The Caucus 2021 Issue 1 by UNSW_United_Nations_Society

THE CAUCUS

UNSW UNITED NATIONS SOCIETY, ISSUE 1, 2021

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ISSUE 1, 2021

TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF COUNTRY

President’s Address

Empowering People with Disability

The Caucus acknowledges the Traditional Custodians of the lands on which we study, work and live. We celebrate the diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Straight Islander peoples and their ongoing cultures and connections to the lands and waters of Australia.

How Trauma And Violence Can Increase Right-Wing Support And Racism

We pay our respects to Elders past, present and emerging and extend that respect to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people that have contributed to this publication and are a vibrant part of our UN Society community.

The Degradation of Otruppe Masculine Empowerment

On the Holocaust; The Legalisation of Anti-Semitism & The Complexities of The Idea of Human Rights

Empowering The Oppressed People of Palestine

Publications Team

Author

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PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS

creativity in conceptualising these publications, as well as a strong work ethic in taking the time out of their busy lives to liaise with authors, write blog posts, edit articles, and undertake all the other administrative work required to bring a publication to fruition. Thanks must also go to the authors that have contributed their works. I have had the privilege of seeing advance copies of this issue and am impressed by its quality. I am sure our readers will be too. The last two years have been challenging for all of us, on a personal and collective level. Despite all the curveballs thrown our way, the UNSOC team has achieved great things in 2021. Earlier in the year, our Mentoring and Diplomacy Skills Directors ran a panel event on ‘women in leadership’, which saw a group of incredible women share their experiences and give advice that left me feeling empowered to make change in my community. I am confident that it left the rest of the audience feeling much the same way. UNSOC’s Mini-MUN Director has spearheaded multiple successful events throughout the year, sparking debate on complex issues like balancing social media censorship with free speech, or ecological sustainability with economic concerns. These events have empowered students by first providing them with research and resources to understand the issues, and then giving them the confidence to speak about them in front of their peers.

by aakriti shoree

Since its inception, the UNSW United Nations Society (‘UNSOC’) has aimed to develop in its members a greater understanding of global issues and empower them to act in ways that make the world a better place. The name of UNSOC’s flagship publication, The Caucus, reflects those goals: in Model United Nations, a ‘caucus’ is a forum in which delegates can express their views on pressing matters of international significance. Similarly, we intend for The Caucus to be forum in which students can speak their mind about what motivates and inspires them. The fact that the theme of this inaugural issue of The Caucus is ‘Empowerment’ is only fitting; we at UNSOC hope that this publication continues to grow in size and scope, while always remaining a place where

students can feel empowered to both learn about a variety of new issues and ideas, and to act on their own ideas by sharing them with others.

The Education Portfolio has laid the groundwork for our annual DiscoverMUN workshops, which are designed to promote similar confidence in high school students. Our Socials Committee, Grievance Portfolio and First Year Representative have all done the important work of ensuring that everyone in UNSOC has felt part of a community: supported, and empowered to share their ideas with the rest of the Society. Our Marketing Committee, Administration Portfolio and Finance Portfolio have kept the Society running.Excitingly, our External Conferences, Grievance, Administration and Finance teams have all worked together to create new subsidy policies that empower our more disadvantaged members, by giving them the opportunity to attend more exciting events.

similarly, we intend for The Caucus to be forum in which students can speak their mind about what motivates and inspires them.

I am incredibly proud of our Publications Committee, led by Director Andrena Kandiah, for the work they have put into not only publishing The Caucus, but also the topical fortnightly blog posts (published in The Working Paper, available on the UNSOC website) and our weekly Society newsletter (The Resolution). They have demonstrated

Aakriti Shoree

the last two years have been challenging for all of us, on a personal and collective level. despite all the curveballs thrown our way, the unsoc team has achieved great things in

2021.

This represents only a fraction of the work that has been put in by our team, to make 2021 an empowering year despite the restrictions placed on us by circumstances beyond our control. The launch of this publication coincides with the end of my tenure as President of UNSOC. This year has taught me that empowerment is about community. The UNSOC team has been so welcoming, eager, and driven this year. This leadership opportunity has empowered me at an individual level – but the support of the team and broader UNSOC community is what has made it such a positive, empowering experience. I have already expressed how proud I am of the Publications team. That pride extends to everyone I have worked with this year. I hope that the entirety of the UNSOC leadership team feels the experiences they have gained in the Society have empowered them to continue achieving great things in the future. Aakriti Shoree President, 2021

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EMPOWERING PEOPLE WITH DISABILITY Empowerment is not just seen through the lens of providing people with disability with more resources to achieve their economic potential. There are many perspectives and aspects of empowerment - generally, it encompasses living with dignity, having a voice and representation in the government, and opportunities for economic security and employment. (UN, 2012). The barriers of empowering people with disabilities are multifaceted and influenced by attitudinal, economic, cultural, educational, and political concerns.

Attendees at the International Day of Disabled Persons celebrations at the UN Headquarters, New York, on December 3, 2018. (UNCRPD)

Author

Jason Soo is a 3rd year Bioinformatics Engineering student. Whilst he plans on working in the biotechnology field, he also aspires to educate himself on important issues in the world and help spread awareness of issues faced by people with disabilities. In doing this, he hopes to challenge attitudes in regards to neurodiverse individuals, such as those on Jason theSoo autism spectrum and provoke positive change in society.

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by jason soo

In my opinion, empowerment is not just at the individual level in terms of meeting basic human rights and needs, but also in having a voice in the community and being represented in government. This essay will address the barriers faced in empowering people with disabilities within the workplace and more broadly, and strategies that are used to overcome these. Firstly, it is important to note that people with disabilities face difficulties with the social stigma that surrounds disability and the attitudes that prevent their effective integration into the workplace and society. There is a persistent fact that people with disabilities face lower employment rates than those without disabilities across four geographical regions (UN, 2019). Due to the social stigma and attitudes as well as the lack of necessary accommodations such as assistive technologies, those with severe or psychosocial disabilities are more likely to face insecure work or unemployment and tend to receive lower wages.This is represented in an e-discussion hosted by the World Bank where the main ideas solicited were that society’s perception of disabled people are misrepresented as incapable of contributing to society. This acts as a significant barrier to their effective integration to the workplace. Employers also see hiring disabled people as something that will create problems and lead to higher costs for their business. The solutions solicited by this discussion included the need for change in societal knowledge, attitudes, and behaviours regarding disability (Roggero et al., 2006). These solutions are difficult to implement as societal knowledge is slowmoving. Progress is hindered when attitudes and behaviours are only championed and challenged by those who are oppressed. Of course, it is difficult to ignore the importance of economic factors. There is no doubt that economic factors impact on all other rights of people with disability, including the larger sustainable development goals of ending poverty and hunger, increasing access to water and sanitation, and gender equality. Without sufficient funds to buy goods necessary for achieving the potential of people with disability, they are often not able to enter the job market. People with disabilities are

routinely unable to access sufficient assistive technology. A large percentage of persons with a disability reported that their workplace is inaccessible: that is, they do not get reasonable accommodation, or are missing or need more assistive technologies (UN, 2019). The UN report on disability has recommended several practices to improve this situation. They include legislating a right to work and/or legislation to ensure freedom from discrimination in the hiring process. Another notable recommendation is making public services lead the way in terms of inclusive hiring and career development. Additionally, effective public employment services need to be implemented to ensure that the recruitment practices of employers are inclusive, and governments can also provide financial and technical assistance to help employers make necessary adjustments in the workplace.

