TIME FOR AFRICAN LEADERS TO MAKE THE RIGHT NOISESPAGE12 THE FATE OF THE POOR IS FAMOUSTHEPLAYGROUNDTHEFORRICHANDPAGE 11 TAIWO AWONIYI’S LONG JOURNEY TO THE PREMIER LEAGUE FINALLY AT AN END PAGE 20 Story Continues on Page 2 By Staff Reporters @ telegramrsaT he Telegram ZA— SOUTH AFRICA { thetelegramlive.co.za } — FRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8, 2022 — HIV CONTINUESCRIMINALISATIONPAGE 6 MSWATI’S GROSS VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS – SADC MUST ACT DECISIVELY
King Mswati III, Africa’s last absolute monarch is facing growing demands for democracy and rule of law. Photo by Yeshiel Panchia/EPA-EFE
tinueActivistsunabated.assert that Mswati is intensifying state violence to thwart pro-democracy in that country. In July, the global human rights watchdog, Amnesty International, claimed that the government of Eswatini launched a ruthless crack down on human rights in response to pro-democracy protests, with doz ens killed and many others tortured, detained or abducted. “The government of Eswatini has launched a full-frontal assault on human rights in response to ongoing pro-democracy protests. Dozens of people have been killed for daring to demand that their government respects human rights, many of them human rights defenders and activists,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International Director for East and Southern Africa. Political activists and parliamen tarians exiled in South Africa say the monarch has become completely paranoid. He has amassed all state power to “Mswatihimself.ruleswith an iron fist and a barrel of a gun against anyone who threatens his throne. "He has absolute power with con trol over all organs of the state - the legislature, the executive and the judicial.“Heappoints and controls the prime minister and cabinet minis ters. He even interferes in Parliament, to an extent that two MPs - Bacede Mabuza and Mthandeni Dube - have been prisoned without justice since June 2021,” said Mduduzi Simelane, President of the Swaziland Liberation Movement (Swalimo) who is in exile in South Africa.
T he political crisis in the king dom of Eswatini is on a path filled with violent conflict. The country has experienced the bombing of state institutions and deadly attacks against security services.Atthe same time, King Mswati's brutal suppression of protests and plain as the nose on your face abduc tions of civil society members con
Simelane said the two politicians were jailed for demanding that a prime minister be elected by parlia ment.The king’s intransigence led to mass protests and over 100 citizens were shot and killed, with many left disabled in June 2021. He said the country has been experiencing daily protests as peo ple remain resolute in their demand for democracy and the release of the incarcerated parliamentarians.
“We will certainly be taking this issue up, we will not allow for inaccu rate statements, covered with insults to be thrown at the government of South Africa and the people of this country,” said Monyela. The looming diplomatic tension between South Africa and Eswatini over Nxumalo’s sentiments comes amid efforts by Ramaphosa to seek solutions to the on-going political crisis in that country. President Ramaphosa is the Chair person of the South African Develop ment Community (SADC) Troika on Politics, Defense and Security. The state of Eswatini is the last absolute monarchy in Africa. King Mswati III, together with his mother, Queen Mother Ntombi, rule as mon archs, exercise veto powers over the three branches of government and are positioned above the constitu tion.The bicameral parliament consists of the Senate and House of Assembly with elected members and members appointed by the king. The king also appoints the prime minister. The role of political parties is con tested and unclear despite the con stitution of 2005. Political parties are not allowed to compete in elections. Human rights issues include limi tation on political participation and media freedom, corruption, forceful evictions, rape and violence against women, criminalisation of LGBTQ+ communities and child labour. The government rarely investi gates, prosecutes or administratively punishes officials who commit human rights abuses. Impunity is widespread and police brutality is common during political demonstrations and in the enforce ment of lockdown measures related to the Covid-19 pandemic. King Mswati III acts as if the king dom is his personal fiefdom. As a result, the majority of the population experiences little economic develop ment and live in poverty. New investments are unlikely to materialise due to the low level of skilled labour and the relatively high cost of wages in comparison to the level of production. The political environment is not conducive to business due to nega tive and unpredictable interference by the royal family and companies associated with it, although there was more trust in the late prime minister’s economic competence. Eswatini is a relatively small, land locked country within the territory of South Africa. The presence of the monarch, as head of state, is represented through out the country by the traditional system of chiefs and headmen. The more rural, the more undis puted the system is. This means the government has a complete monopoly on the use of force.Police are poorly paid and equipped, leading to underperformance and overreaction like brutality during peaceful demonstrations or in the enforcement of pandemic-related lockdown measures. The media has reported deaths in policeChikohomerocustody. also asked a ques tion few have dared to ask: “Is King Mswati III letting his fear of losing the monarchy get in the way of national peace? "His remarks at this year’s 5 August Eswatini Police Day show a lack of commitment to true national dia logue. Referring to the increasing attacks on state institutions, he called for ‘an eye for an eye.’ This position moves the country away from talks."
Activating them would also indicate to Mswati that SADC is serious about finding a lasting solution.”
2 NEWSFRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8 CONTACT US 9 Main Road Farrarmere, Benoni, ThePublishedJohannesburgbyTelegramMediaNEWSDESK+27104481108EDITORThembaKhumalo thembakhumalo@thetelegramlive.co.za MANAGING EDITOR Mbangwa Xaba mbangwaxaba@thetelegramlive.co.za NEWS newsdesk@thetelegramlive.co.za PRODUCTION production@thetelegramlive.co.za NEWS DESK advertising@thetelegramlive.co.za DISTRIBUTION distribution@thetelegramlive.co.za Story Continued from Page 1 Calls for democracy and justice are intensifying. Photo by gjia.georgetown.edu Pro-democracy supporters in Eswatini marching against Mswati’s dictatorial rule on 2 October 2021. Photo by Nkosinathi Masuku
"In a region already dealing with major challenges linked to inequality and poverty, political strife caused by a lack of democracy in one of its member states must be avoided. “Mswati has been given too much space to dictate the pace of a peace ful resolution, to the detriment of the SADC initiative and Eswatini’s citizens. The regional bloc should establish a high-level presence in the country rather than continuing with intermittent visits by officials. "This can be achieved using SADC’s existing structures, like its Mediation Reference Group and the panel of elders currently led by former Tanza nian president Jakaya Kikwete. These mechanisms have the mandate and capacity to engage with the king.
As the political situation worsens in Eswatini, a diplomatic storm is brewing between that country and neighbouring South Africa. This follows a scathing attack on South Africa by Eswatini government spokesman, Alpheous Nxumalo, dur ing an interview on SAFM. Nxu malo told the station’s current affairs host, Sakina KaMwendo, that “South Africa is infested with a cancer of criminality from head to toe”. The damning comments were made as Nxumalo was questioned about Economic Freedom Fight ers (EFF) former Secretary General Godrich Gardee’s allegations that King Mswati orchestrated the killing of his daughter, Hillary Gardee. Clayson Monyela, the Director General of the South African Depart ment of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO), says they will engage the Eswatini government to seek clarity regarding sentiments that were allegedly uttered by Nxumalo.
“In October 2021, President Cyril Ramaphosa conducted a fact-finding mission in his capacity as the SADC TroikaSADCChairperson.theninstructed Mswati to hold a national dialogue to seek peace but he has not complied, to date. He has also been snubbing subsequent SADC meetings where Swaziland is on the agenda in April and July,” said Pro-democracySimelane.movements have demanded that SADC’s national dia logue should be inclusive, fair and be held in a neutral place with external facilitators for peace to be realised. But Mswati’s regime insists that if the dialogue happens, it should be held in his residence as he considers this traditional summoning of the nation as the constitutional platform for“Topeace-keeping.date,thekilling and brutal ity of citizens continue. Two weeks ago, Mswati instructed armed forces to shoot to kill (iso ngeso) after an anonymous group calling themselves solidarity forces had started to retal iate and kill police,” Simelane said. Ringisai Chikohomero, Research Consultant, Institute for Security Studies wrote; “SADC must do everything possible to prevent the Eswatini crisis from escalating into a full-blown violent conflict.
RAMATHUBA’S ‘INSENSITIVE’ RANT SPARKS HOT HEALTH DEBATE
“The PAP has a long standing collaboration with the UNHCR and this engagement to come up with a model law on nationality is drawing on UNHCR’s extensive expertise on statelessness.“Themodel law will provide tools and safeguards against statelessness and offer key guidance to States,” said Aurelien Simplice Kongbelet
¡ All pregnant or breastfeeding women and children under the age of six are entitled to health care services at any level.
President Emmerson Mnangagwa does not contribute to South Africa's health budget, charged Dr Phophi Ramathuba.
3NEWS FRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
WHAT THE LAW SAYS Constitution of South Africa
By Staff Reporter
"Access to adequate healthcare is in our personal and collective interest," Professor Landau wrote to FairPlanet. “It is for this reason that the South African Constitution explicitly bans restrictions on life-saving care, regardless of patients’ immigration status or ability to pay. This has never been universal in its implementation, but the principle remains." The South Africa Medical Associa tion (Sama) also does not agree with the idea of discriminating against foreign nationals who seek medical attention.Sama's chairperson Dr Mvuy isi Mzukwa said hospitals in South Africa couldn’t be expected to treat patients based on their nationalities. "The Government cannot expect clinicians to be chasing away foreign nationals. It is not our domain. All we do as clinicians, if we see a patient who needs medical attention in a hospital premises, we just offer that service without asking any questions. We are not the Department of Home Affairs," said Msukwa.
L impopo health MEC Dr Phophi Ramathuba has thrown South Africa on the international spotlight for all the wrong reasons.Thisafter a video of her scolding a reportedly undocumented Zimba bwean patient, who was awaiting surgery at a government hospital in Bela-Bela, went viral. In the video, Dr Ramathuba tells the woman that Zimbabwe must take responsibility for her health issues, not South Africa. Leaning over the patient's bed, Dr Ramathuba says Zimbabwe's Presi dent Emmerson Mnangagwa does not contribute to South Africa's health budget, and that her country's health system is not a "charity". Many have praised the politician while others have accused her of being xenophobic, unethical and insensitive.DrAngelique Coetzee from the Solidarity Doctors Network said the patient was a victim of politics between South Africa and Zimbabwe. "Even if they cross the border ille gally to get health services, it's not their fault. She wasn't supposed to embarrass the patient in front of people," Dr Coetzee told The Times newspaper."Evenifthe issues she raised were pertinent, it was the wrong time, place and person," Bongani Mkwananzi from the Zimbabwe Community in South Africa told the BBC Opposition political parties the Democratic Alliance and the Eco nomic Freedom Fighters are demand ing Dr Ramathuba's resignation and say she should be reprimanded for humiliating the patient. But Dr Ramathuba is standing by her comments, because Limpopo has an "influx of foreign nationals who are choking the province's health system resulting in doctors often working under pressure".
Dr Phophi Ramathuba’s rant has caused quite a stir. By Staff Reporters A s part of the preparation for the sixth Pan African Parliament (PAP) sittings the Parliament’s permanent committees have been hard at work at the seat of the continental gath ering in Midrand, Joburg. Among others, the committees looked at various issues, including dedicated workshops on the AU theme of 2022 - an update on the peace and security situation on the continent, model law on food security and nutrition, the Covid19 crisis and economic and social recovery strategies in Africa, sta tus of implementation of the Afri can Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), model law on gender par ity and implementation status of the African Union’s 10-year action plan to eradicate child labour and human trafficking.TheCommittee on Cooperation, International Relations and Conflict Resolution is pushing for a Model Law for Africa on nationality and statelessness.Ithasidentified gaps in nation ality laws where people consid ered stateless are unable to obtain identity documents or sometimes detained for reasons relating to their statelessness.Suchindividuals also do not have access to education and health ser vices and are often blocked from getting employment.
