The Menton Times - Volume III, No. III

The Menton Times

November 2023

Volume III, NO.3

NEWS

President Macron Visits Israel and the West Bank in Diplomatic Balancing Act

By PEYTON DASHIELL

On Oct. 24, French President Emmanuel Macron embarked on a visit to Israel after over two weeks of war in Gaza spurred by the deadly Oct. 7 terrorist attacks. While derided by some critics as belated and insufficient, his trip included an ambitious range of diplomatic objectives.

OPINION

Foam and Folly: A Need to Restructure the Class Schedule at Sciences Po Menton

He began the visit by meeting with the families of French victims and hostages of the Oct. 7 attacks in southern Israel, during which over 1,200 people were killed and around 240 taken hostage by Hamas.

SEE PAGE 1

CULTURE

Un cri pour la tolérance religieuse: la Abrahamic Family House

BY CALISTA CELLERIER

BY MARLY FISHER

British imperialism sharpens into battles of tic-tac-toe; Durkheim’s grasps at sociological greatness darken into pages stained with doodles. The ocean beside me leaves white trails of foam and my folly, churning boredom and desperation so violently I might drown. You guessed it - I’ve been in the petit amphithéâtre for about six hours too long.

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FEATURE

Navigating Conflict: A Palestinian Perspective amidst the Israel-Gaza war

BY CLARA DELSO X AMNESTY

The Israel-Gaza war that unfolded after the Oct. 7 attacks has resulted in a staggering death toll, claiming over 10,995 Palestinian and 1,405 Israeli lives in its first month. It has left the besieged Palestinian enclave in a dire humanitarian crisis and has shaken the entire Palestinian community. In light of these developments, civilians across the Occupied Territories of the West Bank

Lorsque l’on regarde les actualités aujourd’hui, il est clair que nous vivons dans une époque de profond changement, marquée par les guerres et les conflits entre sociétés et populations. Dans un monde multiculturel, caractérisé par une diversité de croyances, comment peut-on vivre quand les différentes opinions se déchirent constamment?

mourn the losses of their Gazan brothers as they themselves face increased aggression. SEE PAGE 9

Bien que nombreux se posent cette question, certains essaient d’y répondre. C’est le cas des Emirats Arabes Unis (EAU) en ouvrant le 16 février 2023 la “Abrahamic Family House”, offrant au monde une nouvelle définition de la tolérance religieuse.

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A Local’s Guide to Istanbul

BY SELIN ELIF KÖSE

SEE PAGE 21

Istanbul — a home to a range of civilizations from the Byzantines to the Ottomans, an inspiration for the most beautiful songs and poems, and a bridge for connecting continents and cultures.

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NEWS

The Menton Times

President Macron Visits Israel and the West Bank in Diplomatic Balancing Act

BY PEYTON DASHIELL On Oct. 24, French President Emmanuel Macron embarked on a visit to Israel after over two weeks of war in Gaza spurred by the deadly Oct. 7 terrorist attacks. While derided by some critics as belated and insufficient, his trip included an ambitious range of diplomatic objectives.

He began the visit by meeting with the families of French victims and hostages of the Oct. 7 attacks in southern Israel, during which over 1,200 people were killed and around 240 taken hostage by Hamas. At least 30 French nationals were killed and nine are currently missing or being held in captivity in Gaza. 21-year-old Mia Schem, who appeared in a hostage video released by Hamas on Oct. 17, holds dual French-Israeli citizenship.

Macron then engaged in a series of meetings with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, President Isaac Herzog, minister without portfolio Benny Gantz, and opposition leader Yair Lapid.

Above all, he expressed solidarity with Israel's fight against Hamas: "I want you to be sure that you are not left alone in this war against terrorism." He evoked France’s recent history of terrorist attacks in the 2010s, declaring terrorism as the common enemy between both Israel and France and stating that the fight against Hamas must be “without mercy” but not “without rules.”

He also reportedly suggested that the international coalition used to fight the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria could be redeployed to fight against Hamas in Gaza. Finally, both leaders expressed the urgency of a complete and unconditional release of hostages.

On Oct. 25, Macron traveled to Ramallah to meet with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas – the first meeting between Abbas and a European leader since the beginning of the war. Protesters filled the streets of Ramallah, burning photos of Macron and accusing him of unqualified support for the Israeli government. During the meeting, Abbas characterized the war between Israel and Hamas as an Israeli military aggression and voiced the need for an immediate political solution.

