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THE UGLY SIDE OF THE MRS SA BEAUTY PAGEANT: ‘ENTRANTS LEFT HIGH AND DRY’

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Opposition parties are unrelenting in their call for President Ramaphosa to account for the robbery. Photo by GCIS

RAMAPHOSA IS A “MOB BOSS, CRIMINAL, MONEY LAUNDERER AND KIDNAPPER”– CHARGE OPPOSITION PARTIES By Staff Reporters

he expression “a week is a long time in politics,” hit home for President Cyril Ramaphosa last week. In just seven days, he shed a campaign persona of being the anti-corruption poster boy to being called a criminal in Parliament. On Wednesday, 1 June, former State Security Agency Head Arthur Fraser laid a criminal complaint against Ramaphosa at the Rosebank

Police Station. He alleged that the president orchestrated a concealment of a burglary at his Phala Phala game farm in Limpopo, in February 2020. In an explosive exposé, Fraser claimed four Namibian nationals working in cohorts with the president’s domestic worker made off with an estimated $4 million (about R61m) that was bizarrely hidden in the furniture of the farm’s main residence. A week later, on Wednesday, 8 June, when he delivered the Pres-

idency budget vote speech in Parliament, the event exploded. It descended into chaos as EFF MPs disrupted proceedings. They called Ramaphosa a “criminal” to his face. The EFF said he should not be allowed to address them. In his affidavit, Fraser alleged that Ramaphosa was involved in several serious crimes, including money laundering, kidnapping and defeating the ends of justice. He said his claims were supported by several documented evidence. He also alleged that subsequent

actions by Ramaphosa’s presidential head of security, Wally Rhoode, whom he claimed to have tracked down the suspects to recover the loot in Namibia, amounted to a criminal conspiracy to conceal Ramaphosa’s role in several crimes. These crimes implicated Namibian President Hage Geingob. The Namibian head of state has since denied to have "inappropriately" assisted Ramaphosa. But South African parliamentarians wouldn’t hear of it. EFF MPs said they would not listen to a “criminal, money launderer and kidnapper”

and a “murderer” of Marikana workers and raised repeated points of order to prevent proceedings from continuing. “The President of the Republic, there are serious allegations against him, so he can’t come to the house to address us,” protested EFF legislator Omphile Maotwe, interrupting Ramaphosa’s attempts to speak. “He must step aside and allow the law to take its course.”

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Story Continues from Page 1 Maotwe was echoing the words of EFF leader Julius Malema who, when addressing a press conference, a few days earlier said: “The EFF calls upon Ramaphosa to step aside with immediate effect because no policeman will investigate a sitting president who has violated laws in order to avoid justice. Ramaphosa has established himself as an individual who will go to great lengths to avoid accountability and his continued stay as a president while this matter is being investigated will jeopardise this case. “The EFF has also assembled a legal team which will be led by Advocate Thembeka Ngcukaitobi to look into a constitutional provision to have Ramaphosa step aside. “The integrity of our nation is at stake. The EFF will do everything in its power to make sure that Ramaphosa pays for the crimes he has committed in this country. Ramaphosa has portrayed himself as an anti-corruption crusader who has the divine right and entitlement to arrest anyone who is opposed to him as an individual and to the white capitalist establishment. Enough is enough.” For more than an hour, Ramaphosa was heckled and harangued by several EFF MPs, including Malema and his deputy Floyd Shivambu, over the scandal which has engulfed him since last week. The leader of the official opposition, John Steenhuisen of the DA, compared Ramaphosa to “a two-bit mob boss,” while also likening his Farmgate scandal to his predecessor Jacob Zuma’s Nkandla debacle. “South Africans don’t want this, and they don’t deserve this. They don’t want a two-bit mob boss with houses stuffed full of dirty cash for a president. “They want someone who leads by example — someone who puts his or her personal ambitions a distant second to the needs of the country,” he said. Ramaphosa has protested his innocence. The first effort came in the form of a statement by presi-

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Arthur Fraser may have ulterior political motives for disclosing the robbery at Ramaphosa’s game farm, but the South Africans deserve an honest explanation. Photo by Jaco Marais/Gallo Images / Netwerk24 dential spokesperson Vincent Magwenya who said the president was “clear that there is no basis for the claims of criminal conduct against him”. The statement further stated: “The Presidency can confirm that a robbery took place at the president’s farm in Limpopo on or around 9 February 2020 in which proceeds from the sale of game were stolen.” Throughout the week until his address in Parliament, Ramaphosa maintained this stance. Political Analyst and academic, Professor Sipho Seepe was scathing on Ramaphosa’s response. He said his first sin was that he was “caught red-handed” and “incomprehensibly responded to questions that were never asked”. “He boastfully told his ANC comrades (when he addressed the ANC Polokwane Provincial Conference): ‘I have never stolen money from anyone. My integrity as a leader will never allow me to do so. All this was money from proceeds from selling animals. “Unbeknown to him, Ramaphosa was idiotically admitting that he was in violation of his Oath of Office. Section 96(2) of the Constitution prohibits the president and members of Cabinet to (a) undertake any other paid work and (b) act in any way that is inconsistent with their office, or expose themselves to any situation involving the risk of a conflict between their official responsibilities and private interests,” Seepe said. He said by “engaging in the business of farming, the Ramaphosa was in violation of the Constitution.” “The very act of engaging in the selling of animals introduces a conflict of interest with his official duties. He may also be found to have lied to Parliament, for having stated in the past that he had divested all his business upon assuming the office of president and deputy president of the country,” charged Seepe. He also pointed out that the President has not responded to the allegations relating to the kidnapping, torture and paying off suspects. He said Ramaphosa broke several laws saying, “as others have opined, if Ramaphosa is to be believed, he is probably guilty of violating the Currency and Exchanges Act 9 of 1933, which prohibits the selling of goods using foreign currency unless they have been given permission by the Treasury. But Ramaphosa’s version does not seem to wash,” he said. Seepe said Ramaphosa’s game farm is part of the Game Breeders Group, which doesn’t allow cash payment because the amount allowable to foreigners and tourists is limited. “The customs law requires that a person is allowed to take up to R25,000 in cash into the country

“without having to declare this upon arrival at any customs points when arriving by air, land or sea,” said the academic. Legal expert and commentator Paul Ngobeni also rubbished Ramaphosa’s explanation. He said there were a number of questions that explanations leave unanswered. “For example, why would the president, who was away, choose to deny those affected by the crime at his property access to justice? "Even stranger, why pay off the suspects after their arrest and return of the stolen money?” Ngobeni said the president’s admission, “that there was “a robbery” which presumably had victims who had independent constitutional rights that could not be compromised in the manner he did. Accordingly, the police have a non-delegable duty, once they witness or are informed of a crime, to act in the interest of protecting the rights of victims, regardless of whether the victim formally files a complaint or not,” he said. He said by instructing Rhoode to “investigate” the crime, Ramaphosa caused him to violate the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act, Act 12 of 2004 (Precca), which makes it mandatory to report certain actual or suspected crimes. Speaking to 702’s John Perlman, political analyst at Xubera Institute for Research and Development Xolani Dube said: “I think what we have to really assert is the ANC is a den of thieves… in a den of thieves, the issue of the truth is an elusive one.” The deputy president of the EFF, Floyd Shivambu, told iol.co.za: “Cyril Ramaphosa is a money launderer and a kidnapper who has no respect for the rule of law. He is no longer a president until he subjects himself to the rule of law.” Meanwhile, following Malema’s scalding remarks on what he branded, the “silent voice of churches and NGOs”, Stephanie Fick, Outa’s Head of Legal Affairs, told sabcnews.com she was not convinced the allegations made by Arthur Fraser will stick. “If you just consider the facts of the matter, what civil society is doing is waiting for proper facts to come to the fore. I mean to accuse the sitting president of money laundering because he apparently, has money stashed in furniture, there is (sic) photos of somethings, the weirdest thing about this is that there is so much hearsay. It really smacks in the face of his concrete evidence.” In the mean time On 15 June, Wednesday, Fraser met with the Hawks, to furnish them with more information into the alleged theft of $4 million (about R61 million) in cash at President

John Steenhuisen of the DA, compared Ramaphosa to “a two-bit mob boss.” Photo by Jeffrey Abrahams/Gallo Images

Julius Malema and his deputy Floyd Shivambu assert Ramaphosa is no longer fit to be the president of South Africa. Photo by EPA Ramaphosa’s Phala Phala game farm. A terse statement issued after the meeting read: “Today, being the 15th of June 2022, Mr Arthur Fraser met with the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (the Hawks) in order to assist them with their investigation into his complaint against His Excellency, President Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa.” “Mr Fraser appreciates the professionalism and the speed with which the Hawks have responded to his complaint.” ATM submits second inquiry request Despite being rebuffed by the National Assembly, Speaker Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, the African Transformational Movement (ATM) has not abandoned its effort to compel President Cyril Ramaphosa to explain the February 2020 robbery

saga to Parliament. On 14 June, Tuesday, the party made another submission requesting Parliament to establish an inquiry. “It is common cause that Arthur Fraser has submitted evidence at the Rosebank police station where the president is implicated in serious crimes, including bribery, money laundering, kidnapping, breaching of customs and excise laws, breaching of South African Revenue Service regulations, breaching the Prevention of Organised Crime Act, defeating the ends of justice, to mention but a few. “ATM will only focus on the areas where transgressions are neither contested nor in dispute. Incidentally, these areas are the areas where Parliament has exclusive jurisdiction,” stated Vuyo Zungula, president of ATM in his party’s motion.

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news: VBS LIQUIDATORS GUN FOR VENDA KING The liquidators of VBS Mutual Bank applied for a writ of execution at the Johannesburg High Court last month to recoup more than R10 million allegedly owned by a family trust whose sole trustees are Venda King Toni Mphephu Ramabulana and Portia Mphephu.

PASTOR LUKAU’S R50M RENTAL

SCANDAL

PAY UP Alleluia Ministries International in Kramerville, Sandton. The church defended pastor Alph Lukau (inset) after he performed the so-called miracle resurrection of Elliot Moyo in 2019 PHOTO: LUBA LESOLLE / GALLO IMAGES

Companies linked to the controversial megachurch preacher evade debt collection as he and his business associates are said to be in Portugal

“The guard, who refused to provide me with his name, did not allow me access but told me to wait. He disappeared into the guard hut on the property and echnology distribution and warehousing spoke to this supervisor, who came out to speak to me. giant Tarsus Shared Services is battling to “After explaining the purpose of my visit and the recover a R50 million deficit allegedly documentation that I had with me, the supervisor also owed by controversial pastor Alph Lukau refused to provide me access. and several of his business associates. “Similarly, he refused to provide me with his name. I The matter relates to a cancelled lease could see that he had been speaking to someone over evicted from the premises early securities and/or members’ and agreement pertaining to the premises of Alleluia his cellular phone from time to time ... After seeing the last year because it could no directors’ registers follows multiple Ministries International in Sandton, Johannesburg. letters attached to the gate, the supervisor said that I longer meet the R1 million monthly requests for access, and is such a The company lodged a court application this week at should come [back] the next day,” they say. rental fee. clear interference with an the Johannesburg High Court, flagging three companies Lukau shot to fame over the past two years by The company instituted, among unconditional statutory right. The linked to Lukau for failing to declare their company performing so-called miracles during his church services, other things, arbitration applicant requests that a punitive security registers in their arbitration process as including when he publicly “resurrected” a man. proceedings in which it claimed: cost award be made against each of prescribed by the Companies Act, citing that the Lukau claimed that the man, Elliot Moyo, had died . Arrear rentals and charges up the respondents.” information sought would enable it to track the intricate and the latter’s body was brought to the pastor by his ACCORDING TO ARBITRATION to the date it cancelled the The applicants say this refusal has web of companies that operate the church in South family a few days later. DOCUMENTS, TARSUS SHARED sublease; put a strain on the arbitration Africa and throughout Africa. The incident angered some within the religious SERVICES HAS BEEN TRYING . Damages for the period the process, further delaying the The court papers also indicate that attempts to serve community, who called for Lukau to be investigated by TO RECOVER THE DEBT defendant was in occupation after recovery of debts. Lukau and a close business partner, identified as John the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the SINCE MARCH 2018, LEADING the cancellation; They further highlighted that their Ferguson, with a summons have failed, as they have Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities TO THE PERIOD . Future loss of rentals and legal representative visited Lukau’s allegedly taken up residence in Portugal and refuse to after a video of his purported resurrection of Moyo went WHEN THE CHURCH WAS charges calculated from the date known place of business in June, accept service through legal counsel. viral. EVICTED FROM THE PREMISES the defendant ceased to occupy but the representative was denied They emphasise that “the appellant requires the It also emerged in 2019 that Lukau’s church members EARLY LAST YEAR, the premises as a church until the entry. information in the registers in order to unravel the regarded him as being similar to Jesus, proclaiming that AFTER WHICH IT COULD NO expiry date of the sublease; and “The premises has access control relationship between Lukau and Ferguson, and the he was crucified for helping to heal others. LONGER MEET THE R1 MILLION . Restoration of the premises. and requires a security guard to respondents [King Vision Holdings, Alph Lukau Group The applicant’s lawyer, Andrew Scarrott of AB Scarrott MONTHLY RENTAL FEE The proceedings also reveal that allow access. I spoke to the security and Al Resident Holdings] to recover the debts due by Attorneys, declined to comment. church leaders, including Lukau, guard on duty and asked that I be Lukau and Ferguson”. “I have received your enquiry, [but] I have no have blatantly refused to grant the applicants access to allowed into the property in order to deliver the request According to its arbitration documents, Tarsus Shared instructions to make any comment at this time,” he said. Eskom’spertaining Hendrina known as the Marikana Commission, held the view thattoGlencore is not the Pretoria high court Efforts to company directors. the respondents to inspectprotector the securities in and/or Services has been trying to recover the debt since Marchsupplied coal toinformation to source comment from Lukau and the power station, to the Gupta-owned exonerates all key political figures an honest company. be sealed from public access. These “As the refusal to allow access to the respondents’ member registers of the respondents. 2018, relating to the period when the church was companies were unsuccessful.