“The existence of this subcom mittee is crucial, we are glad that we are in agreement with our African Disability Organisations and African Union (AU) Rep on prioritisation of ratification of the Protocol and Domestication of the PAP Model Law on Disability,” said Dao Gab ala Mariam, from Cote d'Ivoire, the Chairperson of the Committee on Gender, Family, Youth and People withChairingDisability.asession on the collab oration between the PAP and other AU Organs in achieving the objec tives of the Union, Francois Ango Ndoutoume, and 4th Vice-Presi dent of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) has commended presentations submitted by various Organs and Departments of the AU. The presentations, which are meant to strengthen the linkages between the PAP, the Regional Eco nomic Communities (RECs) and other AU Policy Organs in achieving the objectives of the Union, were conducted by various Departments which included African Union Development Agency (AUDA-NE PAD), African Peer Review Mech anism (APRM), the African Con tinental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat, African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, the Afri can Governance Architecture (AGA), Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security, Department of Agricul ture, Rural Development, Blue Econ omy and Sustainable Environment, Department of Economic Develop ment, Trade, Industry and Mining, Department of Infrastructure and Energy, Department of Education, Science, Technology and Innova tion and Department of Health and Humanitarian Services. Overall, the presentation sessions were intended to unpack the con tinent’s developmental blueprint, Agenda 2063, and the role that the PAP should play.
Photo by Philimon Bulawayo/Reuters
The National Health Act The National Health Act confirms that: ¡ All persons in South Africa can access primary health care at clinics and community health centers.
Zingas, Vice Chairperson of the Committee on Cooperation, Inter national Relations and Conflict Res olution.Emmanuelle Mitte, Senior Regional Protection Officer for UNHCR, spoke at length on the sub ject of statelessness at the meeting: “This is not only an African prob lem but a global one. The problem is also in getting accurate data as a number of countries have no data and no mechanisms to record state lessness.“Thecampaign to end stateless ness requires political will hence the engagement at this level with the PAP so that we reform legislation on nationality.”TheCommittee on Gender, Fam ily, Youth and People with Disability has set up a “vital subcommittee” that is tasked with advancing advo cacy strategy for the promotion of ratification of the Protocol and Domestication of the African Model Law on AccordingDisability.toGeneral Provisions, Article 1, the purpose of the Afri can Model Law on Disability is to provide legal and institutional framework for the protection and promotion of the rights of persons with disabilities, in line with the existing international and regional legal and policy instruments.
Media24 reported that a private hospital in Zimbabwe has offered to pay the medical bill of a woman at the centre of Limpopo Health MEC Ramathuba's rant about migrants from Zimbabwe being a "huge strain" on the provincial healthcare system. Meanwhile, IOL reported that international humanitarian medi cal group, Doctors Without Borders (Médecins Sans Frontières or MSF) says several foreign nationals have been turned away from public hospi tals in Tshwane by activists in what the non-governmental organisation called an intensifying xenophobic climate and politicisation of health care.MSF said ongoing “xenophobic protests” outside the Kalafong Pro vincial Tertiary Hospital were pre venting patients, including migrants, from accessing the facility. MSF in South Africa was quoted saying: “These actions must be rejected and should trigger urgent action by health authorities and lead ers to protect access to healthcare forTheall.” international NGO said if migrants were fearful for their safety when entering or leaving health facilities, and if health workers were placed under pressure “to behave as immigration officers, the conse quences will be felt across the pop ulation”.Theproportion of foreign births at some South Africa’s hospitals are said to be very high and very costly to the South African tax payer. It is reported that “a bed only costs about R2 300 a day and R8 542 for a normal delivery for a pregnant mother. If it is a Caesarean delivery, the fee is now a whooping R11 603." An idea was mooted a few years back by Gauteng Provincial Legis lature and DA health spokesperson, Jack Bloom, sometime back to bill the embassies of the countries from which those treated come from. While the debate rages on, reports from around the country suggested that some public hospitals had already started charging foreign patients full fees. These reports could not be sub stantiated by The Telegram Loren Landau, a Research Professor at the African Centre for Migration & Society at the University of Wit watersrand, said the move to make foreign patients pay full fees might have negative side-effects on South Africa's healthcare system.
PAP SETS POLITICAL AGENDA
The PAP has a standing Memoran dum of Understanding (MoU) with the United Nations High Commis sion for Refugees (UNHCR) signed in The2019.MoU seeks to resolve major situations of statelessness, prevent ing new cases of statelessness and protecting stateless populations.
A note on ImmigrationtheAct As we’ve seen, the Constitution, the National Health Act and the Refugees Act spell out refugees and migrants’ rights to access health care. The Immigration Act is quite different, however. It states that staff at clinics and hospitals must find out the legal status of patients before providing care (except in an emergency).TheImmigration Act goes fur ther to say that hospitals and clinics (along with other state institutions) ‘shall report to the Director-General [of Home Affairs] any illegal foreigner’ or anyone whose status is not clear. However, this can only be enacted if this does not affect the patients’ rights that are set out in the laws that we have listed above – the Constitution, National Health Act and Refugees Act In our opinion, it is not justifiable to expect nurses and doctors to report people they suspect as ‘ille gal foreigners’ to the Department of Home Affairs. This aspect of the Immigration Act is at odds with other, overar ching laws in South Africa. It is also at odds with a widely-held international opinion that views healthcare facilities as ‘safe spaces’ – a message promoted by organ isations such as Médecins Sans Frontières.
The Refugees Act of South Africa The Refugees Act sets out rights for asylum-seekers and refugees in South Africa. It states that: ¡ Refugees in South Africa have the same right to access healthcare as South African citizens.4 This right is widely interpreted to include asylum-seekers, as well.
The rights set out in the Consti tution of South Africa provide for all people within South Africa, regardless of their nationality or legal status. This fact has been con firmed by South African courts. The Constitution states that: ¡ everyone has the right to have access to health care services, and ¡ ‘no one’ may be refused emergency medical treatment.
Department of Health 2007 Circular This circular confirmed that: ¡ Refugees and asylum seekers, with or without permits, can access the same basic health care services as South African citizens (which means it is free at point of use, but can be charged thereafter), and ¡ Refugees and asylum seekers, with or without permits, can access Antiretroviral Treatment in cases of HIV. This does not mean all services are free. Primary healthcare ser vices are provided free of charge, but higher levels of care are subject to a Infee.these cases, refugees and asylum seekers are subject to a means-test, which calculates the fee depending on the patient’s income. This is the same test that is applied to South African citizens.
"The call for us to come together and develop local pharmaceutical industries can never be louder and stronger."Onthe economic front, Shava said the two countries have not applied themselves fully to ensure that joint infrastructure projects were imple mented."Youmay recall that the decision to implement a One-Stop-Border Post (OSBP) at Beitbridge/Musina was made by our Heads of State in 2007 to remove bottlenecks and ensure the smooth movement of goods and people between our two countries and beyond. "I have noted that in spite of the presence of a Joint Technical Com mittee in the development of the OSBP, there are asymmetrical actions in the rolling out of this strategic project.“Itneeds no recalling that the Beitbridge/Musina border post is a strategic crossing point for our two countries. It is an arterial link on the African Union's North-South Trans port
“TheCorridor.success of the African Con tinental Free Trade Area to increase intra-African trade is dependent partly on a good transport network linking African countries. We have a major responsibility in contributing to this continental project through the expeditious completion of the OSBP," Shava explained.
South Africa is Zimbabwe's larg est trading partner and a source of foreign direct investment. Pretoria has historically enjoyed a favourable trade balance in these relations. Ambassador Shava wants the two countries to continue working together to address some enduring issues and promote mutual benefit in trade exchanges. The resolution of these enduring issues is expected to increase eco nomic activity between Pretoria and Harare.Pandor said Zimbabwe and South Africa have established strong rela tions which "grow each day". "Underlining this relationship is the decision which our leaders took in 2015 to change the Joint Com mission for Co-operation to a higher level," she said.
International Relations Minister Dr Naledi Pandor with Zimbabwe’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Frederick Shava. Photo by twitter.com/zimpretoria
The Zimbabwe Exemption Permit (ZEP) will expire at the end of the year. Photo by Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi/AP ON ZEP PROCESS
"A closer look at our performance since the Third Session, which we hosted in Harare in March 2019, portrays a mixed picture," Shava said. "In some areas we have shown progress, in others not so much. It is not helpful to continue citing Covid19 and the resultant strict lockdown regulations that were instituted to curb the spread of the virus for the lack of progress.
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SA AND ZIM TO COOPERATE
Foreign Affairs and International Trade Minister, Ambassador Frederick Shava and South African Interna tional Relations Minister Dr Naledi Pandor and their delegations, met to assess performance in the imple mentation of agreed decisions and prepare for the meeting of heads of State at the fourth session of the BNC.Shava said the expiry of the exemption permits "has been on the cards for some time" since South Africa’s pronouncement of the new measures."TheZEP will expire at the end of this year. Its expiry is causing much anxiety," Shava said. "Our two governments must work closely in the implementation of this decision. We are ready to receive our nationals back home. "At the same time, I would like to reiterate our appeal to Zimbabweans in South Africa to observe and respect the laws of South Africa. It is a must for each and every Zimbabwean to promote and protect the good image of Zimbabwe wherever they are.
"We collaborate in a range of areas, including trade and investment, immigration, defence and security, education, science and technology, conservation and agriculture. "I am thrilled to announce that the memorandum of understanding on agriculture has now reached the stage of finality and would be ready for signature soon. I am also pleased that a new memorandum of under standing on basic education is at the final stage of negotiation." Pandor said these increased efforts at collaboration were a testimony of the mutually beneficial relations that the two countries continue to enjoy. She said the mid-term review gives the two countries a chance to reboot their targets and programmes to bet ter respond to the challenges they face.Despite Covid-19 and other chal lenges, total trade between Zimbabwe and South Africa increased from R38 billion in 2020 to R47 billion in 2021, a development Pandor said could be accelerated. – allafrica.com
By Africa Moyo Z imbabwe and South Africa will work together to find a common solution on the Zimbabwe Exemption Permits (ZEP) that are due to expire at the end of the Thisyear.emerged during the mid-term review meeting of the third session of the Bi-National Commission (BNC) between Zimbabwe and South Africa.
"We innovated and managed to get business and other things done, thanks to modern communication technologies."Accordingto Shava, one of the les sons gained from the pandemic was that Co-operation in health matters was "urgent and vital", as the disease brought to the fore the weakness in the two countries’ health systems and Africa's over-dependence on imported medicines and vaccines.
“We condemn all and any form of criminality on the part of our nation als in South Africa and elsewhere in theShavaworld."said Harare does not yet have figures of Zimbabweans who have responded to the request by South Africa for everyone to renew their permits, but encouraged them to regularise their paperwork.
"We hope to establish a special line for them so that they don't distort the normal traffic between Zimbabwe and South Africa." Pandor said she appreciated that Zimbabwe was encouraging its citi zens to regularise their stay. "I really would encourage all holders of the ZEPs to take the step to regularise. Time is running out. It’s up to end of December and it's important to apply so that applica tions are appropriately considered and appropriate permits would then be properly processed," said Pandor. She also expressed concern over the Afro-phobic attacks that occur in some parts of South Africa and said the government was keen to "do more" to minimise, if not eliminate theTurningattacks.to the mid-term review of performance in the implementation of the agreed decisions of the Third Session of the BNC, both ministers conceded that while progress had been registered in some areas, some challenges such as Covid-19 had delayed progress.
The people of Intabazwe Skwata Camp, outside Harrismith, say they have been forgotten by government, despite promises to turn things around when the president held a rally at Intabazwe stadium last Octo ber. ¡ In May 2021 protesters from Intabazwe shut down Harrismith and blocked the N3. ¡ They appealed to the President to intervene as the Maluti-a-Phofong Local Municipality was failing to provide basic services. ¡ In October 2021, President Ramaphosa went to Intabazwe stadium for a campaign rally and promised change if the ANC was re-elected. ¡ 15 months after the protests, no progress is visible in the living conditions of 20,000 people in Intabazwe. By Yamkela Mopeli
But absolutely nothing has changed in Intabazwe, says commu nity leader Mbuyiseli Disten, who has been a community leader for ten years in Skwata Camp, informal settlement in Intabazwe. Based on our previous visit, we could see no improvement since May 2021.Intabazwe has thousands of peo ple, mostly from KwaZulu-Natal, living in shacks. Only two of its five wards are electrified, have toilets and passable streets. The other three wards – Matoding, Emikhukhwini, and Emakhosini – are home to about 20,000 people. Only half of these have “legal stands”, according to ward 22 community leader Maseko Philip.Linah Selepe, who attended the presidential speech, said, “The way we were dancing and chanting songs welcoming him we never thought it would just be talks. Even after the speech, we left the stadium happily feeling that our father has been here and things would fall into place. Little did we know.” Selepe said they understand that electricity installation might take time, but all they are asking for right now is water. If they are not provided with RDP houses, then they should be given lawful stands so that they can build for themselves, said Selepe. A 71-year-old ANC women’s league member, who has lived in Skwata Camp for over 25 years, said there are still no proper toilets or water provision, the streets are inaccessible, and they rely on illegal connections for electricity. She did not want to be “Anamed.proper shelter with running water, electricity and a toilet is the only thing I am asking for in my age,’’ she said. She said vehicles can’t enter the settlement and they have to take ailing people by wheelbarrow to meet the ambulance. She said it was dis tressing that the deceased also have to be wrapped up and carried by wheel barrow for about two kilometres to get to a hearse or undertaker.
