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IT’S TIME TO FIX OUR BROKEN AND UNEQUAL EDUCATION SYSTEM

South Africa’s education system, typified by rundown infrastructure, congested classrooms and rather poor educational outcomes, is prolonging inequality and as a result failing too many children, with the poor being the hardest hit.

These challenges are always amplified every January when South Africans pore over matric results which are an illustration of how South Africa’s learners performed in their final examinations after twelve years of schooling.

As is always the case, the results occasion heated debates… and more often than not, rage.

The management system of the National Senior Certificate (NSC) has come under severe criticism from academics and teacher organisations.

The most notable of critics is Jonathan Jansen, a distinguished professor of education at the University of Stellenbosch and president of the South

African Academy of Science (SAAS).

Jansen says the system sacrifices learners throughout their entire schooling years to achieve gratifying results.

“About half the cohort starting in grade 2 do not reach grade 12; there is great culling of learners around grades 10 to ensure that only ones who are likely to pass are let through to grade 12.

That pushes more and more students to math literacy (instead of pure mathematics) to increase a school's percentage pass rate and therefore reputation etc. Please read my work, South Africa's 'real' matric pass rate is 39%,” the intellectual told The Telegram in response to questions sent to him.

The National Professional Teachers’ Organisation of South Africa (Naptosa) echoed similar sentiment labelling the matric results as dishonest. Naptosa cautions the department against the matric hype and provincial league tables “because it is

encouraging undesirable, desperate and dishonest acts.”

Another critic is Mary Metcalfe of the University of Johannesburg who is also the Executive Director of the Programme to Improve Learning Outcomes (PILO). She says the system disadvantages the poorest of the poor.

“In 2022, over 9 million learners were beneficiaries of the National Schools Nutrition Programme (NSNP). This is 72% of our learners. The proportions across provinces relative to education performance are instructive 90% of learners in Limpopo, and 93% in the Eastern Cape need the NSNP relative to 57% in Gauteng, and 35% in the Western Cape.

“Those who follow comparative 'provincial performance' will recognise the perennial ‘low and high performers’ and thus the relationship between social inequality and educational outcomes,” she told The Telegram

Basic Education Minister Angie Motshekga announced a proud 80.1% pass rate of the class of 2022 on 20

January saying for the past 10 years, the NSC pass rate had consistently been going up – from 60% in 2009 to above 70% pass rates in recent years.

“The matric class of 2022 must be commended for maintaining this trend despite the astronomical challenges they faced – challenges related to the Covid-19 pandemic, Eskom's load shedding and sporadic service delivery protests," Motshekga said.

She also boasted that the class of 2022 has the highest number of Bachelor passes attained in the entire history of the NSC examinations (38.4%).

Former Azanian People’s Organisation (AZAPO) leader Pule Monama dismissed Motshekga’s chest-thumping as laughable.

“By right, we shouldn’t be boasting about the rate of bachelor passes. I have not seen those subjects, but I am sure these young people will not be creating any factories in the next 10 years, they are just not equipped with the necessary skills to do so,” he bemoaned. According to govern-

ment, a significant number of children dropped out of the systems before their matric exam. The Department of Basic Education (DBE) says the matric class of 2022 originally started with 1 177 089 pupils in Grade 1 in 2011, and there were 775 630 matric pupils in 2022.

According to Basic Education Director-General Mathanzima Mweli, the number of pupils between Grade 1 and Grade 4 remained relatively unchanged. But this number started to drop off from Grade 5, with 979 360 by 2015.

“Experts say this is because from Grade 4 they start to learn in English as the language of learning, and this has an effect on them,” Mweli said. By Grade 10, the numbers started to increase from 930 960 in Grade 9 in 2019, to 1 104 452 in 2020. Mweli said this was because, by Grade 10, schools began to hold back pupils

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who wouldn't pass grades 11 and 12.

“This statement by the Director General of Basic Education in his technical report on the results of the NSC class of 2022 is unequivocal.

To achieve a high-performing education system our society and our economy so desperately need, we cannot only celebrate the success of the few, but we also must support the ‘weak’ and reduce our massive education inequalities.

“A common characteristic of the world's best-performing education systems – the ones that ‘fly’- is that they share a determination to achieve and maintain educational equality. Our educational inequalities reflect obstinate social inequality. Improving education is an indispensable

component of achieving our social and economic goals.

“The DG indicated that social justice principles of access, redress, equity, efficiency, quality, and inclusivity should be the framework for measuring progress in education. He provided rich data against which this progress can be evaluated. The starkest indicator of how poverty affects children at the most basic level is the number of learners benefiting from NSNP. This was one of the first actions of the government in 1994,” said Metcalfe.

She said figures provided by DBE on social grant recipients in the class of 2022 show a similar pattern.

“The families of 88% of learners who wrote the NSC in 2022 in Limpopo have been recipients of social grants (care dependency, child

support, disability, foster care, or a combination of these). The figures are 87% in the Eastern Cape, 69% in Gauteng, and 64% in the Western Cape,” said. Metcalfe said 68% of the class of 2022, nationally, attended ‘no-fee’ schools serving the poorest communities.

“The figure for Limpopo is 92%, for Eastern Cape 86%, for Gauteng 38%, and the Western Cape 35%. Several observations arise from these three examples,” she said.

The one-time MEC of education in Gauteng said the government needs to invest more in helping the poor and the vulnerable.

“We will achieve the goals of social justice in education when relative poverty and wealth do not so clearly determine educational outcomes. We will ‘fly higher by supporting

SOUTH AFRICA'S NO-FEE SCHOOL SYSTEM CAN'T UNDO INEQUALITY

By Suriamurthee Moonsamy Maistry

Adefining feature of South Africa is the level of inequality in almost all spheres of society. Nowhere is this more observable than in the schooling sector.

It’s not unusual to find wealthy schools, comparable to the best anywhere in the world, within 5km of poor schools. Some blame for this inequality can be attributed to the lingering effects of racially biased funding that favoured white people during apartheid.

But it does raise the question of why, after more than two and a half decades of democracy, poor children of South Africa continue to sit in overcrowded classrooms with crumbling floors and broken windows. There are still schools in South Africa where pit latrines are in use, a fact that education authorities are well aware of.

To its credit, the state implemented a school funding policy in 2006 with the intention of achieving equity. This no-fee school policy ranks public schools according to five groups or quintiles. The poorest schools, those serving the poorest communities, fall into quintile one. The richest schools are in quintile five.

Schools in quintiles one to three cannot charge school fees. They receive a larger allocation per learner from the Department of Basic Education budget than the fee-paying schools in quintiles four and five.

But it’s clear that the school funding policy hasn’t had the equity effects that were intended.

Poor schools have lost fee-paying parents to better resourced schools. So poor schools get poorer and richer ones benefit. Not only are the allocations inadequate for no-fee schools, but the categorisation of schools is sometimes incorrect. And recent budget cuts will be felt most by the poorest schools.

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Our study showed what kinds of financial struggles these schools have and suggests that a better way to finance schools and reduce inequality would be to review the existing no-fee policy. We also suggest that the allocation per learner be raised to bring about some degree of equivalence across the schooling system.

Changing demographics

We interviewed principals from eight schools in the city of Durban in South Africa. The schools fell into quintiles three to five. Participants said the demographics of their schools had changed and that pupils had moved to better resourced schools.

Demographics have changed in South African cities since apartheid ended. This has also altered the racial profile of schools, especially those that serve children from new and growing informal settlements. Principals in our study complained that their schools had been incorrectly categorised or that their poverty status had changed.

Principals from quintiles four and five said that in the last decade, their schools had admitted increasing numbers of poor children but attempts to get a change in status had not been successful. Parents could not pay fees, and this could make their children feel ashamed.

Our interviews with school principals, especially of poor schools that had few opportunities to raise extra funding, revealed that budget allocations were far from adequate. Often, funds were transferred to schools quite late in the school year. This made the day-to-day survival of these schools very difficult.