MDUDUZI NONYANE

mduduzi.nonyane@citypress.co.za

M R1 MATAMELA’S FINANCIAL SHENANIGANS ARE COMING OUT IN THE WASH

By Staff Writer

Tegeta Exploration and Resources in In 2019, then DA leader Mmusi accounts were relating to donations accused of having a hand in the 2016. Maimane accused Ramaphosa of made to President Cyril Ramaphosa’s events including Ramaphosa. resident Cyril Ramaphosa’s rise This was after the mine, owned In 2012, Ramaphosa’s wealth capconflict of interest and of mislead- CR17 campaign. to the nations’ highest office by Optimum Coal Holdings, which ing his own cabinet and in doing tured the nation’s news agenda. Midday 15 August 2012, at the has always been shrouded in was 67% owned by Glencore, was so breached the Executive Code of As a designate deputy president of time, a member of the ANC’s national controversy, especially where into business rescue when Eskom Ethics. the ANC and designated number two executive committee, a Lonmin money is concerned. under Molefe scrapped its long-term In the lead up to Cyril Ramaphoin the country, he failed to declare shareholder and a non-executive Even as he battles the farmgate, attach Segapo’s assets after the designer allegedly JULIA MADIBOGO BUSINESS contract to supply Eskom with coal. sa’s election as ANC President, Bosasa his business interest to the ANC. He board member, president Ramaphosa his worst scandal yet, the president IS SLOW moved out of his place of business. julia.madibogo@citypress.co.za At the same time, Eskom levied a CEO Gavin Watson gave a R500,000 sent an email to the Lonmin mining was let off the hook for the moment does so with one hand and fends off Fashion Segapo, who has styled celebrities including Idols SA R2.1-billion penalty for the mine’s “donation” to Ramaphosa’s cambosses with these words: as he was not asked to serve in govothers with another. His links to the designer Businessperson Kabelo Ncholo has accused celebrity producer and host ProVerb, award-winning musician apparent failure to meet its coal qualpaign. Once Ramaphosa was elected, “The terrible events that have ernment yet. Swiss-based mining Paledi fashion designer Paledi Segapo multinational of reneging on a Prince Kaybee, veteran actor Warren Masemola and US his son, WHICH Andile, earned at least R2was hired unfolded cannot as a Even at that time, Ramaphosa Glencore are a past back to into haunt Segapo says repayment arrangement the pair entered out of ity specifications. IN THE SETTLEMENT AGREEMENT, singer Tevin Campbell, by Ncholo in 2018 tobe described CITY PRESS HAS SEEN AND WHICH IS DATED Now, in the light of Glencore million from Bosasa for “strategic labour dispute. They are plainly dasheld a sizeable wealth portfolio. A his business court after the latter allegedly failed to deliver the design attire for his wedding, which was scheduled to him. NOVEMBER 2020, THE SEASONED DESIGNERadvisory has been wedding-related items that Ncholo had ordered and take place in 2019 at Sun City, North West. admission to bribery, Koko said he and financial services” – tardly criminal and must be charglance at the holdings of Shanduka, Two weeks ago, Glencore pleaded AGREED TO PAY BACK ABOUT R300 000 TO affected by paid for. The wedding did not take place that year and Ncholo was consulting lawyers about ignitemanating from a contractual agreeacterised as such. In line with this in which the Ramaphosa Family Trust guilty and agreed to pay $1.2 billion NCHOLO BY THE END OF NOVEMBER Covid-19 Ncholo dragged Segapo to the Johannesburg High got married in November lastcharacterisation, year after obtaining thethere needs ing fresh investigations into Ramament the president told Parliament to be owns 30%, reveals a large and diverse (R19 bn) in fines and penalties for PHOTO: OUPA Court in an effort to recoup payments he made to the services of other designers. phosa-linked Glencore and its dirty he had seen. concomitant action to address this range of interests across almost every corrupt practices inwhile dealing with BOPAPE/ seasoned designer agreed to pay back about R300 000 Palse fashion label owner preparing for forhis According to Ncholo, the popular designer was also deals at the power utility. It later emerged that was not true situation. sector. eign governments. The admissions GALLO IMAGES to Ncholo by the end of November. wedding. set to arrange a team that was meant to include a Ramaphosa, who was then head of the and apologised saying “You absolutely correct in In the financial sector, these have revived Ramaphosa’s with “The defendant shall pay plaintiffRamaphosa an amount of Segapo was scheduled to appear atlinks the Randburg wedding planner, a photographer, a hair are and make-up government business and overseeing he had been misinformed. insisting that the Minister and include holdings of 1.2% in Standard R297 000 in a full and final settlement of the dispute, Magistrates’ Court on Tuesday on a allegations separate criminal artist, and a booking for a segment in the lifestyle the company and several [an offer] which the plaintiff accepts on the terms and charge of fraud for the same transaction. television programme Top Billing. Eskom, was also chair of Glencore at It is this scandal that brought indeed all government officials need Bank, where Mr Ramaphosa is also levelled against him in this regard conditions contained herein,” reads the settlement. That matter was not placed on the roll, however, due To secure his services, Segapo reportedly requested a the same time. Ramaphosa and suspended Public to understand that we are essentially a director, 7.8% in Alexander Forbes have resurfaced. The conditions were that Segapo had to make the to the out-of-court settlement agreement that the pair R150 000 deposit of the R300 000 he had charged the He has been widely accused of Protector Busisiwe Mkhwebane into dealing with a criminal act. I have and 1.5% in the Liberty Group. In June last year, for 10 days, the first payment of R118 500 by the end of March, and the reached. businessperson for his suit, his bride’s gown and attire facilitating deals for Glencore at the direct collusion. said as much to the Minister of Safety Shanduka also owns part of BidCommission of Authority Inquiryspokesperson into State other payments were to be made in R20 000 monthly National Prosecuting Phindi for the entire bridal party. expense of Eskom and the taxpayer. When she took up the investigaand Security.” vest and has interests in avoid the telecom Capture orconfirmed the Zondo instalments until the end of November. due to Covid-19 – not so that he could making Mjonondwane that theCommission matter was “not However, Segapo allegedly only created outfits for the Koko has also raised several red tions, Mkhwebane was accused of A day after he sent that email, sector in South Africa and Nigeria. listened toroll,Glencore CEO Clinton Segapo was also asked to pay Ncholo’s R30 000 legal payment to Ncholo. placed on the pending consultation with the bride and the bridesmaids. with 31 bias and was said to The have become were gunned down “Why It would also I has a 32.7% interest a costs on dealings or before December this year. discontinue my businesses while in I complainant”. response to settlement letterastates34 thatmineworkers failure by the Ephron’s allegation flags about Glencore's However, says Ncholo, Segapo has only paid R85 000 have to [conduct] business? I am not the first person to Ncholo first opened a civil case against Segapo in seasoned designer to pay what is due to Ncholo per the parastatal. He accused the Zondo participant in a fight-back by allies in Marikana, in the North West, in cellphone tower building operation made by former Eskom CEOs Brian thus far and is expected to pay of R45former 000 by the end of theirNigeria store at the because we are April 2019 and then opened a criminal case of fraud Commission of shrugging the settlement agreement will triggerbecame pursuit ofknown a off his tesPresident Zuma. what as the Marikanaclose in —moment Helios Towers —going and Molefe and Matshela Koko. this month or Ncholo will move to obtain a judgment through a difficult time. in August of the same year to push the latter to pay civil case. timony. He said the findings in the This investigation by Mkhwebane Massacre. 12.5% in Seacom, which constructs Their allegations stem from quesagainst him. “What they are doing is making me look like I am a him back. Yesterday, Segapo said he couldn’t comment as the US were proof thatButthe Zondo Com- led the President to request that A later, a commission of inquirythug undersea cables. Today, that wealth tions Glencore’s sale the businessperson says he is scared that, even if on the run when the truth is that I could not In the surrounding settlement agreement, which City Press has matter was sub judice. mission was flawed. "I have always bank statements lodged by the public chaired by Judge Ian Farlam, better is estimated R7, 5 billion. of Optimum coal mine, he obtains a judgment, there might be no way to afford to pay rent,” he at said. seenthe and which is dated November 2020, which the However, he said his store in Newtown was closed

PTOP FASHION GURU MUST PAY BACK THE MONEY R300 000

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Goosen-Joubert took Mrs SA to court. Photo Supplied

THE UGLY SIDE OF THE MRS SA BEAUTY PAGEANT: ‘ENTRANTS LEFT HIGH AND DRY’ By Amanda Ngudle

ormer Mrs SA finalist, Chandre Goosen-Joubert, has three words for those who aspire to enter the competition: “Don’t do it!”. This is after she was granted a court judgment from the Western Cape High Court, allowing her access to the bank account of the pageant. It’s an order that the Mrs SA executives appealed immediately. She had asked to have access to the account after she alleged that money, she raised in aid of the subsidiary charity organisation had been used for personal interest by one of the pageant's executives and former Miss SA, Cindy Nell-Roberts. What followed was an ugly spectacle between the Mrs SA pageant and Chandre. Recent reports have painted her as an irresponsible opportunist. They claim she spent R34,000 voting for herself in the public vote build-up to the finals. Chandre, on the other hand, claims she has had to hire 24/7 security services as she alleges she has received death threats from unknown people. The Telegram is in possession of the text messages. This after she called the pageant a scam, a false fairy tale and a financial drain. In an interview with The Telegram, Chandre broke down, recalling how her life spiralled out of control since joining the pageant. “First of all, most of the contestants who have joined the Mrs SA pageant have been divorced, left in debt and in deep regret they ever entered the competition,” she said. “You are not told about the financial implications upfront but gradually with every leg you surmount. “The moment you press that ‘send’ button on the website’s application form, prepare to bleed loads of money.” So far, she claims to have “bled” over R1.3m from her own business bank account as well as monies raised through charity events. This happened to the top 50 entrants. “Then, they want you to get a sponsor for you being in the pageant and the sponsor has to pay R24,000 plus VAT. Then, you pay for everything - from production, workshops, hotel stays, flights, food, etc.”

CEO of Mrs SA Joani Johnson says it is the nature of any business to have a certain percentage of dissatisfied customers. Photo by ytimg.com In addition, there is publicity and charity responsibilities. Most sponsors have a trade exchange of publicity with the pageant. Although it’s not priced, the more publicity you get, the more points you receive, she claims. Another former contestant, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of mockery, says she needs a miracle for her financial life to recover. “I spent my life savings on the competition hosting high teas (Mrs SA refutes the claims saying they pay for the venues) and collecting donations for charities far and beyond trying to earn points but all I earned was bad credit,” she said. “I even borrowed from people trying to keep afloat but you know what happened? When I relented and left, after failing to raise R10,000 for the next leg, I was told no refunds would be given.”

Another former contestant calls the pageant toxic. “They do not offer you any support, whereas one of the promises is a business management workshop. It didn’t happen on my journey. They take, take, take and never give back. “I heard they laughed at poorer contestants like myself, when you failed to raise the money. It’s toxic.” The Telegram spoke to 12 former and current contestants who all expressed regret for having entered the competition. Some complained about products that were not aimed at black skins, others spoke of an unhealthy competitive environment while some complained of the sadness after their losses. “The bottom line is they want to gain millions and spend nothing. By the final night, you are so impoverished you have lost your glow,” said

Goosen-Joubert alleges she has received death threats. Photo Supplied one contestant. “You don’t even care that you didn’t win, too glad to be out of that hell.” When asked to respond to the claims, CEO of Mrs SA, Joani Johnson, responded in a generic statement which failed to addressed every question in its own merit. “You mentioned in your text message three former unhappy contestants. We have had more than 1,200 women come through the Mrs SA platform over the past 12 years and it is the nature of any business to have a certain percentage of dissatisfied customers,” she said. “Seeing as we are in fact a competition and only one woman truly walks away as the winner, I think statistically we have done well. “Despite the personal growth these women go through, many has (sic) had complete career changes and

countless opportunities and collaborations that they have gained through our platform. Not to mention the incredible friendships and network of strong, powerful women supporting one another.” Johnson also shared with The Telegram recently published material of the stories in which dirty linen was hung out for everyone to see. She also shared a Youtube link to an interview where she addressed the allegations. The comments section is disabled. If you are wondering what’s at stake, the answer is: Nothing. The winner gets nothing and the finalists earn R5,000 a month plus some products for the duration of the winner’s reign. The crowned Mrs SA stands to get her name in the Mrs World pageant, the final leg which Candice Abrahams won back in 2016.