Kessah said that the sewer project stopped when the pre vious service provider left the site, leaving the sewer pit open. He said the necessary legal process had been completed and a new service pro viderWeappointed.sawvehicles of a construc tion company on site, but they were standing idle. We saw channels dug for laying pipe and a fresh open pit. The original “big hole” had been covered, after ten-year-old Lungelo Hlongwane drowned there. His mother, Nhlanhla Eunice, told us: “I had all my hopes on Lungelo as he was a good boy. At school, teachers would always welcome me warmly because my boy was very smart. He obtained three certificates and we were looking forward to his school prize giving, because I was sure he was going to get a trophy.”
The people of Intabazwe Skwata Camp, outside Harrismith, say they have been forgotten by government. Photo by Yamkela Mopeli
Cyril Ramaphosa arriving at Intabazwe Stadium during the ANC’s election campaign last October. Photo by Ziphozonke Lushaba
I n May 2021, protesters from Int abazwe closed down all shops and schools in Harrismith; and for a week stopped traffic at var ious times on the busy Free State N3. Police waged running battles for days, and scores of protesters were arrested.Thedemonstrators said the Malu ti-a-Phofong Local Municipality had failed to provide basic services and government had forgotten them. They lacked water, electricity, toilets and passable roads. At the time, the protesters appealed to President Cyril Ramaphosa to intervene.On17October 2021, the President visited the area and held a campaign rally at Intabazwe stadium. Residents reportedly picketed on the sidelines, and they complained that they had been barred from enter ing, and that ANC supporters had been bussed in from elsewhere. Ramaphosa was quoted acknowl edging that Maluti-a-Phofong munic ipality was failing. He told the crowd: “Elect the ANC back into office to turn things around. We shall no longer tolerate incompetence.”
THE CAME, THE PRESIDENT WENT, AND NOTHING CHANGED
5NEWS FRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
PRESIDENT
Eunice said she had believed that he was the one who was going to take them out of shack life. – groundup. org.za
Municipality spokesperson Thabo Kessah said Intabazwe was included in the Integrated Development Plan of 2022/27, adopted by the Council on 28 June 2022. Kessah said there are currently two projects underway – roadworks of R8.8-million for the 2022/23 finan cial year, and sewer works to service 1,370 stands at a cost of R41-million in the next two years. But Disten said the only thing they knew about these projects was the three kilometres of road linking Skwata Camp to the N3 that was graded.“Itdidn’t even reach our shack streets,” he said. “While we were still watching, the contractor left us without notice. We don’t know what happened’.’Asforthe sewer works, Philip referred us to “a big sewer hole they left last Spokespersonyear”.
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By Oğuzhan Nuh S ince the first reported HIV-re lated prosecution in 1986, HIV criminalisation has occurred in at least 81 countries, according to a global report published in July by the HIV Justice Network. HIV criminalisation is “the unjust application of criminal laws, regula tions and punitive policies against people living with HIV primarily based on their HIV-positive status.” Countries and jurisdictions can apply HIV-specific criminal laws (which exist in 82 countries) or general criminal laws (applied in 48 countries) against people living with HIV for non-disclosure to sexual part ners, potential or perceived exposure to HIV, or alleged transmission. HIV Justice Network notes that the UN recommends limiting HIV crimi nalisation to rare cases of intentional transmission where malicious intent is proven beyond a reasonable doubt. However, they add, “HIV crimi nalisation is often used as a proxy mechanism for increased state con trol, policing of marginalised groups, the enforcement of morality, and punishment of social vulnerability, thus exacerbating existing inequali ties and power imbalances.”
Between January 2019 and Decem ber 2021, 275 arrests, prosecutions, convictions, appeals and/or acquit tals in 39 countries were recorded in the HIV Justice Network’s database. However, the actual number of crim inal cases is estimated to be around 700 cases globally. Where are people getting prosecuted?
During this period, criminal laws were applied to people living with HIV for the first time in five coun tries: Bhutan, Gabon, Lesotho, Para guay, and Sub-SaharanSlovenia.Africa is the region with the highest number of countries (30) that have HIV-specific criminal laws, followed by Eastern Europe and Central Asia (16). Ten of these countries in sub-Saharan Africa (Angola, Congo, Democratic Repub lic of Congo, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Niger, Nigeria, Uganda, and Zimba bwe) and twelve in Eastern Europe and Central Asia (Armenia, Azerbai jan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russian Federation, Tajikistan, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan) enforce these laws.
HIV
¡ 5 countries in Latin America and Caribbean (Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Peru, and Trinidad & Tobago) ¡ 3 countries in the Middle East and North Africa (Israel, Morocco, and United Arab Emirates) ¡ 2 countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia (Estonia and Turkey) ¡ 2 countries in North America (Canada and United States). Who is getting prosecuted? The analysis of recent cases suggests that HIV arrests, prosecutions and convictions disproportionately affect women, racial and ethnic minori ties, migrants, gay and bisexual men, transgender people, and sex workers. These populations represent approx imately 50% of defendants globally. The racial and ethnic disparity was more significant in the United States, with 55% of arrests, prosecutions and convictions directed toward Black communities and other communities experiencing racism.
Science and justice Science plays a vital role in defending people living with HIV against unfair criminalisation. An exaggerated sense of HIV-related risk and harm due to inaccurate assumptions about the virus and HIV transmission are the main drivers of HIV criminalisation laws and prosecution. Providing rel evant information and recourses to judges can prevent unfair prosecu tion."HIV criminalisation is often used as a proxy mechanism for increased state control [and] policing of mar ginalised groups." Since its publication in 2018, the expert consensus statement on the science of HIV in the context of criminal law has been used to sup port arguments or entered courts as evidence in many countries, includ ing Burkina Faso, Moldova, Ukraine and Zimbabwe, Canada, Colombia, Kenya, Lesotho, and Uganda. In 2021, the United Nations Devel opment Programme (UNDP) pub lished a document to guide prose cutors on HIV-related criminal cases which states that prosecutors “should pursue prosecutions in only limited circumstances, as HIV is most effec tively addressed as a public health matter”.While some countries are follow ing the scientific evidence, “some courts are still using the fact that the accused is on antiretroviral therapy as evidence of criminality, rather than evidence that the accused could not be guilty” says the HIV Justice Net work.More encouragingly, in Germany, ‘Undetectable = Untransmittable’ (U=U) has been accepted by courts to acquit people living with HIV. Similarly, in Uganda, the court decided that “knowing that a per son is HIV-positive is no reason to believe that they should or are capa ble of transmitting the virus except if an additional action is committed which exposes another person to an infection.”However, in Canada, although the courts previously accepted that an undetectable viral load makes transmission impossible, in 2020 the Ontario court of appeal decided that even with the use of condoms, a real istic possibility of HIV transmission remained for vaginal intercourse and a guilty verdict was confirmed against a man who was not on treatment but used condoms. Anti-criminalisation advocacy Since the last report in 2019, impor tant and promising developments in case law, law reform and policy have taken place in many countries and jurisdictions.HIVcriminalisation laws were repealed in Sweden, Illinois, New Jersey, and Zimbabwe; an HIV crim inalisation law was found unconsti tutional in Colombia; and laws were modernised in Armenia, Michigan, Missouri, Nevada, Virginia and Wash ington State. Also, HIV-specific laws are currently going under consti tutional challenges in Uganda and Kenya.There were also precedent-setting cases in Finland, France, Spain and Taiwan, and policy recommenda tions or improvements in Canada, England, Wales, Kyrgyzstan and New Jersey. These outcomes were possi ble with the effective advocacy and collaboration between networks of people living with HIV, human rights organisations, healthcare providers, lawyers, and other allies. Since its launch in 2016 the U=U consensus statement and the Expert Consensus Statement in 2018 have been crucial advocacy tools for many organisations and criminal cases. One area increasingly getting more attention and evidence published is breastfeeding and HIV transmission. Thirteen women living with HIV have been prosecuted for breastfeed ing or comfort nursing. Several stud ies have reported no cases of HIV transmission through breastfeeding when women were on effective treat ment, and “this emerging science will support defence arguments in ongoing prosecutions against women living with HIV”. – aidsmap.com
recorded
In addition to violating human rights, HIV criminalisation also poses a barrier to HIV testing, treat ment, and prevention. That is why “UNAIDS’ latest Global AIDS Strategy explicitly recognises HIV criminalisa tion as a barrier to ending HIV as a public health threat by 2030.”
The highest numbers of reported criminalisation cases during the three years covered by the report were in: ¡ Uzbekistan – at least 231 cases ¡ Russian Federation – at least 157 cases ¡ Belarus – at least 106 cases ¡ United States – at least 77 cases (including 11 in Tennessee, 10 in Georgia, 9 in Florida, 5 in Ohio and 4 in Indiana) ¡ France – at least 11 cases ¡ India – at least 11 cases ¡ Great Britain – at least 10 cases ¡ Australia – at least 7 cases ¡ Canada – at least 7 cases ¡ Singapore – at least 6 cases
Fifteen countries in the Latin America and Caribbean region and 13 countries in the Asia-Pacific region have HIV-specific criminal laws, although only two of them in Latin America and Caribbean (Bermuda and Paraguay) and six in Asia-Pa cific (Cambodia, China, Papua New Guinea, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan) enforce them. In the North America region, at least 24 jurisdictions in the United States have HIV-specific laws. Twen ty-one states were recorded having related cases to these laws (Arkan sas, Florida, Georgia, Iowa, Idaho, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mar yland, Michigan, Missouri, Missis sippi, North Carolina, North Dakota, Nevada, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Car olina, South Dakota, Tennessee, and Washington).Sevencountries in the Middle East and North Africa region have HIV-specific criminal laws, although only Qatar has applied the law. How ever, Yemen recently passed a new law in December 2021. Currently, no countries in Western and Central Europe have HIV-specific criminal laws since Denmark suspended its law in 2021 and Sweden repealed its HIV-disclosure obligation in 2020. In addition, HIV-criminalisation takes place in many countries where general criminal or similar laws are applied to people living with HIV. This includes: ¡ 21 countries in Western and Central Europe (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) ¡ 10 countries in sub-Saharan Africa (Botswana Cameroon, Ethiopia, Gabon, The Gambia, Malawi, Mauritius ,Somalia, South Africa, and Zambia) ¡ 5 countries in the Asia-Pacific (Australia, Bhutan, India, Maldives, and New Zealand)
CRIMINALISATIONCONTINUES arrests were in 39 countries in the last three years
“We have witnessed in Parliament, in the media and on social media platforms how the debate on this issue lacked respect for the Maasai. We strongly condemn that foul lan guage and statements.”
We have coexistedalwayswithwildlife
In my village, close to the Ken ya-Tanzania border, almost everyone is talking about the looming evic tions in the neighbouring District of Ngorongoro. Lekuti, a 70-year-old man, and his family migrated to this village in the 1990s when restrictions became unbearable in the NCA. Upon hearing the ongoing relo cation plans he wondered, “Kai toi kenya kipwo! …Enyito! Emekinjo ejit iyiok ilayok loo-loreren tengopang” (Is there not a place of belonging for us! Arise! Let us not allow the sons of others wipe us from our ancestral lands.)Ina widely circulated video clip, another Maasai elder sent a message to the world asking all the people to beseech the president of Tanzania not to disappear the Maasai community. Of late, I have been tempted to compare the Maasai predicament in Kenya and Tanzania to that of the Palestinians. I am not alone; this sad reality is shared by fellow Maasai who are suffering historical injustices and discrimination in envi ronmental policymaking under the guise of national interest and global conservation agendas. One Tipilit Ole-Saitoti, a fellow Maasai brother, once likened the colonial fortress conservation model to apartheid. That’s what it is. The sense of urgency and securiti zation that we have seen for a cou ple of months now has purposefully sought to justify the postponement of a democratic dialogue. From the state’s perspective, there is no need to waste time on weighing competing opinions, narratives and interests. Of course, since the Maasai pastoral ists are already othered as irrational sub-humans, there is no logic of engaging them respectfully or dem ocratically.Whenthe issue of relocation was raised in parliament, lies, misrep resentations, mis/disinformation, spinning, censorship and Maasai phobia dominated the floor of the House in the most terrifying manner. Some lawmakers suggested that the law governing the NCA be changed to legalise eviction. One even recom mended a military operation right away. Against this background, one political party, Alliance for Change and Transparency or ‘ACT-Wazal endo’ issued a statement which partly reads as follows: “We would like to take this oppor tunity, first, to apologize to the entire Maasai community, especially those living in the Ngorongoro Conser vation Area for the foul language, ridicule, mockery, contempt, and humiliation, used during this saga.