Macron expressed that there is no justification for the suffering of civilians in Gaza and pushed for the restoration of electricity to Gaza, particularly to hospitals and medical facilities, and several other humanitarian commitments. In the weeks following his visit, he has reiterated these sentiments,

calling for a humanitarian pause and eventual ceasefire on Nov. 10 for the protection of Gazan civilians – a demand most Western leaders are yet to voice.

In his meeting with Netanyahu, Macron declared the two-state solution as an integral part of resolving the current war between Israel and Hamas, stating that lasting peace will not be feasible “without a decisive relaunch of the political process with the Palestinians.” While France is far from alone in advocating for a twostate solution to the IsraeliPalestinian conflict, the French government has expressed particular historical willingness to take initiative on matters of negotiation and diplomacy. The French government spearheaded the Venice Declaration in 1980, an agreement of the European Economic Community that affirmed the Palestinian right to selfdetermination and advocated for the inclusion of the Palestinian Liberation Organization in peace talks, even when it was designated by the United States and other powers as a terrorist organization.

However, some question if France retains this commitment to Palestinians today, after increasing ties with Israel over time and criminalizing initiatives like the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement domestically.

While the United States has played the role of the largest foreign power broker in the Middle East for several decades, the Biden administration placed minimal emphasis on Israel and Palestine compared to other policy priorities prior to the Oct. 7 attacks – he appointed no special envoy for Middle East peace, Secretary of State Antony Blinken has had relatively little engagement with Israel and Palestine compared to other regions, and campaign commitments like reopening the

While derided by some critics as belated and insufficient, his trip included an ambitious range of diplomatic objectives.

U.S. Consulate in Jerusalem for Palestinians faced years of stagnancy.

Most recent U.S. attention was placed upon the potential accession of Saudi Arabia to the Abraham Accords, but negotiations were halted after the Oct. 7 attacks. Coupled with continued US military support for Israel creating distrust among Palestinians and Mahmoud Abbas’s prior unequivocal rejection of any U.S.-brokered peace plan, it’s possible France could play a mediatory role as the war continues. While Macron has been measured in his meetings with all parties, we must look to his future actions to see where his true policy priorities lie.

I want you to be sure that you are not left alone in this war against terrorism

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NEWS

Azerbaijan Corridor Dispute Leads to Fears of Invasion

BY YASMIN ABBASOY

Although Azerbaijan has achieved everything it could have hoped for in the long-disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, there are concerns that it may consider expanding westward into Armenian territory. With the international community in turmoil, Azerbaijan's rhetoric is becoming increasingly extreme.

Key figures have warned of a possible ground invasion that could benefit Azerbaijan and its allies, especially Russia, and isolate Armenia from its only friendly neighbor.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict dates back to 1923, when the Nagorno-Karabakh autonomous region (oblast) was separated from socialist Azerbaijan. Despite the fact that the region has always had a majority Armenian population, attempts at reunification with Soviet Armenia during the long collapse of the USSR were met with indifference

by Azerbaijani and the Soviet central institutions led to widespread violence against Armenians, as illustrated by the pogroms that took place in Azerbaijani cities such as Baku and Sumqayit. In 1991, following Azerbaijan's declaration of sovereignty and efforts to strip Nagorno-Karabakh of its autonomy, an independence referendum was held in which 99 percent of the Armenian population voted to become an independent entity, the Republic of Artsakh. The referendum was boycotted by the region's Azerbaijanis, who made up 20 percent of the total population.

The declaration of independence of the Republic of Artsakh led to the two-year-long First NagornoKarabakh War, which resulted in the Republic of Artsakh gaining de facto independence and control of the seven surrounding "buffer" districts in Azerbaijan.

A diplomatic deadlock persisted for a quarter-century until 2020, when Azerbaijan, aided by Turkey and armed with Israeli drones, seized control, upsetting the geopolitical equilibrium and causing human tragedy on a massive scale. This new statusquo upset the delicate geopolitical balance in the Caucasus, providing an opportunity for Russia to further integrate itself with the fate of the region.

The general perception among observers was that the war was happening solely on Russian terms.