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Hotstix says he is grateful he went back to school in the manner he did. Photo by Kelebogile Xaba

FROM BURN OUT TO ANTHROPOLOGY! By Staff Reporter

ultiple award-winning music legends who have produced timeless gems that outlive generations are averse to taking time between recordings and performances to focus on university assignments…more so, at the age 70. It takes an extraordinarily focused person to do the aforementioned. A seismic shift in thinking has to occur for someone, who at the age of 60 goes back to school to finish their matric. It takes an individual to whom self-empowerment is the guiding principle, one whose value of education is more important than having access to money. That’s the story of music maestro, Sipho Cecil Peter “Hotstix” Mabuse. Hotstix completed his matric through Adult Basic Education and Training (Abet) in 2012. He then enrolled for part-time studies at the University of South Africa (Unisa) but was forced to put his studies on hold due to work and family pressure. The dream to further his studies was much stronger than the pressure. He is now pursuing anthropology studies at the University of Joburg (UJ). “I wanted education for the power

that information provides. I did not get about to complete my education so as I should find a job, I wanted freedom and the power that comes with knowledge,” Hotstix told The Telegram. A proud child of Soweto, Hotstix still lives in his humble beginnings. He says township life shaped him to be the great icon he is today. He loves being among the people of Pimville. “You’d be amazed as to what inspires me. I’m inspired by ordinary people. Sometimes, we don't even realise the value that ordinary people bring to our lives. “This whole idea of profiling value as people who are rich, educated and so on, is false. Of course, I wish rich people would add value to our lives, but in truth, it is always the ordinary people who do it best. “I get inspired by people I meet every day and say, “Sawubona bhuti, kunjani?” (Greetings my brother, how are you?),” he beams. With a music career spanning more than 50 years, Hotstix has amassed an enviable number of accolades. He is the recipient of the country’s highest honour bestowed to citizen by the government - the Order of Ikhamanga. The Oder of Ikhamanga in silver was bestowed on him by President Cyril Ramaphosa in 2018. He belongs to an elite club of

South Africa’s world-acclaimed musicians, the likes of Hugh Masekela, Jonas Gwangwa, Caiphus Semenya, Abdullah Ibrahim, Sipho Gumede and Khaya Mahlangu, among others. Despite his immense achievements and fame, he remains humble and accessible. This has earned him impressive admiration from young and old alike. Getting lost for our interview, when we called him for directions, “ask anyone,” he instructed. We did as we were instructed and were delivered to his home. A likable and easy-going person, Hotstix says obnoxious material glitter is a turn off for him. He says it pains him to see how materialism has blinded people. He dislikes it, especially in politics and education. “Everything is about money,” he bemoans. “Politics of materialism has created a big problem. Our people were dedicated to a course of a struggle for the upliftment of the poor, now leaders steal from the same people. “In education, it’s worse. Young people can’t define their purpose outside of money. Why would you want to go to school? What is it that you think you want to achieve? What is the reason for you going to school? Young people are not about creating a path.

“I did not go back to school to get money, look for work, or some material gain like that. Nobody was going to employ me, anyway. "For me, it was about something much bigger, it was about getting as much knowledge as possible so I am able to talk with authority on things that can change my own value and that of ordinary people I could reach,” he said. He believes our education objectives are similar to those of apartheid. “We always aspire to be in the higher class, just like they made us think,” he complained. “This system is based on a wrong premise and is destructive to young people. It tells them that if you get education, you will be wealthy. You're creating a wrong mindset and false expectations. “So, young people go to school knowing this, Yaz’ mina umangiqeda iskolo ngizoba rich (You know, when I finish school, I’ll be rich). "Then, they get disappointed when that light just goes bleaker and bleaker. We need to elevate them outside these walls. "We need to say to them, “find a useful self”, rather than this education that is a pinnacle of false hopes. “Let young people aspire to give their talents and worth to the world. Let’s put them in a position and a level where chances of attainment of

their true potential are greater. “We must not fool ourselves to believe that ‘hhayi angeke ngiye esgela’ (I won’t go to school) because I have talent. “Chances of getting a better job, as an educated person, are greater but with the rotten education mindset we rob the young ones their true worth,” said the muso. A father of 12, grandfather of 15 and a great-grandfather to a toddler, Hotstix says he is grateful he went back to school in the manner he did. “It afforded me an opportunity to work for the community. When I completed [my studies], I served on the governing body of the same school. I fought to ensure that the school serviced the community more than just providing classrooms during the day.” He says he lives ekasi for that kind of service to the community. “I am here because I’m conscious. I want to be able to speak about things that I see [around me]. Things that I experienced on a daily basis. If I move out of here, all what's going to happen is I will have high walls around me and be oblivious to the things that are important. “I will not be able to speak about these things. I’ll be speaking about things under false pretence. Once you are isolated from reality, you can’t speak about it,” he said.

It’s time to talk

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FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

Photo by www.bloodandmilk.com

PERIOD POVERTY: STIGMAS ADD TO YOUNG GIRLS' WOES By Hannah Chibayambuya

illions of South African school girls have to contend with their monthly periods without having any access to sanitary products. Making their lives even more difficult, is the prevalence of stigmas which only worsen period poverty – a huge problem in our country. Up to seven million girls do not have access or cannot afford to buy sanitary products. Although no official statistics are available, it is estimated that 30% of South African girls do not attend school while they have their period. Not having access to these products often leads to ridicule from their peers, further perpetuating the stigma around menstrual cycles. These stigmas manifest themselves when females are taught about their periods. Women are often told to keep their cycle a secret, or that they are unclean during this time. Some of these myths go as far as preventing young girls from participating in prayer or being kept in isolation. In many South African cultures, virginity is at the forefront of purity and marriage. Many believe that inserting anything into the vaginal channel is equivalent to breaking one’s virginity. As a result, the majority of young girls don’t know what’s available to make their lives easier. There are various types of sanitary products like pads, tampons, reusable pads and menstrual cups and discs. The go-to sanitary pad might not always be the best option for children who have to walk home. Menstrual cups and discs are better options since these products can last up to 12 hours without changing. They also need minimal water to keep them hygienic. ‘Mindsets need to change’ Candice Chirwa, also known as the minister of menstruation on Twitter, said she believes that the idea of marriage being the ultimate aspiration of a women’s life, needs

Photo by www.ippf.org to change. “Tying a period product into that whole notion is so heavy, especially because there’s a lot of anxiety among women. They begin to think: ‘I should probably use this product since it doesn’t affect my chances of getting married’. I always tell them that this menstrual cup or tampon won’t break your virginity,” said Chirwa. These myths are setting back the period poverty movement. Zaakira Mahomed, the founder of the Mina Cup Foundation, said she

knew that these were challenges that she would face. “When I did my research, I wondered how I’d be able to change the minds of our elders. I told them that losing one’s virginity means having sex and that managing one’s period by using a tampon or menstrual cup has nothing to do with it,” said Mahomed. Organisations doing their bit Period poverty remains a problem in South Africa, but there is hope.

Many organisations are using their platforms to increase access to sanitary products. They are also aiming to reduce the stigma surrounding periods through education like Qrate ZA. This Johannesburg-based organisation focuses on “curating critical thinking in young people through educational publications and workshops on social topics”. They run menstruation workshops at schools with an emphasis on education about mental health, men-

struation and masculinity, as well as hygiene. The Mina Cup Foundation, meanwhile, donates a menstrual cup to an underprivileged girl for every cup purchased. As of 1 April 2019, sanitary pads became a bit more affordable when value-added tax (VAT) was scrapped from sanitary pad purchases. Efforts like these and the good work being done by organisations will bring us one step closer to ending period poverty in South Africa. – Health-e News

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

NEWS

HOW SCIENTISTS MAPPED MOSQUITO BREEDING GROUNDS USING DRONES

Symon Moroko, 41, lives in Chiponde Village in Kasungu District, Malawi, where research on mosquito breeding to prevent malaria is being carried out. Photo by Charles Pensulo / RFI

By Charles Pensulo

sing an innovative, 21st-century way to destroy a centuries-old problem, scientists at the Malawi Liverpool Wellcome Trust use drones to map out where mosquitoes breed in an effort to identify and destroy malaria-causing mosquitoes. In Malawi, malaria is one of the top three public health issues, according to a study published in the Malaria Journal. Nearly four million people are diagnosed with the infection every year and the country accounts for two percent of malaria cases worldwide. Although the country has made significant steps in controlling

the disease by distributing treated mosquito nets and indoor residual spraying, the scientists have been looking at ways of modifying potential mosquito breeding sites so that the mosquitos can no longer develop. When residents of Chiponde Village in Kasungu District first saw the small flying vehicles, they were scared, says Symon Moroko, a 41-year-old father of three. Many had never seen a drone before. But they were reassured when the researchers told them that they were trying to find ways of dealing with malaria, and had picked his village to try out the study. Most residents are farmers in Chiponde, a typical Malawian village – they rely on selling what they produce.

Altering the environment? But the area is also one of the places with high prevalence of malaria due to the presence of dams and water bodies, providing the mosquitoes with an ideal environment for breeding. "We see the research as something which is very important to us because many people in this area suffer from malaria," says Moroko. "We think this is something that will help in reducing malaria. During the rainy season, most suffer from malaria multiple times." He added that last year he had been diagnosed with malaria four times. This becomes a challenge not only as those who have been infected have to take the 10-kilometre journey

either on foot or bicycles, but they also lose time which they could have used to take care of their crops. New research to help the war on malaria In the study published last year, the researchers used drones with cameras pointing downwards to capture the photographs of the environment. They then used the photographs to identify water bodies which are likely to be breeding sites. "We were then able to use these photographs combined with GPS technology within smartphones and to locate these water bodies and conduct a mosquito larval sampling exercise," says Michelle Stanton, the study lead. These photographs gave the researchers a way to track what

type of water bodies are ideal for Anopheles mosquito breeding, as well as where to target their eradication campaign. Although the researchers are still in the process of writing up their report, the project has improved the understanding of how small dams affect mosquito populations. They have also been able to track how proximity to dams increase the chances of being exposed to mosquitos. The report will be given to Malawi's National Malaria Control Programme in the hopes it will help the government plan future malaria control activities, like larval source management deployment, bed net distribution, and indoor residual spraying with insecticides. – allafrica.com

NEW STUDY SUGGESTS MORE MALARIA-CARRYING MOSQUITO BITES HAPPEN DURING THE DAY THAN THOUGHT By Bob Yirka

team of researchers from Institut Pasteur de Bangui, the University of Montpellier and Centre International de Recherches Médicales de Franceville has found that contrary to conventional thought, malaria-carrying mosquito bites happen more often during the day. In their paper published in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, the group describes their year-long study of biting mosquitoes in Bangui, Central African Republic, and the need for new ways to combat malaria in Africa. For many years, medical workers have stressed the importance of protection from mosquito bites in Africa

(96% of the deaths due to malaria are in African countries). Methods include covering beds with netting, as the prevailing wisdom suggests that most bites by mosquitoes carrying malaria happen while people are sleeping. In this new effort, the researchers found that these measures may not be enough because many more bites happen when people are away from home during the day than previously thought. The researchers studied four sites around Bangui (some inside, some outside) for 48-hour periods every month over the year between June 2016 and May 2017. The researchers did not allow the mosquitoes to bite them, but instead, captured them after they landed. Each pre-bite was catalogued regarding time and place, and each of the

bugs tested to see if it was carrying the malaria parasite. After the year had passed, the researchers analysed the data and found that approximately 20 to 30% of the bites occurred during daylight hours, away from home, such as when people were at work or at school. They also found that the percentage of mosquitoes carrying the parasite was roughly the same during the day as it was at night. The researchers note that few mitigation efforts are currently underway to prevent bites during the day, which, they suggest, may contribute to many more cases of malaria than previously believed. They further suggest that more study of mosquito bites during the day is required to find the true extent of the problem. – medicalxpress.com

Contrary to conventional thought, malaria-carrying mosquito bites happen more often during the day. Photo by Kokhanchikov/Shutterstock

NEWS

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

Refugees and asylum seekers were forced to live in the open in Cape Town following xenophobic attacks in 2019. Photo by Shiraaz Mohamed/dailymaverick.co.za

XENOPHOBIA DOES NOT TELL THE FULL STORY OF MIGRATION IN SOUTH AFRICA By Shannon Morreira and Tamuka Chekero

he dominant story of migration in South Africa is that of xenophobia. The subject is regularly in the news with the focus on both incendiary political rhetoric and acts of violence against foreign nationals. The anti-migrant sentiment stems largely from South Africa’s dire economic situation. Some people accuse migrants of “taking jobs from locals” amid increased poverty and scarcity of resources. Migrants are also accused of fuelling crime. While the exact numbers of migrants are not known, what is clear is that South Africans believe there are many more migrants in the country than there really are. Lately, hostility against migrants has been marshalled by organised groups, such as Operation Dudula and the political party Put South Africa First. These new anti-migrant movements have been decried by South African president Cyril Ramaphosa as “vigilante-type” organisations. Research has consistently shown that many of the statements that fuel xenophobia are false. They fuel a national narrative of irreconcilable difference between South Africans and Africans from elsewhere on the continent. This is simply not true. Peaceful and mutually beneficial relationships between South Africans and migrants can and do regularly exist. Xenophobic rhetoric hides this reality. Anti-migrant sentiment has very real effects. It is estimated that since 2008, when large-scale xenophobic violence first erupted in South Africa, more than 60 people have been killed, and thousands left homeless by episodes of xenophobic violence in the country. But this does not tell the full story of imigration in the country. For our study, we turned the focus away from spaces of violence to areas where migrants have been able to settle and live ordinary lives among