their empowerment is reliant not only on individual empowerment but also in collective and political representation.

unless disabled people are able to engage in the political process, they cannot truly be empowered. Their empowerment is reliant not only on individual empowerment but also in collective and political representation. However, whilst many countries are yet to fully implement all the recommendations, there is hope as there is much to gain from the inclusion of disabled people into workplaces, and in general society. I firmly believe that these issues are attitudinal and there is a financial and economic incentive for all countries to make further efforts to help empower disabled workers. I believe that developed countries have a moral obligation to assist less developed countries in the costs of such services and assistive technologies. 20 million people around the world do not have access to a wheelchair and 80% of these people live in countries where state resources for providing these were limited. Often, the provision of these essential devices is left to international (both governmental and nongovernmental) organisations (Shore and Kovic, n.d.). An example of a program that provides such aid is Australia’s aid program in the Indo-Pacific. Australia is one of the 154 countries which have ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) 2007. The main elements of the Australian government’s program are guided by principles of inclusion and participation ‘Nothing about us without us’, the intersection between gender and disability. The program aims to implement the CPRD as well as generally provide infrastructure and services that are accessible (Development for All 2015-2020 Strategy for strengthening disability-inclusive development in Australia’s aid program, 2015). However, the aid programs of developed countries are often criticised for being underfunded and not being able to deliver these benefits. The UN Inter-agency task force on Financing for

However, implementing such economic progress will likely require international cooperation, both technical and economic. There is often a sense of opposition in the academic world to the concept of “neoliberalism”. Defined briefly, it is about the ideas of the free market and the role of the individual. However, critics argue that such an approach means that governments can often try to implement cost-saving measures for services for individuals and this disproportionately affects those with disabilities because they are more likely to require those services. If such political assertions are true, this could affect the empowerment of disabled people due to the need to afford such services privately. For example, in India, in the article by Chaudhry, the paper describes the neoliberal approaches used by the Indian government that effectively led to an individualisation of disability as a medical issue. The practice employed by the government was to set up SHGs (self-help groups), known as sanghams, which the author alleges was used to cover for the cuts in governmental services. She alleges that these sanghams, while having many benefits of improving community and independence, effectively depoliticised the issue of disability and took advantage of traditional rural values of community to help enforce their neoliberal cost-saving measures (Chaudhry, 2019). From this article, it can be argued that

Jason Soo

Development reaffirms the ODA commitment of 0.7 percent of gross national income (GNI) to developing countries and 0.15-0.2 percent of GNI to least developed countries (LDCs). While ODA increased by 1.4 percent in 2019 compared with the previous year, the amount as a percentage of donor country GNI decreased (Un.org, 2021). In conclusion, there remains much work to be done in the empowerment of people with disabilities around the world. Their empowerment depends on a range of factors including their right to work. It is important to consider economic and political factors that may affect the provision of the CRPD. Disabled people should be given a right to representation in political spheres. Much can be done using international aid efforts to assist those in the least developed countries to access essential services. In this way, we can shift our thinking of how we perceive people with disabilities. Such measures would unlock their potential and ensure empowerment in all forms, including economic necessities and security, as well as empowerment through representation in politics and process.

CHAUDHRY, V. 2019. Neoliberal crises of social work ithe Global South: Ethnography of individualizing disability and empowerment practice in India. 62, 1117-1130. ROGGERO, P., TARRICONE, R., NICOLI, M. & MANGIATERRA, V. 2006. What do people think about disabled youth and employment in developed and developing countries? Results from an e discussion hosted by the World Bank. Disability & Society, 21, 645-650. UN. 2019. UN flagship report on Disability Final Available: https://www.un.org/development/desa/ disabilities/wp-content/uploads/sites/15/2019/07/ disability-report-chapter2.pdf., chapter 2 Other references (Not on Endnote) https://developmentfinance.un.org/. (2021). Official development assistance. [online] Available at: https:// developmentfinance.un.org/official-developmentassistance [Accessed 9 Jul. 2021]. un.org/ (2012), Empowerment: What does it mean for you?, UN Social Development Network, viewed 26 June 2021, https://www.un.org/esa/socdev/ngo/ outreachmaterials/empowerment-booklet.pdf

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HOW TRAUMA AND VIOLENCE CAN INCREASE RIGHT-WING SUPPORT AND RACISM In the West, we often view increasing far-right support as a result of ignorance, or racism. However, in the Global South, it points to trauma and violence against marginalised communities.

Three Mizrahi Jews reading a copy of the Hebrew Bible at a Jewish refugee camp, on March 3, 1949 (AP)

Soldiers in the Golani Brigade, an infantry unit with a high proportion of Mizrahim, attend their swearing-in ceremony at the Divisional Training Base near Kfar Kara, on February 6, 2020. (Flash90)

Author

Abhranil Hazra is a 5th year International Studies and Media student. He was born and raised in Sydney and is Jason Soo interested in politics, music, reading and cricket. He aspires to be a journalist and a geopolitical analyst.

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by abhranil hazra

Far too often when we analyse historical trauma in its relationship to politics, we assume that marginalised groups are natural supporters of the Left or Liberal causes. This is likely because their trauma is so great, we think that they would lean on social justice campaigns as a collective way to alleviate it. But what if they turn to far-right movements and political parties instead? When we look into the psychology of people supporting politics in the traditional left and right binary, often the same studies tend to pop up. They assert that people who support right wing parties have lower cognitive abilities and prefer ordered, rigid hierarchies. Individuals who identify as left leaning are cited as having more developed cognitive abilities and the desire to trust a variety of sources for information (Rosenburg, 2014, sec 1, par 35). So, what image pops up in your mind when reading this? A wealthy senior citizen of Anglo-Saxon descent watching Sky News After Dark? Perhaps on the other side, a young woman of colour reading her favourite Junkee Magazine? Unfortunately, such dichotomies are far too simplistic and Western-centric when analysing the behaviour of nationalism in the world today. The Global South however provides us with an eye opener. Marginalised communities can also become a force and a strong voting base for nationalist movements around the world. For example, the Mizrahi Jews in Israel are an ethnic group who fled the Middle East following anti-Semitic backlash in the 1950s (Times of Israel Staff, 2015) (Irenstein, 2020). However, their expectations of liberation were largely met with disillusionment (Mehager, 2016). Instead, they faced increasing racial discrimination from the European Ashkenazim Jewish population, which had primary control over Israeli institutions (Mehager, 2015) (Gibraltar, 2013). From 1950-70, Israel had a policy of tracking Mizrahi children and placing them in vocational schools while Ashkenazim children would enrol in regular high schools (Mehager, 2015, sec 2, par 1-2). This was a process that continued decades of historical

segregation between the two ethnic groups (Mehager, 2015, sec 2, par 1-2) (Mehager, 2020, sec 2, par 5). It was often justified by the ideological belief that Mizrahi children should not be sent to institutions of abstract learning because they were inferior to their Ashkenazim counterparts (Mehager, 2020, sec 3, par 1). While the policy has since ceased, the segregation of Mizrahi and Ashkenazim children continues to this day (Mehager, 2020, sec 3, par 2).