An uncharacteristic reticence to intervene diplomatically or otherwise on behalf of Armenia was seen as a reprimand to a nation which had seen increasing rapprochement with the West under the leadership of democratically elected Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

Azerbaijan was permitted to take advantage of the situation, but only up to a certain point. Indeed, it was Russia that brokered both the ceasefire and preliminary peace deal, sidelining the OSCE Minsk

environmentalist groups under the guise of protesting against potential ecocide. Later, members of statesupported Non-governmental Organizations, disguised servicemen, and civil servants would also join the blockade. The Azerbaijani authorities also tampered with civilian infrastructure in order to restrict the access of civilians in Artsakh to water and electricity. The blockade quickly precipitated a humanitarian disaster, being referred to as a ‘siege’ by media sources.

a border with Turkey. The proposal theoretically aimed to provide unimpeded transportation from Azerbaijan to Turkey, with the added benefit of pan-Turkic innuendo, suggesting that a land connection between the two Turkic countries would be established. The corridor would end a mutual blockade imposed by Armenia and Azerbaijan in 1989.

While the opening of all Sovietera transport links, including a railway that took the same path as the proposed corridor, was

Group's remaining members, the United States and France, initially tasked with finding a negotiated resolution to the conflict. Sources close to the situation reported that Azerbaijan had been presented with an ultimatum by Putin after having captured key strategic positions.

Left with a choice between partial victory and Russian intervention, President Ilham Aliyev chose to stand down. Tensions persisted, however: Azerbaijan was not pleased with Artsakh Armenians retaining control over some key areas. The presence of Russian peacekeepers caused further tension, serving as a Russian foothold in the region.

All traffic was restricted, including the normal flow of products, aid convoys and vehicles of international organizations such as the Red Cross.

Indeed a part of the peace agreement, Aliyev’s corridor was deemed by Armenia to be something completely different, and not within the scope of the agreement which foresaw no transfer of land whatsoever.

The following years saw escalating rhetoric and ceasefire violations, primarily by Azerbaijan. This fueled a two-day war in September which saw Azerbaijani forces gain control of strategic locations deep within Armenia, leading to the displacement of over 7,000 civilians.

On the heels of this offensive, Azerbaijan orchestrated a shutdown of the Lachin corridor, the only link connecting mainland Armenia to Artsakh and thus playing the role of a lifeline for the population of Artsakh. The corridor was blocked first by state-backed

September 2023, the ninth month of the blockade, saw Azerbaijan launch an offensive framed as an antiterror operation, seizing additional territory. A swift ceasefire mediated

by Russian peacekeeping forces was followed by a negotiated peace deal, which saw the capitulation of the vanquished Artsakh armed forces and the dissolution of the Republic of Artsakh, to be effective on Jan. 1, 2024. This new status-quo led to the flight of the region’s 120,000 Armenian civilians, thus succeeding in a total ethnic cleansing of the enclave.

Although the status of NagornoKarabakh appeared to have been resolved on Azerbaijan’s terms, one territorial issue lingered, and it had the potential to be the most crucial of all. Aliyev had, since the 2020 war, proposed a transport corridor that would cut through a strip of Armenian land, known as the province of Syunik, which separated Azerbaijan from its autonomous republic, Nakhchivan, which shares

However, President Aliyev's continued insistence on implementing the Zangezur Corridor, coupled with an escalating rhetoric of irredentist claims on the Republic of Armenia through the notion of “Western Azerbaijan,” which referred to all of Armenia proper, amplified concerns. Ongoing construction in newly occupied areas linked to the corridor, along with a new cycle of joint exercises with the Turkish military in commemoration of the hundredth year of the Turkish Republic, added another layer of complexity to the already tense geopolitical situation.

In the aftermath of the Azerbaijani offensive, Armenia had responded by ratifying the Rome Treaty and joining the International Criminal Court, where Putin is wanted for war crimes.

Although Armenia officially stated that these

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measures were undertaken for additional guarantees in response to the recent bout of aggression, they were popularly interpreted as a reaction to Russia's sluggish response to the offensive. The lack of a robust reaction by Russian peacekeeping forces and a noticeable strain in relations with Russia further pushed Armenia into strategic realignment.

Armenia has exhibited signs of drifting further Westwards, marked by a reconfiguration of relations with Russia and Iran and a more significant military alignment with the EU (evidenced by a new weapons deal with France).

the Zangezur Corridor it could potentially control. The corridor would hold strategic importance as Russia would most probably play the role of a guarantor, a situation allowing the deployment of Russian troops in a crucial location close to Iran. This move would further solidify Russia's influence in nonNATO territory, permanently cementing its geopolitical footprint in the Caucasus. Meanwhile, Tehran has vehemently opposed the Zangezur Corridor concept, warning against any alterations to regional borders or the establishment of what it perceives as a "pan-Turkic" or "NATO" corridor along its northern frontier.