Photo by Abigail Javier/EWN South Africans. The study was originally examining migrants’ healthcare practices. But in the process, we gained insights into the ways in which local practices were being used to make peaceful and mutually beneficial relationships between migrants and locals. Our anthropological study of migrants in Giyani, a town in the north-eastern part of Limpopo province, examined how Zimbabweans who settled in the area developed their social relationships within it. This ethnographic study explored forms of friendship and conviviality between Shona migrants from Zimbabwe and Xitsonga-speaking South Africans living in Giyani. The small town was created in the 1960s by the apartheid government as the capital of the then Gazankulu Bantustan, to which Tsonga-speaking people were mainly confined in line with apartheid policies. We found that, despite all the evidence of xenophobia in the

country, migrants in many everyday local contexts were able to create and maintain convivial social relationships with South Africans. Such networks matter, as they can be used to avoid both physical xenophobic attacks and less obvious forms of social exclusion and marginalisation. Even where the wider community may be hostile towards foreign nationals, convivial social networks afford migrants a level of belonging and protection. The study Our qualitative study was based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2017 and 2018. The work was part of a broader project on migrants’ access to healthcare, and ongoing ethnographic work on indigenous knowledge. In total 52 people were interviewed about their health-seeking practices. During fieldwork we were also able to see the ways in which those

migrants who had stayed in the country for up to two years were able to transform their relationships with locals, so that they moved from being outsiders to being part of the community. They did this by using locally relevant indigenous practices. Hushamwari is a Zimbabwean Shona word which loosely translates as “friendship” but which can also encompass a set of structured activities, such as gift-giving, that bring the concept of friendship into practical being. The notion of hushamwari aligns with the South African Xitsonga word kuhanyisana (loosely translated as “to help each other to live”). Together, these practices allow for structured social cohesion. Employing the concept of hushamwari enables researchers to examine the ways in which people create reciprocal friendships that are a little “like family”. Both Shona and Tsonga cultures see people as part of a collective. This

is also the case more widely across southern Africa. Being a “proper” person in the region, then, is to be part of a set of socially bonded networks. Since the precolonial era, hushamwari practices of gift-giving and exchange have been used as ways of incorporating new arrivals, such as migrants, into existing social networks. Our research showed that Zimbabwean migrants to Giyani carefully and deliberately drew on such locally relevant practices to formalise their relationships with Xitsonga-speaking South Africans. Practices included creating stokvels (mutual savings clubs) which South Africans were then invited to join; giving gifts or lending money; and attending parties and traditional ceremonies together. Practices like this open up a semi-formal transactional relationship which ties people together in mutually beneficial ways. Hushamwari relations straddle the divide between informal friendships, and formal business or family relationships. They also walk a line between gift and market economies. Unlike dominant xenophobic narratives which position African migrants as damaging to South African society, these relationships are mutual and benefit all parties. Lessons learnt We do not want to dismiss the realities of xenophobic violence. But we believe that studying the relationships built by migrants in these hostile contexts can show us how important those networks are to peace-building. African ideas of making strangers feel at home have been mobilised to good effect in Giyani. This has implications for policy and interventions in spaces where xenophobia is rife. Shannon Morreira is an Associate Professor, University of Cape Town / Tamuka Chekero is a PhD Candidate in Anthropology, University of Cape Town This article was first published by theconversation.com

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

TECH

Whether you have a Galaxy S21 (shown above) or other Android phone, clearing your browser cache and cookies is simple. Photo by Sarah Tew/CNET

WHY CLEARING THE CACHE AND COOKIES ON YOUR ANDROID PHONE IS A GOOD IDEA By Mike Sorrentino

Storage. At the bottom of Storage, you get separate options to Clear cache and Clear data. Tapping Clear cache will immediately delete the cache, but Clear data brings up a prompt that warns you that all of the application's data will be deleted permanently, including files, settings, accounts and databases. While it doesn't specify cookies, this "going nuclear" approach should zap all remaining data, letting you restart the Samsung Internet browser as if it were brand-new.

learing your Android phone browser's cookies and cache may sound complicated, but it's actually easier than you might think. It's a good idea to get into the habit of occasionally clearing out that data no matter which Android smartphone you use. (Yes, that includes the Samsung Galaxy S22 and Google Pixel 6.) Whether your phone uses Google Chrome, Firefox or Samsung Internet, your browser collects and stores data every time you surf the web. This information makes up your cookies and cache, and it helps your phone speedily log in to your accounts and load frequently visited sites. But this data eventually builds up, taking up space on your phone while also probably including cookies that are tracking your browsing history with the intention of serving personalized advertising. (I've been seeing ads for eyeglasses after visiting a few online stores to compare prices and styles, as well as for TV shows related to my YouTube searches.) It doesn't hurt to occasionally clear this data out in order to keep your web browser lean, running efficiently and, ideally, storing as few tracking cookies as possible. On Android, the steps differ slightly depending on the type of phone and web browser app you're using, so below we'll go over how to clear this data for Google Chrome browser (often the default for many Android phones like the Google Pixel line), Samsung's Internet browser (often the default on the Galaxy phone series) and Mozilla's Firefox browser. You can also check out our separate guide on how to clear your cache on an iPhone web browser in case you have a few Apple devices to clear out, too. Google Chrome You can delete your cookies and cache from within the Android version of Google Chrome by first tap-

Whether your telephone makes use of Google Chrome, Firefox or Samsung Internet, your browser collects and shops knowledge each time you surf the net. Photo by daystech.org ping the More button in the top right corner of the browser, indicated by a column of three dots, then tapping History, then Clear browsing data. You can also access this from the Chrome Settings menu, tapping Privacy and Security and then Clear browsing data. Chrome also offers Basic and Advanced settings for clearing your Browsing history, Cookies and site data and Cached images and files. You can use the Time range drop-down to select whether you want to delete the entire history or a selection of anywhere from the past 24 hours up to the last four weeks. Tapping Advanced will also give you access to deleting Saved pass-

words, Autofill form data and Site settings. After selecting what you want to delete, tap the blue Clear data button, and it will then delete without any other prompts, so just make sure you're zapping exactly what you want to zap. Samsung Internet There are two different ways you can clear your Samsung Internet browser's cache and cookie data. You can clear from within the browser itself, or you can go through your phone's Settings app. To clear while in the Samsung Internet browser app, first tap the Options button in the bottom right corner represented by three horizontal lines, then Settings; scroll down

to and tap Personal Data, then tap Delete browsing data to get a menu of options to delete. You can clear your Browsing history, Cookies and site data, Cached images and files, Passwords and Autofill forms in any combination. After tapping Delete data, you'll then receive a prompt asking for you to confirm your choices before deleting. Going through the browser app itself provides the most customization of what you want to delete. However, if you want to access similar options from your phone's settings menu, open the Settings app and tap on Apps, then scroll down to and tap Samsung Internet and then

Mozilla Firefox Much as with Google Chrome, you can clear the cookies and cache from within the Mozilla Firefox Android app. To access this function, tap the More button on the right of the address bar, again symbolized by three vertically aligned dots. Then tap Settings and scroll down to Delete browsing data. Of the three browsers we're discussing here, Firefox gives you the most options under the Delete browsing data menu, allowing you to also delete any existing Open tabs, your Browsing history and site data, Site permissions and even your Downloads folder alongside Cookies and Cached images and files. While you can't pick a time range as you can for Chrome, you can be more specific regarding what type of data you would like to remove. And Firefox has an additional option for those who never want to keep their browsing data after they're done using the app. Inside of Settings is a Delete browsing data on quit option, which instructs Firefox to wipe any combination of these same settings every time you quit the application. It's a useful feature if you'd like to keep the browser tidy and, say, avoid accidentally handing off your browser history to someone who may have stolen or otherwise gained access to your phone. – cnet.com

YOUR TAKE

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

Schools are increasingly flouting correct procedures when disciplining learners. Graphic by www.wwaytv3.com

DISCIPLINARY HEARINGS: SOME SCHOOLS ARE FLOUTING THE RULES P

icture yourself as a parent who receives a call from your child’s school. You are told that your child has contravened the school’s code of conduct and you must go to the school immediately. When you arrive, you and your child are called into the office to meet the school principal and school governing body chairperson. The chairperson informs you that your child has been found guilty of contravening the school’s code of conduct and will be suspended for five days. Neither you nor your child have been given a chance to speak. This is one of the many sorts of cases that the Equal Education Law Centre has had to deal with. A growing number of public schools are not following the correct procedures when disciplining learners. Some schools seem to be under the impression that they are autonomous organisations with complete discretion on how they deal with learners who contravene the school’s code of conduct. This is not true. The South African Schools Act and the regulations are quite clear regarding the procedures to follow in respect of search and seizure, drug testing, suspension and expul-

Schools do not have discretion in dealing with learners who contravene the code of conduct

YOUR TAKE EBRAHIEM DANIELS

sion, as well as the disciplinary process. The Act provides that a governing body may — on reasonable grounds and as a precautionary

measure — suspend a learner who is suspected of serious misconduct from attending school. But such suspension may only be enforced after the learner has been granted a reasonable opportunity to make representations in relation to such suspension. The school must initiate disciplinary proceedings against a learner through a written notice. The notice must set out the charges that the learner is accused of, with some of the facts surrounding the allegations. The letter must say whether the learner has been placed on temporary suspension or not, and how long the suspension will be. The maximum is seven days. The notice must also state the date and time of the disciplinary hearing, including the learner’s right to explain their case, call witnesses and be represented. A governing body must conduct disciplinary proceedings against the learner within seven school days of such a suspension. If dis-

ciplinary proceedings are not conducted within seven school days, the governing body needs to obtain approval from the head of the provincial education department to continue the learner’s suspension. It is also important to note that a governing body does not have the power to expel a learner from school. The governing body may only recommend to the Head of Department to expel a learner from the school. The Head of Department needs to decide and confirm whether or not to expel a learner within 14 days of receiving the recommendation. Where disciplinary proceedings are conducted, a learner must be allowed to make representations or present their case before a decision is made on a suitable sanction. The learner has a right to request documents (evidence), lead evidence and call and question witnesses. The learner has a right to be represented at the hearing by parents or by any representative chosen by the parents. Where suspension is imposed on a learner, the learner’s right to education does not pause and academic support must still be provided to the learner by the school throughout the period of suspen-

sion. Despite these clear obligations, schools still take it upon themselves to bypass procedure. Through our cases, we have observed that often, “problem children” do not have their right to a fair disciplinary hearing recognised. Yes, a learner is required to follow the rules and to not breach the code of conduct. That goes without saying. However, there are rules which govern schools and school governing bodies too. What example do they set by requiring learners to abide by the rules when they themselves do not have due regard to the laws which govern them? Perhaps some learners lack discipline and may continuously breach a school’s code of conduct. But due process must be followed to ensure that learners’ rights are safeguarded and that their best interests are considered, throughout the disciplinary process. Every parent wants their child to be treated fairly, whether they contravene a school’s code of conduct or not, and even if the child confesses to wrongdoing. – groundup. org.za ● Ebrahiem Daniels is a candidate attorney at the Equal Education Law Centre.