T wo related issues in north ern Tanzania are currently making headlines. The first is a plan by the government of Tanzania to relocate the Maasai pastoralists from the Ngorongoro Conservation Area or ‘NCA’. The second is the intention by the same government to grab 1,500 square kilometres from the same people, in the Loliondo division - a few miles away from the NCA. Both plans are legitimised in the name of wildlife conservation. The authorities claim that growth in human and cattle populations threatens the ecology of the area and that of the greater Serengeti-Maa sai Mara Ecosystem. Those parading this narrative appeal to national and international audiences to embrace the ‘goodwill’ of the state to protect critical water sources, animal residues and wildebeest migratory routes. The intention of the current con tribution is to debunk this official narrative by unmasking the economic interests, as well as the colonial and racist logic behind the unjustifiable evictions of the Maasai from their ancestral lands. As a Maasai myself, I provide some thing of an insider’s perspective on the issue at hand. When it comes to land rights, the Maasai have suffered more than any other community in Tanzania. The community has lost more than 60 per cent of its pre-co lonial territories to wildlife conserva tion in northern Tanzania. The famous wildlife sanctuaries like the Serengeti, Manyara, Tarangire, Arusha, Mkomazi and NCA were carved out of Maasailand. In public discourse and practice, there is both a patronising attitude and treatment; a marginalisation and othering that has turned our people into strangers in their own land. The indigenous Maasai lifestyle and mode of livelihood is often rid iculed and the Maasai people are viewed conservatives, relics of the past. The total sum of these dis courses and practices is a Maasaipho bia that we are now experiencing in the wake of climate change-induced dispossession by conservation. The government and miseducated conservationists are convinced that the areas concerned can only be pre served (or protected from climate change) if the Maasai move out of them. The coloniality in which these conservationists and state planners are trained and socialised has blinded them and made them believe that they possess the only true scientific knowledge.Coloniality is defined here simply as the political, economic and cul tural project of ordering the world according to principles rationalised from the standpoint of a racist, Euro centric, largely male consciousness. From this standpoint, the Maasai are viewed as basically inept folk who don’t know how to utilise their land properly. Consequently, land use policies and game laws are used to deprive the Maasai of an important means of providing for their own survival - the land. This colonial and racist thinking and practice culmi nates in utterly hostile policies and interventions.Twoquestions quickly come to mind: when did grazing become inimical to wildlife? What is being conserved and for whom? Let me try to summarise the Maasai conservation ethic. A recent song by Mary Lemburis sums up the terrain of Maasai politics of belonging from his torical, social, economic, ecological, and political contexts (translation is mine): God save us, the remnant of the minority household of Maa, We run unto you for refuge, shield us from Defendoppression,andsave us from oppressive hands, that are downpressing us. They are evicting us from our ancestral lands, the lands of our births, The inheritance from our grandparents, Behold we are made refugees! It is we, the Maasai who safeguarded these lands for centuries for our live Fromstock, the Serengeti to Masai Mara, Ngorongoro to Embusel, Mkongonero in Kimotorok to Njapai and Kitwai, We the Maasai protected all of them, in coexistence with wildlife from time immemorial. The lions, giraffes, and zebras, but also elephants, buffalos, gazelles, and kudu We have always been together on graz ing lands, herding together in harmony But we are now being separated.
7NEWS FRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
WHEN MAASAIPHOBIA BECAME POLICY
Story Continues on Page 8
The Maasai have become strangers, victims, and miserable paupers on the lands that are rightly theirs, writes Leiyo Singo.
The sustained media campaign reiterated inherent stereotypes, prej udices, and anti-pastoralist attitudes prevalent in Tanzania. The forceful evictions of the Maasai from their homelands are driven by a colonial arrogance which assumes that only private (foreign) investors can care for nature or safeguard wildlife. In fact, literature on conserva tion in Africa shows that the ideas about environmental degradation currently in vogue may derive more from racialised colonial discourses of power than from scientific inves tigations. Two Kenyan authors John Mbaria and Mordecai Ogada, in their 2017 book, The Big Conservation Lie, throw light on the prevailing conser vation narratives. Maasai have always coexisted with wildlife. An estimated 82,000 Maasai could be removed from Ngorongoro Conservation Area, a UNESCO world heritage site, in the next five years. Photo by Guiziou Franck/Hemis/ Alamy
In June I went to my village for a visit. On arrival, I learned that nine of our goats went astray and we went searching for them in what turned out to be an unsuccessful mission. The dark of the night would not allow us to proceed. We woke up early morning to con tinue with the search, but we faced yet another obstacle; three elephants were lying right beside our house. We had to wait patiently until they left. Our goats were devoured by hye nas, only two were left! “We are grateful for this remnant, nature hasn’t devoured them all,” my fatherThisremarked.oneexample validates the powerful truths found in Lemburis’ song about Maasai’s conservation ethics that include peaceful coex istence with wildlife. Lemburis is invited to community gatherings and public prayer rallies organised by the community to seek divine intervention.
The Maasai have become strangers, victims, and miserable paupers on the lands that are rightly theirs. The government in its capacity and will ingness to dispossess has continued to use taxpayers’ money to carry out socially unjust and ecologically unsound plans. But why is it so? Why is it that the global agendas to supposedly preserve nature and protect wildlife somehow undervalue and disregard Maasai humanity? It is high time to move beyond green grabbing and othering, and instead talk about rac ism in conservation.
To date, approximately 40 per cent of the country’s landmass is under some sort of conservation inspired by free-market logics and human-nature dichotomies. This fortress conserva tion model overlooks the philosophy and knowledge of the Maasai people who combine resource governance with biodiversity conservation.
Story Continued from Page 7
8 NEWSFRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
Origins of racist colonial conservation Historically, three forces, namely the Tanzanian state, the safari indus try, and the international wildlife conservation lobby have sanctioned systemic violence against indigenous Maasai pastoralists in the name of conservation. The situation of pasto ralists in Loliondo has for many years been characterised by human rights violations and constant attempts at land grabbing to make way for hunt ingLikewise,concessions.the desire to relocate the Maasai from the NCA is as old as the history of the place itself. Thus, the recent claims made concerning growth in population size do not hold water, at least for those who understand the history and politics of the place in question. The NCA was designed in 1959 as a multiple land use area. The Maasai were promised that they would come first, above wildlife and conserva tion. However, there is documented evidence that the Maasai were never wanted to start with: they are simply seen as people in the way. For instance, in the 1960s, Western conservationists were outraged by the decision of the British colonial rulers to reduce the Serengeti by a third in size to create a permanent homeland for the Maasai pastoralists in and around the Ngorongoro crater. On September 8th, 1969, The Nationalist published an article titled Ngorongoro Plans Won’t Impair Tanza nia Image. Edward Moringe Sokoine, the author, called out individuals he says were against the Maasai. One Bernhard Grzimek, then director of Frankfurt Zoological Society, offered 80,000 - (the source doesn’t indicate the currency, but I assume to be Tanzanian Shilling) - as compensation for removing a school from where it was built by the Maasai people to a place where he said it would be away from the tourist eyes! Of course, the idea was unheeded to by the government of the day. Nevertheless, Grzimek’s racist vision of African conservation without Afri cans remains embedded in much of conservation and is ultimately destructive of both the environment andIncommunities.the1980sthe United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) commis sioned research that was expected to provide evidence to justify a plan to evict the Maasai from the NCA. Contrary to the expectations of the UNESCO-funded program, the results of the study showed that restrictions placed on the Maasai pastoralists throughout the NCA were not only leading to increased poverty among the pastoralists, but also to the many ecological changes occurring in the area.Of course, protecting wildlife and preserving areas of important biodiversity is a noble cause. How ever, it goes without saying that the area of Maasailand straddling the Kenya-Tanzania border is home to the spectacular assemblages of the remaining African terrestrial wildlife populations.Itisoneof the richest biodiversity regions in Africa and mammalian diversity centres on Earth. Hence, treating the Maasai as irrational folks who cannot take care of their own lands or the wild animals at their doorsteps is racism, to say the least. There is no better way to explain the madness of the colonial form of conservation, that we must leave our homelands so that others, be they white tourists, Emirati royals or wealthy urbanites, can use our graz ing lands as their playgrounds. This is undeniably cruel, morally wrong, and unacceptable. Emirati royals, wildlife sellers, and unwanted nomads of Ngorongoro On 14 June 2022, I shared a provoc ative cartoon to a WhatsApp group of which members are prominent Tanzanian scholars, some of them serving in senior positions in gov ernment.Inthe cartoon there is a transac tion between two people: a woman in the image of Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu Hassan serving the sev ered head of a man named Loliondo on a plate to a male in the image of an Arab royalist, ostensibly so she can be rewarded with a bag of silver. One group member asked me to remove the cartoon from the plat form with immediate effect because it was, to them, disrespectful to the government. I did not remove it!
The context of the cartoon is Pres ident Hassan’s visit to Oman and escalating conflict in Loliondo which has claimed at least two lives and wounded many. As expected the government denied any chaos in Loliondo and accused activists of providing mis leading information about the Maa sai issues in Loliondo. The speaker of the National Assembly went even as far as to say that those holding anti-government stances on the issue are being used to sabotage the coun try in its economic efforts. President Hassan herself would send a tweet assuring the UAE lead ers that their investments are safe. Oman and Dubai-based companies are heavily involved in the tourism business in the mainland and in the archipelago of Zanzibar. The current urge to eliminate the Maasai to save the Ngorongoro or preserve Loliondo should be under stood in the context of the Tanzanian government’s post-Covid-19 recov ery strategy that aims to boost the tourism sector. This necessitates the creation of ‘pristine’ wilderness for sightseers—mostly Westerners and richLaunchingEmiratis. the Tanzania National Day at the 2020 Dubai Expo, Presi dent Hassan assured investors that the business environment in Tanza nia is more than conducive. Enticing the would-be investors, she stated the country has opened doors to all investors from across the globe for business and leisure. But what has been the impact of these promo tional activities to the Maasai and other local communities in Tanzania? This year, President Hassan made two official state visits in February and June to the United Arabs Emir ates (UAE) and Oman respectively.
Both visits to the Middle East states have attracted severe criticism from sections of the Tanzanian public. The subject of such criticisms is the government’s promotional activities and investment policies, particularly in the tourism sector. For instance, a debate ensued fol lowing allegations that the govern ment has unjustifiably paid $68,000 for placing a promotional advertise ment of Tanzania that went up in March 2022, on the Burj Khalifa, the world’s tallest building.