Russia, seeking to maintain regional influence, would support

The U.S position, however, is more ambiguous. Politico reported that

TSecretary of State Antony Blinken had privately warned policymakers of an impending invasion of Armenia, though these claims were quickly denied in a statement by the Department of State, which also affirmed U.S. support for Armenia’s territorial integrity. Was this delicate maneuver an attempt to conceal a sincere estimation of a potential threat with a denial, aiming for a more subdued policy?

Or was it rather a reflection of the ambiguous policy relating to the Caucasus at a time when the international community was preoccupied with other crises?

As tensions persist with no established plan forward, the prospects of the Zangezur corridor remain uncertain. While the intricate power struggles that

NEWS dominate the Caucasus could see Aliyev swing either way as he balances the costs and benefits of an invasion, there is no doubt that this corridor amounts to more than just a physical route. As Azerbaijan persistently pushes its irredentist agenda and constructs a narrative around the corridor, it has become a flashpoint that could radically alter the regional balance of power and cause violent geopolitical alterations in the region. The Zangezur Corridor and the inevitable invasion required to establish it remain as important factors shaping the immediate future of the South Caucasus and the powers that are intertwined within it.

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Antisemitism and Anti-Zionism: the crucial nuances that we are losing

OPINION

student body, the message is still valuable to our community, especially on this campus, where many deeply care about the matter, and just a bit more tact and nuance can allow for far more productive conversations.

The angle of protesting is therefore extremely important to the cause of peace Considering the war between Israel and Hamas, we have often heard about antisemitism and anti-Zionism. Their definitions, and extent to which they overlap, are often subject to debate and ambiguity.

However, blurry distinctions and the inability to see the difference between the two only makes communication more difficult and divisive. In order to examine these differences, we can use the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism: “AntiSemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of Anti-Semitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.” The definition of antiZionism is much less agreed upon, but it is largely seen as an opposition to the Zionist movement to create a Jewish state in the Middle East, roughly corresponding to the historical land of Israel, and this support for this modern state.

The first clear point that comes out of these definitions is that within the definition of antisemitism, nothing indicates anti-Zionism as one of its forms.

This is crucial because, in my view, this indicates that you can criticize the existence of the state of Israel without being antisemitic. However, the nuance needed here is the basis for this criticism.

Indeed, if the reasoning for why Israel is not legitimate uses the argument of religion, it can become antisemitism. Moreover, a factor that is largely understated is the fact that word choice matters and certain phrases have become symbolic of surface Anti-Zionism turning into antisemitism. This notably includes referring to Israel and Israelis as “The Jews'' and “The Zionists.” This is an important point to make as it is not necessarily intuitive in regards to the term “Zionist”. The reason for this is not that the term is in and of itself problematic but rather that it has often been used interchangeably with the term “Jew,” which has lost much of its original meaning.

A further distinction to be made is that not all Jewish people support Israel blindly, and not all Jewish people are even Zionists. Support for the existence of Israel does not inherently mean that people support the current government or actions of Israel. Holding all Jewish people responsible for the actions of Israel is antisemitic because it essentializes Jewish people rather than acknowledging individual experiences and perspectives. This is important as a rise of antisemitism has been a clear result of the war in Israel, with over 1,059 antisemitic acts having been reported since October 7 in France alone. Importantly, there are also Jewish people who identify as antiZionist. In this regard, we can note that organizations such as Jewish Voice for Peace have been denouncing Israel for years.

Depth should also be applied in regards to the Israeli population which does not have a singular vision. In fact, a majority of the population currently wants Netanyahu to resign, clearly indicating that the manner in which the war is being conducted is not universally accepted amongst Israelis themselves.

Moreover, peace movements such as Women Wage Peace have been audible critiques of Israeli policies, bringing together Israeli and Palestinian women around a common critique of the cyclically violent nature of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.

In the context we are living in, it is important that many realize that though somebody may not be antisemitic, they may relay messages with underlying antisemitic messages. The fact that Pro-Palestinian protests have been often linked to the idea of antisemitism is not a fatality. Each of us can make an effort to promote sensitive messages in order to make peace protests, which should be a universal cause, a welcoming environment for all. Making peace protests unwelcoming is just another way of creating an unnecessary division and an ‘us’ against ‘them’ environment which pushes each side to extreme narratives and lack of communication.

The angle of protesting is therefore extremely important to the cause of peace. It also leads to the wider question of the importance of word choice and paying attention to the messages we spread. Though this is not targeted to the Sciences Po

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OPINION

Know Your Vocab: Words We Get Wrong When Talking about Israel and Palestine

BY MAIA ZASLER

The words we use matter. As students on a multilingual campus, I am sure we can agree on that fact; simple turns of phrase or article choices evoke different meanings and change the essence of a sentence, a paragraph, or even an entire narrative.