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

OPINION & ANALYSIS

Editorial DARK CLOUDS GATHER ON RAMAPHOSA’S NEW DAWN!

he archives of history are replete with examples of how power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Absolute political power is loaded with deep-rooted depravity that allows corruption to thrive, thus holding back a country’s development. This absolutism creates new elites as it feeds the ever-churning machine of multinational corporate greed. All talk of clean governance is just smoke and mirrors - an illusion of transparency and public accountability. The co-option of agreeable politicians by big corporates has perpetuated inequality and abject poverty. Corruption, which dates back to the pre-democracy era, has become an unerasable typical feature of South African politics, from Cape to Musina. In the course of political campaigning, all political parties that have their sight set on governing, make pie-in-the-sky promises and vow to root out corruption. This, in reality, is hollow talk of an ambitious presidential candidate who has mastered the art of blowing hot air up the backsides of the electorate. Nothing ever comes of it. The discomforting reality for the citizens is that graft, which is aided and sponsored by profit-obsessed corporates, has become part and parcel of the South African political landscape. There is empirical evidence that, in one way or the other, political leaders and their technocrats are becoming more involved in brazen violation of the Constitution. Corruption by both the public and the private sector is the major driver of inequality and a hinderance to South Africa’s economic, political and social development. It is the pilfering of state and natural resources that has affected the wellbeing of millions of people, families and communities. Captains of the private sector, who have the gumption to pretend as if they are innocent, and corrupt activities are confined to the public sector, are the premium sponsors of graft. We have had a glimpse on how western big business organisations have unashamedly compounded corruption by being in cahoots and betting for corrupted and corruptible individuals in government. Multinational companies have been bullying bureaucrats into submission because of their proximity to influential politicians. A number of big businesses in South Africa have a rather chequered history. They were smug and comfy with the apartheid regime and played no small role in sanctions-busting. They were happily involved in illicit arms and oil deals during the era of sanctions against apartheid South Africa. The New Dawn Cyril Ramaphosa’s ascendency to the presidency in 2018 spawned sizable optimism. There was hope that under his leadership there would be a more enlightened approach to socio-economic policy. Ramaphosa spoke of a New

Dawn and appealed for a return to the principles of Nelson Mandela, something others took as a couched renunciation of his predecessor, Jacob Zuma. Ramaphosa also promised an end to rampant corruption and state capture that characterised Zuma’s decade in office. With his New Dawn, Ramaphosa promised a no-nonsense approach to corruption and a cleaning out of the chronic deterioration of state institutions. Five years later, the New Dawn has turned into a Sunset. The strong words spoken then, are increasingly sounding hollow. He told the nation: “Corruption must be fought with the same intensity and purpose that we fight poverty, unemployment and inequality. We must also act fearlessly against alleged corruption and abuse of office within our ranks.” Since that maiden speech in 2018, there are fresh revelations and allegations of unrelenting corruption in his administration. Ramaphosa seems to have fallen into a dam of credibility crisis and the space for him to hide behind the bureaucratic clouds of smoke is getting smaller. Covid-19 has exposed greed under Ramaphosa’s watch. The culprits brazenly commandeered emergency funds set to fight the pandemic. A R500 billion relief package was established to provide food parcels for the destitute, there was a temporary social grant increase for over 16 million people and the Temporary Employer/Employee Relief Scheme (Ters) for those whose earnings were impacted. To ensure the success of the implementation of these and other measures, the state came up with emergency procurement regulations. The sharks within the state machinery, smelt blood and went for the kill. The manipulation of the Ters was also enabled, to an extent, by private companies which applied for the benefits in the names of unaware employees, at times dead people, and bagged the money to enrich themselves. The Special Investigating Unit (SIU) has been probing these fraudulent activities. To add to the president’s woes, Correctional Services head and former spy master, Arthur Fraser, opened a case of corruption, money laundering and kidnapping against Ramaphosa at the Rosebank Police Station in the beginning of June. Fraser alleges that the president concealed the theft, from his Phala Phala farm, of R60 million from the police and “paid bribes to keep the alleged beating and interrogation of suspects involved in the theft secret”. Then, there is that small matter of Glencore, which has prompted the former chief executive of Eskom, Matshela Koko, to tell iol.co.za: “When Glencore supplied coal that was non-compliant to Eskom, they failed to pay the penalties... Cyril [Ramaphosa] was the chairman and what he wants us to believe is that he was a hands-off chairman.” As the sun has already gone down on the New Dawn, will it also go down on Ramaphosa? Time will tell.

June 16 represented much greater dissatisfaction; dissatisfaction at the racists system that oppressed black people.

YOUTH DAY SHOULD HIGHLIGHT GAP BETWEEN MEMORY AND PRESENT-DAY REALITY

he impact of June 16, 1976, just like the Sharpeville Massacre of 21 March 1960, reverberated around the world, drawing attention to the brutality of the apartheid regime. In a period of four months, October 1976, it had gotten ANC President General Oliver Tambo on the podium of the United Nations General Assembly. He gave a historic speech, a hopeful indicator of victory and apartheid regime’s first eyeball-to-eyeball with international isolation. He must have been as emotional as he was buoyant, when in part, he said: “For the first time in the history of the United Nations, a representative of the majority of the people of South Africa has been allowed and invited to share this prestigious rostrum with the representatives of the independent and sovereign nations and peoples of the world. “After three-and-a-quarter centuries of the most brutal national oppression suffered by any people on the African continent, our people, the indigenous majority, are asserting their will to be free with breathtaking heroism. “There is no vocabulary to describe the nobility and the pathos of the conscious sacrifices that the black youth of South Africa have made over the last four months to free themselves, their people and the country from the forces that are determined to keep us forever their chattels. “Together with their mothers and fathers, they have seen hundreds of their compatriots pay the supreme sacrifice rather than accept a life of enslavement.” Today, 46 years later, Tambo’s words are incongruent to the society we have since become. A black government, a product of supreme sacrifices, has turned into a disgrace to the liberation struggle. To spare us the possibility of a further blight to the brave, iconic and proud history of our country, the nation’s collective memory has been padlocked. Ordinary people would rather not know what it took to achieve this democracy. I came across a joke on social media and it is in Sesotho. Loosely translated, it goes: “Hector Pieterson was shot on 16 June on his way to school,” one person remarks and the other responds, “Why was he going to school on a public holiday?” This is not ignorance. It is a deliberate distancing intended to numb the pain.

MY TAKE

MBANGWA XABA Our world is different from the Pieterson heroism. Ours is a world where millions of children are trapped in poverty. We are accustomed to seeing government as a haven for thugs. We occupy front-row sits to the type of things movie makers may never concoct in their creative best. Our leaders line their pockets with public funds, murder and tear each other apart publicly for seats in party leadership as they are vying for government positions. It would appear president after president compete for the honour of who is the nation’s most shameful criminal. The grandchildren of the class of 76 have been systematically assured a life of servitude to white supremacy. About 70% of the country’s wealth still in white hands. Six out of 10 children (62,1%) are identified as multidimensionally poor. The majority of children (0-17 years old) suffer from multiple deprivations simultaneously. Black African children (68,3%) show the highest percentage of multidimensional poverty, compared to their peers from other population groups. Multidimensional poverty is highly prevalent among double orphans (77,3%) and paternal orphans (75%), as opposed to non-orphans and maternal orphans. Far too many young people are neither in school nor working. Over 75% of South Africa’s youth is unemployed. They face high vulnerability to crime, a little more than a

third (35,4%) have experienced some form of sexual abuse and close to 30% abuse a substance of one kind or another. All these, are serious enough without child-headed households, teenage pregnancies, physical abuse and the absence of fathers/father figures. South Africa has failed her children. Shenilla Mohamed, Executive Director of Amnesty International South Africa says: “The South African education system, characterised by crumbling infrastructure, overcrowded classrooms and relatively poor educational outcomes, is perpetuating inequality and, as a result, failing too many of its children, with the poor hardest hit.” The Amnesty International report titled, Broken and Unequal: The State of education in South Africa, states: “The situation is so bad, government does not comply with both its own constitutional and international human rights obligations with respect to education.” The report specifically shines a spotlight on the poor infrastructure in public schools, including sanitation, which has tragically resulted in the death of some children in pit latrines. The majority of children don’t even play sports, there are no sports facilities to speak of. Our children are condemned to a life of misery. Let’s face it, when we commemorate the 46th anniversary of June 16 and Youth Day, in all fairness, there is nothing to celebrate. All we have are unfulfilled promises. The breathtaking heroism that Tambo spoke about, the nobility and the pathos of the Soweto school children, who were brutally attacked by the apartheid police, has been mercilessly betrayed. I agree completely with young people who say they don’t want Youth Day to be about the history of others. They want to it to acknowledge their current reality and the struggles they are facing. As a matter of urgency, they must take instruction from Frantz Fanon, who says: “Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it or betray it.” If young people stand by and fold their arms against this injustice, they would have most certainly betrayed their generation’s historic mission. A word of advice from an internationalist and revered revolutionary, Che Guevara: “We cannot be sure of having something to live for, unless we are willing to die for it.”

OPINION & ANALYSIS

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

EMPEROR RAMAPHOSA IS SKIMPILY DRESSED

n the summer of 2017 Cyril Ramaphosa come out slightly victorious as president of the ANC at its elective conference held in Nasrec, South of Joburg. In 2018, after Jacob Zuma was kicked off the presidential seat, Ramaphosa took over. The chatterati, together with the dazed and chuckleheaded disciples of the new emperor, buried him under mega-tons of praises…he was nothing short of a Messiah. Those who hold an opposing view or are critical of the high priest of paradise on earth, are beaten into silence by parishioners of the Church of the New Dawn with their high-minded mouthings. The country was awash with the praises of a saviour who was going to restore the dignity of the country and free it from biblical Sodom and Gomorrah that was visited upon us by the infamous nine wasted years. When critical voices pointed out that Ramaphosa was part of the wasted years, they were labelled as pro-Zuma and disgruntled members of the clumsy Radical Economic Transformation (RET) faction. As a political leader, Ramaphosa who is also a servant of the citizens, his duty is to work for the betterment of society, but it would be the emperor, the high and mighty priest, that has not really been up to the task. I hold no brief for former president Jacob Zuma. He presided over rampant corruption. He made horrible decisions and choices which were a hard slap across the faces of the citizens of this abused republic. The new emperor, dressed in cleverly worded statements and riding on public relation boat that has been in full throttle does not deserve the robes of innocence. In the five years he has been in power, Ramaphosa has shown himself to be a man who is a million miles away from statesmanship. A statesman is a leader who has some modicum of integrity and willingness to stand up for what is right, even if it means resigning from his position in government when damning allegations of wrong doing come tumbling out of the cupboard.

In 2019, bank statements which were lodged by the public protector in the Pretoria High Court regarding donations made to the CR17 campaign were sealed from public access, after a request from Ramaphosa. When the EFF embarked on a legal challenge to make the bank statements public, the courts, once more granted Ramaphosa his wish for the records to remain sealed. Now, when CR17 campaign documents were kept secret, it created suspicion that the emperor had no intentions of committing to the transparency and accountability he highly spoke about. Whenever an elected leader hides information from the public, it instantly breeds suspicions about his motives. It makes even the proverbial village imbecile wonder: “What is he hiding, and why?” Just like the village idiot, I am suspicious of a politician who invokes national security to give as reason the classification of files. Even the streetsmart man and woman would have their suspicions raised whether the leader is trying to hide very damaging and unlawful activities. The blabbermouths, self-styled champions and defenders of the high priest went bonkers when questions were asked about the funding of the CR17 campaign and the decision to seal the bank statements from public access. Frothing at the mouth, the out-oftune praise singers told all and sundry that there were other candidates campaigning for the presidency of the ANC and only Ramaphosa was unfairly singled out for special attention. Well, a casual application of common sense, tells us that the winner always has the spotlight focused on them. Of all the high positions, a president will always be the subject of citizens’ attention because he is in the news most of the time, for one reason or the other. It never occurs to the bangers of a damaged drum that Ramaphosa styled himself as the champion of transparency and accountability which he described as the sine qua non of

democracy. It is therefore mind-boggling that when an ancient smelly skeleton steps out into the public, calling Ramaphosa’s name, transparency and accountability become swear words. The cynical ghost that lives deep in the whisky-marinated bowels of my souls tells me these drum majorettes are desperately trying to silence the many who are able to see through these blame-shifting delusions. In 2020, the South African Energy Forum (SAEF) were extremely critical of a transaction that got the approval by the Competition Commission of Seriti Resources Holdings’ procurement of South32’s SA Energy Coal’s (SAEC) 90% shares, which would make it the country’s single biggest coal supplier to Eskom. A statement released by SAEF at the time said: “Ignoring the concentration risk making Seriti the largest coal supplier to the only electricity provider at excessive cost-plus coal is not in the social or economic welfare of South Africans. The commission is creating the largest coal supplier to Eskom, in complete disregard of its role to create SMMEs.” There were allegations that the chief executive of Seriti, Mike Teke, who masterminded deal, made a donation of R600000 to the CR17 election campaign. Other allegations pointed out that other people who also donated to CR17 were elevated to board memberships in state-owned entities. Surely, any sane patriot would be concerned with such allegations. Another important factor the blind followers conveniently forget is that Ramaphosa took a binding oath of office after his victory at Nasrec: “In the presence of everyone assembled here‚ and in full realisation of the high calling I assume as President of the Republic of South Africa‚ I‚ Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa‚ swear that I will be faithful to the Republic of South Africa‚ and will obey‚ observe‚ uphold and maintain the Constitution and all other law of the Republic; and I solemnly and sincerely promise that I will always promote all that will advance the Republic‚ and oppose all that may harm it; protect and promote the rights of all South Africans;

On broken horn and a prayer – President Cyril Ramaphosa needs God’s help now than ever before. Photo by Delwyn Verasamy/M&G

discharge my duties with all my strength and talents to the best of my knowledge and ability and true to the dictates of my conscience; do justice to all; and devote myself to the well-being of the Republic and all of its people. So, help me God.” With the Phala-phalagate scandal, the President really needs God’s help. Scapegoating and all other manner of subterfuge must be pushed aside and the following questions from the public protector, be honestly answered: ● Whether the said premises or the property at Phala Phala farm in Waterberg, Limpopo, belongs to you or is registered under your name or under the name of any of your company where you own a stake, kindly explain the nature of this business. ● Whether there was any cash to the tune of millions of US dollars, (in excess of four million US dollars) stashed within your premises at Phala Phala farm in Waterberg, Limpopo and if yes, please clarify the following: (a) The source of such cash, (b) Any register, receipt or other proof to indicate the source of such cash, the nature of the trade transaction from which it emanated or the purpose of such cash; (c) The name of the countries and persons you were trading with and who paid the money in this regard; (d) The permits for such trade at the time and if there is any please attach copy thereof; (e) Does such permit or regulations allow an auctioneer to accept hard cash on site; (f) The exact amount in Rands of such other Foreign Currency and proof thereof; (g) The date(s) on which such cash was received at Phala Phala farm in Waterberg and the name of the person(s) who received it; (h) The exact manner in which this cash was kept or stored at Phala Phala farm in Waterberg e.g., safe or furniture; (i) The reason(s) as to why the cash was kept or stored at Phala Phala farm in Waterberg and not at the bank; (j) How long has that cash been kept on premises; (k) Was the cash declared to South African Revenue Services (Sars) and if

yes please attach proof; (l) Does the Phala Phala farm pay the tax as required by SARS for sales or auction of any stock, if yes please provide proof; (m) Does Phala Phala farm in Waterberg hold any bank account and if yes, please provide the Public Protector with the name of the details of the bank account; 27.6 Whether there was a robbery and/or theft of cash at the Phala Phala farm in Waterberg on 9 February 2020, and if yes, how much was stolen; ● Whether the theft or crime in connection with this cash was reported to the SAPS and if yes, please provide the date on which the matter was reported, the name of the police station and the Case number. If not, please explain why was the matter was not reported the police [station]; ● Whether the stolen money was recovered or not, and if yes: (a) How much was recovered. (b) When was it recovered. (c) Where was it recovered. (d) Who recovered it. (e) From whom was it recovered. (f) Was any person(s) interviewed, interrogated, arrested and charged for such crime? Since Ramaphosa took over in 2018, his New Dawn has become an extraordinary terrifying nightmare for many; only a select few have seen the New Dawn as they continue to lie and plunder more without consequences. End the blame game Much as incalculable damage happened under Zuma, we must be wary of elevating him to a gigantic bogeyman of mythical proportions to absolve President Ramaphosa of his transgressions. He has been the captain of this hip since 2018 and unfortunately, we are still headed for the iceberg that sank the Titanic. When will the talk of former president Zuma’s nine wasted years end and when will the accountability of President Ramaphosa start? The hoodwinked clique of Ramadenial praise singers can no longer protect him from the political storms and open criticism.