Richer schools can decide on their own annual school fees, benefit from donations from wealthy former learners, and use their business-networked parent body to attract donations from the corporate sector. Many such schools have professional finance teams that oversee their financial management. They can plan for and

spend on building extensions and sports facilities.

Budget cuts

Principals revealed that budget cuts by provincial education departments meant they would receive a smaller allocation in 2022. The effect on richer schools is likely to be minimal, given their flexibility to raise school fees. Poor schools, faced with rising costs due to inflation, pay more each year for operational expenses such as water and electricity. They are likely to cut back on teaching and learning resources like textbooks and stationery.

Already deprived children are likely to get an even worse learning experience. Some poor communities, as reported by principals in our study, had resorted to illegal electricity connections to keep the lights on in their schools, even before these budget cuts.

The long-term effect of poor schools delivering a lower quality learning experience to their learners is already evident. Many poor parents who see education as a means of breaking the poverty cycle make huge financial sacrifices as they move their children to schools they perceive as offering a better education.

This pattern of migration to better schools began after the abolishment of the Group Areas Act, an apartheid policy which made it illegal for people to live and attend school outside their racially designated geographical areas.

The consequence for poor schools is that as they become poorer, they also become less appealing and may experience further loss of fee-paying parents.

Going forward

The no-fee school policy in South Africa, while well-intentioned, demands a serious review. As an immediate priority, the Department of Basic Education needs to allocate funds to build flushing toilets and provide safe piped water in schools that don’t have these facilities.

Poor schools do not have the capacity to raise money for basic needs. Funding for this kind of capital expenditure cannot come from the already meagre funds in the operations budget of poor schools.

Funds should be made available for infrastructure, especially in poor schools that lack basics like libraries, computer centres and sports fields, and for the refurbishment of dilapidated classrooms. Political will is required to introduce some degree of dignity to the learning experiences of poor children. This article was first published by The Conversation

The management system of the National Senior Certificate (NSC) has come under severe criticism. Photo by Twitter @Steve_Mabona

Already deprived children are likely to get an even worse learning experience. Photo: flickr. com/ @Geoff Livingston

Bongekile Maphumulo, a teacher at a primary school in Gauteng, stands in an overcrowded Grade 4 classroom. Photo by Puri Devjee/iol.co.za

CONCERNS RAISED OVER R52-MILLION GIVEN TO NATIONAL ORCHESTRA

By Daniel Steyn

The Cape Town Philharmonic Orchestra (CPO) has refused a R3.2-million grant from the new Mzansi National Philharmonic Orchestra, citing concerns about transparency and governance.

The national orchestra, launched in 2022, has so far received R52-million in government funding, taking over funding previously reserved for regional orchestras. In future it will receive an annual grant of about R20.5-million from the national Department of Sports, Arts and Culture (DSAC).

DSAC and the Mzansi orchestra, a non-profit organisation, have so far declined requests by the CPO and Members of Parliament for a detailed breakdown of how the public funds are being spent. There are also unanswered questions about the process that was followed to establish the orchestra.

The Mzansi orchestra was registered as a non-profit company in 2019 and launched in 2022.

Its objectives include contributing to social cohesion, bringing orchestral music to more regions in the country, developing young musicians, and strengthening “cultural diplomacy”.

It has since performed several concerts, including a tour of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony to Cape Town, Johannesburg and Durban. It has also recruited fellows and cadets to receive training and financial support.

According to the orchestra’s draft annual report, which GroundUp has seen, R20-million has been allocated to fund 38 existing regional and local orchestras and music development programmes. Grants range between R100,000 and R3.2-million. Each of the country’s three regional orchestras (Cape Philharmonic, KwaZulu-Natal Philharmonic and the Johannesburg Philharmonic) have been allocated R3.2-million. Previously they were each receiving R10-million.

While it appears that most of the beneficiaries have accepted the money, the CPO has refused the grant, claiming that the Mzansi orchestra is unsustainable and that the organisation is not adequately transparent about how it is spending public money.

CPO chief executive officer Louis Heyneman says that they will only accept the funds if they are provided with a clear, sustainable business plan for the Mzansi orchestra, and if all records of expenditure are made public and transparent.

The Mzansi orchestra’s chief executive officer Bongani Tembe, who is also the CEO and artistic director of the KwaZulu-Natal Philharmonic and the Johannesburg Philharmonic, told GroundUp that the national orchestra is a public-private partnership and not a government agency. Therefore, he claims, it is under no obligation to release its audited financial statements or business plan to the public, nor does it have to disclose the salaries of its executives.

Tembe and DSAC insist that the national orchestra is well-governed, that it will achieve its objectives, and that checks, and balances are in place to ensure accountability.

R1-million for a feasibility study

The concept of a national philharmonic orchestra was first introduced in a 2018 white paper from DSAC.

DSAC spokesperson Masechaba Khumalo says regional orchestras should seek funding mainly from their local and provincial governments, while the new national orchestra will receive funding from the national government to “benefit the entire country other than

the three main urban centres” and “grow the orchestral experience for the entire country”.

An initial meeting was held in February 2019 between Minister Nathi Mthethwa, DSAC officials, and representatives of the regional orchestras. Thereafter, a task team including representatives from regional orchestras was established and it was decided that a feasibility study would be conducted.

R1-million was allocated for the feasibility study. This money was paid to the bank account of the KwaZulu-Natal Philharmonic, of which Tembe is CEO, because the Mzansi orchestra had not yet been registered as a non-profit company. Tembe told GroundUp that the task team met at least three times but he does “not remember offhand exactly how many times it met”.

The R1-million feasibility study has not been shown to the relevant Portfolio Committee.

Tembe insists the feasibility study was conducted. “This document belongs to DSAC, and it is up to DSAC to decide whether to make it public or not, so this is not the responsibility of the national orchestra,” he said.

“The expenditure of this R1 million was audited and handed over to the National Arts Council and DSAC, who confirmed in the portfolio committee of 16 September 2022 that they were satisfied with proper expenditure and that the funds were spent according to the purpose it was intended for. In fact, there is almost R500,000 still unspent from this fund.”

In September 2019, the Mzansi orchestra was registered as a nonprofit company. The non-profit company’s board consists of Constitutional Court Justice Leona Theron, business executive Wendy Luhabe, and Professor Muxe Nkondo.

Tembe, a Julliard graduate with more than two decades of experience in the orchestra sector, was appointed as the CEO. The CEO and board were appointed by the DSAC.

What has Mzansi orchestra done with R52-million?

In November 2021, a Memorandum of Agreement was signed

between the Mzansi orchestra and the National Arts Council (NAC). According to this agreement, R54.6-million, minus R2.7-million reserved by the NAC for “administration”, would be paid to the Mzansi orchestra in two tranches. The full R52-million has since been paid to the orchestra.

When asked by GroundUp how the DSAC will ensure transparency and accountability, Khumalo said, “There are checks and balances entrenched in the agreement between DSAC and the NAC and in turn between the NAC and Mzansi Philharmonic, which ensure that money is spent appropriately.”

To date, no annual financial statements or any detailed budget breakdown have been made available to Parliament or the public.

Asked by GroundUp whether he could share the financial statements and disclose his salary, Tembe said that the Mzansi orchestra is not a government agency but a section 30 non-profit company “exactly like all the other orchestras in the country”, and it is under no obligation to make financial details public.

“Mzansi Philharmonic will submit its AFS [Annual Financial Statements] to the NAC and DSAC by 31 March 2023. This audited report will entail financial matters. We are not in a position to send you unaudited figures, which may well change after the audit,” Tembe told GroundUp.

Tembe said engagements with the portfolio committee are led by DSAC.

Meanwhile, parliamentary committee member from the Democratic Alliance, Tsepo Mhlongo, told GroundUp that he has submitted a petition to Parliament to scrutinise the expenditure by the orchestra. It is on the committee’s agenda and will be discussed after the recess, he says. Mhlongo believes that the Mzansi orchestra should be accountable to the portfolio committee.

