnected world.

Appendix Below are the final six focused codes that contributed to the three main themes of this research.

Focused code 1: Society’s Influence The participants of the 1970s generation have revealed that collectivism and duty overshadowed individual displays of affection, leading to enforced separations from parents due to work commitments and a generational disconnect. Strictness and a lack of overt displays of affection prevailed under familial pressures. Conversely, the participants of the 2000s generation have witnessed a shift towards prioritizing emotional well-being, reflecting socio-economic progress and globalization, resulting in a more nurturing upbringing. This focused code belongs to the theme of “Shift in Love Expressions.”

Focused code 2: Indirect Love Expressions There is a Chinese tradition of subtly conveying affection among all three families.

Actions such as preparing meals or offering small services indirectly communicate love.

Discipline, seemingly at odds with affection, is also perceived as an expression of care. Direct verbal or physical expressions are minimal and are seen as breaking the social norm for participants, especially the 1970s generation.

This focused code belongs to the theme of “Shift in Love Expressions.”

Focused code 3: Inherited Love Expression Approach Parental behaviours serve as models for children's emulation of love, passed down through generations.

During interviews, participants disclosed their commitment to passing down their parents' approach to expressing love. This transfer predominantly manifested through indirect behaviours, with

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parents employing subtle expressions of affection and their children adopting these patterns, leading to a hesitancy to express love directly. This focused code belongs to the theme of “Inheritance of Love Expression.”

Focused code 4: Internalized Standards The assimilation of cultural norms and familial expectations influences the interactions with subsequent generations.

As individuals internalize these expectations, they anticipate similar standards from their children, perpetuating generational norms . These codes collectively reflect the intergenerational transmission of love expression, addressing the research question by showcasing the enduring impact of familial and cultural legacies on individuals' understanding of love. This focused code belongs to the theme of “Inheritance of Love Expression.”

Focused code 5: Difference in Upbringings There has been a divergence in love expression approaches between parents and children as societal values evolve. Younger generations adapt the inherited love expressions, seeking alternatives and revealing the evolving nature of love expression. Two of the participants from the 2000s generation admitted that they will act differently to their future children compared to their parents’ approach. This focused code belongs to the theme of “Generational Improvisations.”

Focused code 6: Generational Improvisations Among all six participants, all of them have shown or are willing to show individuals efforts to prevent their children from experiencing the same childhood traumas they endured and to improve upon their parents' approaches, contributing to ongoing familial improvement.

Each generation builds upon the emotional environment established by their predecessors and collectively aiming to create a better future, offering valuable generational insights into my research. This focused code belongs to the theme of “Generational Improvisations.”

References Aleksiejuk, Anna. 2016. The Significance of Experiencing Parental Love for a Child’s Development and Upbringing. Retrieved June 3, 2025 (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/32941 6985_The_Significance_of_Experiencing_Paren tal_Love_for_a_Child%27s_Development_and_ Upbringing).

Bengtson, Vern L., and Robert E. L. Roberts.

1991. “Intergenerational Solidarity in Aging Families: An Example of Formal Theory Construction.” Journal of Marriage and Family 53(4):856–870.

Berger, Peter L., and Thomas Luckmann. 1966.

The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books.

Burianek, Ingrid E. 2009. China in the 1970s – From Cultural Revolution to Emerging World Economy. Course: Private Discussions of Scholarly Work on China. eBook ISBN: 9783640345915. Book ISBN: 9783640345748.

Giddens, Anthony. 1991. Modernity and SelfIdentity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Harkness, Sara, and Charles Super. 2002.

“Culture and Parenting.” In ResearchGate.

Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Smith, Lesley, and Valerie Coleman. 2010.

Child and Family-Centred Healthcare: Concept, Theory, and Practice. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Song, Jing, and Yingchun Ji. 2020.

“Complexity of Chinese Family Life: Individualism, Familism, and Gender.” Chinese Sociological Review 52(4):378–396. Retrieved June 3, 2025 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/26915619.pdf).

Yan, Yunxiang. 2003. Private Life under Socialism: Love, Intimacy, and Family Change in a Chinese Village, 1949–1999. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

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Statistical Analysis of Opinions on Abortion Banning in Canada, 2011 Sophia Bannon, Simona Agostino, Hannah Bharmal Abstract This study is guided by the following research question: How does gender, religious importance, education, area and province impact Canadian attitudes toward banning abortion?

We hypothesize that males and those who more strongly value religion are less likely to oppose banning abortion. We conduct a logistic regression analysis, and utilize heatmaps and a bar plot to visualize data from the 2011 Canadian Election Student Survey. We find male respondents have lower odds of opposing an abortion ban than women and increasing religiosity is negatively associated with opposing a ban, allowing us to reject our null hypothesis.

Further findings indicate lower levels of education are negatively associated with opposing an abortion ban and urban areas have lower proportions of respondents opposing an abortion ban than rural areas.