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

SHOWBIZ

FEYA FAKU KEEPS THE INTERGENERATIONAL GROOVE RHYTHMING By Dinga Sikwebu

hen Feya Faku began his month-long national tour of five South African cities in April, there was a scramble among young jazz musicians to join his bands. As he moved from one city to the other, the celebrated trumpeter assembled local musicians and invited them to play with him in the launches of his two new albums, Impilo and Live at the Bird’s Eye. With musicians such as Hugh Masekela, Miriam Makeba and Jonas Gwangwa no longer around, young artists in the country look up to musicians such as Faku for a definition of what it means to be a jazz musician in South Africa today. They regard the trumpeter’s creativity and musical approach as an embodiment of key South African jazz sensibilities – rootedness in local sounds but with strong musical cosmopolitanism. Over the years, Faku’s music has inspired and influenced a new generation of jazz musicians. “Bra Feya is a kindred spirit, a loving man and very giving too. When you play over his beautiful melodies, there is no limit to what you can do. With him, it’s just freedom”, says saxophonist and winner of Standard Bank young artist award for jazz in 2020, Sisonke Xonti. “I’ve always looked up to him, not just as a musician but as a father figure”. The guru The arrangement where notable musicians are regarded as role models is not uniquely South African. Within jazz, there is a long tradition where music is passed from one generation to the other. Intergenerational learning occurs within jazz dynasties, where musicianship percolates within families. The bandstand is another platform through which sharing between musicians of different ages occurs. But the most persistent method to maintain the tradition, is for young musicians to attach themselves to a guru or a “master”. In different parts of the world there are musical initiatives to

For many young jazz musicians in South Africa, Faku is a figure to look-up to. Photo by Kulturcinema

formalise cross-pollination between generations. Every year more than 5,000 young musicians from Australia and New Zealand gather at Mount Gambier to learn in workshops and clinics from established jazz artists. The Generations in Jazz Festival has been going on since 1987. Similarly, for more than a decade, the Jazz at Lincoln Centre in New York hosts yearly a multigenerational celebration, where more than 100 young musicians play over four weeks alongside veteran musicians in 30 different line-ups. The highlight of the annual event is the “Lessons from our Masters” series, where generationally-mixed bands play compositions by living jazz legends. In South Africa, the

Over the years, Faku’s music has inspired and influenced a new generation of jazz musicians. Photo by ytimg.com

equivalent of these intergenerational initiatives is the week-long annual Standard Bank National Youth Jazz Festival that takes place in the middle of winter in Makhanda. The youth festival brings together 300 students, 40 teachers and 60 professional jazz musicians in a series of workshops, rehearsals and performances. It is at the festival that young talent is spotted and drawn into already established bands. At the festival, the dreams of budding jazz musicians to meet and play alongside their legends are realised. Despite these formal ways to ensure continuity of the jazz tradition, Xonti feels that there is still a role for gurus. The saxophonist believes that being a master is not about success in the field

or excelling with the instrument. For the Cape Town-born musician, the “guru-disciple” relationship in jazz is about how to lead a life in music and be successful at it. “I liken the master to a parent. Just as it is important for any child when growing up, to have parents who lead them in the right way, it is important for a young musician to have a master to look-up to." Benefiting from the master For many young jazz musicians in South Africa, Faku is a figure to look-up to. In their biographies, pianist Bokani Dyer and guitarist Vuma Levin relate how the trumpeter has had an impact in their lives and musical careers.

In Dyer’s case, although he grew up with Faku around as a member of a band that his father Steve Dyer led, the desire to one day play with the trumpeter grew when he regularly watched him perform. “When I was at the College of Music at the University of Cape Town, it was always a dream for me to one day play in Bra Feya’s band. The music was progressive, high-energy and very inspirational." Levin gives a similar testimony. Selected in 2009 as a guitarist for the Standard Bank jazz youth band, Levin had for the first time an opportunity to share the bandstand with Faku. Performances with the youth band were also the young guitarist’s first experience to play professionally before audiences. But it was Faku’s musicianship that had immense impact on the young lad. “Bra Feya’s melodies are extremely strong, catchy and very soulful. My experience with him in the jazz youth band was really transformative, profound and an incredibly inspiring moment in my life”, says the guitarist who teaches music at Wits School of Arts. “The experience in the youth jazz band with Bra Feya forever changed me. It probably put me on the path that I have been on since then.” Both Dyer and Levin have gone on to compose songs dedicated to Faku. For the pianist, in his dedication to his hero, he felt the energy, fire and strong spirit in the trumpeter’s compositions. Dyer decided to call his composition, Fezile. In the case of Levin’s For Feya, it is the rhythmic and textual treatment of the trumpeter’s composition Inner Passion that was the trigger: “Bra Feya’s music strongly references Southern Africa whilst at the same time it gives a nod to music from the Americas and Europe.” Faku is fully aware of the high regard that other musicians hold him in. It is out of this recognition that he decided in his whistle-stop tour to work with different musicians. “The fountain of youth is the music itself. I myself benefitted from the masters who came before me. My role now is to share my music with young people and also learn from them.” – amandla.org.za

FEATURE

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

Hutch during his visit to the National Museum of Slavery, which exhibits artefacts evoking the horrors of a slave trade. Photo by euronews.com

HUTCH RECONSTRUCTS JAZZ HISTORY THROUGH THE ART OF DRUMMING! By Chris Burns

efore the arrival of the Portuguese in 1575, Luanda was a trading outpost for the great Kongo and Ndongo Kingdoms. Five centuries later, the city of Luanda is rediscovering, confronting and embracing its past and hoping to establish itself as one of the most historic cities on the African continent – especially for those among the global Angolan Diaspora. At one of Luanda’s many cultural spaces, it was a homecoming of sorts for African-American drummer Gregory Hutchinson who has played with the likes of Betty Carter, Wynton Marsalis, Joe Henderson and John Scofield. Hutchinson proudly got on stage and performed in the land of his ancestors. Over centuries, millions of Angolans were sent as slaves to the Americas. “For me, it's been awesome to come here and be enlightened. Walking around and seeing different sights. It wakes you up and makes you see that there's so much more to learn,” said Hutchinson. He also visited the National Museum of Slavery, which exhibits artefacts evoking the horrors of a slave trade that victimised so many beyond imagination. For instance, chains and other devices were used to restrain the slaves as they were led to the ships. “This is the beginning of a journey

for me. I feel like I've been slapped in the face and now I'm going to do the work to learn more.” Guiding Hutchinson to his reconnection with that history was Carlos Bumba, founder of TAC Tour Angola. Bumba delivers tour guides to curious visitors, showing and telling them about life in Luanda. From the colonial architecture to street vendors selling some tasty charred plantains. “This Luanda has traces, it has signs, it has evidence, it has marks, where slaves passed, where slaves were chained, where slaves were stored,” says Bumba. “Not to forget – Angola’s influence has enriched American culture in more ways than we think. “It shows that Angola also contributed to the construction of the American nation. The gastronomy, the language, the dances, the blues and jazz are all African rhythms.” Among the stories is one of the struggles against the Portuguese colonisers, led by Angola's most famous queen. Queen Njinga first visited Luanda in 1622, 400 years ago this year. Her brother, the then-King of Ndongo, what is now Angola, sent then Princess Njinga to negotiate with the Portuguese governor about slavery. She would later spend the rest of her life resisting the Portuguese. Paulo Furtado, an architect and administrator of Luanda's Ingombota district, says the city is making Queen

Njinga Street a key tourist attraction, after renovating its waterfront. “We already have the bay and a bit of that mirror of the bay that we also want to make for people to walk on and enjoy. And I think that with this project we will be able to achieve this goal of bringing people back to the city.” This is one more reason for Hutchinson to return to Angola for another visit. – africanews.com

Hutch is a musician’s drummer Gregory ‘Hutch’ Hutchinson was

born on 16 June 1970 in New York City. His father was a reggae drummer and Hutch played with his dad as a youngster. He studied with Marmin ‘Smitty’ Smith and Kenny Washington in the 1980s and started playing with Red Rodney in 1989. Jazz Magazine has described him as “the drummer of his generation” and indeed, Hutch is one of the most highly respected musicians of our time. His mastery of timing and expression of rhythms is at the core of his personal style. He is a musician’s drummer, soundly rooted in the jazz tradition he is able to approach all styles of music with supreme accuracy and imagination, decorating compositions with his natural feel and mind-blowing innovation. The Brooklyn native

began to nurture his passion for playing at a young age of three. He recalls his first drum set lasting a total of five minutes. “I proceeded to put the sticks through the drumhead and not on top of it. I didn’t know about Ted Reed stick control,” he muses. “And now fast forward many years, here I am.” His dedication to the instrument was apparent in junior high school and his instructors took notice. At 12, he would arrive at school an hour early each day and stay behind an hour after. He was encouraged to audition for two music high schools and describes his not being accepted as “the best thing that could have happened to me”. It encouraged him to spend the next four years practicing and also led him to Justin Diccicio who became his mentor. Diccicio’s former students had been Omar Hakim, Kenny Washington, Marcus Miller and Steve Jordon. By accepting an apprenticeship under him, Hutch had not only entered a lineage of supreme musical talent, but had acquired a teacher who was serious in helping him become a professional musician. His professional career began right out of high school, when he was introduced to Red Rodney after playing in a big band for a year. He quickly became known as a young phenomenon in the jazz community, sharing the stage with the likes of not only

Rodney, but Betty Carter and Ray Brown while still in his early 20s. He is one of a few musicians today who had the opportunity to collaborate with some of the great originators of jazz music. Since then, Hutch has worked with who’s who of the jazz world including: Dianne Reeves, Betty Carter, Wynton Marsalis, John Scofield, Roy Hargrove, Charles Lloyd, Diana Krall, Harry Connick Jr, Joshua Redman, Christian McBride, Maria Schneider and a host of other musicians. His time signatures and beat compositions have won him praise from the hip hop community as well leading him to work with powerhouses Common, super producer Kareem Riggins and Questlove of the Roots. His experience and technique make him one of the most exciting musicians to watch and hear. He has the creative power to not only nurture, but challenge the very art of drumming. Dianne Reeves describes him as “Pure Genius.” Gary Giddins described his drum work as “elegant” and more “like dancing.” Joshua Redman describes him as “inspired”. To Hutch, his goal is to play the drums like Charlie Parker plays the horns. “I want to sing on the drums the way he [Parker] sings on the horn.” If history is any indication, Hutch will indeed continue to be a formidable presence in the music community. – paiste.com

magine this scenario: You are a bank branch manager. Your branch is not doing all that too well, in fact, it is experiencing an economic downturn. Among others, as a result of this, several accounts have had to be deemed inactive. Realising this, as well as the implications thereof, you take a decision to deposit R100 into 10 such inactive accounts. The net result of your actions is that the accounts are now deemed Active, and consequently constitute sales in terms of the branch’s performance. Against set performance targets, your branch's performance now looks better than it would have, had you not intervened. The question is: Was your intervention as a branch manager justified, legally, morally or ethically? Felicity Austin-Day was employed by Absa as a branch manager at its branch, at 6 Avenue, Walmer Park, in Gqeberha. Felicity had been in the employ of the bank for 33 years with an unblemished record. She had also worked as a branch manager, in various branches of the bank, for a period of 15 years, preceding her dismissal. According to the court records, during her employment as the branch manager at the aforementioned branch, Felicity decided to deposit R100 of her own money into 10 inactive accounts, opened by 10 different customers, which were under her control at her branch. An amount of R10 was deposited in each of those accounts. The deposits were made without the knowledge and/or consent of the holders of those accounts. The effect of such deposits was that those accounts, which were inactive, were then recorded as activated accounts in the branch’s books, and as such, constituted sales in terms of the branch’s performance. By way of background, the type of accounts that Felicity deposited money are said to be as Transact Accounts “which are said, to basically be transactional accounts aimed at individuals who are either unemployed, or irregularly employed, and who would make deposits of around R2,000, or less, in any given month, into their respective accounts. Thus, the accounts are used predominantly by customers falling within the low-income group”. These types of accounts generally tended to be operational only once a deposit had been made. Otherwise, they remained inactive