According to Mullen Lowe MENA, the marketing agency which man ages the lighting displays, the cost to place a promotional advert or message on the façade of the Burj Khalifa starts from $68,062 for a single three-minute display. However, the Tanzanian govern ment claimed that it had not paid any money to place the advert. The minister for investment, industries and trade, Dr Ashatu Kijaji said Tan zania had not paid any money as claimed. She revealed that that was a gift given to the president of Tan zania due to cordial relations the country enjoys with the UAE. Since 1992 the UAE-based Ortello Business Corporation or ‘OBC’ has had an exclusive hunting license in Loliondo, adjacent to the Serengeti National Park. Since then, they have also hunted and trapped thousands of wild animals, and further restricted Maasai pastoralists from vital grazing lands and watering points. These restrictive land laws and vio lent recurring evictions have led to widespread hunger and starvation as well as constant fear among the Maa sai. The Maasai cry never received any serious attention because of the close ties between Emirati royals and powerful individuals within the Tanzanian government and its rul ing party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi or ‘CCM’. However, the political land scape changed when a nationalist president came to power in 2015. In October 2017, the government of late President John Pombe Magufuli announced that no hunting licences in Loliondo would be renewed. The government also imposed a ban on exporting live wild animals. Dr Hamisi Kigwangalla, then newly appointed minister for natural resources and tourism fired the Wild life Director and ordered Tanzania’s anti-corruption bureau to arrest and investigate the executive director of OBC, Isaac Mollel, for corruption and bribery.Other prominent personalities as well as OBC shareholders like Abdul rahaman Kinana fell out of grace with President Magufuli. Presently, how ever, Kinana seems to have regained his influence with the presidency, as hasWhenOBC. Mr Kinana was elected the vice chairperson of CCM, Tanzanians complained that ‘wauzaji wa wan yamapori wamerudi, wildlife sellers areEarlyback.June, Tanzania wildlife man agement authorities temporarily lifted a ban on exporting live wild animals that was imposed in 2016. However, the government was forced to swiftly reinstate the ban following one day’s worth of public outrage. In 2010, illegal exportation of wild animals and birds became a hotly debated issue in Tanzanian politics. The media reported that live ani mals were exported from Kiliman jaro International Airport aboard a Qatari plane. The Maasai linked this business with attempts by the government to grab their grazing lands which led to violent conflicts in 2009, 2013 and 2017. It seems that the current govern ment is determined to attract inves tors at all costs. Early June 2022, the Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, Dumas Ndumbaro, declared that the government had upgraded the (disputed) Loliondo Game Controlled Area to a Game Reserve meaning further restrictions of local resource use. This is despite the fact that: the concerned land is the village land, not vacant land as the govern ment claims (ii) the community submitted their land use proposal to the prime minister, Majaliwa Kassim Majaliwa on May 25th, 2022 (iii) In 2018, the East African Court of Justice issued a court injunction against the state evicting the com munity. From Serengeti Darf Nicht Sterben to the Royal Tour From Bernhard Grzimek’s Oscar-win ning 1959 nature documentary, Serengeti Darf Nicht Sterben (Serengeti Shall Not Die) to President Hassan’s 2022 Royal Tour, the coloni alist racist overtones of fortress con servation continue to motivate and legitimate violence and displacement of the Maasai from their ancestral lands.Grzimek envisioned the Serengeti and its surroundings as a ‘gigantic zoo’ that had to be protected - emp tied of its inhabitants to give way to sightseers and commercial hunters. He told President Julius Nyerere that Tanzania could become a prime des tination for novelty-seeking globe trotters if the then young country made the bold decision to retain and expand its national parks. As if to honour Grzimek’s vision, successive post-independence Tan zanian governments continued to alienate prime grazing lands for wil derness preservation. The northern circuit that includes the Serengeti, Manyara, Tarangire, and Arusha National Park as well as Mkomazi National Park, were ancestral Maasai lands. Besides national parks, there are game reserves, game-controlled areas, and wildlife management areas throughout Maasailand.
On 6 April 2021, President Samia Suluhu Hassan, in the exact colo nial language of Grzimek, warned that the Ngorongoro Conservation Area is on the brink of extinction, ironically because of the Maasai and their herds. Her statement instigated ongoing evictions of the Maasai pas toralists from the area. President Hassan has also filmed a documentary dubbed Tanzania: The Royal Tour to showcase Tanzania’s vast opportunities in tourism and other sectors of the economy. The Royal Tour is a travel and adventure television series produced and hosted by Peter Greenberg, an Emmy Award-winning American journalist.Inthe programme, it is usually the heads of state that play the role of tour guides. In this documentary, Hassan and Greenberg are shown flying in an airplane over Maasai territory. While the lands are shown as vacant, the Maasai are described by Greenberg as a primitive tribe still holding on their ancient traditions. This is but a continuation of imagery that reinforces the idea of Africans as intruders of sorts, sometimes even inconveniences in otherwise undis turbed nature. The fortress conservation model which first came into being in the heydays of colonialism continues to hurt the innocent Maasai people. National parks and game reserves remain as hated symbols of the colo nialUltimately,era. contemporary vision of wildlife conservation is not apolit ical. It is colonial, racist, and its costs are becoming unbearable. Anyone who is not racist and truly cares about all (wild)life, must stop supporting dubious conservation that terrorises, wounds, alienates or seeks destroy the Maasai or any other indigenous people. – republic.com.ng
Kenyan doctors treat Maasai villagers who fled from Loliondo in Tanzania. Photo by Forest Peoples Programme
10 TECHFRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
BY ADMIRE MOYO
D espite mobile operators making efforts to reduce data prices, South Africa’s mobile data prices are still expensive in comparison with other African countries. This is according to a new report by cable.co.uk, in which 5 292 mobile data plans in 233 countries were gathered and analysed to compare the cost of 1GB of mobile data across the entire world. The report ranks South Africa at number 135 out of 233 countries, with 1GB of mobile data in the coun try costing an average of $2.20 (R37). In the previous edition of the report, South Africa ranked number 136 out of 230 countries. At the time, the report noted the average price of 1GB of mobile data in SA was $2.67 (R39), while the most expensive was $34.95 (R509) and the cheapest $0.12 (R1.75).Forthe current report, Cable.co.uk says it measured data plans in SA, with the most expensive 1GB data price being $22.12 (R373) and the cheapest selling at $0.07 (R1.18). The sample data was collected on 23 May.
Delving into Africa According to the report, Sub-Saha ran Africa has just five countries among the top 50 cheapest in the world – Ghana, in 40th place overall, is cheapest in the region at $0.61 (R10.31).Itnotes the region also has five out of the 10 most expensive countries in the world, with Saint Helena the most expensive in the world ($41.06), joined by São Tomé and Príncipe ($29.49), Botswana ($15.55), Togo ($12.94) and Seychelles ($12.66) at the bottom of the table. Nigeria ranks at 48, with the aver age 1GB mobile data price in the West African country standing at $0.71 (R12). Kenya is at number 61 with an average price of $0.64 (R10.82). Israel is home to the cheapest mobile data plans in the world, with 1GB of data costing an average of just $0.04. The most expensive place in the world to buy mobile data is Saint Helena, where the average cost of 1GB is $41.06 – over a thousand times the cost of mobile data in Israel.Italy is second-cheapest, with 1GB costing $0.12 on average, says Cable, adding it’s followed by San Marino ($0.14) in third place. All but one of the seven North African countries is in the cheapest half of the table. Algeria is the cheap est at $0.48, and the most expensive in the region is Mauritania ($2.74). Cable points out that all countries in this region are cheaper than the global average of $3.12. Northern Africa is the cheapest region in the world overall, it says. Commenting on the worldwide rankings, Dan Howdle, consumer tel ecoms analyst at cable.co.uk, says: “Many of the cheapest countries in which to buy mobile data fall roughly into one of two categories. Some have excellent mobile and fixed broadband infrastructure and so providers are able to offer large amounts of data, which brings down the price per gigabyte.
“Others with less advanced broad band networks are heavily reliant on mobile data and the economy dictates that prices must be low, as that’s what people can afford. “At the more expensive end of the list, we have countries where often the infrastructure isn’t great but also where consumption is very small. People are often buying data packages of just tens of megabytes at a time, making a gigabyte a rela tively large and therefore expensive amount of data to buy.” Howdle explains that many coun tries in the middle of the list have good infrastructure and competitive mobile markets, and while their prices aren’t among the cheapest in the world, they wouldn’t necessarily be considered expensive by consum ers. Plummeting prices The report comes as South African mobile operators have heeded the call to reduce the price of mobile data.This is according to figures from the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa’s (ICASA’s) prepaid tariff analysis report, which examined tariff notifications lodged with the authority for the period 1 July to 31 December 2021. When looking at the 500MB data bundle, ICASA’s statistics show three of the four operators amended this specific offering. It says Cell C replaced its 800MB data bundle, which it offered for R80, with a 500MB data bundle at R65. This switch-up made Cell C’s 500MB data bundle offering the “most affordable” among the four mobile network operators. Vodacom amended the price of its 500MB data bundle, reducing it by R10, or 12.7%, from R79 to R69, which can be translated to an in-bun dle rate of R0.14 per MB. MTN also revised the price of its 500MB data bundle, reducing it by R6, or 8%, from R75 to R69, accord ing to the data. This means Cell C, Vodacom and MTN charge relatively the same rate (R69) for Telkom500MB.madeno amendment to its 500MB data bundle offering between the fourth quarter of the 2020/21 financial year and Q4 of the 2021/22 FY period, notes ICASA. – itweb.co.za Admire Moyo is ITWeb's news editor He has been a tech journalist at ITWeb since 2010. Before joining ITWeb, Admire worked for The Her ald newspaper based in Zimbabwe. He holds a BA degree (English and History) from Africa University.
Data price in South Africa is one of the most highest in the whole of Africa. Photo by kredilife.com
Photo by 22seven
11YOUR TAKE FRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
W e have the most dys functional govern ment, it would be funny if it were not sad. Systems are always under con struction and that sets hearts into panic mode. In other countries, reconstruc tion heralds a new chapter and an improved way of operation. For Mzansi, it means disaster. Most of our disasters go unre ported because we do not have a government that believes in social equity and could not be bothered to invest in research - research that can help bureaucrats separate fact from fiction, fantasy from reality. Take the issue of the review method of the eligibility of the Covid-19 R350 poverty relief fund recipients. I believe with all my heart that R350 is a mockery to the pover ty-stricken, but it makes a slight dif ference in their lives. The rollout of the Covid-19 grants in 2020 played a key role in bringing some form of relief for individuals and households who had been left destitute by the pandemic and the decline in the economy. Things are not getting any better for millions of South Africans and the grant is the only source of income and hope to weather the storm.
YOUR TAKE BY AMANDA NGUDLE THE FATE OF THE POOR IS THE PLAYGROUND FOR THE RICH AND FAMOUS
For it to be stopped for a review process, is criminal. During that assessment process, some were kicked out of the system. Their sin? Having money in their bank accounts. They are punished for getting help from those who under stand the plight of being penniless. This made transactional history that the Department of Social Devel opment (DOSD) now uses against recipients as fraud. NSFAS has also resorted to the same reviewing method. They are being punished for assistance received from people who understand the plight of being penniless.Thisopinion piece was meant to be an article before I was snubbed from all ends by the department DOSD and SASSA, in an effort to help some aggrieved people get to the bottom of the cause of their problems. As many as seven people were contacted to shed light into the problem. Even the minister, Ms Lindiwe Zulu, her PA and spokesperson for the department failed to send the writer to the rele vant offices. Emails and text messages went unanswered. If you are not able to express your self, have no means to contact the relevant offices or have a disability, odds will be stacked against you. And the issues are far deeper rooted, it seems. In one instance a toddler of five years has been rendered ineligible for the maintenance grant because her older brother is said to have received the same grant when his mother was temporarily employed at some point. No, let’s not have a system that detects the kind of hustle some par ents take on to improve their lives and punish them at their most destitute. And get over this, the older brother, the one who criminally received a grant when his mom worked for a peanut salary part-time job? Away with the system that detects side hustles as a form of employment. The lifting of the national state of disaster on April 4, necessitated the grant provisions to be shifted from the Disaster Management Act to the Social Assistance Act supervised by the Social Development Department. The provision of social relief is a constitutional right. The government, however, in its haste to do whatever it is that it desired to achieve pushed millions of beneficiaries to reapply for the grant. Through Sassa, it failed to ensure an efficient alteration and payment of the grants. The government, instead, insti tuted punishing requirements on social assistance applications. These new measures have not only excluded the destitute, but have brought about distress and uncertainty for unem ployedUndermillions.former minister Bathabile Dhlamini, a similar crisis led to her conviction for perjury and subse quent sacking. I am not in a position to challenge her detractors - because politics is a bitter pill, even to a greedy starving dog, when things go awry. Dhlamini herself made mention of everyone in politics having “smallan yanaTheskeletons”.populace does not care how politicians play the game. What mat ters to them is getting proper service delivery. It is what they vote politi cians to power for. I pity those who did - because since September 2008, the country has been in wrong hands. The same way that the Guptas summoned politicians to Saxonwold, is the same way some politicians are summoned to Stellenbosch to be told how much the state can afford in grant payments and how the num bers should be reduced. The grant system is meant to keep wolves from the door. Is that too much to ask Notwithstanding,for? I still find solace when the national director of the Black Sash said they would “chal lenge unfair practices in cases where grants were not paid out”. The Black Sash reckons the new regulations are too restrictive, espe cially when the cost of food and other expenses are on the rise. It is becoming unquestionably clearer that the blimmin mandarins have no conscience.