Religious observants at The Dhakeshwari Durga Temple in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on May 7, 2015. (Flickr/Kuruman)

Many Mizrahi Jewish activists have highlighted how their culture has been completely wiped out and replaced with European Ashkenazim culture (Ring, 2020). So why don’t they vote or rally behind progressive movements for their rights? How did this marginalised minority group find themselves in support of the Rightwing Likud party part of the Ashkenazim establishment? (Mehager, 2020)

how did this marginalised minority group find themselves in support of the

The answer lies sadly in the failure of the Israeli Left bloc, which largely built the Ashkenazim privileges into the Israeli state (Mehager, 2015, sec 5, par 5). Rather choosing to take a stand against the racism and white supremacy permeating Israel’s politics, they perpetuated it. (Mehager, 2015, sec 5, par 5) (Cahili, 2013) (Noy, 2020, par 3). In Left-wing circles, both Zionist and Non-Zionist, many regard the Mizrahi people as primitive and unable to grasp the European ideals advocated by Marx and Hegel (Cahili, 2013,sec 1, par 1). But it is the institutional racism fostered by the Ashkenazim-dominated Left bloc which pushed the Mizrahi toward the military and the right side of politics (Cahili, 2013,sec 1, par 3). According to Israeli sociologist Professor Orna Sasson-Levy, the military was the pathway for economic stability for many Mizrahi Jews (Mehager, 2020, sec 4, par 4-5). Current Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s antiestablishment rhetoric finds fertile ground amongst the working-class Mizrahi base and he continues to play into the resentment shared by them (Noy, 2020, sec 1, par 2). In a recent example of this, Prime Minister Netanyahu labelled the people organising protests against his corruption as “anarchists” and “treasonous” (Noy,2020, sec 1, par 1). He

Right-wing Likud party part of the Ashkenazim establishment? also accused the protestors of being led by the so-called Ashkenazim liberal elite (Noy,2020, sec 1, par 2). What can be classified as a kind of right-wing populism is in fact a form of resistance practiced by the Mizrahi communities against what they call a liberal Ashkenazim elite, who persecuted and harmed them in the 1950s. A similar phenomenon is taking place in India amongst Hindu Bangladeshi refugees. The Hindu Nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been appealing to the Namasudras, a low-caste refugee community. They want support for the elections in the Indian state of West Bengal (Telegraph, 2021, par 2) (Daniyal, 2017, sec 5, par 1). In their latest manifesto, they promised socio-economic empowerment for the community (Telegraph, 2021, par 2). However, their main trump card has been the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act which has been opposed and slammed as anti-Muslim (Daniyal, 2017, sec 7, par 1-2) (BBC, 2019). To many Hindu Bangladeshi refugees, the BJP’s promise of citizenship represents a ticket to safety and freedom from persecution. This

Abhranil Hazra

sentiment, which was previously championed by the now near-extinct Left wing Communist Party in the state of West Bengal, has been the cornerstone of Narendra Modi’s campaign (Telegraph, 2021) (Press Trust of India, 2014). In a 2014 rally, he promised to give citizenship to Hindu Bangladeshi refugees (Press Trust of India, 2014). This effort has been met with a major improvement in the BJP’s fortune in the State of West Bengal and they are banking on it for this year’s upcoming election too (Daniyal, 2017, sec 4, par 2). The reason for their success can be observed as two-fold. Bangladeshi Hindus have faced strong discrimination in Bangladesh, where the migration of Hindus out of the country has remained steady but growing (Daniyal, 2016) (Ashraf, 2017). Migration occurred in waves after British India was divided into India and Pakistan, which led to bloodshed between Hindus and Muslims as well as the largest global migration ever seen (Daniyal, 2016, sec 2, par 1-2). Approximately 6 million Hindus fled then East Pakistan for safety in India whilst 1.5 million Muslims fled to Bangladesh (Daniyal, 2016, sec 3, par 1-2). However, this climate continued after partition where Hindus continued to migrate. In 1965, East Pakistan passed the Enemy Property Act, which allowed the state to seize land from anyone deemed an ‘enemy of the state’ (Ashraf, 2017, sec 6, par 1). In a 1997 study, Professor Abdul Barkat found that 40% of the seized land belonged to Hindus, resulting in a weaker financial

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position (Daniyal, 2017, sec 4, par 2). This only increased in the 1971 Independence War in Bangladesh where the Pakistani Army attacked Hindus (Ashraf, 2017, sec 1, par 1). In Bangladesh’s history, right wing Islamist parties like Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jamaat-E-Islami are notorious for their antiHindu violence (Daniyal, 2017, sec 5, par 1) (Ashraf, 2017, sec 12, par 1) (Ashraf, 2017, sec 23, par 2). It is this legacy which has led many to flee to India and allowed Modi to appeal to them for support. Unfortunately, it has also manifested anti-Muslim prejudice and sentiment in a country with rising Hindu Nationalism (Daniyal, 2016, sec 7, par 2-3) (Daniyal, 2017, sec 1, par 4). The common theme observed from those supporting right wing parties is that of fear. In the Western context, this is often misinterpreted as ignorance or racism that needs to be addressed by society. However, in the Global South, it points to how trauma and violence against marginalised communities can often result in increased right-wing support and racism. If a shared sense of identity is perceived as being attacked, it can be shaped by dark and traumatic histories that need to be acknowledged. It is important to realise how these stories and their nuances show that politics is more complicated than it seems.

Ashraf, Ajaz. 2017. “Interview: Hindus In Bangladesh Have Faced Ethnic Cleansing Since 1947”. Scroll.In. https://scroll.in/article/847725/interview-hindus-inbangladesh-have-faced-ethnic-cleansing-since-1947. “Bangladeshi Infiltrators Must Go Back, Refugees Welcome, Says Narendra Modi”. 2014. The Indian Express. https://indianexpress.com/article/india/politics/ bangladeshi-infiltrators-must-go-back-refugeeswelcome-say-narendra-modi/. Cahlili, Ron. 2013. “‘How Can This Monkey Be Talking About An Ideology That Developed In Europe?’ – +972 Magazine”. +972 Magazine. https://www.972mag.com/how-can-this-monkeybe-talking-about-an-ideology-that-developed-ineurope/69465/. “Citizenship Amendment Bill: India’s New ‘AntiMuslim’ Law Explained”. 2019. BBC News. https:// www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-50670393.