Mhlongo and fellow DA MP Veronica van Dyk asked pointed questions during the 16 September committee meeting about the orchestra’s expenses and the feasibility study, but most of their questions went unanswered.

Tembe told the parliamentary committee in September that the orchestra has an annual budget of R30-million, made up of the annual R21-million grant it receives from the national government and revenue from box-office sales and “partners”. The government grant had been building up since the white paper redirected the department’s orchestral funding, reaching a total of R52-million before being released.

The agreement between the Mzansi orchestra and the NAC allows for 25% of the government grant (R13-million to date) to be spent on operational costs, including administration, while the rest has to be spent on “the programs of the [non-profit organisation] as per the business plan.” The business plan is not publicly available.

We know from the orchestra’s draft annual report for 2022/23 that R20-million has been allocated to fund regional and local orchestras as well as youth and music development programs. How much of this allocated funding has already been paid to the beneficiaries, we do not know.

“Disbursing funds is a process, however, we will not be periodically updating the media on how much has been paid to date,” Tembe told GroundUp.

Normally when public funding is distributed by a government agency, such as the NAC, funding applications are advertised. But there was no public call for applications for the grant funding offered by the Mzansi orchestra and instead the beneficiaries were “recommended by the Artistic Planning Committee” and then approved by the board.

The Artistic Planning Committee consists of established musicians Samson Diamond, Nina Schumann, and Karendra Devroop.

GroundUp Is also aware of at least one organisation that received funding from the Mzansi orchestra in its bank account before a final Memorandum of Agreement was signed between the beneficiary and the national orchestra.

Asked about this, Tembe said: “This process is being handled by two very experienced arts managers,

and without proof and context, I would not assume that they are doing anything irregular. All these figures will also be subjected to an audit, and we expect to have a clean audit.”

It is also not clear how much of the orchestra’s budget is spent on its fellowship and cadetship programmes. According to the draft 2022/23 annual report, the orchestra enrolled three fellows, who are professional musicians receiving “financial and artistic support”, and five cadets, who are music students receiving support to complete their education.

The Mzansi orchestra’s national tour, during which it performed Beethoven’s 9th Symphony in three cities, was conducted by American conductor Marin Alsop and featured established musicians with successful international careers, such as Pieter Schoeman and Michelle Breedt. Tembe declined to disclose the fees paid to these musicians or the travel costs involved.

Tembe also did not disclose fees paid to filmmaker Francois Verster, who documented the national tour, or “artist in residency” Duncan Stewart, who made sketches of rehearsals and performances on the tour.

In addition to the national tour, the Mzansi orchestra collaborated with artist William Kentridge for a performance at Wits University in July and performed in Johannesburg with the Turquoise Harmony Institute in August. Members of the orchestra performed at the G20 Cultural Ministers Summit in Indonesia in September, and at the International Cultural Festival of the Symphonique Music in Algiers.

The Mzansi orchestra is a “pick-up” orchestra, making use of ad-hoc musicians rather than fulltime salaried employees.

Tembe told GroundUp that he has expressed his willingness to the board of the Cape Town Philharmonic Orchestra to resolve the issues.

“Mzansi orchestra has a credible board, artistic planning committee and experienced management who have never been linked to any corruption or mismanagement. All have an outstanding track record. There are sufficient checks and balances in place,” he said. – groundup. org.za

The Mzansi National Philharmonic Orchestra performing in the Cape Town City Hall for the first time on 21 December 2022.

Photo by Daniel Steyn/groundup.org.za

THE ANC IS INVITING FIASCO WITH THE PLANNED NATIONAL STATE OF DISASTER

By Staff Reporter

The load-shedding crisis which has been an albatross around South Africa's neck for a decade and a half is about to be declared a National State of Disaster.

“It was observed that it would be necessary to have a National State of Disaster because that would enable us to have the instruments that would be necessary to fully address the challenge that our nation faces.

“Work is already underway within the government to establish whether the legal requirements for the declaration of a National State of Disaster are met and what specific actions we would be empowered to undertake to urgently resolve load shedding within the framework of a National State of Disaster,” said President Cyril Ramaphosa.

The governing ANC’s announcement plan to declare a National State of Disaster may just be another national headache, according to an energy expert.

Chris Yelland, an electrical engineer, working as an energy analyst, consultant and public speaker, told The Telegram that not only is the move too late but lacks important detail that could open it up for all kinds of abuse.

On Tuesday, January 31 following a two-day inaugural lekgotla of its newly elected National Executive Committee (NEC), the ANC through its secretary-general, Fikile Mbalula, announced plans to end load shedding. Amongst them, was a grand proposal for the declaration of electricity National State of Disaster which, according to the party, will bring the lights back on by the end of the year.

But both Mbalula nor President Cyril Ramaphosa were not clear on what form this would take, how much it would cost or even where the money would come from. The President said, “the ANC would explore the legal frameworks of what a national state of disaster would entail.”

Mbalula said the party was concerned about where the funding to support a national disaster declaration would be sourced.

“About eight months ago, I suggested a number of things to be done in order to expedite the work that needs to be done in to address the current energy crisis to Eskom management. Amongst them was the declaration of an energy crisis but nothing was done.

“Now the ANC is thinking about it. They don't know what it is going to cost, or what activities or projects it would entail. To effectively address the current situation you must clearly define what actions are needed and how much all that would cost. It should not be a way of pushing all the activities and expenses that are corrupt. We have

seen this during covid,” Yelland cautioned.

He told Business Tech that “South Africa was on the cusp of an energy emergency, with a shortfall of capacity as high as 10,000MW due to critical failures at Eskom’s power stations and the national government’s failure to get more generation onto the grid.”

Yelland says that the stateowned power utility is currently living “hand to mouth” as it struggles to scrounge up enough diesel and other available power sources to keep the lights on.

South Africa is experiencing high stages of all-day load shedding, with rolling blackouts hitting households, businesses and society at large every day of the new year so far. This is a continuation of the worst-ever load shedding experienced in 2022.

Eskom is currently implementing blackouts alternating between stage 4 and stage 5, after non-stop stage 6 last week.

According to Yelland, critical outages at the Medupi and Kusile power stations have pulled a combined 3,500MW from the grid, most of which will not be available until 2024.

The offloading of Koeberg unit

1 in December 2022 has taken another 1,000MW offline, which will only return in the middle of 2023 – but unit 2 will be taken offline soon after, so the 1,000MW will still be missing from capacity this year.

“When you add this large, combined outage to the country’s existing power generation gap of 4,000 to 6,000MW declared by Eskom more than three years ago — which

has still not been addressed — it is clear that South Africa is teetering on the edge of an electricity emergency,” Yelland said.

Given the figures, South Africa is sitting with a generation shortfall of 10,000MW.

Diesel Emergency

Compounding Eskom’s woes is the fact that the group has effectively run out of diesel and it has become a constant struggle to find money to buy more.

While the power utility announced this week that it had secured an additional 50 million litres to address shortages right now, it must be noted that the 50 million barrels secured near the end of 2022 – which was supposed to last until March 2023 – barely lasted long enough to see in the new year.

According to Yelland, the diesel, which powers Eskom's open-cycle gas turbines (OCTG), is only supposed to be used in emergencies to help stabilise the grid. However, Eskom has become reliant on diesel as a primary generator.

For households, the immediate impact is clear – South Africans are sitting for hours in the dark each day, disrupting lives and damaging appliances and generally making life miserable.

In communities, neighbourhoods and cities, the impact is extensive.

From increased traffic on the roads and damage to critical infrastructure which is not designed to be switched off and on, to heightened and elevated levels of crime which take place while the power is out.

On an industry level, the damage being done is even greater. Entire industries are being forced to shut down, resulting in massive losses for individual companies and billions of rands’ worth of damage to the economy.

Businesses have to incur higher costs to source alternative power, and the outages are now putting food and water security at risk.

On a macroeconomic scale, the damage to South Africa is incalculable, with analysts and economists not braving the task of trying to determine how much economic growth South Africa has lost –directly and indirectly – to load shedding over the last 15 years. Additional reporting by Business Tech.