In everyday conversation, we may retain critical elements by inferring or safely assuming intention in communication, but when it comes to political discourse, the stakes are much higher.

The issue of word choice is particularly significant in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Word association and labels may exacerbate existing divides, cultivating a hostile environment where discussion often quickly escalates or shuts down. How can a path forward emerge if most dialogue automatically sparks intractable positions and potential violence?

To brush off semantics, to say that language use is the least of our worries when it comes to geopolitical or humanitarian crises, risks conflating provocative and misappropriated terminology with an already tragic reality. Particularly with facts that are weighty and volatile, the misuse or misapplication of language creates a divide that does everyone a disservice.

This article will define and contextualize the use of the term “genocide” as only one example as it relates to the breakdown of discourse surrounding Israel and Palestine. This analysis is by no means intended to justify or excuse actions of one “side” or another; rather, it is aimed at fostering a future that includes productive discussion, allows for the recognition of history, of multi-faceted narratives, and provokes meaningful reflection as to how we approach activism.

GENOCIDE: Methodical destruction of a human group. “genos”(race/tribe) “cide” (killing)

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Genocide is a legal term. It was originally coined in 1944 by Polish-Jewish lawyer Raphael Lemkin to describe the atrocities facilitated by Nazi Germany. The intention in legal jargon—and in reference to both foreign policy and humanitarian concerns—was to “denote a crime so terrible that it could not be confused with any other.” Yet, in the 21st century, there seems to be little care

taken with its use; the term is acutely pronounced in the conversations relating to Israel and Palestine.

The United Nations’ 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide document offers the precise, “operating” definition of genocide in Article II: In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

Israel has enacted clauses (a) and (b) (as any other large scale act of war would entail). However, they have not—and have no stated intent of—committing clauses (c), (d), and (e).

Furthermore, as it concerns clause (c), there are allegations that certain factions of the Israeli population and/or the Israeli government warrant the particular charge. One can point to Israeli policies that deny Palestinians access to natural resources—a deprivation of water sources, for example—as a means of generating “conditions of life calculated to bring about its [the group’s physical destruction in whole or in part”].

Yet, it remains difficult to defend the application of this clause. The use of the word “deliberately” implies a subjective threshold. To reference the case of water policy, one must look to the lasting impacts of the Oslo Accords (1993)—which allowed Israel “overwhelming

control of the occupied West Bank's aquifers”—and to the greater context in the following decades: a climate crisis that has put further stresses on already limited resources combined with a growing Palestinian population in need of more of those same resources.

Therefore, this ostensible rendering of poor living conditions speaks more to discriminatory policy exacerbated by rising political extremism rather than an actual doctrine of genocide against Palestinians influencing Israeli action.

The suffering of Palestinians in Gaza due to Israeli missile strikes is appalling and heartbreaking, in every case. Several legitimate arguments may be put forth challenging the Israeli government’s position that they make every effort to minimize senseless loss of civilian life. In relation to the ongoing war spurred by Hamas’ attacks of October 7, one might question the Israeli government’s true intent in shutting off electricity and water in Gaza and its effectiveness as a bargaining chip to pressure Hamas into returning the over 200 Israeli and other foreign citizen hostages.

Regardless, these points do not mean that Israel is committing genocide.

The Oct. 7 horrors signified terrible terrorist attacks by Hamas against Israeli citizens. The attacks were accompanied by videos of the atrocities committed, notes left on murdered persons saying “Death to Jews,” and public declarations by a Hamas leader stating they would do Oct. 7 over again. These actions alone do not necessitate the employment of the term “genocide.”

But, they were arguably committed with genocidal intent.

Hamas as a political and militant entity has a history of concrete, written reference to demonstrated genocidal goals: first, with their 1988

charter—a document made easily accessible to the public through robust translation and publication —calling for the destruction of Jewish people ('The Day of Judgment will not come about until Moslems fight Jews and kill them. Then, the Jews will hide behind rocks and trees, and the rocks and trees will cry out: 'O Moslem, there is a Jew hiding behind me, come and kill him.'

[Article 7]), and then with their rebranding in 2017, more specifically referencing the liberation of Palestinians from the “colonial Zionist project” of Israel (‘Hamas affirms that its conflict is with the Zionist project not with the Jews because of their religion.’).

By nature of documentation, it is admittedly easier to point to genocidal intent.