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Daniyal, Shoaib. 2016. “Cross-Border Agonies: Dhaka’s Middle-Class Hindus Lead A Dual Life Straddling Two Countries”. Scroll.In. https://scroll.in/article/801326/cross-borderagonies-dhakas-middle-class-hindus-lead-a-duallife-straddling-two-countries.

THE DEGRADATION OF OTRUPPE MASCULINE EMPOWERMENT

Daniyal, Shoaib. 2017. “Why Hindu Immigrants From Bangladesh Are A Key Component Of The BJP’S West Bengal Expansion Strategy”. Scroll.In. https://scroll.in/article/845354/why-hinduimmigrants-from-bangladesh-are-a-keycomponent-of -the-bjps-west-bengal-expansionstrategy. Gibraltar, Cafe. 2013. “Mizrahi Culture Was Suppressed, Ashkenazi Culture Is Simply Forgotten – +972 Magazine”. +972 Magazine. https://www.972mag.com/mizrahi-culturewas-suppressed-ashkenazi-culture-is-simplyforgotten/70035/. Irenstein, Toby. 2020. “Don’t Forget The Other Mideast Refugees: Mizrahi Jews”. Algemeiner.Com. https://www.algemeiner.com/2020/12/07/dontforget-the-other-mideast-refugees-mizrahi-jews/

The Ovaherero people, a Bantu ethnic group in Namibia, were subject to the German colonisation of German South West Africa in the early 20th century. The Otruppe, an organisation of ideological young men, was created as a response to colonisation as a means to combat the hegemonic order.

“Israel Marks Exodus Of Jews From Arab Countries”. 2015. Timesofisrael.Com. https://www.timesofisrael. com/israel-marks-exodus-of-jews-from-arabcountries/. Mehager, Tom. 2015. “Why Mizrahim Don’t Vote For The Left – +972 Magazine”. +972 Magazine. https:// www.972mag.com/why-mizrahis-dont-vote-forthe-left/. Mehager, Tom. 2016. “Mizrahi Or Ashkenazi Jews: Israel’s Regime Of Separation”. Middle East Eye. https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/mizrahi-orashkenazi-jews-israels-regime-separation Mehanger, Tom. 2020. “Yes, Mizrahim Support The Right. But Not For The Reasons You Think”. +972 Magazine. https://www.972mag.com/mizrahimright-wing-ashkenazi-supremacy/. “Nadda Launches ‘Lokkho Sonar Bangla’ Crowdsourcing Campaign”. 2021. Telegraphindia.Com. https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/naddalaunches-lokkho-sonar-bangla-crowdsourcingcampaign/cid/1807791. Noy, Orly. 2020. “How Likud’s Ashkenazi Elite Became The Patron Saints Of The Mizrahim”. +972 Magazine. https://www.972mag.com/likud-ashkenazi-elitemizrahim-netanyahu/. Rosenburg, Paul. 2014. “Secrets Of The Right-Wing Brain: New Study Proves It — Conservatives See A Different, Hostile World”. Salon. https://www.salon.com/2014/07/29/secrets_of_the_ right_wing_brain_new_study_proves_it_con servatives_ see_a_different_hostile_world/.

Abhranil Hazra

Lara is a 2nd year International Studies student and aspires to work in diplomacy, to make a tangible and beneficial impact on the problematic dynamics of international relations. She would love to focus on developing avenues for Jason Soo Lara Trieu enhanced security for minorities, to alleviate the impact of decolonised violence.

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L ara T rieu

Colonial resistance is founded upon a reformation of masculinism and the continual restructuring of gender norms within a native society to achieve power. The challenges posed against the ideological Ovaherero desire to reclaim their masculinity are explored through Fanon’s idea that the future of the decolonised world relies on the resistance to dictatorial choices that local, national, and international parties enforced upon the colonised people. Masculinity as an avenue for defence and empowerment comprises the notion within the traditional and colonial influences that created the Otruppe, and stripping this masculinity poses the greatest challenge to the Ovaherero ability to fight back. The failure of the Otruppe’s masculine inspirations to create a lasting, positive legacy provided ideological resistance that crippled the longevity and success of the movement. An analysis of the role of political power when enforced against socially defined masculinity highlights the challenge for masculine hegemony between the South African authorities and the Otruppe. Thus, while strong societal masculinity can counter and sometimes dominate its challengers, the loss of masculine power can thoroughly incapacitate a movement. IDEOLOGICAL RESISTANCE The hegemonic masculinity of Otruppe ideologies were challenged by a shifting social context that redefined the value of their beliefs. Their name, ‘otruppe’ or ‘otruppa’, translating to ‘troops’ in German, acted as a linguistic gesture to represent their relationship to the nation they were influenced by. Inspired by the fraternities that dominated European culture, Ovaherero youth emancipated themselves from the fractured traditional norms of their elders to initiate their own social movement centred on community and mutual aid. Like German youth societies such as the Deutscher Jugendclub, the Otruppe fixated on virile masculinity, emphasising restoring order and reinvigorating society (McCullers 2013). In a literal interpretation of Frantz Fanon’s claim that the colonised learned violence from the colonisers (Fanon 1963, p.9), the Otruppe adopted the names of prominent German soldiers and organised themselves into a military hierarchy. The amalgamation of pre-colonial traditions

A group of Otruppe cavalrymen on horseback in Namibia, in 2012. (Klompching Gallery/Jim Naughten)

and the German colonial influence reflects Fanon’s claim of the colonised turning to traditional rituals as a means of enforcing their identity. This assumption of race as a positive symbol that united colonised people held true for the Ovaherero as the select revision of old customs, such as tooth extraction and circumcision, provided ideological symbolism for the youth to identify them as Ovaherero men in the absence of land or livestock (McCullers 2011). Ovaherero informants repeatedly claimed that wearing uniforms and parading at gravesites was not aimed

at ridiculing the German colonial troops, but instead to adopt the symbolism of these rituals as marks of honour awarded to heroes (Kruger & Henrichsen 1998, p.162-163). Their uniform, particularly one that mimicked German militia, further linked the Otruppe to the Nazi Party. With the presentation of the German military structure prohibited, the reliance upon the longevity of their ideologies increased. Otruppe ideologies were further influenced by the teachings of Marcus Garvey and the

Lara Trieu

United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Garvey represented the intersection of post-colonial African thought combined with the sophisticated education of European rule. Salient within Garveyite ideology was the notion of the youth reclaiming the rights that had been denied to earlier generations. In a public meeting of the UNIA, Garvey said, “Our fathers might have been satisfied to be deprived of their rights, but we young negroes shall dispute until the last inch of right is given to us” (TSNYH 1920). This propelled the independence of the youth by illustrating