BIG INCREASE IN SOUTH AFRICAN COMPANY LIQUIDATIONS

Company liquidations have surged at the end of 2022 because of load-shedding weighing heavily on small businesses.

The latest data from Stats SA revealed that company liquidations rose 18.3% month-onmonth in South Africa, leaving them up 30.3% year on year.

Of the 159 liquidations in December 2022, 32 were in the trade, catering, and accommodation sectors, while 55 were in finance, insurance, real estate, and business services.

Absa attributed the increase to load-shedding, given all the media reports about how

intensified load-shedding is weighing particularly heavily on small businesses.

The bank highlighted that company liquidations are a lagging indicator, which means things may worsen. “This release should be monitored carefully going forward for evidence of how deeply the intensified load-shedding has hit the economy’s productive capacity,” it said.

Eric Levenstein, head of insolvency and business rescue at Werksmans Attorneys, said that further bankruptcies are inevitable.

He said rolling blackouts and the 18.65% Eskom tariff hikes

from April this year would likely place additional stress on South African consumers and businesses.

“With the prospect of higher interest rates, low growth and high inflation, many companies could face corporate failures, particularly in the early part of 2023,” he said.

“Insolvency and business rescue practitioners will be kept busy as financial distress continues to have an impact on companies not being able to generate sustainable revenue.” – dailyinvestor.com

This article was first published by the dailyinvestor.com

Photo by skillsportal.co.za

Critical outages at the Medupi and Kusile power stations have pulled a combined 3,500MW from the grid.

The offloading of Koeberg Unit 1 in December 2022 has taken another 1,000MW offline.

Photo by Esa Alexander

A MOVE TO CURB FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AS ELECTION NEARS IN ZIMBABWE

By Staff Reporter

Human Rights Watch (HRW) has urged the government of Zimbabwe to reregister hundreds of civil society groups whose registration it has withdrawn, and amend its Private Voluntary Organization Act to bring it in line with its obligations to protect freedom of association.

“The government should also cancel an amendment that would bar groups from “political” activity under threat of criminal penalties,” said Human Rights Watch.

On January 22, 2023, Zimbabwean authorities announced they had revoked the registration of 291 nongovernmental and civil society organisations for “noncompliance with the provisions of Private Voluntary Organisation Act.”

HRW criticised the law as retrogressive in 2004 and raised the alarm on its potential violations of the right to freedom of association.

“Zimbabwe’s repression of civil society organizations needs to stop, especially in light of the general election this year,” said Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz, deputy Africa director at HRW.

“The government needs to stop using the Private Voluntary Organisation Act as a tool to silence the exercise of fundamental democratic rights.”

The Private Voluntary Organisation Act is incompatible with international human rights law standards on freedom of association to which Zimbabwe is a party, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

Paul Mavhima, the labor and social welfare minister, said registration was withdrawn from some groups because they allegedly failed to submit audited accounts for money raised from donors, while in other cases the revocation was for national security reasons, or for allegedly straying from their mandate.

Critics, however, have called the move a consolidation of authoritarian rule and a harbinger of worse things to come.

“The law is now an instrument of repression for the civil society sector,” a Zimbabwean human rights lawyer told HRW.

“The right of existence and operation is under threat because the requirements of this law can easily be used to shut down organizations and apply criminal law against NGOs and civil society leaders.

This deregistration seems to carry the message that you either comply with our regulations or you perish.”

He noted that the restrictions can silence grassroots groups that provide guidance and leadership at the community level, leaving voters in the dark about important developments as the election nears.

In November 2021, the Zimbabwean government proposed an amendment to the Private Voluntary Organizations Act to further restrict the operations of nongovernmental organizations. The amendment would allow the government to cancel the registration of organizations deemed to be “political,” with criminal penalties for the groups’ leaders.

The government said it is aimed at curbing terrorism financing and money laundering to comply with the recommendation of the country’s Financial Action Taskforce. The parliament and the senate have passed the bill, and it is awaiting presidential signature.

There is no doubt that the adoption of the amendment will further

threaten the already compromised right to freedom of association in the country, Human Rights Watch said. For this reason, the amendment should be withdrawn.

A member of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum told HRW that the fact the amended law may come into effect before the general election means that groups that typically play an important role in the lead up to, during, and after, elections, will be shut out and prevented from doing so.

“What it means is that we may not have NGO-sponsored election observers and election monitoring by civil society organizations,” the rights defender said.

“This would definitely undermine the credibility of the election because independent organizations that observe and compile reports on the electoral processes would not be able to do so. For many of us, it is very clear that there are specific organizations that this NGO law targets, and these are organizations that work on human rights and governance issues.”

President Emmerson Mnangagwa has on several occasions threatened to expel groups that do not follow his party’s mandate, and that in his view intervene in the country’s politics.

“The African Union and the Southern African Development Community should intervene. They should urge President Mnangagwa not to sign the amendment into law. They should also urge the government to reconcile the Private Voluntary Organisation Act with AU and SADC standards, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, AU Guidelines on Freedom of Association and Assembly in Africa, and SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.

“The credibility of the upcoming general election, and whether it guarantees Zimbabwe’s citizens the right to genuinely choose their representatives, will be closely linked to the ability of civil society to monitor and report on the election process,” Budoo-Scholtz said. “Groups, especially those working on governance issues and acting as observers during elections, need to know they can operate without any fear of deregistration or criminal penalties,” said the HRW.

TOP RIGHT: Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa has on several occasions threatened to expel groups that do not follow his party’s mandate.

Photo by Siphiwe Sibeko/Reuters

CENTER: Members of the opposition party Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) arrive at the Magistrates court after being arrested on charges of unlawful gatherings and inciting violence in Harare, Zimbabwe January 17.

Photo by Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters

BELOW RIGHT: Observers and analysts say the political and electoral playing field remains deeply uneven and heavily stacked in favour of ZANU-PF.

Photo by Yeshiel Panchia/EPA-EFE

THULANI MASEKO WAS A TOWERING HUMAN RIGHTS CAMPAIGNER

By Gontse Gee Hlophe

It was just after 9 pm on Saturday, 21 January, when a cold-blooded murderer descended on the home of Swazi human rights lawyer Thulani Rudolf Maseko and fired three bullets which ended the life of a man who made an immeasurable contribution to the advancement of justice and human rights.

The assassination of Maseko happened kaLuhleko, which is located just over 40 kilometres southwest of Manzini.

Hours before the brazen assassination of the renowned human rights activist, King Mswati III, during an address to his Traditional Regiments at Engabezweni Royal Residence said activists had “started the violence first” and “more trouble was coming for them”.

“People should not shed tears and complain about mercenaries killing them,” the king said in his address.

On Sunday, 29 January Maseko was laid to rest after a memorial and funeral service that was attended by activists from across the African continent, officials from United Nations and foreign diplomats.

Maseko's murder has drawn scathing and widespread criticism and international outrage, with activists calling for an independent probe into the killing.

“The brutal killing of Maseko is the latest in a series of chilling attacks on pro-democracy activists in Eswatini.

“It is essential to promptly conduct an independent, thorough, and effective investigation capable of identifying those responsible,” said Ashwanee Budoo-Scholtz, deputy director in the Africa Division at Human Rights Watch.

The Eswatini Multi-Stakeholder Forum (MSF) has described Maseko

as a selfless and humble person with a heart filled with unending kindness.

MSF also said the murdered human rights lawyer wanted the best for his country and its people.

“A staunch believer in the rule of law and constitutionalism, Maseko used his professional legal skills to advocate for democratic reforms and peaceful transition. It is deeply saddening that his work and selfless dedication have been repaid in such a ruthless and callous act", said Vice-Chairperson of Southern Defenders, Professor Adriano Nuvunga.

His killing has heightened the sense of fear among human rights activists in the country.

“To be frank, I don't feel safe, and nobody does. From what I've got from many lawyers, especially human rights lawyers, people are contemplating running away from the country,” said Sibusiso Nhlabatsi, a human

rights lawyer and a colleague of the late Maseko.