Paired with ongoing rhetoric by Hamas officials, there is little room for interpretation of the The existence of Hamas should not, by any means, condemn the Palestinians in Gaza to collective punishment, nor should it justify sometimes fatal violence committed by Israel settlers in the West Bank. It should not give reason for dehumanizing language, even in reference to designated terrorists. What it should indicate—specifically for the international community—is a conflict muddied by multiple elements and motivations. It should stimulate awareness and critical thinking.

Using the term “genocide” in any of the ways described above accomplishes little (or nothing) in building a more stable future.

However, it is extremely successful in fueling further political divides within the global community and inciting rage and violence, painting one side as “good” and the other “evil.” It isolates Israelis while simultaneously fueling a seemingly global antisemitism, emboldening the existing farright extremists and settlers in the occupied West Bank.

Additionally, it fragments rule of law and harms minorities who are targets of true genocide.

The words we use matter

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OPINION

Free Speech in the Western World: Campus Activism, Hypocrisy, and Tolerance

BY LARA HARMANKAYA

In the West, the most important rights are those of the individual.

However, in light of recent global developments, the paradoxical nature of Western free speech has been exposed yet again.

Western commitment to freedom of expression, an internationallyrecognized human right, is embedded deep in its political culture. Nonetheless, for many of us coming from countries with questionable guarantees for freedom of speech, disillusionment upon arriving in the West – the supposed haven of political activism – is not an uncommon experience. Fear of backlash and permanent repercussions caused by speaking out are likely to silence many of us, even right here in Menton.

Outside of our campus, commentators have argued that the Western world is experiencing a creeping phenomenon of censorship that is reminiscent of the McCarthy era during the early Cold War. Yet, this is not to say that the free speech absolutist view espoused by many liberals is morally sound either; free speech has been used as a cloak of justification in many instances to defend offensive and bigoted remarks. As contention and disagreements aggregate in the emotionally and politically charged atmosphere of our time, the importance of noting the thin line between free speech and hate speech is becoming all the more clear. But is silencing university students through fear and intimidation the right way to do so? At what point do we begin condemning free speech?

It appears that the West is not always the safeguard of rights it proclaims itself to be. Freedom of speech breaches in the West take on a different form – they are not expressed in the form of imprisonment and overt government censorship – but have a more clandestine outlook.

Recently, Harvard students who published a controversial proPalestinian statement following the October 7 attacks have been met with doxxing, in the form of a billboard truck displaying their faces and labeling them as “Harvard’s Leading Antisemites,” online intimidation and publication of their personal information. As a result of the doxxing, a group of CEOs asked for a list of their names to not “inadvertently” hire them, in the words of billionaire Bill Ackman, in the future. Columbia University

has also made public its decision to suspend the activities of two of its student associations, Jewish Voice for Peace and Students for Justice in Palestine, following their violation of “university policies related to holding campus events” by holding unauthorized campus protests.

David Polk, a top law firm in the US, has rescinded job offers to three students at Harvard and Columbia for their alleged involvement in the open letters criticizing Israel. At the University of California, Berkeley and other campuses across the U.S., students have begun wearing masks during protests to avoid being identified and harassed.

However, one does not need to look beyond the Atlantic Ocean to see the extent of this contention. In France, pro-Palestine protests have been banned (not outright but on a case-by-case basis) due to their potential to “generate disturbances to public order,” according to the French Minister of Interior Gerald Darmanin. Closer yet, at Sciences Po Menton, student association Palestine: Understanding the Struggle (formerly Sciences Palestine) has been forced to cease most of its activities following contestations from politicians in the French Riviera. Similarly, a group of Science Pistes from our campus have been subject to harsh words and harassment by political personalities for a video expressing solidarity with the Palestinian cause that was taken out of context on social media. One student has communicated her feelings through the following words: “When joining Sciences Po, I truly thought that I would be able to express my ideas freely. Nevertheless, in light of recent events, I faced pressure from the administration and felt real censorship regarding my proPalestinian stance.”

Without taking a stance on whether these actions are justified or not, one must acknowledge that such restrictions by parties in the Western world have blurred what is entailed by freedom of expression and opinion. Even before the IsraelHamas conflict, certain measures that contradict freedom of speech have been setting a gloomy precedent for the future of such rights. In the U.S., the passage of Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” bills, along with 175 bills in 40 state legislatures that have been introduced over these past two years, promise to dictate and restrict what teachers and students can discuss in schools.