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the disintegration of ideologies that defined their identity marked one of the most drastic blows to ovaherero men and significantly reduced their members.

their male predecessors as ‘weak’, and further emancipated them from their tribes. Prominent Herero leaders Hosea Kutako and his brother Aaron Mungunda were active mobilisers for the movement (Werner 1990). These men were salient in the creation of the Otruppe and were leaders of the uniformed Ovaherero honour guard. While international perspectives of the Otruppe outside of Germany were limited, heavy media coverage of Garvey and UNIA in the United States allowed insight into public opinion of the Otruppe’s principles on an international scale. In a personal analysis of 50 newspaper articles published in the United States from 1920-1922, 21 expressed a negative perspective of either Garvey or the UNIA, 18 expressed a positive perspective of Garvey or the UNIA, and 11 expressed a neutral perspective. This was measured by the nature of the context applied to the article. From this, we can hypothesise the public reaction to Otruppe ideologies and determine that they were well-received by most media outlets. In the year of Garvey’s conviction, 26 of 37 articles about Marcus Garvey from that year centred on his indictment mail fraud. The emphasis on negativity severely impacted Otruppe politics in Namibia. In September 1923, the Officer in Charge of Native Affairs in Windhoek reported UNIA as a “dead letter, no meetings having been held for some time and the local natives having ceased to subscribe to the movement” (SWAA 1923). Examination of UNIA’s finances revealed that of the 2000 collected as donations from the Ovaherero community, only 80 remained at the end of 1922, with none of the promised schools or hospitals built. In 1923, the majority of Ovaherero people had stopped paying subscriptions (Werner 1990). In losing the propelling ideological force behind their movement, the Otruppe lost many of their traditional leaders to bureaucracies and the

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members who chose to distance themselves from the dying movement. The disintegration of ideologies that defined their identity marked one of the most drastic blows to Ovaherero men and significantly reduced their members.

masculinity. As a result, many Otruppe lost social connections to their history and community. Fanon elaborated on colonial society as being not a society without ethics, but firm in the belief that natives are “impervious to ethics”, hence the ability to enforce restrictions without moral guilt.

POLITICAL RESISTANCE The colonial fear of the racial ‘Other’ and hegemonic social masculinity perpetuated the involvement of political power that trumped both ideological and social power. Dissonances between the South African government and the societal Otruppe masculinity reflected Fanon’s belief of colonial compartmentalisation; the beliefs of the colonised and those in power do not align. Fanon’s French phenomenological approach to colonialism and decolonisation lies in self-awareness of the instability of the social structure. However, both the Otruppe and the South African colonisers violated this balance through their desire to be the hegemonic masculine power. In Namibia from 19201940, to hold a position of power was a defining characteristic of masculinity. Political resistance against the movement consisted primarily of policies that stripped the Otruppe of their symbols of masculinity, particularly their uniforms and military structure. In 1927, rumours about an impending uprising of the Ovaherero people were reported in Wilhemstal (Werner 1990). The movement had gained enough traction that the Native Commissioner demanded confidential reports from all officers in charge of Native Affairs regarding the activities of the movement. While only one report mentioned an impending uprising by the Otruppe, the Native Commissioner of Windhoek said the administration could not “sanction any organisation which provides for its members wearing uniforms and carrying out drills and parades or military evolutions […] and the wearing of uniforms and drilling and carrying out military evolutions is forbidden.” (SWAA 1928). Fanon’s theory of colonial violence transcends physical violence to highlight the stripping of identity. By describing the Otruppe as “antagonistic”, the Commissioner villainised and demeaned the movement. In removing the ideological power of the organisation, they violated the social balance to dominate masculine political hegemony over the traditional social

as a result, many otruppe lost social connections to their history and community.

As such, reports from farm owners who claimed their Otruppe employees would leave in the middle of the night to join meetings was the final cause justifying the limitation of the movement (Werner 1990). The intersection of ideological and authoritative resistance culminated in the actions of Aaron Mungunda, who ultimately doomed the Otruppe movement. Mungunda, a former activist for UNIA and Otruppe member, said “the movement was a bad influence” that did not recognise the authority of the Advisory Board (Werner 1990). His actions contributed in passing a motion which stated that the organisation was ‘harmful to the morals of the young men […] for these reasons, the meeting asked the authorities to put a stop to the movement entirely.’ (SWAA 1935). Due to this, the Superintendent of Locations Windhoek believed the movement was making a bid for government power and banned the wearing of uniforms, resulting in the disbanding of the Otruppe. While deeply affected by the removal of ideological and social power, it was the retaliation by local political powers that disturbed the masculine balance so heavily the Otruppe were unable to recover. CONCLUSION While the various challenges posed against Otruppe ideologies culminated in the termination of the movement, the shifting social context reflected the salience and empowerment of the movement to Namibian youth. The failure of the Otruppe to persist beyond political power ultimately proved

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Fanon’s claim that the future of the colonised world is reliant on the resistance of the authoritative and polarising choices that local, national, and international superpowers enforce upon the colonised.

Der tagliche Demokrat. [volume] (Davenport, Iowa), 03 March 1918. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Lib. of Congress. <https:// chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn84027107/191803-03/ed-1/seq-3/> Du Viver, E. (2007) ‘Of the Traditional and Modern: The Impact of Historical Forms of Resistance on the Trajectory of Development in an Independent Namibia’ p. 1-12. Available at: http://www. nuigalway.ie/dern/documents/57_ed_du_vivier.pdf Fanon, F. (1963) The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press, 1963. Print. Kruger, G and D Henrichsen (1998) ‘We have been Captives Long Enough. We Want to be Free’: Land, uniforms & politics in the history of the Herero in the interwar period. Chapter 6 in Hayes, et al. 1998, 149-174. Lindsay, L. (2005) “Men and Masculinities in Modern Africa.” African Studies Quarterly, 8, no. 2 (2005): 84+. Gale Academic OneFile (accessed November 19, 2020). McCullers, M. (2013) “The ‘Truppenspieler Show’: Herero Masculinity and the German Colonial Military Aesthetic,” in German Colonialism Revisited: African, Asian, and Oceanic Experiences, Berman, Muhlhahn, & Ngang, Eds. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2013. MCCULLERS, M. (2011). ‘WE DO IT SO THAT WE WILL BE MEN’: MASCULINITY POLITICS IN COLONIAL NAMIBIA, 1915—49. The Journal of African History, 52(1), 43-62. Retrieved November 19, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/23017648 SWAA A 396/5, Officer in Charge Native Affairs Windhoek: Memo: The Native Question. Missionary Meier’s Report, 28 September 1923, p. 1. SWAA A 50/59, Vol. 1, Native Commissioner to Officer in Charge Native Affairs Windhoek, 1 February 1928. SWAA A 50/59, Vol. 1, Advisory Board Minutes. Meeting of the 25th November 1935, pp. 4-5 The Sun and the New York Herald. (New York, NY) 3 August 1920, p. 18. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://lccn.loc.gov/sn83030273 Werner, W. (1990). ‘Playing Soldiers’: The Truppenspieler Movement among the Herero of Namibia, 1915 to ca. 1945. Journal of Southern African Studies, 16(3), 476-502. Retrieved November 19, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/2636891

THE CAUCUS

ISSUE 1, 2021

ON THE HOLOCAUST;

THE LEGALISATION OF ANTISEMITISM & THE COMPLEXITIES OF THE IDEA OF HUMAN RIGHTS In the ever-changing pursuit to understand race relations globally, it is pertinent to reflect upon historical events in order to recognise how racial divisions have manifested in those conflicts that reveal the most nefarious parts of the human condition. Such reflection also reveals the lessons civic leaders can learn from these events, to ensure that they are never repeated.