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

LABOUR MATTERS

BANK MANAGER CAUGHT BETWEEN A ROCK AND A HARD PLACE Illustration by www.totaljobs.com

UMSEBENZI TEBOHO MOKOENA

if there was no deposit that was made into the account after a period of four months. It was a given nature of the account that no minimum opening balances and no minimum daily balance were required. And as a means of further cutting costs, customers did not automatically receive monthly statements in respect of such accounts. It was a generally accepted practice that for this particular bank, sales targets were recorded when a newly opened accounts were activated. Although accounts were opened when sales were registered, each specific account only became activated once customers made a deposit into the account and started transacting. Once an account was activated, it then started attracting costs in the form of a cash deposit fee, together with administrative fees. It is at that time that the bank would be able to make a return, based on the fee charges generated for the transactions that take place. Felicity voluntarily informed the area manager about the deposits in question. Subsequently, further investigations into the policy and procedures of the bank were undertaken by the operations representative who recommended disciplinary action against Felicity. She was charged with two counts

of alleged misconduct. Count 1: “It is alleged that you acted dishonestly, in the execution of your duties as a branch manager of ABSA, 6th Avenue, Walmer Park, when you made irregular cash deposits into customer accounts. Count 2: “It is alleged that you failed to adhere to the group’s laid down policies and procedures in the executions of your duties as a branch manager.” Following a disciplinary enquiry, Felicity was found guilty and dismissed, based on the grounds of dishonesty. She lodged a dispute with the CCMA, citing the fact that she had not been found guilty for the offence she had been dismissed for. She didn’t challenge the procedural fairness of her dismissal. The bone of contention was whether Felicity had acted dishonestly when she deposited the said amounts into the customers’ accounts and whether in so doing, she had contravened any policies of the bank and applicable legislation. The CCMA found that Felicity, while having been dismissed in a procedurally fair manner, the same could not be said in respect of substantive fairness. It ruled that she be reinstated on terms and conditions no less favourable to her than those that governed

the employment relationship immediately prior to her dismissal. The bank was aggrieved by the findings of the CCMA and launched a review application. The Labour Court (LC) reviewed and set aside the arbitration award. The LC reasoned that the CCMA ignored the material evidence before it, and consequently failed to arrive at a decision that a reasonable person would have arrived at; i.e., that Felicity was dishonest. She then referred the matter to the Labour Appeal Court (LAC). Again, the issue that had to be decided upon was whether Felicity had acted dishonestly. The LAC, in arriving at its decision reasoned that: 1. Felicity’s performance already stood at 103% on year-to-year basis. At best she stood to boost that figure to 105%. Therefore, she was not in trouble as suggested by the bank, as far as her performance was concerned. 2. Secondly, there was nothing on record which indicated that Felicity stood to gain any kind of reward on account of adding 10 accounts. There was no performance bonus or other kind of incentive that was within reach at the time that could be achieved by the artificial addition of the 10 savings account.

3. The LAC further held that Felicity thought this was a good way of trying to motivate the account holders to use the accounts. 4. Felicity left, freely so, a paper trail in respect of the deposits by entering her name and identity number on the deposit slips. She had an alternative means of depositing the amounts anonymously at the ATM, but she opted not to do so. She could still have entered a 13 false name and identity number on the deposit slips, this also she did not do. 5. The LAC further found that there was undisputed evidence that Felicity wanted to motivate her staff. She acted openly and to the knowledge of the staff at the branch. 6. The LAC further acknowledged that while Felicity had accepted that she had acted rather stupidly, and without lack of judgment, this could not come to the assistance of the bank in any way. 7. There was no specific clause of any specific policy and procedure that could be convincingly pointed out that was breached. 8. There was no evidence that she acted in bad faith or that by her actions, she exposed the bank to any material risk. Importantly, the LAC pointed out that out of the 10 accounts, while the nine remained largely dormant, the owner of the 10th account, started operating on the account. The LAC held that the bank should have informed this person that their account have been illegally accessed. The bank did not inform the account holder, instead, it happily enjoyed the benefit of what it considered to be “dishonest conduct”. 9. The bank’s own forensics team found no evidence of fraudulent conduct on the part of Felicity. Instead, they merely recommended remedial action after they had concluded their own investigation. 10. The LAC also took into account Felicity’s unblemished record of 33 years of service, which it felt, militated against the sanction of dismissal. 11. There is nothing on record that indicates that the appellant stood to gain any kind of reward on account of adding ten accounts. There was no performance bonus or other kind of incentive that was within reach at the time that could be achieved by the artificial addition of the 10 savings accounts. 12. There was no evidence that the appellant acted in bad faith or that by her actions, she exposed the bank to any material risk. 13. If there was any misconduct, it was not serious enough to warrant dismissal. The evidence on record was that when the forensics learnt about this unfortunate incident, they did not give an indication that this was a serious transgression. It must have not been serious, for if it was so, forensics would have immediately indicated as such to the appellant, and besides, forensics found no evidence of fraudulent conduct on the part of the appellant. It merely recommended remedial action after its investigation. 14. There was hardly any evidence on record of any prejudice suffered either by the bank or by the customers whose bank accounts were used. The prejudice contended by the bank’s counsel that the appellant’s conduct would open the bank to money laundering activities was without merit. Thus, the LAC held that the allegations of money laundering were outrageous and farfetched; 15. Lastly, the LAC further held that the allegation by the bank that the customers whose accounts were accessed without their knowledge, would be prejudiced by the bank charges which would be accumulated was also without merit. The LAC came to this conclusion on the basis that even if the accounts would attract bank charges, the said amounts would usually be written off after a period of time. What this case proves is that upon closer inspection things may be different than what was initially thought.

MOTORING

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

BATTLE OF THE PEOPLE’S MOVERS RAGES ON!

have been invited to sample two bigger people's movers after my last piece. It seems the Koreans wanted to cement their place as the people's movers of choice with the Hyundai Staria, which will be our follow-up issue next week. But the Germans also want to claim their stake. We all remember the Opel Zafira, there were quite a few of them around 2003 and the OPC, which was the flagship, became popular around 2006. Full leather interior, 177 kw turbo engine. She pulled like a dragon and will easily shame any eight-seater at that time. As soon as they appeared, they also disappeared into thin air just like their sister product, the Chevrolet Cruize. I must admit that I haven't seen one on the road for more than three years. That might give an indication of their reliability. Like most people's movers Opel also went underground. The petrol price has significantly gone up, as such, individual daily trips to and from work are no longer viable. Most buyers opt for people's movers as they are cheaper for group travels. Almost all vehicle launches for the past six months have a seven-seater product as their main focus or an SUV of some sorts. I have been invited on a short drive on two products – one from Korea which I must admit, is beginning to dominate in terms of the product launch and one from Germany. My current view of these products is based on short tests and not extensive long-term tests. 2022 Opel Zafira 2L TD Although our current market trends have been more favourable to the SUVs, Opel decided to gamble with the launch of the fourth-generation Zafira. I was given an opportunity to sample the top specs and elegance. There is no visible special feature that differentiates the base edition from the top spec elegance from outside. I must admit, this is really a step forward from its predecessor. Entering this model, you are greeted by a luxurious leather interior. The base model has cloth seats. A seven-inch infotainment and as per the current trends with some

RIDE ON DUMI XABA

manufactures, the gear lever has been ditched in favour of a winding nob. Press the start button and the 2-litre oil-burner comes alive. This model is a seven-seater and the base is fitted with a bench seat that makes it a proper eight-seater. You are treated to retractable planelike trays on the second row of the Elegance model. And a folding table in the middle. I couldn’t help but feel like I am inside an expensive VW Caravella model, especially with those rotating seats, the panoramic sunroof and electric-powered sliding doors. Indeed, this might just be a good alternative to those expensive models like the Caravelle and the V class which cost almost double the price of Zafira. The 10-speaker system and cooled glove box, Dual-Zone aircon, height-adjustable heated front seats make the argument for this baby. The ivory colour suited it quite well. This is a highly contested segment with the likes of the VW Caravelle, the Ford Tourneo Custom and the new kid on the block, the Hyundai Staria. After testing an SUV recently, I immediately realised how generous the boot space was in the Opel Zafira. This is the kind of a vehicle you can use as a transporter for luxury touring and comfortably carry those tons of

bags and luggage with ease. The shorter bonnet means you don’t need a special garage to park this family mover, neither do you need a special licence to drive. This can easily be used as a mommy taxi and also a daily commuter due to its low fuel consumption. Opel claims around 6 litres per 100kms but I was mostly just shy of 9 litres per 100kms most of the time. The ZF automatic box is well-suited to the 2L diesel engine. Gone are the days of an agile swift Zafira OPC. This is a people's mover. I have noticed a bit of turbo lag on the 2L engine which really doesn’t matter much. South Africans are seriously looking for good-looking MPV and the cloth version without a sunroof and some family necessities that you find on the Elegance trim might struggle in the face of the strong SUV and the UTE competition. Most South Africans buy with their eyes and heart, and surely the Elegance is equipped to pass that acid test in the SUV era. Only time will tell. ● This model will sell from R749,900. ● The Elegance starting price is R869,900. ● Both models are powered by 2L oil burner with a decent 110kw and 370KwNm. ● All comes standard with five-year warranty or 150,000km mechanical peace of mind. ● A five-year or a 100,000km service plan. If you are planning to partake in an e-hailing luxury business or a large family mover, this will be your companion.

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

FEATURE

A crop that changed the world. Photo by goodhousekeeping.com

A CROP THAT CHANGED THE WORLD By Alex Park

n the last pages of her debut book, Slaves for Peanuts: A Story of Conquest, Liberation, and a Crop That Changed History (2022, New), journalist Jori Lewis breaks the fourth wall to bring readers into the present and share a story from her reporting process. The archives she had mined were rich with stories of a village called Kerbala – an outpost of French control on the westernmost coast of Africa which thrived at a time when France controlled all of what is now Senegal and much of West Africa. Kerbala had been a haven for freed slaves who had escaped bondage further inland in the 19th and early 20th centuries. But more than a century after its heyday, the village had very nearly disappeared into the landscape. Still, the journalist writes, she wanted to see whatever was left of it for herself, so she took a cab inland from her base in Senegal’s coastal capital of Dakar before riding a horsedrawn cart to a remote village. There, she met an old man who, she was told, might know where the village once stood. The mood was a bit desperate, and the author tempered her optimism: there was no reason to suspect that even the area’s oldest resident would remember the stories of people who “weren’t warriors or princes or learned clerics.” And in fact, after some careful thought, the man said he had no recollection of it. Instead, he said a prayer for the author: that Allah would help her find what she was searching for. Lewis thanked him in two languages, and then, she writes in the last words of the book, “I continued along my way.” It’s a fitting end to a story about a people who, beyond being forgotten, were scarcely remembered in the first place. Slaves For Peanuts is a story about a crop and the people who grew it at the margins of an empire. The slaves in this case were not in the southeastern United States, but in West Africa – specifically, in the humid, inland pastures which, in the 1840s, were the most abundant source of the world’s most important oilseed. Like many (if not most) imperial forays of the day, the peanut’s importance came down to a coincidence of taste, industry, and