Ncube says it is important for the AU to make the correct noises because they are “contributing the wisdom in adopting model laws in the absence of mechanisms to ensure the buy-in of member states as well as the adoption of these laws in national jurisdictions”. The PAP was set up to “cultivate human rights and democracy in Africa and ensure good governance, transparency and accountability,” among other noble goals. These are the same rights that are trampled upon as the people of Southern Africa - as exampled by the situation in Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Eswatini and Mozambique. What on earth will it take for our leaders to realise that it’s time to let Africa heal. Can they not see that the out pouring cry of those who suffer is an appeal for them to act?
The challenge of youth unemployment has been prevailing for decades in South Africa’s economy. Photo by www.ivint.org
TIME FOR AFRICAN LEADERS TO MAKE THE RIGHT NOISES
In a 2019 Mail & Guardian article titled, Boys join gangs to survive in toxic environment by Lester Kiewit, Valdi van Ree nen the director of the Trauma Centre for Victims of Torture and Violence, said they were counselling children as young as 13 who had been recruited into gangs.
“I think we are naive when we reflect [on] why children turn to gangsterism,” she told the Mail & Guardian “We don’t take into consid eration the alternative, illicit economy. And, at the end of the day, gang leaders are the de facto community rulers. People live in a gang [area], they co-op erate with the gang. Because that is where they are going to get money, get electricity, get food and clothes. And so, young boys ask themselves, ‘Why not? Everybody else has things, why can’t I have these things?’” Van Reenen also revealed to the newspaper that it was not only boys. “A growing number of young girls are also being drawn into gang activity. We must not gen der-stereotype,” said Van Ree nen.“Our girl gangs are also rising. And they play a particular role. They’re the lookers. And some of them also carry weapons.” It is worth paying attention to what one Tom Mann once said: “The future of the world belongs to the youth of the world, and it is from the youth and not from the old that the fire of life will warm and enlighten the world. It is your privilege to breathe the breath of life into the dry bones of many around you.”
However, the status quo clearly shows that the Parliament lacks the capacity to contribute meaningfully to the human rights agenda on the continent.”Aswespeak, close to a million people in Cabo Delgado, Mozam bique, have been displaced inter nally due to ensuing terrorism. In Nigeria, over 10,000 people have been killed and 300,000 displaced. In Tigray and Ethiopia, more than 2,2 million people have been dis placed.These conflicts are devastating to the continent’s economy. Every economic sector is affected - from travel and tourism to agriculture and manufacturing. Everything is disrupted and this brings recession and unemployment, which lead to massSo,migration.withallthese kinds of hard ships, why are those in the leader ship of AU and PAP unable to, at least, make the right noises? They can make some correct hul labaloos about fostering national awareness so that at least ordinary Africans in their respective coun tries, could move with them to the correct direction. The people are crying for lead ership. The kinds of things we see in South Africa with a growing Afro-phobic sentiment are signs of desperation manifest by a lack of political and social coherence.
12 OPINION & ANALYSISFRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8 MY TAKE MBANGWA XABA Editorial GOVERNMENT
Civil society organisations, business associations, trade unions and political parties are all aware that South Africa is a pressure cooker. But thus far, no executable solutions have been forthcoming. They all sit at some fancy conference centres “deliberating” while an explo sion of rage is just a sneeze away. The fact that the youth is seen as showing insufficient interest in organised politics must be of grave concern. Observers believe the low youth turnout in elec tions signals political apathy. The truth is, they see the vote as giving some people access to money and power…corrupt power.Young voters, who are rightly disillusioned with the governing party, stay away from the polls - because voting for opposition parties does not alter their cir cumstance either. The ANC is too caught up in factional battles to really pay attention to the country’s prob lems.In the event that there is some negligent care, it comes in the form of the President reciting the clumsy National Development Plan. It is allegedly the government’s blueprint for realising medium to long-term goals. Thus far, this plan has yielded nothing – and nothing will ever come of it. Millions of young peo ple, who are forced to endure clogged lives, fritter away time in motionlessness punctuated by constricting circles of humil iation, disappointment, terror, rage and despair. This, to any body who cares, is a perfect cocktail for disaster.
Is it not time that nations address the root courses of our suffering?
For heaven’s sake, Africa can make do without a minute more of any of these kinds of leader ship fumbling. May those in charge please care. We have suffered. It’s enough now! NEGLECTS THE NEEDS OF THE YOUTH AT ITS OWN PERIL
O ur democracy faces a serious issue of sur vival in its present form. It would take a miracle for it to counter the high unemployment rate, ine quality and graft. With teary eyes and disheart ened, citizens have watched their dreams getting mercilessly smashed against the rock of emptyEverypromises.fiveyears, South Afri cans stand in long queues to put an X on some square “to nurture and protect democracy”, so they are told. And they have nothing to show for it. The people have stood over the valley of promises counting the bloodied dreams that they held onto - even at the height of Childrenapartheid.of the racism-rav aged nation are now gatvol. They declare: “our parents were sold a dud in 1994.” Young people, millions of them, have come to terms with the fact that their country refuses proffer them some kind of Thesewelcome.youngsters find them selves in a continuous state of desperation. Jobs are hard to come by, policing is a mess, the health system is in ICU, Eskom keeps the nation in the dark, the education system is limping, inequality has shot into outer space and graft is all over. In a country where probably three out of four young people are unemployed, you cannot expect patience to prevail end lessly.Anyone with interest would keenly listen to calls for urgent radical change before everything takes a nasty turn for the worse. If leaders from all sectors, especially business and politics, continue to act dumb, the youth just might explode in frustra tion and rage – an explosion of super-tsunamic proportions that no one, organisation or union wouldYoungcontain.people have witnessed, with great despair, how the ruling elites have ignored the urgency of addressing a host of enormous challenges, ranging from sky-high cost of living to runaway fuel prices and a lack of basic services.
A frican leaders are discord ant and detached from the people. One week in August made this point abundantly clear. From 22 to 24 August, the Pan African Parliament had its sixth session in Midrand, Joburg. It was a quiet affair. No one knew about its far-reaching decisions like addressing the scourge of terrorism and economic development of the continent through its road map –AgendaInstead,63.what poured out all over the world was the rant of Limpopo health MEC Dr Phophi Ramathuba chastising a Zimbabwean patient in South Africa for what is said to be a serious medical surgery. As the saga went on for days, leaders who planned our fate and future in Midrand, couldn’t be bothered. The only voice of rea son to emerge was that of former Malawian President Joyce Banda who lambasted African leaders for “only being interested in leadership roles than serving their citizens”. South Africa’s “burden” of neigh bourhood immigrants was an excel lent but missed opportunity by both the African Union (AU) and PAP to respond and take the people with them. They only needed to explain their week-long plans on how Africa was to rid itself of poverty and con flictsThissavagery.silence is worse than their usual pedestrian rhetoric on peace, stability and economic prosperity without any action. This continent has endured cen turies of dispossession, slavery and subjugation. It cannot continue to suffer imperialist colonial exploita tion and tyrannical and absentminded leadership all at once. The people of Zimbabwe suffer because of illegal sanctions imposed on that country for decades by American and British imperialism - without any justification what soever. As if that was not enough, we can expect the influx of the already-growing population of Basotho who are faced with dire economic crises of their own. In a short while, emaSwati will be join ing them as their absolute monarch – the continent’s only – is entrench ing his despotic dictatorship, maim ing his own people daily. This prospect is a far cry from the optimism that was created in Durban on 9 July, 2002 when the AU was formed under the theme: "Peace, Development and Prosperity: The African Century." On the contrary, since then, the debate on its effectiveness is as good as settled. The general concurrence is that its achievements are com parable to the desert rain - rare but precious.TheAU succeeded the Organisa tion of African Unity (OAU), which has been around since 1963. The OAU preoccupied itself with decol onisation and the establishment of diplomatic relations between members. The AU’s mandate, on the other hand, is to advance the continent’s economic development and entrench lasting peace. As day follows night, peace is a prerequisite for economic develop ment. As the AU held an Extraor dinary Summit on Terrorism and Unconstitutional Changes of Gov ernment Summit in Malabo, Equa torial Guinea, in May, hope was raised.Infact, for those in the know, optimism grew as the PAP session was expected to adopt the Malabo Declaration during the week of the LimpopoGranted,fracas.given the lame-duck nature of this parliament, not much could have been expected by way of action, but it would have meant a lot to the people of Africa to know that those in leadership have an objective in Universitymind.ofJoburg academic, Swikani Ncube, explains it much better.“Indeed, Article 3(2) of the Proto col establishing the Parliament lists the promotion of ‘the principles of human rights and democracy in Africa’ as one of its core objectives.
MEN ARE ALSO VICTIMS OF ABUSE Just because I am a man, it does not mean she cannot hurt me. I am human too…but nobody believes me. www.mensvoice.co.za It’s time to talk
EAR!
Ayhan Cetin, Executive Director of the THI, said: “We are delighted to have collaborated with the NPO. We are looking forward to a long and fruitfulSamsonpartnership.”Diamond, lecturer and leader of the Odeion String Quar tet at the University of the Free State and associate concertmaster of the NPO, led the orchestra through a range of songs from PJ Powers’s ever-popular and embracing song, Jabulani, to Neil Solomon’s Home land, which was publicly launched at the Thisconcert.wasthe third concert the THI presented to bring hope, raise aware ness and advocacy to the country and the continent's many refugees.
The Mzansi National Philhar monic Orchestra (Mzansi NPO) is reporting success. This includes its recent high-pro file concerts, citing the success of the William Kentridge-themed concert at the Linder Auditorium, in Joburg, to celebrate 100 years of Wits Universi ty’sOtherexistence.great achievements include a recent refugee-focused concert. These are but a few examples of the potential of the orchestra in the classical music space. The Mzansi NPO will be judged, not only on putting up good shows, but because most of its musicians have already proven themselves as professionals in their own rights in other parts of the globe. Its mandate, which is transforma tion in the orchestral music land scape, is still heavily tilted toward a certain sector of the nation. “The Mzansi NPO was proud to partner with the Turquoise Harmony Institute (THI) during a recent per formance in Joburg aimed at high lighting the plight of asylum-seekers and refugees” said the NPO in a statement.“Theaim was to reframe the refu gee experience, shift the debate away from refugee statistics, create con nections through common experi ences and increased understanding.”
The Mzansi NPO performed to sold-out houses as part of William Kentridge’s Oh to Believe in Another World, which celebrated Wits Uni versity’s 100th Anniversary. Under the baton of its associate conductor, Kutlwano Masote, the orchestra accompanied some of South Africa’s finest artists. The stellar line-up featured PJ Powers, Msaki, Thandi Ntuli, Neill Solomon, Rock Steady Dub, Lebo Mashile, Bienvenue Nseka, Pops Mohamed and Sipho “Hotstix” Mabuse, among others.
The concert also premiered Don Laka’s Like the Moon, commissioned by the orchestra, which was a hom age to the victims of the recent Kwa Zulu-Natal floods and the Covid-19 pandemic.Theconcert was performed by the Ijadu Chorus and accompanied by theTwoNPO.new arrangements for the concert: Refugee (Come Home), per formed by Sipho Mabuse and Women of Africa, performed by PJ Powers, were newly arranged and written by Kutlwano.Hotstix said: “The Refugees Con cert was another milestone in raising the awareness of the plight of dis placed“Participationpeople. by all the musi cians, including the Mzansi NPO, forges a united front against the plight of refugees. This is commend able and to be encouraged. The orchestra remains an integral part of South Africa’s development and advancement of the arts, music in particular.”Msakiadded: “I was honoured to have collaborated with the Mzansi NPO and loved working with these musicians. I respect the fact that this orchestra is a moving entity, inclu sive and has excellent musicians from various provinces.”
I ts formation may have been sur rounded by controversy in the manner in which it was formed, without sufficient consultation within the industry by its sponsor, the Department of Sport, Arts and Culture.Butthis did not dash their hope to succeed. Its recent performances give hope after all.