Joshua Pham is a 1st Year Politics, Philosophy and Economics student looking to hone his craft of writing. Determined to experiment with new ways of self-expression through words and language, he is committed to exploring the nature Jason Sooworld around him and expressing what he has learnt through writing. Lara 20 ofTrieu the

Adolf Hitler declares the Enabling Act at the Reichstag Kroll Opera House, Berlin on March 23, 1933. (National Archives Poland)

Joshua Pham

Author

THE CAUCUS

ISSUE 1, 2021

by joshua pham

The exploration of race relations inevitably requires both a political and philosophical approach to truly grasp the roots of division, and an understanding of how these divisions facilitated changes in personal attitudes, and shaped legislation and social ideologies that oppressed minority cultural groups. Perhaps one of the most significant examples of racial conflict in history, The Holocaust is a telling example of the ways in which the proliferation of anti-Semitism saw a systematic destruction of Jewish people, ideas and culture. From this, there are many lessons to be extrapolated; the least of which is that such a clear abuse of human rights should have never occurred in the first place. As such, this begs for an exploration of the deep flaws of the idea of “human rights” and how it is these chinks that authoritarian leaders exploit to encourage human rights abuses. Such institutionalised flaws have created a society that is illequipped to address human rights abuses around the world, choosing instead to adhere to the structural and ideological legacies of outdated policies.

many countries and served as convenient targets for the majority’s problems” (Brustein, 2004;37). The belief of the superiority of Nordic races was also prominent, with the Nazi Party claiming “harsh climatic conditions in north-central Europe during the Ice Ages had sharpened the struggle for existence, causing the weak to perish and leaving only the most vigorous” (Weikart, 2013;538). People yearned for the stability that an authoritarian style of leadership offered them in the years preceding WWI. Hitler’s leadership, despite its severe follies, offered them such stability and unity. It appealed to traditional German values, and aligned with his audience’s belief that “democracy did not work any better in the area of politics than it did in their business affairs” (Davidson, 1997; 312). This examination of anti-Semitism is crucial in better evaluating the “rationale behind Nazi racial policies” (Weikart, 2009; 538) and what is, for all intents and purposes, the legalisation of anti-Semitism prior to the Holocaust.

THE LEGALISATION OF ANTI-SEMITISM

in instigating an atmosphere of fear, Hitler consolidated

Firstly, the deep-rooted history of AntiSemitism can be traced back to “Egypt… particularly during the Hellenistic period… [which establishes] the rhetoric…of the Jews as the enemies of the human race, which was to play a crucial role in later persecutions” (Maccoby, 2000;90). Evidently, the history of Anti-Semitism reveals the groundworks upon which subsequent prejudice and racial intolerance was swiftly justified as normal or deserved. The mass hysteria and inaction in challenging such an ignorant belief has transcended the era in which it was born, and anti-Semitic ideology has endured throughout, culminating in the most crucial turning point in the 20th century for many historians; the Holocaust. The use of propaganda by Adolf Hitler to propagate the goal of a volksgemeinschaft (people’s community) invariably served to demonise Jewish people and reinforce already rampant views of antiSemitism in German society. When assessing the foundations of anti-Semitism, “proponents of the scapegoat theory posit that Jews constituted a minority group dispersed among

power by ensuring that people supported him; regardless of whether it was out of fear or belief.

The gradual implementation of the Nuremberg Laws is a critical point of examination as it marks the “embodiment of state-sponsored...religious discrimination... [reaching] epidemic proportions”. From 1933, a boycott against Jewish businesses was ordered and “later...the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service... [ensured] the racial purge” (Kroslak, 2015; 185), aided by the implementation of chief organisations such as the Sturmabeteilung, Schutzstaffel and the Gestapo (Gellately, 1991). In instigating an atmosphere of fear, Hitler consolidated power by ensuring that people supported him; regardless of whether it was out of fear or belief. Further, the Book Burnings of 1933, “synonymous with the barbarity of the Nazi regime” (Fishburn,2008)

Joshua Pham

demonstrate an intentional evisceration of culture as a means by which Hitler would demonstrate his authority, giving the public the impression that he was capable and authoritative in his rule. His emphasis on the systematic eradication of Jewish culture, ideas and knowledge was symptomatic of his own prejudices but also forced the German people “to think uniformly, to react uniformly, and to place themselves body and soul at the disposal of the government.” (Propaganda,2014). In encouraging homogeneity in thought, the Nazi Party’s exponential rise to power is an indictment of the importance of political examination into the Holocaust. The egregious manipulation of the law essentially facilitated the brainwashing of German citizens to abide by a regime centred upon prejudice. The use of anti-Semitism as a tool in the pursuit of political power truly encapsulates the turbulent nature of German society at the time. Devastated by a failing economy as a consequence of both WWI reparations and the Great Depression, German anti-Semitism was symptomatic of a greater problem; the exploitation of the law to encourage religious discrimination. The legislative changes brought by the Nazi Party to facilitate antiSemitism expose how authocratic leaders gain popularity through the exploitation of fear. The construction of narratives around nationalism in Nazi Germany involved surreptitious racial and ethnic cleansing, a by-product of Hitler’s vision of a volksgemeinschaft - ironically a far cry from the harmonious racial community that he so claimed. THE COMPLEXITIES OF HUMAN RIGHTS; A PHILOSOPHY OF ETHICS The political realities of Nazi Germany demonstrate a deeply ingrained anti-Semitism that was enshrined and enforced through legislation. In consideration of this, it is paramount to assess how these legislative changes that facilitated racial discrimination against Jews were acceptable in the first place. In embarking on a philosophical approach, one must consider Hannah Arendt’s philosophy on statelessness, and most notably

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her The Origins of Totalitarianism (Arendt, 2007), and The Perplexities of the Rights of Man (Arendt, 2007). She notes that “fundamental offenses against human rights [were] not that it took liberty away...but that it excluded a certain category of people even from the possibility of fighting for freedom” (Arendt, 2007). Thus, the evisceration of both culture and “the possibility of fighting for freedom” from Jewish people is an indictment of the flawed idea of “human rights” and its inextricable ties to state.

the philosophical tragedy here is that the notion of “human rights” is not granted to a person by their virtue of being a human being but rather their membership of a state.

