Ms sect b 20170528 sunday

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SUNDAY, MAY 28, 2017 Adelle Chua, Editor

Opinion

Joyce Pangco Pañares, Issue Editor

mst.daydesk@gmail.com

EDITORIAL

POP GOES THE WORLD JENNY ORTUOSTE

WHAT IS WESTJACKING?

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OUT of the heated discourse about Alex Tizon’s article ‘My Family’s Slave’ that ran in The Atlantic some weeks ago, a spotlight shone on the issue of minority voices being drowned in the clamor of the majority. Tizon’s article—part memoir, part confession, entirely emotionally wrenching and thought-provoking— ignited a firestorm on social media. Many non-Filipinos, particularly Americans, expressed their disgust and indignation over the Tizon family’s treatment of Eudocia Pulido over the decades she worked for their family. Some Filipinos took umbrage at the negative comments, saying the Tizon story had been taken out of context and that it must be understood in relation to the present katulong culture that goes back to the pre-colonial slave culture. This reminded me of writer Dean Francis Alfar’s Facebook musings on the topic just before the article was published. He was seeking to define and understand ‘cultural appropriation’ as against ‘cultural appreciation’ and how these related to his writing and the creation of art in general. “I was still negotiating my position and learning,” he said, “when the Tizon story came out, generating more heaviness, thought, and self-reflection.” Then he came across an interesting concept by Marck Ronald Rimorim, who blogs at The Marocharim Experiment (marocharim.com). Rimorim sees the conversation as having been hijacked by the West. “Westjacking,” he says, “is to take Western cultural norms, lenses, and other points of view and fit in the nuances in that [Western] frame of mind. [Westjacking] distorts the nuances…[so] the experience ceases to be about katulong, but [lumps] them all into a narrative that anonymizes the struggle, making them just categories of the louder and more documented ones experienced in the West.” Rimorim expands: “Westjacking is when you displace me from my narrative. It’s when you homogenize my struggle with yours. It’s when I look myself in the mirror and you insist on being part of the frame. “It’s when I examine my own complicated relationship with my culture, and you tell me my grandmother’s name is a ‘slave name.’ It’s when you add salt and all sorts of things in my halo-halo and make it a huge viral sensation among Instagram foodies. It’s when you insist that we weren’t colonized, and invalidate that history in one swoop. “It’s when you tell me to turn over the entire box while I’m unpacking my life. It’s when you somehow deny me the discomfort of closely and critically examining my life because you already have a framework and a template for it; all I have to do is cram things in, and discard what does not belong. “It is to deny me the quiet of reflecting and atoning and finding a solution to my crises because your voice is louder than mine. It’s when you would rather talk over my story than to listen to it, and call it a gift.” The concept is similar to Edward Said’s Orientalism, which has now come to mean the West’s patronizing attitude toward Asian, African, and Middle Eastern cultures, seeing itself as superior. What I like about Rimorim’s Westjacking is that it accurately encompasses cultural appropriation. To this I would add the nuance of ‘Westsplaining,’ where Westerners explore others’ cultures from the point of view of the other—which is really the Western POV of the Other POV— and explain it to them, bypassing their own self-explorations. Here’s an example: Mona Simpson’s

ON US

W

HEN President Rodrigo Duterte heard that the Maute group had attacked Marawi City, he cut short his trip to the Russian Federation to fly back home. He was lucky that he was able to still talk with Russian President Vladimir Putin before he boarded his plane.

we are sure she did not perform any act on behalf of the country. Under the previous administration, when the country brought its case against China to the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, the Netherlands, there were also accusations that the team was bigger than it was supposed to be. Just a few officials familiar with our territorial claims were needed, but some others went along for the ride under official cover. Many years ago, under the Arroyo administration, we heard about the generals who brought along their wives to what was supposed to be an official trip. The downfall was that one of the wives actually broadcast her sense of entitlement—and revealed what had been the practice, all these years. Mr. Duterte ran and won by a considerable plurality because he promised real change. We see how he relentlessly battles, rightly or wrongly, the ills he believes must be fought. We have also seen him remove from office some of his allies not beyond reproach for allegedly irregular acts. We need to see more of his talk against corruption fleshed out. We know it is the Office of the President that knows better who is supposed to come along on official trips. But perhaps the public would be better assured Mr. Duterte is serious about his push for good governance and about proving he really is all about change if he would open up his list to scrutiny. The expenses—and the joke—are on us, after all.

Many admired the swiftness with which the President decided to come home to personally deal with the problem, even as the real effects of his decision was to declare martial law in Mindanao. What most of us overlooked, however, was the fact that it was only he who had returned. Many of the members of his delegation were left behind. Understandably so, the team would carry on what Mr. Duterte had set out to do. They would meet their counterparts and discuss this or that issue. Their personal presence would not be needed in dealing with the Maute problem back home. But was their personal presence needed in Russia, to begin with? Some more than others, we surmise. We are actually no strangers to such bloated delegations. Remember that photo taken of lawmakers in a plane bound for Laos? No less than the speaker of the House of Representatives had his guest on board—and

Turn to B2

THE MAYOR FIRST, ALL OVER AGAIN LONG STORY SHORT ADELLE CHUA

WE WILL be harsh on the terrorists, President Rodrigo Duterte said upon arriving in Manila on Wednesday afternoon. He had cut short his trip to the Russian Federation and declared martial law in Mindanao in response to the Maute group’s attack

on Marawi City. The Maute group had waved black flags, indicating they were supporters of the global terror group ISIS. The President’s decision to declare martial law brought varying degrees of comfort to different groups. Some

agreed with him and praised his swift, decisive stance to combat the terrorists. As he said, of what use would he be if he were so incompetent as to fail to prevent terrorists from achieving their ends? Some were wary. Why the entire

Mindanao? The apprehension grew as the President spoke about maybe expanding martial law into Visayas and the entire country. Many relived their memories of how it was 45 years ago, when the late President Ferdinand Turn to B2

Rolando G. Estabillo Publisher ManilaStandard

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