Jori Lewis is the author of Slaves for Peanuts A Story of Conquest, Liberation, and a Crop That Changed History. Photo by thenewpress.com geography: Europe needed oil to cook and grease machines, but especially to manufacture soap with. Olive oil was well suited to the purpose, but olive trees were vulnerable to frost and tended to grow in areas prone to conflict, making the supply unreliable. Palm oil made perfectly good soap and was popular in England, but its yellow hue was unappealing to French consumers. In the 1840s, French industrialists turned to peanut oil and soon realized it could be used in a variety of ways, from cooking to fueling lamps. In France, many consumers – already accustomed to white olive oil bars – likely didn’t even notice they were buying something new when soap manufacturers switched to peanut oil. But in Africa, the shift was nothing short of transformational. At the start of the peanut boom, France’s presence in Africa was limited to a few outposts on the westernmost edge of the continent: “more a hodgepodge of settle-

ments than a cohesive colony, with an ever-rotating population of temporary agents for trading companies.” The largest, on an island called Saint Louis at the juncture of the Senegal River and the Atlantic coast, was a gateway through which the region’s wealth passed on its way to Europe. The rest of Africa lay just beyond it: “a whole continent one where the French were guests, not hosts,” as foreboding as it was vast, and where practices which were illegal in French territory – including slavery – were widespread. While the French occasionally played the role of white interlocutor, the Africans of the interior were content to keep them at arm’s length. Peanuts changed all of that. After France banned slavery in all its colonies in 1848, French colonialists began to see themselves as being part of a civilizing – not just a mercantilist – cause in Africa. But rising demand for peanuts had spurred demand for farm labor – and thus for slaves. As the French followed their commercial interests ever deeper into the African countryside, freeing more and more people from bondage as they went, the contradiction between their dual missions became harder to ignore. “The trading period has begun; it is said that there will be many peanuts this year,” one commander reported to the local governor in the late 1870s, eyeing the inevitable shift towards French control. “There is, however, one small dark cloud. It is the upcoming liberation of the slaves.” The geopolitical game Lewis describes in Slaves for Peanuts is an old one, and one essential to the formation of the modern world: one side declares itself “modern,” “civilized,” or otherwise “advanced” – not just technologically, but morally as well – all the while depending on an influx of goods at a cost that’s only possible in the “heathen,” “barbaric,” or “underdeveloped” areas outside its control. As Lewis shows, division and denial allowed European soap buyers to stake a position of ethical supremacy without having to pay a great deal for the high standard of living they craved. Readers will recognise parallel arrangements that make the comforts of our own world possible: think of how cheap agricultural goods like avo-

cados (and workers) pass across the US-Mexican border, or how retailers in the US, Europe, Japan, and other countries source goods from China – where labor and environmental regulations are lacking – all while crowing about the “green” commitments they’ve made at home. For all of France’s proclamations of liberté, égalité, and fraternité, slavery was essential to both the moral and material architecture of French imperialism in Africa. But legitimising moral hypocrisy has always been essential to making capitalism work. One thing that has changed is our perception of those travesties. Modern technology makes it possible for rich nations to exploit poorer ones from a distance, allowing a degree of psychological dissonance. But in the 19th century, exploiting Africa’s lands – and the human hands that worked them – still required maintaining a nearby territorial presence. At least a few proponents of France’s “civilizing mission” had to live in close contact with the people who suffered under it, making the hypocrisy of the whole thing all but impossible to deny. Lewis sifted the details of 19th-century Senegal mostly from yellowed letters, account books, and dispatches from archives in six countries. That alone is an astonishing achievement. What is more remarkable is that she was able to depict not just the early colonizers, but the Africans as well, including a few former slaves who either fled for French domains like Saint Louis – and rose to prominence in the tumultuous atmosphere of the colonies – or started their own communities nearby, like Kerbala. Nonetheless, most of Slaves for Peanuts is necessarily limited to the stories of people whose lives history managed to record – namely, the missionaries and inland power brokers who dealt and corresponded with the French regularly. At times, the plot can be hard to follow, as their priorities shift and new people cycle in from Europe. The slaves are a constant presence, but they typically exist in the background, recognizable as a collective more than as individuals. Where the story becomes most vivid, however, is in Lewis’s descriptions of landscapes, which she often renders more clearly than the characters who populated them. One can

see how areas separated by the hard lines of colonial decree were brought together by the bonds of human connection. “Saint Louis prospered despite all the odds,” she writes, introducing the emergent destination for the liberated. She goes on: “It went from a sandy island with a small, fortified post to a proper city as traders and dealers imported stone from the Canary Islands to build houses, and people from the kingdoms up the river or across the dunes staked their tents or built houses of mud and reeds. Eventually, the city filled the whole island and had to expand. … Soon, bridges from island to island were built, to link the major points of the archipelago and provide for communication and commerce with the people up the river and across the dunes. Still, going to Saint Louis took fortitude and determination.” Ultimately, depending on forced labor for such a basic commodity became untenable for a power that considered itself the vanguard of civilization in Africa. By the 1880s, after having indirectly encouraged slavery for decades, France (along with several other European powers of the day) declared an ambitious plan for conquering the rest of the continent and cited slavery’s persistence as a justification for it – marking the start of what the British called the “Scramble for Africa.” Hundreds of miles from the coast, at the ground-breaking for a new garrison in Bamako, Mali – one of the last stops of a future rail line which would connect West Africa’s interior to its coast and sustain French dominance in the region for generations – one French colonel told the crowd that slavery was “an integral part” of African morality, and one that Europeans alone had the responsibility to end. Having already spent hundreds of millions of francs attempting to abolish the practice, he said, “Republican France can spend a few million to modify, little by little, with wisdom and prudence, the vicious, unproductive, immoral system which is so beloved of all these peoples.” By then, whatever memory French colonialists retained of having encouraged that “immoral system” had already faded. In time, the memory of the slaves themselves would pass as well. – africasacountry.com

SPORT

FRIDAY, JUNE 17/ JUNE 30

NAOMI RUELE CLEARS THE RACIST WATERS FOR BLACK SWIMMERS

Naomi Ruele relished exposing her doubters’ ignorance in the pool. Photo by fiusports.com

By Karien Jonckheere

aomi Ruele is citizen of Botswana who studied in the US and qualified to represent her country in swimming at the 2016 Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Having graduated from university in 2015, she’s now working in New York City, not only where the Covid-19 pandemic had hit hard but also where thousands protested following the police killing of George Floyd, giving renewed impetus to the call that Black Lives Matter. That’s what occupied Ruele’s mind. She’s certainly been subjected to her share of racial discrimination. Despite reaching the highest echelons of her sport, being one of the very few black swimmers on a pool deck inexplicably seems to bring that out in people. “There is a huge stigma that black people can’t swim,” she explained. “With the current racial climate, I think it’s being brought to light. But to give some examples of my personal experiences, I have been told I shouldn’t know how to swim because I’m black. Why don’t I try a sport more suited for me? But also, there have been so many times where people have gone so far as to bring a biological standpoint. I have had someone tell me they are shocked I know how to swim because ‘black

Story Continued from Page 20 However, there were still fewer Africans in swimming related sports relative to other sports. Generally, the African countries that typically win prizes at CANA (Confédération Africaine de Natation)’s organised African Swimming Championships (ASC), tend to be the higher income countries such as Morocco, Kenya and Egypt and South Africa. In the past few years, we have seen increasing participation from athletes from other countries like Malawi and Mauritius both at ASC and the Olympics. This is perhaps indicative of a

people are usually big-boned, thus heavier in the water’.” Undeterred, Ruele relished exposing her doubters’ ignorance in the pool. As Florida International University (FIU) head coach Randy Horner pointed out: “Naomi was one of the top athletes in our programme history at FIU. "She qualified and participated in the NCAA [National Collegiate Athletic Association] Championships each year and dominated Conference USA to help our team win five team championships in her time at FIU.” While representing her country at the Olympics was always a target, Ruele has seen her role in the pool as more than that: to inspire other Batswana swimmers to continue breaking down that stereotype. “I think after so many different life-changing occurrences in 2020, my purpose in the swimming world has been brought to light,” she said. “I started swimming so that I could do great things and qualify for the Rio Olympics. Once I realised the impact that could have to create positive change, my goals shifted to continue to create a positive impact for young black girls and boys from Botswana and show them it is in fact possible. “That is still my ultimate goal and again, with the racial climate, I’m starting to wonder if my knowledge,

continent that will produce more competitive players in swimming related sports that are often exclusive and determined by socio-economic status. In order to understand the numbers of swimmers that come from the continent, we need to understand the environment surrounding recreational and professional swimming in Africa. Africans can and do swim. The fact that Africa has not produced many international level professional swimming icons is not a reflection of the lack of talented swimmers from the continent. Nor is it a reflection of a dislike of the activity or lingering continent-wide beliefs in sea monsters.

experience and even ideas would be better suited in working to decrease that stigma. Basically, I’m saying I’m currently reviewing my priorities and what my place is. The Olympics is still in my head though.” Ending the stigma of black swimmers Ruele also believes passionately in her position as a role model, and the opportunity she has, particularly now, to reshape people’s mindsets. “I think there is a huge stigma about African countries in general when it comes to swimming that does not sit right with me. I have focused a lot of my life trying to lead by example and motivate other people to know that just because this societal stigma exists and there are a lot of people rooting against you, nothing is impossible. “I am hoping to create a space where other swimmers are able to determine their own fate. I believe that my path is one I set for myself and everyone has the capability to do that for themselves. I want to see swimmers at home beat my times and have an even better career than I did. It is the only way Botswana swimming can grow. It doesn’t end with me.” – newframe.com This article was first published by New Frame.

It is also not because of physical capability, genetic make-up or disproportional appendages. It is a reflection of a historical pattern of exclusion wrapped up in politics and economics that could not sustain a swimming culture on the continent. Similar arguments can be made for many African descendant communities in the voluntary and involuntary Diasporas. Black Africans in particular could not develop a culture of swimming due to aforementioned historical, economic, social and political reasons. Many of these obstacles continue to influence participation in swimming related recreation and sport. – africaontheblog.org

Ruele passionately believes in her position as a role model. Photo by 5FM/Twitter

The low numbers of Africans and their descendants in swimming is influenced by socio-political and economic inequality. Photo by blackkidsswim.com

DARE WHEN OTHERS DON’T — {sportdesk@thetelegramlive.co.za} — FRIDAY, JUNE 17/JUNE 30, 2022 —

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SWIMMING AGAINST THE TIDE OF STEREOTYPES! By Sitinga Kachipande

wimming is not a sport in which you see many Africans or black faces. For many, this corroborates the belief that black people cannot swim. The stereotype is false but persistent. It has crossed the oceans and applied to both Africans and their descendants. It centres largely on prejudiced theories that cite biological explanations (i.e., bone density, extra layer of muscle) or cultural explanations (i.e., ‘they just don’t like it’). In reality, Africans can swim. They do swim, but why they are not known to be swimmers is a reflection of an activity marred by a history of inequality in politics and economics. The African continent is blessed with a plethora of rivers, lakes and oceans. The Africans who live along these bodies of water may very well be some of the world’s strongest swimmers. However, many are hardpressed to name any professional African swimming icons. A strong swimming culture was not sustained on the continent due to various social, economic and political factors. We need to examine how this influence the culture surrounding both recreational and professional swimming in order to understand the stereotype itself and why Africa has not produced an overabundance of competitive swimmers on the international stage. Water, Water Everywhere, but not a Place to Swim We need to first examine recreational swimming history in order to understand why Africa is not turning many of its recreational swimmers in to professionals. Historical events such as the enslavement of Africans

Africans can and do swim. Photo by nyt.com/images

prevented an established swimming culture to continue to develop. It is well-documented that prior to the slave trade Africans living near water had a tradition of swimming and were excellent swimmers. Africans had a strong reputation for being the ‘best swimmers’ in the world. They were skilled watermen who had established navy fleets and African sailors were in high demand during the initial contact with Europe. In an era when mass human trafficking through enslavement began, the sea represented danger. Africans avoided going to swim. Parents often told their children not to go near the water to avoid capture. Parents would often make up superstitions about the water being a site for ‘witchcraft’, ‘sea monsters’ or instill a fear of drowning in order to

keep children from going near the ocean – and many of these superstitions were passed on. In some communities during this era, there were many instances of Africans escaping slave ships by swimming away to safety. It is estimated 80% of Africans who survived the slave trade and reached the United States, could swim. Enslaved Africans in the Americas were then banned from teaching their children how to swim. Swimming Out of Poverty Access to swimming pools and locations for swimming remains a key reason why Africans are not known swimmers. One can argue that many of Africa’s strongest and talented swimmers probably live along the coastal lines or Africa’s many rivers and lakes.

Economics and politics determine the level of access that these potential Olympians would have. Therefore, a sport that requires practice, skill and talent, time and money prevents the participation of many. Participation and success in sports is often viewed as a way out of poverty. Some talented athletes aspire to turn this recreational activity into a lucrative professional career. Like in many sports, however, swimming athletes in Africa face challenges. They are often underpaid or not paid at all. They are also underfunded and have to rely on government or public-sector sponsors to survive and nurture their talent. They also need to find and pay for both a dedicated coaches and swimming facilities. Furthermore, harmful superstitions that attack African people’s capability to swim affect investment into swimming. They also may discourage young aspiring swimmers, who may internalise these superstitions and actually believe that their ‘bones’ betray them or that it is culturally unacceptable. Unlike sports like basketball and soccer, the costs and accessibility associated with creating professional swimmers are more prohibitive. At the international level, athletes are faced with the politics of location in a global political economy that does not ensure a level playing field for the Global South in certain sports. Swimmers like Micheal Phelps and Cullen Jones have been training for years in the top training facilities in the world. They also have the support of corporate sponsors and the time to dedicate to the sport. Although Cullen is a Black Olympic medallist from the Global North, his Olympic achievements are uncommon for minorities because of income inequality based

on colour in those countries. African descendants in the Americas arrived there as slaves. They have faced a similar social, legal, and political pattern of economic discrimination in sports as Africans. The low numbers of Africans and their descendants in swimming is influenced by socio-political and economic inequality. For Black athletes in the Global South, the situation is further complicated by the economic situations in their home countries. There are few incentives for Africans to become professional swimmers. Those with talent from all economic groups don’t get sufficient training, funding, or facilities. The likelihood of Africans ‘swimming their way out of poverty’ or competing on an international stage remains almost elusive for swimmers. Due to this situation, young athletes are often discouraged from becoming professional athletes – they are encouraged to ‘study’ rather than ‘swim’ to their way to economic security. The athletic environment affects the numbers of African athletes with potential that turn professional or remain competitive, from all economic groups. Competitive swimming does not favour the poor Despite the low participation levels of professional swimmer at the international stage from Africa, the number of Africans swimming professionally is steadily increasing. This may be indicative of the increase in GDPs and income levels across the continent which lead to greater support for athletes. At the London 2012, we witnessed an increase in the number of Africans competing in swimming events.

Story Continues on Page 19