The exploitation of ‘human rights’ as an idea is unequivocally demonstrated through the Enabling Act 1933, which allowed Hitler to pass laws without the Reichstag (Enabling Act passed in Germany - archive, 2017). The Act bequeathed absolute power to the state and its leader. Employing the same Arendtian logic, human rights are intrinsically tied to the state. Despite the nature of human rights being “unalienable, universal, inalienable and indivisible” (OHCHR, 2021), the reality is that “Man... can lose all so-called Rights of Man without losing his essential quality as man... Only the loss of a polity itself expels him from humanity” (Arendt, 2007). Evidently, the expulsion of the Jewish community saw not only the facilitation of the eradication of their human rights but also widespread acceptance of this. The philosophical tragedy here is that the notion of “human rights” is not granted to a person by their virtue of being a human being but rather their membership of a state. When an individual is exiled from said state, their loss of human rights is equivalent to if they were not human at all. Beyond religious

ISSUE 1, 2021

discrimination and prejudice against Jews in Germany, the intrinsic flaws of human rights manifest in the treatment of Jewish refugees globally, especially their diaspora during and following the events of WWII. “Over 17,000 Jews arrived from Europe and Shanghai by 1954. A further 10,000 arrived by 1961” (Rutland, 2006) and consequently, “the Australian government introduced a quota to ensure that Jews...would continue to remain as a very small percentage of the population.” (Rutland, 2006).

inevitably, the philosophical foundations of these backward ideas must be examined, with an eye on the further ramifications of the failure of philosophical notions of human rights in achieving their purpose.

Of course, in consideration of the logistical and economic challenges of housing refugees, it would be difficult to take in any significant number of refugees; nonetheless, the inherent flaws of the idea of human rights is clear. “The calamity of the rightless is not that they are deprived of life, liberty and... happiness...but that they no longer belong to any community...their plight is not that they are not equal before the law, but that no law exists for them” (Arendt, 2007). For all intents and purposes, as jarring as this notion is and as subversive as it can be towards the idea of natural rights, refugees belong to another state and it is not the responsibility of the state to which they immigrate, to house them. This tragic reality has seen miscarriages of human rights far beyond the context of the Holocaust, elucidating the limited scope of the notion of human rights and its failure to protect humanity at its most vulnerable.

By recognising the ways political authority shapes social attitudes, it is rather simple to ascertain the ways in which our behaviour can be moulded. Inevitably, the philosophical foundations of these backward ideas must be examined, with an eye on the further ramifications of the failure of philosophical notions of human rights in achieving their purpose. In recognising where doctrines of human rights fall short, it is important that one must ascertain where the problem lies, regardless of how complex or fundamental that problem may be. As such, a historical reflection of the Holocaust is tantamount in extrapolating the lessons that humanity can gather from such egregious abuses of human rights. The structural and ideological legacies of the Holocaust should serve as an indictment of humanity at its most nefarious. With increasingly complex and unprecedented events in the 21st century, it is only human to reflect upon the past. However, in this contemplation, the lesson does not lie in cauterising the gravitas of history with disregard, but rather in acknowledging that in much the same way that politics and philosophy have inextricable ties, so too does the virtue of being human and the possession of human rights.

CONCLUSION If political understanding means to recognise the relationship between the state and its people, then philosophical understanding draws upon the humanity of this relationship; the ethics and principles which influence our behaviours, and the consequences of such behaviours. When applying these approaches to the Holocaust, the resulting relationship reveals a sense of interdependency; that one understanding cannot exist without the other. The political analysis of relations between the Jewish and German people sets a stage upon which one is able to recognise how anti-Semitism was facilitated and encouraged in Nazi Germany by a state intent on the establishment of a homogenous society (Wildt, 2004).

Arendt, H., 2007. The origins of totalitarianism (pp. 417-443). Duke University Press. Brustein, W.I. and King, R.D., 2004. Anti-semitism in Europe before the Holocaust. International Political Science Review, 25(1), pp.35-53. Davidson, E., 1997. The making of Adolf Hitler: The birth and rise of Nazism. University of Missouri Press, pp.312. Fishburn, M., 2008. The burning of the books. In Burning Books (pp. 31-48). Palgrave Macmillan, London. Gellately, R., 1991. The Gestapo and German society: enforcing racial policy 1933-1945. Oxford University Press. Guardian. 2017. Enabling Act passed in Germany - archive, 24 March 1933. [online] Available at: <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/mar/24/ enabling-act-germany-hitler-nazis-1933> [Accessed 24 April 2021]. Heideman, R.D., 2016. Legalizing hate: The significance of the Nuremberg Laws and the post-war Nuremberg trials. Loy. LA Int’l & Comp. L. Rev., 39, p.5. Holocaustonline.org. 2014. Propaganda. [online] Available at: <http://holocaustonline.org/ propaganda/> [Accessed 24 April 2021]. Kroslak, D., 2015. NUREMBERG LAWS. The Lawyer Quarterly, 5(3), p.185. Maccoby, H., 2000. Origins of Anti-Semitism. EAST EUROPEAN MONOGRAPHS, p.90. Ohchr.org. 2021. OHCHR | What are Human Rights. [online] Available at: <https://www. ohchr.org/en/issues/pages/whatarehumanrights. aspx#:~:text=Human%20rights%20are%20 inalienable.,by%20a%20court%20of%20law.> [Accessed 24 April 2021]. Ritschl, A., 2013. Reparations, deficits and debt default: the Great Depression in Germany. The Great Depression of the 1930s: Lessons for today, pp.11039. Rutland, S., 2006. Jewish Immigration after the Second World War - Israel & Judaism Studies (IJS). [online] Israel & Judaism Studies (IJS). Available at: <https:// www.ijs.org.au/jewish-immigration-after-thesecond-world-war/> [Accessed 24 April 2021]. Weikart, R., 2013. The role of Darwinism in Nazi racial thought. German Studies Review, pp.537-556. Wildt, M., 2014. Hitler’s Volksgemeinschaft and the dynamics of racial exclusion: violence against Jews in provincial Germany, 1919–1939. Berghahn Books.

Joshua Pham

THE CAUCUS

ISSUE 1, 2021

EMPOWERING THE OPPRESSED PEOPLE OF PALESTINE This is a heartfelt message written by the writer, who is a human rights activist, a member of Amnesty International & Reconciliation NSW, and a member of the UNSW UN Society.

Asad is a 1st year Actuarial Studies/Law student, passionate about human rights and the role of global diplomacy and institutions in combating global issues with nation-states. Asad aspires to be an actuary in the NDIS as well as a human rights lawyer, to assist those who want to seek justice. He is also keen on doing further research and study on the issues of modern slavery and human trafficking and seeks to convey this through his piece about the 2021 Jason Soo Lara Trieu 26 Palestinian crisis.