Two new arrangements for the concert, namely Refugee (Come Home) performed by Sipho Mabuse and Women of Africa performed by PJ Powers, were newly arranged and written by Kutlwano Masote. Photo by panafricanvisions.com
By Edward Tsumele
SUCCESS: WHAT MZANSI NPO PLAYS IS MUSIC TO THE
Legend and maestro Pops Mohamed charmed the audience with enchanted harmonies from his kora. Photo by turkey.postsen.com
Other partners, who contributed to making the concert possible include, the Nelson Mandela Foun dation, Amnesty International, the Department of Sports, Arts and Cul ture, the Universal Rights Associa tion, Wits University, Flame Studios, Horizon Educational Trust, Mail & Guardian, Time to Care, Scalabrini Centre, JT Communication, Music in Africa, Samro, Concerts SA and Refugee Social Services. All monies raised will be used to help refugees in South Africa through respective charities such as Gift of the Givers, Three to Six schools and various other programmes at the Turquoise Harmony Institute. – citylifearts.co.za
14 FEATUREFRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
“This demonstrates that an orchestra can be at the base of an idea that represents good neighbour liness, tolerance, togetherness and beauty when we come together.”
Singer and songwriter Msaki delivered a powerful performance. Photo by www.quickread.co.za
It remains to be seen whether the apology video will mitigate the damage, but it’s likely the road to recovery will not be a swift one, as it takes on average about three years for celebrities' Q Scores to rebound from scandal. Still, Schafer says, “A lot depends on personality and how they pursue the resurrection of their image.”Much, then, could depend on how the actor is positioned in the promo tion of Emancipation, his next film, which is currently in post-produc tion and yet to be officially dated for release by distributor Apple. This analysis is the latest in a series for Variety Intelligence Platform that dissects what no textbook devoted to crisis PR would be complete without: an assessment of how Will Smith has tried to repair his career in the wake of his Oscars fiasco. In the immediate after math of the awards show, VIP+ urged him to do more than just offer a written mea culpa. He didn’t face the challenge of Chris Rock, who was counselled to turn the slap into the defining moment of his own career. Then there was the matter of how Apple should handle “Emancipation,” which was scheduled to be Smith’s next film release. We also addressed the price Smith would pay if he waited too long to break his silence. But now that he finally has, there are lessons to be learned from a crisis-PR standpoint, and it just might be that he has botched his own image rehab. – variety.com
Will and Jada Pinkett Smith have suffered significant damage to their public image in recent months. Photo by Mike Coppola/Getty Images
Will Smith slapped Chris Rock during the 94th Oscars ceremony at the Dolby Theatre in Hollywood, California, on March 27, 2022. Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images
WILL SMITH Q SCORES REVEALED: SLAP SEVERELY DAMAGED HIS REPUTATION
15FEATURE FRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
By Tyler Aquilina F our months after the slap seen around the world, Will Smith may be feeling the pain more than Chris Rock. Data provided exclusively to Vari ety Intelligence Platform from Q Scores, the longtime industry standard for quantifying celebrities’ star power and appeal, indicates Smith’s num bers tanked months after the March 27 Academy Awards ceremony, when the actor smacked presenter Chris Rock on live TV. Before the incident, Smith consist ently ranked among the US’s top 5 or 10 most positively rated actors in Q Scores’ semi-annual surveys (fielded every January and July), which poll 1,800 U.S. consumers ages 6 and up. This placed him alongside such beloved figures as Tom Hanks and Denzel Washington, according to Henry Schafer, executive VP of Q Scores.But between Q Scores’ January survey, conducted before the Oscars, and its July polling, the first fol lowing the slap, Smith’s positive Q Score plummeted from a stellar 39 to 24, which Schafer characterized as “a very significant and precipitous decline.” (A positive Q Score of 24 means 24 percent of those surveyed who know of Smith count him as one of their favourite personalities.) At the same time, Smith’s nega tive rating (those surveyed whose opinion of him was “fair” or “poor”) more than doubled, from less than 10 to 26. The average negative Q Score, according to Schafer, is about 16 or Nor17.was the fallout limited to one Smith: Jada Pinkett Smith, the actor’s wife, also saw significant damage to her public image in recent months. Her positive score, already low at 13, fell to 6, and her negative score jumped from 29 to 44. In contrast, Rock saw no effect. Between January and July, his pos itive and negative scores remained at 20 and 14, respectively. However, his ranking on a separate Q Scores scale, one gauging a celebrity’s level of public awareness, leaped from 66 to 84.
Smith’s updated numbers, show ing consumer sentiment months after the incident, confirm that one of Hollywood’s most likable perform ers has seriously damaged his repu tation — and potentially his career — as a result of his Oscar outburst. More than four months later, the impact of the slap still lingers — a point unlikely to be missed by stu dios or marketers weighing future collaboration with Smith, whose once thriving career has been effec tively put on hold since the assault. Still, Smith’s decline is “not as bad as I’ve seen for other celebrities who have experienced antisocial events,” Schafer says, citing Tiger Woods’ 2009 infidelity scandal as an exam ple.(Ironically, he adds, Johnny Depp emerged from recent allegations of domestic abuse and April-to-June defamation trial “unscathed,” with a positive score of 35.) Smith’s updated score varied across demographic groups, with both women and non-Black respond ents rating him more negatively than men and Black respondents. Among the latter, Smith’s negative score rose just 9 points, from 7 to 16 — again, the average level for a negative Q Score. However, the size of his pos itive drop-off was essentially the same for both groups: from 49 to 35 among Black respondents and 35 to 22 with non-Black respondents. As Q Scores are only measured twice a year, it’s difficult to say how fast opinion on Smith fell or how much it may have rebounded since the slap. The actor has apologised for his behaviour in the aftermath: He issued a written statement on social media the day after the Oscars, apologizing to Rock, the Academy and “all the attendees and everyone watching around the world,” and he resigned from his Academy member ship less than a week later. Afterward, the Academy banned Smith from the Oscars for a period of 10 years; he responded with a statement saying, “I accept and respect the Academy’s decision.”Fromthere, Smith was publicly silent until late last month, when he posted another apology in the form of a YouTube video. In the five-min ute clip, Smith again apologised to Rock, as well as Rock’s mother and brother, and to Ahmir “Questlove” Thompson, who won the Oscar for Best Documentary moments after the“Thereslap. is no part of me that thinks that was the right way to behave in that moment,” Smith says in the video. “There’s no part of me that thinks that’s the optimal way to han dle a feeling of disrespect or insults.”
In conclusion, it is a widely accepted notion that duty of good faith has, since time immemorial, been part of our employment law. Accordingly, the LAC concluded that a dismissal based on non-disclo sure of a side business operating in the same/similar market as the company the employee works for is a breach of the fiduciary duty of good faith. The duty of good faith owed by the employee to act in the best interest of the employer extends to an employee needing to inform his/her employer of a side business that may have a conflict of interest although no real competition comes about. Not disclosing the same would be unacceptable.Therefore, it constitutes grounds for dismissal based on dishonesty and an active violation of this duty of good faith. OF GOOD FAITH IN THE WORKPLACE
UMSEBENZI TEBOHO MOKOENA 16 LABOUR MATTERSFRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8 DUTY
The LAC found that: 1. It was common cause that the employer’s business comprised the marketing and distribution of vari ous types of cold meat products and, later, biltong. This had brought the employee in direct competition with her2.employer.TheLAC had also noted that the employee had stated in her testimony that she would have ceased selling biltong if she had been instructed to do so by her employer. This, according to the LAC, confirmed that Ms Hough was aware that she was competing with her employer and that she owed the employer a duty to disclose her independent business activities.
3. The employee had previously indicated that, apart from her sal ary, the only other form of income which she relied on was in the form of maintenance allowance, following her divorce. The LAC found this quite telling in that it demonstrated that Ms Hough had deliberately sought to keep her third form of income a secret from her employer, in clear violation of her fiduciary duty to her employer.
2. There was no conflict of interest as her employer was, at the time, not involved in selling biltong, which Ms Hough was selling.
In arriving at its decision, the LAC made reference to the case of Sappi Novo board (Pty) Ltd v Billers (1998) 19 ILJ 784 (LAC). In this matter, the court held that: “If an employee does anything incompatible with his due or faithful discharge of his duty to his master, the latter has a right to dismiss him.” The court also made reliance with reference to the case of Schwartz v Sasol Polymers and others (2017) 38 ILJ 915 (LAC) at para 30. In this case it was held that dis honest non-disclosure of a material fact justifies a dismissal and that a calculated silence in the face of a duty to inform an employer of a mate rial facts amounted to a fraudulent non-disclosure.
I n dealing with the concept of derivative misconduct, the Con stitutional Court has held that all employees have a common law obligation to their employer which is to promote and protect the interests of the employer at all times. Derivative misconduct generally refers to a scenario where an employee, who has knowledge of wrongdoing towards an employer, fails to disclose suchWikipediaknowledge.defines the implied cov enant of good faith and fair dealing as a general principle which infers that there is a general presumption that parties to a contract will deal with each other honestly, fairly and in good faith, so as not to destroy the right of the other party or parties to receive the benefits of the contract. The case that we are briefly going to examine is between Bakenrug Meat (Pty) Ltd t/a Joostenberg Meat v Commission for Conciliation, Medi ation and Arbitration and Others (CA8/2020) [2022] ZALAC 4; [2022] 4 BLLR 319 (LAC); (2022) 43 ILJ 1272 (LAC). In this matter, the Labour Appeal Court (LAC) had to deal with the issue of scope of good faith that an employee owes to an employer. In this matter, Ms Hough (employee) was employed by Joos tenberg Meat (employer) as a sales representative. Ms Hough’s employer was a company that produced and sold meat products. On the other hand, Ms Hough was also running a business concern whose primary and sole focus involved selling of a meat product, biltong. At some point, her employer came to know about Ms Hough’s enterprise. She was charged and subsequently dismissed having been found guilty of being dishonest. The employer’s position was that (1) Ms Hough had failed to inform the employer that she was operating a business concern which marketed dried meat products, and (2) she had failed to give full attention to market ing the meat products produced by herMsemployer.Hough referred the matter to the CCMA. The CCMA concurred with the employer and found that, indeed the employee had been dis honest. The matter was then escalated to the Labour Court (LC). The LC concluded that: 1. Ms Hough had no duty to dis close her business to her employer. The LC reasoned the fact that her business operated over weekends meant this private enterprise did not interfere with her employment.
5. The fact that Ms Hough was still able to discharge her duties did not detract from the fact that she was still duty-bound to disclose her business to her6.employer.Conflictof interest may still exist even if there is no real or discernible competition between the employer and the employee’s business concerns.
The question that immediately arises is: How would the employer have instructed her to cease selling biltong if the employer was not aware of the existence of this business? This question infers a responsibility on the part of Ms Hough to have disclosed her business to her employer.
4. She had failed to disclose an essential and important fact that she was running “a side-line business” in the market for the sale of meat prod ucts, albeit that her products might not have been identical to those sold by her employer.
17MOTORING FRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
W ith the Russian and Ukraine deadly squab bles raging on una bated, the price of fuel is hitting us hard in the pocket and there is no end in sight. Gone are the days when a thirsty, petrol-guzzling and rumbling V8 engine was a show of pride and strength.These days, dealerships are over whelmed by the prices of these big machines tumbling as most are brought back for smaller fuel savers. The reality is that even if the conflict were to come to an end, it's unlikely that OPEC will have an appetite for the pre-Covid-19 oil prices.The fuel price has almost dou bled in less than 12 months, which makes good business for those with oil in their backyards. Meanwhile, we are almost stuck with the current high prices which might go as high R30 per litre at some point. Things can only get tougher. Petrol savers are becoming extremely attractive as such demand is getting Currenthigher.renderings are launched in 2litre or less engine or hybrid to try and negate the harsh effects of petrol-guzzlers on consumer pock ets.I am not a fan of electric powered or hybrid cars. It is not sustaina ble; especially in the South African market where charging stations are rare to find…add load shedding to the equation and the picture looks evenAndglimmer.also,itis extremely expensive to repair a hybrid car, post-warranty period. I suggest well-known and tested brands in three categories. We should not only look at the most fuel-efficient car on face value but its overall running costs, relia bility, practicality and built quality. Some cars, especially those from Chinese stables, make an extremely goodTherepurchase.areextremely good brands, well-specked but the overall running costs and reliability are on the low side. Small-size town-runner Suzuki Celerio, S Presso and Ignis consume 4.9 litres per 100km. Although you will not get anywhere in a hurry with these vehicles, they are well-built, dependable and relia ble with a good dealer network. The insurance premium is competitive as Suzuki is one of the low-risk cars in the market. Others include the Renault Kwid, Kia Picanto, Mahin dra XUV 300, Ford Fiesta and the popular VW Polo. My personal choice in this class is the VW Polo but it is a seriously high-risk vehicle in this category. With a 45,000km or a three-year service plan. This king has been well-known to out-live and out-perform all its rivals and also outsells all known vehicle brands in South Africa.