However, the government of Eswatini has denounced rife speculations that Maseko was killedbecause of his commitment to fighting for human rights and justice.

In a press statement, a government official Alpheous Nxumalo said the government distanced itself and the country’s authorities from the murder.

He added that speculations about the governments involvement “are dangerous as they hamper the investigations and take the attention away from the real criminals”.

According to Africa Judges and Jurists Forum (AJJF), recently there have been reports indicating escala-

tion of violence against pro-democracy activists and those who are critical of the government in Eswatini.

Of particular concern to AJJF is that the brutal killing of Maseko comes in the wake of reports that the government of Eswatini has hired mercenaries to assist the police and the military to suppress and eliminate pro-democracy activists in the country.

At the time of his death, Maseko was a senior member of Lawyers for Human Rights Swaziland, and a chairperson of the MSF, a convergence of various stakeholders calling for constitutional reforms in Eswatini.

A founding member of Southern Defenders, Maseko has been described by colleagues and fellow activists as a man who made an “immense con-

tribution to the advancement of justice and human rights not only in Eswatini but throughout Southern Africa.

“He has carried out several fact-finding missions to countries like Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Malawi where he reported on the deterioration of civic space in the region.”

“In Eswatini, many will attest that Maseko persistently preached the message of love and peace.

In the face of great adversity, he remained steadfast in the fight for freedom and justice, courageously raising awareness of the injustice suffered by the people of Eswatini.

“A leading Eswatini political activist and government critic, Maseko suffered an arbitrary arrest, detention and imprisonment for two years after he expressed an opinion about the administration of justice in Eswatini. He also made a representation in Swaziland National Ex-Miners Workers Association in their challenge against the government,” read a statement issued by AJJF.

The organisation also called on the government of Eswatini “to permit and support an independent inquiry into the killing of Maseko and the general human rights situation in the country.”

In what has been described by activists as a sham, the government of the tiny landlocked country expressed its condolences to the Maseko family, adding, “his demise is a loss to the Nation and his footprints as a human rights lawyer are there as proof of his contribution to the country.

The government would like to assure the public that the country’s security forces had already begun investigating the circumstances of his death and his killers would be brought to book.”

Maseko leaves behind his wife, Tanele and two children, aged 10 and 6.

Thulani Maseko and human rights defender Arnold Tsunga.

“They

have intended to hurt us, to break our spirit, our moral strength and crush our resilience so that we succumb to their evil desires,” reads an excerpt from an open letter Thulani Maseko wrote from prison in 2015.

Mourners stand next to the coffin of Thulani Maseko, during his funeral kaLuhleko, southwest of Manzini, on Sunday, January 29. Photo by africanews/AFP

ESWATINI TEETERS ON THE BRINK OF DEADLIER VIOLENCE

The discovery of the body of Thabani Nkomonye, a law student at the University of Eswatini, with its eyes gouged out and with three holes in it on a field in Nhlambeni, Eswatini in June 2021, was the single match that light a roaring fire.

Nkomonye’s death which is said to have happened at the hands of the police, galvanized the unrelenting call for transformation by the people of Eswatini.

Protests demanding political change and justice flared up, leading to the state responding in brutal and barbaric forms. The June 2021 protest resulted in a massacre that had never been seen before. Just about 100 protestors were massacred by King Mswati III’s army and police forces.

As people sink deeper into an abyss of poverty and brutality, the king couldn’t be bothered.

Instead, he unleashes his forces to eliminate, through brute and lethal force, those who dare raise their voice against injustice.

Democracy continues to elude the people of Eswatini as King Mswati tightens his grip on power unwaveringly and ruthlessly.

The continued persecution and assassination of pro-democracy activists are crystal clear indications of the extent to which King Mswati is prepared to go to cling to power.

There is a toxic grotesque morbidity about Eswatini’s absolute monarch. Out of the despicable royal power palace comes rotten delusions of grandeur that make the despot see himself as an appointee of God. The narcissistic behaviour of the king and his lickspittles is stalking the land of emaSwati, making life unbearable with each passing day. The royal stench of greed and inhumanity has become intolerable even for a noseless person.

Over the past few years, the political and socio-economic conditions in Eswatini have worsened. That country is grappling with a disintegrated economy, sky-high levels of unemployment and pandemic socioeconomic inequality.

In his quest to remain a demigod with vile celestial powers, Mswati does not care about the high levels of poverty and inequality which can only be dealt with through solid economic and political transformation. He and his coterie of bootlickers continue to demonstrate to all and sundry that they are not willing to negotiate with those challenging the status quo.

There was a time when the citizens of Eswatini would have accorded Mswati a ceremonial role as a king, but they are now too traumatised and enraged. They are now calling for the total take-down of the monarchy.

This attitude is the result of King Mswati’s arrogance of believing Eswatini is his personal property. Not only is he arrogant, but he is also completely removed from reality as far as the conditions in that country are concerned. EmaSwati say those around the king always lie to him, with false claims of “the people love you Lodvungandzaba waseMbelebeleni”.

The reason for their lie is borne out of their desire to secure their seat at the dinner table full of ill-gotten cuisine. Mswati and his coterie of friends and advisers have amassed so much treasure that they have no desire to retire gracefully and allow the nation to make its own choices on the direction the country must take. Never in a month of blue Mondays will Mswati and his drum majorettes voluntarily and peacefully exit power.

The reality is that the king and his men on one-legged horses will not go without sustained external pressure. The time has come for the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to stop being timid. The time is now for South Africa and the international community, including the African Union (AU), to act decisively.

The international community must lend an invaluable helping hand, echo the calls for democracy, and display solidarity in the best sense of the word. As the work to topple the regime inside eSwatini continues, the rest of the world dare not turn away.

The king and his allies have accumulated so much wealth that they have too much at stake to peacefully exit power. They will not go without sustained external pressure, so it is now up to South Africa, the Southern African Development Community and the international community at large to act.

South Africa, SADC and AU must be much more demanding than ‘proposing’ something Mswati has already agreed to but is unwilling to implement if they nurse some hopes to prevent Eswatini from sliding into a deadly civil war.

The longer it takes to resolve the issues that bedevil Eswatini, the higher the probability of violence in the country and instability in Southern Africa. Nobody, in their right mind, wants us to get to that stage.

The Institute for Security Studies captured it properly in 2022 when it said: SADC is best placed to lead the national dialogue process. To do so effectively, however, there must be a deliberate change in strategy. First, the regional body must act more boldly and with greater urgency. This means moving away from its collegial approach towards one that gets the king to engage in talks.

Mswati has been given too much space to dictate the pace of a peaceful resolution, to the detriment of the SADC initiative and Eswatini’s citizens. The regional bloc should establish a high-level presence in the country rather than continuing with intermittent visits by officials.

This can be achieved using SADC’s existing structures, like its Mediation Reference Group and the panel of elders. These mechanisms have the mandate and capacity to engage with the king. Activating them would also indicate to Mswati that SADC is serious about finding a lasting solution.

One problem with SADC’s efforts thus far is that the matter has been elevated to summit level without clarity on how it will be handled. Leaving an issue for a summit’s attention can vastly extend the time taken to resolve it.

TOXIC LIES AND PIE CRUMBS PROMISES

There are South Africans who are drowning in an ocean of tears triggered by something that is dying. Being in denial makes them a collection of enraged lunatics who lash out at anybody who points out the obvious…that the organisation, whose diehard members call the Leader Of Society, is on life support.

The leadership of the Leader Of Society is running around in never-ending circles trying all they can on trying to save it. They are so focused on saving the organisation that has given them filthy wealth that they are not paying attention to the demise of the republic.

The republic is peopled by millions of disillusioned individuals who are yet to be saved from the claws of an organisation that puts itself before the country. They have watched with despair and rage as the leadership of the ANC unashamedly continues playing a toxic game of arrogance and entitlement.