This issue is compounded by a number of books being banned in

educational institutions; gag laws that target race theory, gender studies and history have also been put into effect. It appears that the public sphere of discussion is today’s target.

In times like these, it is often pertinent to revisit the contributions of philosophers. John Stuart Mill and his harm principle prove to be more relevant than ever when trying to distinguish between the demarcations of hate speech and free speech. His utilitarian argument asserted that freedom should be granted unless or until its actions cause harm to another individual: “The only freedom which deserves the name is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs, or impede their efforts to obtain it.” The distinction between speech that appeals to reason and empathy against speech that vilifies and fuels hateful sentiments is selfevident in most cases. When it is not, measures such as the United Nations Rabat threshold test, are helpful in clarifying the fine line between the two.

Moreover, in the United Kingdom, Canada and in France, acts are penalized and prohibitions are made to preempt hateful, discriminatory or blasphemous speech. Decisions to restrict proPalestinian voices, based on the conviction that it perpetrates antisemitism, can be judged through this lens. Do proPalestinian supporters that demand ceasefires for the people of Gaza violate the principles above? With the exception of hate crimes committed from both sides, in most cases, it can be argued otherwise. The undeniable fact is that all populations, including the Jewish, the Palestinian and those who convey support for either, should be protected.

Countering hate speech without compromising free speech is possible. Silencing student activists goes against the spirit of free inquiry that is crucial to educational institutions. When the fine line of empathy is transgressed, punishment is justifiable.

However, at the same time, support of a cause should not be misconstrued as hate speech.

7| October 2023 The aforementioned cases of online harassment for both Harvard and Sciences Po students unfolding recently evince the need for regulation and limits when it comes to free speech in the digital world. Clearly, there must be limits to free speech, now more than ever. Extremism and populism are gaining momentum and leaving behind sentiments of hate in their tracks. However, the problem lies in the indeterminate selection of what is labeled as impermissible in the West. What is considered ‘outrageous’ and ‘appalling’ appears to be an evolving matter always up-fordebate. Some struggles are accentuated, while others are overlooked. One fellow student argued: “Western free speech is only upheld if the speech doesn’t affect the status quo.” Thus, political motivations and cultural wars that shape rhetoric surrounding free speech must always be scrutinized. We must move beyond binary conceptions and be conscious of the role played by the media, governments and other actors. It is never in our favor to partake in polarizing discourse if the long-term goal we strive for is to create a better society for all of us.

The Menton Times From anti-apartheid protests to strikes against the Vietnam War and numbers of sit-ins over a range of socio-political issues, university campuses have long been platforms for activist movements. They have impelled momentum, and inspired solidarity for many causes that we now look back on with admiration.

They are ideal locations in which the Socratic method of seeking truth can take place. Through constant debate and questioning of conventional mainstream ideas, philosopher Karl Popper argues that students can eliminate errors and falsehoods. Freedoms of expression and opinion are therefore inextricably connected to university life — they advance intellectual pluralism and affirm the significance of democratic processes by enabling students to engage with ideas that they are not fully aware of, or in agreement with. As George Orwell himself highlighted, “If liberty means anything at all, it means the right to tell people what they do not want to hear.” If all ideas outside dominant hegemonic thought were condemned to the margins of public discourse, the course of history would have remained stagnant. Isn’t debate and the divergence of opinion at the very core of progress?

University campuses, historically famous for their political activism, should continue to nurture a spirit of debate. As institutions of education, it is fundamental that they resist the erosion of free speech and promote student’s intellectual enrichment.

The Western world should upgrade its efforts to adhere to their very own ideals of democracy, freedom and open-mindedness that are imbued in its liberal constitutions and institutions. Human rights, respect and humanitarianism should remain as the priority, and expressing solidarity and partaking in intellectual debates should not result in students facing punishment with potentially permanent consequences.

As university students, we are capable of discerning where the line of freedom of speech ends and where hate speech begins. We must not cross it. Yet, at the same time, we should not be intimidated and silenced for voicing our opinion. The only way towards depolarization is through constructive dialogue. And as history shows, obstructing the path towards it is invariably more detrimental than restorative.

OPINION

If liberty means anything at all, it means the right to tell people what they do not want to hear

8 | November 2023

The Menton Times

OPINION

Foam and Folly: A Need to Restructure the Class Schedule at Sciences Po Menton

BY MARLY FISHER

British imperialism sharpens into battles of tic-tac-toe; Durkheim’s grasps at sociological greatness darken into pages stained with doodles. The ocean beside me leaves white trails of foam and my folly, churning boredom and desperation so violently I might drown. You guessed it - I’ve been in the petit amphithéâtre for about six hours too long.