Mid-size SUV or cross-over Most families cannot afford more than one car, as such, preference will be to have a daily runner, a holiday and mum’s taxi all in one. Hence the face of the South African buyers’ market is changing from sedan-orientated buyers to crossovers and SUVs.
RIDE ON DUMI XABA CARS THAT WON’T MAKE YOU SCREAM AT THE PUMPS SUZUKI CELERIO SUZUKI IGNIS VW POLO OPEL CROSS LAND 1.2 VW TROCK HYUNDAI GRAND CRETA
Mid-size family movers The VW Tcross, Suzuki Vitara Brezza, Toyota Urban Cruiser, Toyota Starlet, Cherry and Tiggo 4 pro are good Thechoices.Cherry is competitively priced and well-specked. But I will go with a VW Tcross for total peace of mind and unheard of 4.8 litres per 100km consumption.AsaVWbrand, it is also on the high-risk side, but to a lesser degree than its Polo cousin. It comes with a similar package and reliability as its Polo cousin.
The VW Trock 110KW, Audi Q2, Honda HRV Toyota CHR, Opel Cross Land 1.2, Citron CX3 Cross, and Ford Ecosport are worth trying out. The Haval Julion is really claw ing some numbers in terms of sales figures in a very tough space. It is well-specked, good-looking and extremely low-risk. It is one of the contenders to consider in this cat egory.The lines are a bit blurry between the mid-size family movers and mid dle-size SUVs and the cross-overs. In this category, having tested most of the above, my argument is mostly in favour of the Crossland 1.2.It is economical on fuel, which is the main point but also extremely safe in terms of theft and hijacking. Suzuki products with a Toyota backing are also extremely compet itive. They come standard with a three-year or 60,000km service plan or whichever comes first. Small seven-seater Here you can choose from the Suzuki Ertiger, Toyota Rumion, Renault Triber, and Expander to Hyundai GrandWithCreta.aRumion engine and a cheaper price tag, the Suzuki Erti ger is an obvious choice. It can be used as a lift club vehicle, school transport and family mover without any headaches of being a popular customer around the fuel station. This is one of those vehicles that sales will make some numbers as buyers use them to generate a bit of income to combat the painful pinch of fuel-related inflation. It comes standard with a 60,000km or a four-year service plan and a fiveyear or 100,000km peace-of-mind warranty.
Lack of job opportunities in a far-flung corner of the Northern Cape motivates sisters Nqobile and Bongiwe Khumalo to take their destiny into their own hands.
“We believe our little savings will take us far. Having people rely on you to put food on the table is a heart-warming experience. We never thought we would be here but there is no turning back.”
Nqobile said staying far from big towns is a challenge as they must travel 20km to go and buy feed in Jan Kempdorp and a further 80km to buy medicine in Kimberley.
Nqobile Khumalo, Kedumetsi Matshogo from NYDA, and Bongiwe Khumalo during the visit by NYDA at their backyard farm in Warrenton. Photo by foodformzansi.co.za
Sisters Nqobile and Bongiwe Khumalo saved the R350 Covid-19 relief fund to start a poultry farming business. Photo by foodformzansi.co.za
“We extended the shelter and the number of our chicks to 600. We care for them for a period of six weeks. After that we slaughter, package then sell them to clients. “We have now hired four [people] on a part-time basis to help us when it’s slaughter time. It can take up to five days to do all the slaughtering, cleaning up and packaging.”
“We are crossing our fingers. The municipality has promised to give us at least one hectare of land. For us, any piece of land, big or small, will make a difference. We went from 200 chicks to 600 in the backyard. “We had fewer mortalities and that has kept us going from day one. We believe we will grow from strength to strength.”Thesisters are also planning to acquire a slaughtering machine which will help them speed up the slaugh tering and cleaning of the chickens. “Being in agri space is something that I will not trade for anything else. It has opened my eyes on so many fronts. I believe my sister and I can be the change we want to see in our community.“Unemployment remains a major challenge in our area. We need to keep pushing so we can be able to create more jobs and leave a legacy for our children and the community at large.“Weare doing our best and believe many doors will open,” she said. – foodformzani.co.za
18 FEATUREFRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
Owning their piece of agri space Nqobile said they have engaged the Magareng Local Municipality to give them land so that they can increase their capacity further.
By Tiisetso Manoko W ith their meagre savings from the government R350 Covid-19 relief money in their pockets, the Khumalo sisters from Warren ton in the Northern Cape knew they wanted to start their own business. Although agriculture had never crossed their minds, it soon became their saving grace. Nqobile Khumalo (27) and her sister, Bongiwe Khumalo (22), each saved R350 grant which added up to R5000. They used their savings as capital to start their poultry business. A paramedic by profession, Nqo bile says a lack of job opportunities and being in a far flung area pushed her and her younger sister to think outside the box. She said it was while attending a Farmers’ Day where their interest and love for agriculture kicked in. New doors open “Following months of saving and not really having an idea of what we were going to do with our savings, I attended my former classmate Mat shediso Parage’s Farm Day event at her farm, where I met many people who encouraged me to get into farming,” said“AllNqobile.the attendees, including Tshepiso Jantjies of Jantjies Boerdery/ Jantjies Voere, the National Youth Development Agency (NYDA) and the local agricultural sector, coached me to get into farming and supported me.”The big task, she said, was to convince her sister to start a poultry business with no prior knowledge or experience.Ittookmuch convincing, but her sister finally gave in and the two cashed in their savings to kick-start their farming journey in the backyard of their parents’ house. “We bought about 200 chicks. We were also able to buy four drinkers and feeds for our chicks. We learned in the process as none of us had no knowledge of farming, but we kept going.“For heating, we used to wake up as early as 2am to start the fire. We took it inside the shelter to warm the place up for the chicks because we had no electricity,” Nqobile added. Their first client was Warrenton Chicken Centre on the busy N12 road leading to Kimberley. Keeping the faith According to Nqobile, the excitement of getting their returns on investment did not go to their heads. Instead, they started attending NYDA training and qualified for a R 50,000 grant. The Khumalo sisters used it to buy bigger machines for their business.
R350 GRANT SETS SISTERS ON AGRI PATH TO SUCCESS!
One man’s trash is another man’s treasure In a 2017 interview with premium timesng.com’s Tunde Eludini, Awoniyi said he used to, “Comb refuse bins to get shoes to wear for training.” Awoniyi who burst into the lime light with his exploits with the Golden Eaglets squad of 2013 that conquered the world in the United Arab Emirates revealed: “I will forever appreciate and give God the glory because if you know me personally then you will know all is just by his Grace. “I remember then in Kwara State, I had to go to where all this waste product was thrown, in search of shoes I could join together to make football shoes. The first shoes I took to training were my Christmas pair which my dad had struggled to buy for me to make me equal with my mates.“Ihad to learn how to sew shoes at home just to play football. I remember my dad bought me a pair of football shoes and when it tore, I was forced to look for an alternative myself by going in search of a waste shoe being thrown away. I found one with a Nike logo. I removed the logo and joined it with the shoe. All my friends at United Academy were amazed at how I was able to create it then. Even my grassroots coach Abdulrasaq Olojo was surprised and when anyone’s boot tore, he would ask me to fix it for them.“Ilater moved to Imperial Soccer Academy owned by Mr. Seyi Olofin jana where you’re given boots and other stuff for free and then it became easier for me as a player. “The first time I signed with Nike was two years ago and when I was told they were renewing it this year, I was really happy and with something different from the former one.
Taiwo
“It is just God and I am forever grateful for the privilege and thank everyone that made it possible; Impe rial soccer Academy management, my family and youth coach Abdulrasaq Olojo and friends for their prayers and also Crig Consult for the great job done.” – Al Jazeera Taiwo Awoniyi training with Sadio Mané in 2020.
Awoniyi's first half goal helped secure Nottingham Forest’s first Premier League win since 1999 as they defeated West Ham United 1- 0 at The City Ground on Sunday afternoon (14 August). Photo by www. Story Continued from Page 20
19SPORT FRIDAY, AUGUST 26/ SEPTEMBER 8
Photo by Andrew Powell/Liverpool FC/Getty Images
By Will Unwin
His faith in God has always been very important to him, ensuring he continues to trust in the process to get him to where he is today. There were a plethora of reasons Forest targeted the 25-year-old as their first-choice No 9: he has speed, stamina to press – like Steve Cooper intends to play – and he scored 15 goals in 31 league matches for Union Berlin last season thanks to his smart movement in and around the area. The striker works incredibly hard off the ball and Forest are realistic enough to know they will spend most of the season without it. He is one of 16 signings to have arrived at the City Ground since For est beat Huddersfield in the Cham pionship playoff final – the latest, Morgan Gibbs-White, is the new club record signing at £35m (R704 million) – and provides a focal point in a team trying to gel. Forest had to beat off plenty of competition, including from Premier League rivals, to sign Awoniyi. He was taken to Athens with his agent to talk to Cooper about the role envisaged for him in this new-look Forest. The discussions were enough to persuade Awoniyi that Nottingham would be the perfect place to finally make his Premier League impact. Awoniyi is one of four players to join Forest from the Bundesliga this summer. The club saw greater value in Germany, where they could recruit ideal candidates for less than they could in England, and Bundesliga clubs needed money. Moussa Niakhaté and Orel Mangala also impressed in Forest’s first win of the season against WestTheHam.trio are aged between 24 and 26, making them ripe for improve ment and they could form the spine of the team for years to come. Omar Richards, meanwhile, joined from Bayern Munich but he is currently injured with a fractured leg. Admittedly, Awoniyi may not have imagined his first goal in the Premier League, the winner against West Ham, would be from a clearance bouncing in off his knee but his chest-thumping celebration showed he did not care.
“I’m really happy with the goal because it took me a long journey to get back to the Premier League,” he told BBC. “That’s why I’m very, very proud of myself, and of course I am grateful to God about it.” Awoniyi is from humble begin nings in Nigeria and has always had an incredible work ethic wherever he has played, focused on getting the chance to prove himself as a Premier League striker. As a child he had to sew his own boots to play. Those days are long behind him, but he never forgets where he came from or the ambitions he wants to achieve. He finally has the opportunity of stability to prove himself in the Premier League with a five-year contract at the City Ground thanks to years of hard graft in Nigeria andAwoniyiEurope.can now make England his long-term home and the Pre mier League his hunting ground. theguardian.com
TAIWO AWONIYI’S LONG JOURNEY TO THE PREMIER LEAGUE FINALLY AT AN END Story Continues on Page 19 Taiwo Awoniyi celebrates after scoring the winner against West Ham on Sunday14 August. Photo by James Williamson/AMA/Getty Images
“ It’s always been my dream to play in the Premier League,” Taiwo Awoniyi announced after joining Nottingham For est as their then record sign ing.It took the Nigerian a mere seven years from signing for Liverpool to finally make his mark but his ambi tions to make it in England started even further back. Between his arrival in England and the present day, he has ticked off seven loans and two permanent moves. The striker became Forest’s first signing of the summer when they paid Union Berlin £17.5m (R352 million) for him, as a sign of their intentions to mark their return to the topLiverpoolflight. snapped up the then teenage Awoniyi for £400,000 (R8 million) after he impressed in the Under-20 World Cup in 2015 but he was unable to obtain a work permit, forcing him to enjoy a nomadic life, taking in loan spells in the Nether lands, Belgium and Germany before joining Union Berlin permanently. There were infrequent stops with Liverpool, taking part in pre-seasons but it never led to a competitive out ing. Awoniyi always speaks glowingly of his times on the books at Anfield despite never pulling on the red shirt in anger, a sign of his positive atti tude.He used last summer with Jürgen Klopp and the Liverpool first team to analyse Mohamed Salah, Sadio Mané and, in particular, Roberto Firmino to educate himself. It was instilled in him during Liv erpool’s pre-season camp in Austria last summer that to reach the top a player needs to be dedicated and work hard every day. Not all Awoniyi’s loans were fruit ful; he had to learn the hard way, cutting short a spell with Gent after failing to score in 15 league games. He was generally limited to time off the bench in a side that did not suit his style but it was acknowledged as another learning curve.
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