For almost thirty years of consuming the deadly drug of gluttony and egotism, it has lost all sense of purpose. The party has overdosed on this drug hence it finds itself on life support. It fills one with rage to listen to some of these narcissistic blockheads within the ANC speaking as if they care about the country. Even a drooling village idiot knows we are led by a party jam-packed with hyenas who are willing to tell any lie just to gain access to the scrumptious pieces of prime steak offered by access to power.

The hyenas whoop, giggle and groan while the wretched weep and wail from the blows of socio-economic brutality.

Through votes, the masses are used as a convenient tool by twisted, tried and poorly tested office-bearers to lay their hands on the wealth stuffed in Aladdin’s treasure cave…an out-ofsight cave filled with tremendous riches and enchanted life. The ANC has seen and accessed the Genie's magic lamp at the Union Buildings, and they will not be inconvenienced by a voting public that demands good governance.

Regular citizens are given the middle finger by party apparatchiks and their powerful allies who delight in looting and stealing resources that are meant to make life a bit tolerable.

The populace has observed the crass materialism displayed by these tuxedoed hyenas and they are pissed off.

As life at the bottom of the barrel

becomes shaped by crisis after crisis, the Lidashiphu couldn’t be bothered…they do not care a cursed damn. Life at the bottom is a potjiekos of predicaments: unemployment, lack of proper housing, poor service delivery, broken and unequal education system, poor healthcare, compromised security and crumbling infrastructure. Every day is a quest to survive - a struggle with no end in sight.

In 1994 we held the first democratic elections, and we were made to believe that apartheid was dead and buried. Well, that is not completely true. It may have died in its statutory form, but its ghost and children continue to haunt and torment us.

Many people put up a gallant fight against apartheid - to bring real transformation - and some paid with their lives, but the job of cleansing South Africa is yet to start. The agony and woes connected to apartheid continue to be a part of what is supposed to be a free South Africa. As things stand, coming generations are destined to inherit the oppression and exploitation spawned by apartheid.

Real transformation will remain an elusive dream because the ANC’s term in government has transmuted it into some contraption that functions for the benefit of special class forces and interest groups seeking unfettered access to public sector jobs, lucrative contracts and other state resources.

In the build-up to 1994, the organisation entered into a political pact with capital and the now-defunct National Party, thus throwing transformation out the window. The Leader Of Society reached an ostensible arrangement with the champagne-swilling plutocrats in exchange for political office, the formation of a black middle class, and aiding a select few hopeful black yuppies to become participants in the corporate domain as superior commanders.

It is therefore no mystery as to why the ANC is an organisation that is in a state of thraldom of the kindred crème de la crème of capital. The organisation is welded at the hip with monopoly capital and the old economic structure: a structure of exclusion and exploitation where money is more important than human life.

The fork-tongued banditti who pass themselves off as conscientious leaders have convinced themselves that their party holds the golden key to a better life for all and anyone who dares disagrees is labelled an ungrate-

ful anti-revolutionary…an enemy of democracy. Their delusions of grandeur have led them to believe things can only be better if they are in charge of all positions of power. Sadly, they believe their lies. What we know about the party is that anything they touch mysteriously disappears. Anything they lay their hands on, they destroy.

If you think I am an exaggerating pessimist, think again.

Under their inattentive watch, there has been a rapid dilapidation of the rail infrastructure; crumbling roads that know no maintenance; a healthcare system that has one foot in the grave; dysfunctional municipalities are just a few examples of how the ANC has failed. If you still think I am a bit over the top in describing the ANC as a party prone to destroying everything they touch, spare a thought for Eskom that got so messed up that it can no longer keep the lights on.

Eskom is now Messkom “Eskom, by not attending to load shedding, is actively agitating for the overthrow of the state,” blurted ANC chairman and Mineral Resources and Energy Minister Gwede Mantashe in December 2022. What the meowing Tiger conveniently forgot is that his party is responsible for turning Eskom into a load-shedding company instead of an electricity supply company. It is disingenuous of him and his cronies to blame Eskom.

It is because of the governing party’s avarice that we find ourselves with this monumental electricity problem. It is not as if load-shedding was some bolt from the blue and it happened by some slip-up or was created by saboteurs without a course.

We are not that dumb to not be able to decipher that there are endless attempts to feed us toxic lies so as not to look where the real problem is –the ruling party’s misgovernance.

After churning out lie after lie, making pie-crumbs promises and issuing jaw-dropping statements about ending load-shedding, the Lidashiphu is now calling for a state of national disaster. I cannot help but be worried that money will end up in the pockets of the connected few. It happened with Covid-19 funds.

How I wish I could be proven wrong…

I hope the latest attempt will bring the lights back on. Load-shedding has messed up our lives.

Photo by apnews.com

JUST THINKING WHILE IT'S STILL LEGAL

At the risk of facing the political gallows from the South African liberals, and the Democratic Alliance (DA) in particular, may I ask this simple and very uncomfortable question?

I am ready to face the gallows… this is a question worth asking. Does the DA, being a historically white liberal political party, not ever have what is generally known as rank-and-file members within its white constituency?

According to the news I listened to while I was driving, the DA had a

‘successful’ march to Luthuli House on Wednesday 25 January, against the monumental and crippling failure by Eskom to supply power to the country.

What intrigued me was that the vast majority of the participants in the march were Black people. That is what I saw; yes I saw them on television before the march commenced. I think I am not way off base to even venture into saying the marchers were about 97% black. Does this mean it is only Black people within the DA who have

the responsibility to protest against poor governance? Why is this glaring imbalance not reflected at leadership level?

Perception is everything in politics and one would have thought the DA is keenly aware of the fact that we may draw conclusions which suggest that Black people in the DA are just good to swell the numbers when it comes to marching and voting.

Other than that, leadership, decision-making and control of the direction the DA takes, are

the preserve of the white populace…the custodians of the policies and values of liberalism. Another important question is; does the DA even care about perceptions?

At the rate they are carrying on, I guess not.

Steve Biko was correct in refusing them membership into the Black Consciousness Movement because they only saw themselves as the best leaders of the struggle that essentially belonged to the oppressed.

To this end, Steve Biko and his comrades directed them to organise people in their communities if indeed they felt so strongly about our oppression. To this day, we have a negligible history suggesting an overwhelming majority of white communities organised revolts against a system that oppressed Black people.

We do have individuals, though, who selflessly took it upon themselves to sacrifice their privileged and comfortable positions and contributed to the struggle, and their involvement cannot be ignored, and it is unequivocally commendable.

As things stand I cannot be faulted for expecting more from the white liberals who claim to be fighting for fairness and justice. The DA, quite honestly, should also have organised marchers from all sectors of the population because, in my view, load shedding affects every citizen and not only black communities. It is disingenuous for the DA to use predominantly black participants in its protests.

We can no longer pretend that the intentions of white liberals are sincere when there is such a gaping deficit where it matters most.

One final question that demands an honest response, is, why don’t the black participants in DA marches take the bull by the horns? Surely the suffering wrought by the lack of good governance affects our communities more than they after the well-heeled liberals.

Does this mean it is only Black people within the DA who have the responsibility to protest against poor governance?

ZIMBABWE AND 21 OTHER AFRICAN COUNTRIES GETTING STARLINK BEFORE SOUTH AFRICA

South Africa is not among the 37 African countries where SpaceX’s Starlink aims to roll out in the next two years.

The satellite Internet service now has widespread availability across several European countries, North and South America, and Australasia.

In Asia, it is currently only available in Japan, with further rollouts set for 2023 in Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and several other countries.

The only populated continent where Starlink is not available is Africa, which already has the lowest level of broadband penetration in the world.

The World Bank has estimated that only 29% of people in Sub-Saharan Africa had access to the Internet in 2020.

Starlink’s promise of high-speed

and low-latency connectivity could provide a big boost to Africa’s economic activity.

It could also play a critical role in providing communication in areas where health and safety are a constant concern and giving access to educational material in rural schools. With its latest laser-fitted satellites, Starlink does not even require ground stations to provide its network in the most remote areas of the world.

Starlink updated its global coverage map with new estimated availability dates for several countries at the start of 2023.