Demonstrators take part in a protest in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails, in Ramallah in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on September 8, 2021. (Reuters/Mohamad Torokman)

M Asad Abbas

Author

THE CAUCUS

ISSUE 1, 2021

by m asad abbas

This year has been another tough year for the oppressed in Palestine. As indigenous people who are seeking self-determination and identity as a group of people under the UN Declaration of Human Rights, the Palestinians have been vulnerable to continuous attacks near their places of worship and recently, the Israeli government is building more illegal settlements on their land. Unlike their neighbour, the Palestinians do not have as many vaccines in their possession so they are also suffering from the spread of COVID-19. In terms of the agreements, Israel had signed, there was a clear mention that they need to share their vaccines with the Palestinian people. Near the end of the holy month of Ramadan, namely the holiest nights for 1.8 billion Muslims, Palestinians were worshipping peacefully near the Masjid Al-Aqsa. Then, all of a sudden, they were surrounded by a tight presence of Israeli defence forces that ravaged and attacked the worshippers, creating growing tension amongst the people. The next few days were unfortunately bloody, filled with bombings and the destruction of many homes. More than 60 children were killed and many were declared orphans. This was before Eid, the major festival and celebration of Muslims around the world. I cannot imagine this happening to anyone before Christmas, Diwali or the Hannukah festivities. It is simply atrocious and saddening that the Palestinians had to mourn their dead near a time of grand celebration. As a person who is passionate about human rights, it was devastating to see this happening so frequently. Yes, this has happened many, many times. I only wonder how resilient the Palestinians are as they live another day in a world of tyranny. The Palestinians seek for an identity and acceptance as a group of people, sanctified in international law. It is unfortunate that global politics has been negligent in solving this, an issue reminiscent of the East Timor crisis back in 1999. Till the end of Ramadan, I was amazed by the global activism surged by the atrocities committed to the Palestinian people. It was the first time that I was hopeful that we could make a move for the better. On a personal

by HDI). Many posted the list of all children that died, the last-minute videos of many beloved before they died, statistics of the worsened situation in Palestine, and videos of the Palestinians crying out for justice. There were also videos of the Israeli bombing a journalist tower and apartment, which was powerful in informing the global audience of what was going on. Albeit being disturbing and confronting, this was all real and must be shown.

indeed, Palestine is home for many Muslims, Jews &

Christians. This is not an issue of religious divide; this is an issue that defines humanity.

level, I knew that it was not enough, but at least, the Palestinians would acknowledge that we are not ignoring them. Their cries are being heard.

I feel that this year 2021, was a year of empowerment for many Palestinians across the world. The social media wave and global awareness was a powerful moment for me. I was proud to play my part in spreading awareness and chatting with my fellow global citizens who are unaware of this issue. It was heart-warming when I saw my close friends sharing stories and posts on what was occurring in Palestine. There was a moment of hope as people became aware of the atrocities in Palestine and were not swayed by lies influenced by global politics. In the time of a global pandemic, when we are most vulnerable, this is a prime moment to feel for the Palestinians who suffered state oppression and tyranny for so many decades.

Over Instagram and Facebook, I was able to see stories and stories that promoted awareness toward the Palestinian people. This was across the whole world with online and face- to- face protests, NGO statements and many global actors (Indian, Turkish, British, American, Pakistani, Malaysian, Egyptian & Irish backgrounds) that wrote powerful statements in favour for the attacks to stop. I never felt more resilient. From then onwards, I was sharing an array of their stories globally to alert my followers of what is occurring in Palestine. For example, our stance insists in protesting against the actions of the Israeli government however we are not against the creation of Israel and neither are we in favour of any anti-sematic attacks on Jews. In terms of faith, I have always been passionate about the Jewish faith as it is a near kin to my own faith with the stories of Moses and Joseph evident in the holy Quran. My best friend was of Jewish faith and my local Rabbi came to celebrate Eid with my community. It is our common interest to spread humanity, to love not to hate, and love thy neighbour.

social media has been a powerful catalyst in detailing the massacres that have taken place. When there is empowerment, we humans reveal our true colours—we are empathetic,caring and feel for the pain the Palestinians have suffered for more than 70 years. They are as much of a human as any one of us—they must be heard and they deserve justice. 2021, in my opinion is the year of empowerment for the Palestinian people. I am hopeful that this ill change the tide in making them achieve justice and the right of selfdetermination which has been promised within international law.

I feel that this year was filled with empowering global citizens to be in support of the Palestinian people because even if the leaders of today do not solve it, there is hope the leaders of tomorrow can. The next generation is a powerful group of individuals who are keen to solve human rights violations and seek social justice in all areas of the world. With the right message and influence, Palestinian people can be empowered, as their suffering is no longer being ignored but being heard across the whole world. Many Islamic leaders like the Foreign Minister of Turkey and Pakistan have given passionate speeches preaching that nothing can separate their love for the Palestinian people. I welcomed the opposition parties in Australia, the Labor and he Greens for voicing the issue in the Australian House of Representatives.

Indeed, Palestine is home for many Muslims, Jews & Christians. This is not an issue of religious divide; this is an issue that defines humanity. Throughout the next few weeks, I was so passionate in thanking those who spread the message and inspiring many who want the Palestinians to gain justice against other inequalities they suffer as a group of people including a lack of educational and health facilities, and low levels of employment, sanitisation, and quality of life (as measured

In conclusion, I am hopeful that the Palestinians are empowered more than ever before, and that they are being heard. The Israeli government has also acknowledged that

M Asad Abbas

THE CAUCUS

P ublications T eam

PUBLICATIONS DIRECTOR Andrena Kandiah (she/her) Andrena is a 4th year International Studies/Media student with an extensive background of working in a variety of environments. She has a passion for travel and the theatre and is an avid pianist. PUBLICATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE Tanisha Choudhury (she/her) Tanisha is a 2nd year Media/Arts student. Alongside growing her indoor cactus garden, she hopes to contribute to the ongoing empowerment that is taking place in South Asia and help build a promising future for women in the region. Anusha Ojha (she/her) Anusha is a 3rd year Commerce/Economics student. Anusha is passionate about climate change and gender equality. She’s also an avid reader - in her spare time, you’ll find her nose buried in a book! Mythri Raveendranathan (she/her) Mythri is a 2nd year Science/Law student. Mythri has a deep love for reading and writing. She is extremely passionate about international affairs and the intersection between history, politics, the law, and humanitarian crises. PUBLICATIONS DESIGNER Saira Arias (she/her) Saira Arias is a 5th year Design/Media student with an interest in culture and history. When she is not hunched over her desk trying to get Adobe Creative Cloud software to stop buffering, she is napping or listening to Carly Rae Jepsen.

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