Introduction In 2022, the United States Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, its landmark case federally protecting abortion rights. This decision has prompted discourse surrounding abortion access and legalization in Canada (Macfarlane 2022). It is, therefore, vital to examine current Canadian opinions regarding abortion access and demographic factors which may influence these opinions. It is particularly insightful to examine these beliefs, through statistical analysis, within a framework of historical understandings of Canadian attitudes toward abortion by way of statistical analysis.

The purpose of this study is to build a chronological framework to understand the shift in Canadian perspectives on abortion access.

Using data from the 2011 Canadian Election Study Survey (CES), we analyze respondents’ opinions on abortion access in Canada, in relation to gender, religious identity, level of education, province of residence, and whether respondents reside in a rural or urban area. We hypothesize male respondents will be less likely to oppose banning abortion than female respondents; further, we hypothesize respondents with higher religiosity will be negatively associated with opposing an abortion ban.

Research Question How do Canadian attitudes toward banning abortion account for gender, religious identity, level of education, area of residence and province of residence?

Methods We analyze data from the 2011 Canadian Election Study Survey, utilizing a rolling crosssectional sample design, surveying respondents over four waves (Fournier, Cutler, Soroka, & Stolle 2013). First, 4,308 Canadians were interviewed by phone during the 2011 federal election campaign period. The interviewees were then sent an online survey, which 767 completed (Fournier, Cutler, Soroka, & Stolle 2013). After the election period, 3,362 of the original respondents were again interviewed by phone; they were then sent a mail-back survey, which 1,567 completed (Fournier, Cutler, Soroka, & Stolle 2013). The survey resulted in a total of 2,231 valid observations (Fournier, Cutler, Soroka, & Stolle 2013) .

This study focuses on the relationship between respondent demographic characteristics and opinions toward banning abortion. Our outcome variable, “abortion,” asks respondents if they believe abortion should be banned, measured as a binary “yes” or “no.” Our predictor variables measure the following demographic characteristics: “urban,” “importance,” “education,” and “gender.”

“Urban” is a binary variable which measures whether respondents live in an “urban” or “rural” area. “Importance” asks respondents about the significance of religion in their lives, measured ordinally in four categories from “not important at all” to “very important.”

“Education” measures respondents’ highest level of attained education; from less than high school to completing a graduate degree. The categories under this variable have been renamed for clarity. Finally, “gender” measures respondents’ gender as binary “female” or “male.”

We use a logistic regression model table for analysis, expressing the regression coefficients as odds ratios,including statistical significance and confidence intervals (Table 2). The odds ratio regression formula is expressed as

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Log (Pr (Yi = abortion)) ÷ (Pr (Yi = 0)) = β0 + β1 ⋅ urban + β2 ⋅ gender + β3 ⋅ education + β4⋅ importance + εi. β0 is the intercept, representing the baseline odds of opposing an abortion ban when all predictors are set at the reference-level category (female respondents for whom religion is not at all important, have bachelor’s degrees, and live in rural areas). β1, β2, β3 and β4 represent the respective slopes, reflecting the difference in odds of opposing an abortion ban when the respondent lives in an urban area, is male, has a one-unit increase in level of attained education, and has a one-unit increase in level of religious significance, in relation to the reference categories. Finally, εi reflects the error term, the difference between observed abortion beliefs and the true data-generating model.

Our statistical analysis employs several visualizations demonstrating the relationship between our outcome and predictor variables.

We utilize heat maps to visualize the relationships between our outcome variable and the predictors of religious importance (Figure 1) and education (Figure 3). We use a bar plot to indicate the proportion of rural and urban respondents who support an abortion ban (Figure 2). We also provide a table with the number and proportion of observations for each variable (Table 1).

Table 2. Logistic Regression Model for Opinions on Banning Abortion

Results

+ p < 0.1, * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001

Table 1. Number and Proportion of Observations for Predictor and Outcome Variables*

Note. Num. Obs. = 2231, AIC = 9044.3, BIC = 9107.1

*All percentage values have been rounded to two decimal points.

Log. Lik. = − 4511.160, F = 34.936, RMSE = 0.35.

CI = confidence interval.

The estimated intercept coefficient in Table 2 indicates that, on average, women who hold bachelor’s degrees, do not consider religion to be at all important, and live in rural areas have a baseline odds of approximately 31.38 of opposing an abortion ban. The predictor variable male indicates that male respondents are ~31% less likely to oppose an abortion ban than women, holding all other variables constant (p = 0.003; CI 95% [0.535, 0.882]).

This is statistically significant.

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Figure 1. Heat Map for Opinions on Banning Abortion by Importance of Religion

Figure 2 indicates a lower proportion of respondents living in urban areas support an abortion ban, compared to respondents living in rural areas. Regression results from Table 2 indicate urban respondents are 5.8% more likely to oppose an abortion ban than those living in rural areas, holding all other variables constant (p = 0.024; 95% CI [0.008, 0.076]).