Several locations in Africa had their previous ETAs shifted back, including Nigeria and Mozambique, both of which were initially anticipated to get the service by the end of last year.

The earliest the first African countries are expected to get Starlink now is in the second quarter of 2023.

Overall, there are 22 officially-recognised African countries where Starlink aims to roll out in the coming year, when including Somaliland.

Another disputed territory where Starlink is set to become available in 2023 is Western Sahara.

Three of South Africa’s neighbours are set to get the service this year — Eswatini (formerly Swaziland), Mozambique, and Zimbabwe.

A further 15 countries are slated to get the service in 2024, including two more of South Africa’s neighbours — Botswana and Namibia.

South Africa counts among 18 countries where no information on a rollout date is available yet, with

the ETA showing “Unknown”.

Starlink’s rollout windows reflect the progress made in SpaceX’s negotiations with the relevant telecoms authorities in each country.

That is because, like any other wireless network, the service relies on radio frequency spectrum.

Use of this spectrum needs to be licenced for use in each country, while some territories also need to approve the customer-premise equipment required to access the service.

In South Africa, those decisions will be up to the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (Icasa).

While Icasa previously confirmed that it was in early discussions with SpaceX over Starlink’s possible entry into the market in February 2021, it has gone silent over the

issue in the two years since then.

Meanwhile, Starlink’s launch window in South Africa has been delayed repeatedly.

When Starlink opened pre-orders worldwide, South Africa was set to go live in 2022. That was later pushed back to 2023, before being switched to an “Unknown” ETA a few months later.

One possible hurdle might be that Icasa requires new telecoms licensees to have at least 30% black ownership, a threshold SpaceX is unlikely to meet.

There were also concerns over Starlink’s possible impact on the Square Kilometre Array (SKA) radiotelescope’s operations.

But these have been addressed, with the company creating a large exclusion zone around the site to avoid interference. – mybroadband. co.za

Starlink dish in a forest.

Photo by Valeriy Georgian / Shutterstock.com

IT’S A PIG’S PARADISE FOR SIYAYA AND HER PORKERS

By Sinenhlanhla Ngwenya

KwaZulu-Natal, where unemployment among the youth is high inspired Siphelele Siyaya, also known as ‘Titi’, to start farming and creating jobs in the process.

With just a few years to her name in the farming world, much can be expected from this enthusiastic young farmer.

“I love farming and I love pigs,” she says.

“That is why I started farming because I wanted to make use of the knowledge that I have, and also the rural areas have land available.”

Siyaya grew up between the two small towns of Mtubatuba, where her parents lived, and KwaNongoma in the arid northern regions of KwaZulu-Natal where she lived with her grandmother.

With a memory of seeing pigs in her backyard, she recalls her grandmother raising them and only using them for domestic purposes.

“We had pigs at home, my grandmother used them for other things though, but I’ve always loved them since then,” she says. How it all began Siyaya’s farming journey started in 2020 after she completed two years in the USA as part of an exchange student programme. When she came back to South Africa, she was unemployed for a short while, which inspired her into getting her PGCA certificate in education.

“I then studied to be a teacher for a while, but my mind was on starting a business. This was when I saw a lot about the South African youth as a teacher,” she says.

The realities were obvious and quite difficult to take in. Youth unemployment was on the rise and the rejection of the uneducated was a rather harsh thing to take note of. This was enough to get her onto her feet and do something about it.

Siyaya started her farm at the end of 2021 with the few pigs that her grandmother owned. Progress was steady, but everything soon took off as word of her high-quality produce spread.

“I make sure my pigs drink clean and fresh water and we feed them three times a day,” she explains.

Pillar of strength

When the pigs multiplied, so did the work and the chance of employing the youth became a reality.

Since then, she has been able to permanently employ three young women on the farm who assist her with day-to-day duties.

It all started mainly with the help of one who she calls her “pillar of strength”, her father, Thokozani Siyaya. There was not a single day without him behind her, supporting her every move. He was the first person to react to her dream of starting a farming business.

“I remember I just called him, and we spoke. I said to him ‘Dad, I want to start a business in farming.

I’ll start with the pigs.’ And I just let the conversation slide. He called me a few days later telling me that he had spoken to the village chief and asked for land, and he secured it for me.

“I was so impressed. But that’s not all. He has always been there for me and it’s so nice to know that I have somebody like him to support me. My family supports me, but not like how my dad does.”

Alleviating unemployment

With her three employees on track with the business plan, Siyaya managed to increase her customer base to neighbours and people outside of KwaNongoma, and even residents of Mtubatuba. She managed to make deals with organisations in the area to help secure employment for women in her community.

“I had a relative who didn't finish school and had to sit at home and not do anything. That memory drove me into wanting to make a difference for women in my community,” she says.

“Because December was the festive season, the orders for pork hit the roof and I sold more than 60 pigs. In that busy time, I was able to bring in young people from my area to come help around the farm and that made me very happy.

“December was very busy,” she says with a sigh.

Bridging

the gender gap

Although December was a huge success, Siyaya will not forget the mundane but very noticeable challenges she faces as a female farmer in a rural area. For her, it has always been a gender problem where most still look down on her because she is a woman.

“Sometimes when I get a call from a potential client who wants to maybe make an order, when I answer the phone and they hear my voice, I get comments like ‘oh, I thought you would be a man’. I don’t really like that because I know what I am doing even though I am a woman.”

She owes most of her time to research and readings about pig farming and how to run a farm. Not only that but reaching out to people with more expertise has helped her gain more knowledge and develop her skill set.

“Someone told me, ‘Market yourself by networking with other people in the industry," she says.

“That worked because it got me where I am today.”

Challenges and victories

As a start-up farmer, Siyaya still encounters challenges with proper infrastructure on her farm. She says the need for an abattoir and built-in slaughterhouse are her biggest needs, ones she hopes to meet within the next three to five years. While that may be the case, the biggest challenge is the lack of water in the area.

“KwaNongoma is a fairly dry area and water is not very consistent, so sometimes we get water cuts.

There is a river nearby, yes, but I always have to give my pigs clean and fresh water to drink so that they can grow.

“The farm is not too far from my grandmother’s house and there we have a borehole, so I gather water from there when needed,” she says.

Load shedding woes

Her current challenge would be what most farmers are faced with, the continuous rolling blackouts which have in most cases kept her fridges warm, placing her produce at a risk.

“In December we had a lot of load shedding, and I reached a point where I felt that it was getting very difficult. But what do you do? You don’t give up! So, I came up with a plan B and borrowed a generator from someone and used it to keep my fridges on.”

Despite the ups and downs of the journey, Siyaya says her love for the pigs and farming keeps her going. She believes that just with the right amount of perseverance and strength, the youth of South Africa can do absolutely whatever they want, especially those who want to branch into farming.

“It's not easy starting up, but if you want to do it, then just do it! That's all there is to it,” she says. – foodformzansi.co.za

Siphelele Siyaya started farming at the end of 2021 with the few pigs that her grandmother owned. Photos by foodformzansi.co.za

Part of Siphelele Siyaya's business model is processing her raw pig products and selling them under her brand name.

THIS RETRO IS BEAUTY IN THE BEAST

The Mercedes-Benz G-Wagon (an abbreviation of Geländewagen) is among car names that require no introduction.

A head-turner and a stunning high-riding beast of an SUV, the G-Wagon is a familiar sight in affluent neighbourhoods the world over. If you were to get one in black, you could easily pass off as a member of the highflying pack…even a mafioso.

Notwithstanding its mobster image, the G-Wagon overflows with charisma and personality. Its squared proportions have solicited some nasty comments from envious crowds, but frankly, it is a fabulous throwback.

Say what you will, this boxlike all-terrain-basher stands head and shoulders above its rivals with its distinctiveness. You would be hard-pressed to find a luxury SUV that can successfully compete with the G-Wagon’s retro looks. When it comes to the delivery of savagery off and on-road performance of this wagon, most SUVs fall short.