Figure 3. Heat Map for Opinions on Banning Abortion by Level of Education

Figure 1 indicates higher proportions of respondents for whom religion is ‘not very important’ and ‘somewhat important’ who answered “no” to banning abortion. Regression results from Table 2 indicate that respondents for whom religion is not very important are ~36% less likely to oppose an abortion ban than respondents for whom religion is not at all important, holding all other variables constant (p = 0.154; 95% CI: [0.351, 1.192]). This is not statistically significant. Further, respondents for whom religion is somewhat important are 70% less likely to oppose an abortion ban than those for whom religion is not at all important, holding all other variables constant (p < 0.001; 95% [CI: 0.186, 0.469]). Finally, respondents for whom religion is very important are ~95% times less likely to oppose an abortion ban than those for whom religion is not at all important, holding all other variables constant (p < 0.001; 95% [CI: 0.032, 0.078]).

Figure 2. Bar Plot for Opinions on Banning Abortion by Urban vs. Rural Residence

Figure 3 indicates a negative association between opposing an abortion ban and increased education level; in other words, as education level increases, the proportion of respondents who oppose an abortion ban also increases. Regression results from Table 2 indicate respondents with less than a high school education are ~59% less likely to oppose an abortion ban than respondents with a bachelor’s degree (p = 0.047; 95% CI [0.269, 0.610]) and respondents who completed high school are 44% less likely (p = 0.003; 95% CI [0.382, 0.817]), holding all other variables constant. Further, respondents who completed college are ~33% less likely to oppose an abortion ban than those with a bachelor’s degree, holding all other variables constant (p = 0.047; 95% CI [0.457, 0.993].

Finally, the regression results indicate the odds of respondents who completed some post-secondary education or obtained a graduate degree opposing an abortion ban were not statistically significant.

Conclusion The results of this analysis finds that male respondents have slightly lower odds (~31%) of opposing a ban on abortion than female respondents (p < 0.01). Further, we find that increasing religious significance has a negative

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association with opposing an abortion ban— respondents for whom religion is somewhat important are 70% less likely to oppose an abortion ban (p < 0.001); additionally, respondents to whom religion is very important have significantly lower odds (~95%) of opposing an abortion ban than respondents for whom religion is not at all important (p < 0.001).

All of the above findings are statistically significant, supporting our hypothesis that male respondents and respondents for whom religion is significant are more likely to be for abortion bans.

We additionally found lower levels of attained education are negatively associated with opposing an abortion ban, with those who had only completed high school having 44% lower odds (p < 0.01) and those who had not completed high school having ~59% lower odds (p < 0.001) than respondents with bachelor’s degrees.

Our findings indicate distinct trends concerning the relationship between Canadians’ opinions on banning abortion and the selected demographic predictors. It should be noted that these findings exist in a specific temporal context and can be used in further study as part of a historical framework of statistical analysis to compare current views on abortion access.

Understanding national attitudes towards abortion, particularly in understanding how these attitudes may have changed over the past decade, can provide valuable insight into the recently shifting political and narrative discourse surrounding abortion rights. Further research should seek to examine how the relationship between these predictors and attitudes toward abortion may have shifted between 2011 and the present day.

References Macfarlane, Emmett. 2022. “The Overturning of Roe v. Wade: Are Abortion Rights in Canada Vulnerable?” Canadian Journal of Political Science 55(3):734–739. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423922000452 Northrup, David. 2012. The 2011 Canadian Election Survey: Technical Documentation.

Toronto, ON: Institute for Social Research, York University.

Fournier, Patrick, Fred Cutler, Stuart Soroka, and Dietlind Stolle. 2013. Canadian Election Study 2011: Study Documentation. Kingston, ON: Canadian Opinion Research Archive, Queen's University. Retrieved December 13, 2024 (https://vincentarelbundock.github.io/Rdatasets /doc/carData/CES11.html).

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Letter

f rom the

USSU Co-Presidents Dear readers,

Thank you for taking the time to read the seventh volume of the Undergraduate Sociology Journal.

We are proud to showcase how undergraduate sociology students at the University of Toronto approach the theme of balance with nuance, critique, and care in their academic and creative work.

A huge thank you goes to our Editor-in-Chief, Libby Li, and the entire Editorial Board for their diligent work in bringing this volume together. We’re also incredibly grateful to all the contributors whose work made this journal possible.

If you’re interested in submitting your own work or joining the journal team as an editor or designer, keep an eye on USSU’s social media for updates on submissions and hiring.

We’re excited to share another inspiring collection of student work with you next year.

Warmly, Emily Mastracci & Jenkin Yuen Co-Presidents, University of Toronto Undergraduate Sociology Students' Union (USSU)

UNDERGRADUATE SOCIOLOGY STUDENTS’ UNION | UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

VOLUME VII | 2024-2025