The Geländewagen was first commissioned by the Shah of Iran in 1972 who held a significant stake at Mercedes back then. He wanted a nonsense-strippeddown go-anywhere survival machine without compromising the proven quality of Mercedes. He wanted a beast that could easily devour the desert dunes and gravel roads.

After much research and numerous trials, the final product was launched in 1979. This box-shaped beast was built to put smiles on both military commanders and the Middle East’s super-rich. Even Pope John Paul II gave the G-Wagon a blessed stamp of approval by choosing it to accompany him on

RIDE ON

his visits around the globe - the papal wagon was christened the Popemobile.

It does however make a lot of sense for those in the Middle East who had to commute for over 500 kilometres on dunes without any tarmac in sight.

Pricing became a barrier for those of us with depleted funds, making the G wagon a dream car. It has remained a status symbol for the super-rich and A-list celebrities alike.

This beauty has been tweaked on several occasions, but the blokes at Stuttgart have ensured that it still retains the same DNA as the original vehicle. The exhaust notes are insane and exciting. It announces your presence from miles away. The W463 second generation has sent chills down the spines of the fellows in the high-performance SUV

industry.

As I have alluded to above, the G-Wagon is in a class of its own. It is no longer just an adorable beast but a handsome stallion. It has earned celebrity status as one of the most photographed vehicles on our roads. There have been a lot of arguments in the motoring world as to which high-end SUV is a real beast that unashamedly announces its presence. German engineering or British no-nonsense quality.

Based on the excitement drawn when they arrive in a G-Wagon and the several millions of votes of approval across the world, I would like to crown the G wagon the undisputed King of SUVs.

Admiring the King

The 2021 model is a revamped

2019 model…with just a negligible facelift. As is the norm, it comes loaded with all the bells and whistles.

Approaching it from the front, you are greeted by the round led halogen and a square in the middle lights. These are premium lights that turn night into day. The headlights washer nozzles are pointing right at them in case you decide to try your luck in the mud.

The chrome brushed grille is stunning. The door handles are still the same with that indestructible quality feel. Closing and opening the doors makes you feel that this is a real tank.

The spare wheel cover is now covered with a black ring all around. Inside, the instrument cluster is now fully digital. There are still analogue controls like temperature control which is great

for driving.

The boot space, if you allow me to exaggerate, can fit a teenage elephant. The size of the car does not in any way make it a lumbering giant.

The back seats also recline if you need that rest on long trips. There are individual cupholders at the back and also climate control. The back seat space is roomy but almost double-cab-like.

I was inside G63 with black and red-toned seats which looks and feels premium. The cup holder next to the driver's left leg which made driving a long distance a bit uncomfortable has been removed. Hit the start button and you are treated to that AMG warning loud growl for about 30 seconds which slowly goes down to a gentle purr. The windows are low enough to give you a good view all around the car.

However, because of the box shape and big tyres, there is a lot of cabin noise. It is as fast as a sports car but still has that wild off-road vehicle feel. The driving positioning has been greatly improved since 2019.

Engine: 5.5L turbo

Layout: V8

Fuel type: Petrol

Capacity: 96 litres -

Good enough for about 690kms

Consumption: 13.8 litres per 100kms

Power: 400KW

Torque: 760Nm

O - 100kms: 4.6s

With almost a lifetime of warranty and service, there will be no worries on the road besides being the envy of everyone looking at you.

ETHIOPIA HOPES A NEW AIR SENSOR WILL IMPROVE THE PERFORMANCE OF ITS ATHLETES

By Faustine Ngila

Ethiopia is going a step further to improve the performance of its athletes by investing in air quality.

The eastern Africa nation, renowned in world sports for producing some of the best marathoners is now joining regional competitors Kenya and Uganda in investing in air monitoring. Other countries that are leading in the same cause are Senegal, Nigeria, South Africa, and Tanzania.

The country’s first air sensor has been installed at the Ethiopian Youth Sports Academy (EYSPA) grounds in Addis Ababa, on the margins of the 2023 Annual Congress of East Africa Athletics Region hosted by the Ethiopian Athletics Federation (EAF).

“Our athletes need to be supported by our air quality program otherwise without a healthy environment, their health will be affected,” Confederation of African Athletics (CAA) president Hamad Kalkaba Malboum told Quartz.

The installation was coordinated by the Ethiopian Athletics Federation (EAF), the United Nations Environment Program Regional Office for Africa (UNEP ROA), Athletics Kenya (AK), and the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) Africa Centre.

Air quality and sports

The sensor will collect data on carbon emissions, dangerous gases such as ozone and nitrogen oxide and send it to a central data analysis point. The data, stored on UN cloud, will be used to inform decisions on the best training time at the tracks and measures to reduce air impurities.

Jackson Tuwei, AK president told Quartz the air quality sensor “will go a long way in ensuring that the long term health interest of our athletes and the society in general are taken care of by all concerned parties.”

The African Union plans to develop an Africa clean air program where all African stadiums and sports facilities will have sensors that monitor the quality of air for athletes.

“Air pollution is associated with over a million premature deaths per year in Africa, which occur due to people being exposed to harmful pollutants both indoors and outdoors. Africa faces a double burden of worsening air quality, and climate vulnerability, which affects all sectors, including sports,” Philip Osano, SEI Africa director told Quartz.

Addis Ababa now joins 6,000 other cities across 117 countries around the world that the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates are investing in monitoring air quality at sporting events. – qz.com

WORLD ATHLETICS CALLS FOR BETTER AIR QUALITY

Clean air is a fundamental right for all of us but if you are exercising or playing sport it becomes even more important.

Global research has shown that 75% of people want to tackle the air pollution crisis urgently.

• A global study reveals that three-quarters (75%) of people want to see stronger targets and monitoring to reduce air pollution

• 45% of people believe they have experienced asthmatic symptoms as a result of being exposed to air pollution

• Over half (53%) of people are scared about air pollution levels affecting their running or ability to exercise outside

• World Athletics launched Every Breath Counts campaign on Global Running Day, urging people around the world to sign the Declaration for Clean Air.

With air pollution reaching epic proportions around the world and reported to cause seven million deaths a year, a new campaign launched in June 2022 on Global Running Day, revealed for the first time the depth of public sentiment and growing calls for clean air across three continents.

Three quarters (75%) of peo -

ple want to see stronger targets and monitoring from governments and businesses to tackle air pollution, according to research from World Athletics.

The survey – which polled 4000 people across the UK, USA, France and India – found that nearly two-thirds (65%) of people think that governments are not taking serious enough steps to tackle air pollution. With 83% of people believing that access to clean air is a human right, there is clear consensus that the air pollution crisis is an issue of social and climate justice.

In response to this, World Athletics launched a campaign backed by international athletes and researchers, to mobilise people everywhere to demand stronger action on air pollution.

The Every Breath Counts campaign invited citizens across the world to sign the Declaration for Clean Air, which called on local and national governments and businesses to urgently agree to set more stringent targets and increased monitoring for air pollution in line with the World Health Organisation (WHO) standards.

According to the World Health Organisation, a record number of cities are now monitoring

air quality. Over 6000 cities in 117 countries have joined the incentive in a bid to regulate exposure to fine particles and nitrogen dioxide.

World Athletics is leading a campaign called Every Breath Counts calling for better air quality, looking to mobilise people everywhere to demand more stringent measures.

In an interview with Euronews, last year, the president of World Athletics who is also a former Olympian and a Member of the British House of Lords, Sebastian Coe outlined how 99% of people are breathing in unclean air.

“That for us was deeply concerning because sport relies heavily on clean air both for elite competitors and participants. And our own research has shown that 75% of those who responded (to our survey) they want action, and they want action now,” he said.

“Our declaration for clean air is about driving change... particularly for policy and decision-makers and really encouraging them to put pressure on them to really set some stretch targets that are meaningful and not sitting somewhere in the future.”

– euronews.com

Athletes need clean air to train optimally and attain top performance in competitions.

Photo by Lawrence Nzuve /SEI

Scientists say air pollution can reduce athletic performance and even put athletes’ health at risk. Photo by Xavier Galiana/AFP/ Getty Images