I often leave Sciences Po lectures unsure of the time and anything I’ve just been taught. For weeks, I’ve been worried that the fault is my own, but can we really be expected to be attentive for upwards of three hours at a time?

Is Sciences Po’s course schedule structured effectively? In pursuit of an answer, I began by asking other university students around the United States about their course-load. What I found was disappointing but not surprising.

Their class hours amounted to an average of fifteen per week, with most first years having twelve credits - or four classes each semester. Instead of midterms, finals, and presentations, they have regular assignments and essays on top of summative assessments. All were appalled that my class hours were in the twenties — “How do you have time to study?” they asked. “Do you have a life?” The standard course

load for a first-year at a U.S. university is between 12 and 15 hours, with a maximum of 18 credit hours allowed. At many universities in the UK, contact time is even less; for an English BA at King's College London, there are only four hours of seminars and four hours of lectures each week. At Cambridge, lectures typically last only around 50 minutes.

Comparatively, the standard class load at Sciences Po hovers around 22 hours per week (many have even more if they are taking multiple language courses,) and the shortest class time is two hours long. I examined more scholarly sources next, only to reaffirm my sneaking suspicion that more class time is not always more effective.

In 1996, in a journal called the National Teaching & Learning Forum, two professors from Indiana University, Joan Middendorf and Alan Kalish ,found that long lectures can result in detrimental effects on human attention and retention.

They cited a 1976 study that detailed the ebbs and flows of students’ focus during a typical class period.

They found that, first, students need a three-to-five minute period of settling down (which, I suppose, is naturally provided to us students that operate on Menton time.) This time was followed by just 10 to 18 minutes of optimal focus. Then, no

matter how thrilling the lecture or how powerful the rhetoric, their attention lapsed. The students would “lose it.” While attention would eventually return, it would be in ever-briefer three to four minute spurts. Furthermore, Middendorf and Kalish cited a 1985 study that tested students on their fact recall from a 20-minute presentation. In fact, students remembered far more of what they’d heard at the very beginning of the lecture - by the 15minute mark, they’d mostly zoned out.

For a group of students yearning to achieve political greatness, it seems that most are only achieving new records of the fastest Mini Crossword solving time. If we aim to revolutionize the world, we must revolutionize our way of learning first. Maybe it’s in the form of shorter, more frequent classes. Perhaps we should abandon the lecture style altogether. But one thing is for certain: someone in the class of 2026 will go on to be a marvelous NYT game creator.

A few swift clicks on the calculator reveals that there are 16 fifteenminute increments inside a four hour lecture. Most lecturers here offer us just one to two breaks within that time. If students are unable to remember facts from more than fifteen minutes ago, how can we be expected to retain complex ideas from hours ago?

Most, if not all, students concur. “No fraction of this education system is effective,” lamented a Sciences Po Menton student on the way out of her last class of the day. “As fascinating as I can find the subjects presented in the lectures, it is undeniable that in every case, my attention span dwindles almost immediately an hour into it,” said another.

Many agree that information retention is even more difficult with a lack of accountability in the form of more frequent assessments.

If we aim to revolutionize the world, we must revolutionize our way of learning first

9 | November 2023

The Menton Times

FEATURE

Navigating Conflict: A Palestinian Perspective amidst the Israel-Gaza war

BY CLARA DELSO X AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL SCIENCES PO MENTON

coexisted in a multicultural school where all groups had social relations with each other, it can be problematic, but it really depends.

I believe that, in many ways, normalization has been disguised as a pathway to peace. The peace that results from discussions which do not tackle the uncomfortable roots of the problem or from simply living together without acknowledging our differences and past, is shallow. It compromises the integrity of people and allows them to coexist with the reality of occupation.

Rather than a genuine pursuit of peace, it appears to normalize the violence taking place under the guise of shared humanity. It is not true, positive peace, it is a form of coexistence marked by silence.

The Israel-Hamas war that unfolded after the Oct. 7 attacks has resulted in a staggering death toll, claiming over 10,995 Palestinian and 1,405 Israeli lives in its first month. It has left the besieged Palestinian enclave in a dire humanitarian crisis and has shaken the entire Palestinian community. In light of these developments, civilians across the Occupied Territories of the West Bank mourn the losses of their Gazan brothers as they themselves face increased aggression. Farah is a Palestinian girl from the 1948 Green Line living in East Jerusalem. In this interview, she shares her thoughts, offering valuable insights into how civilians living in the Occupied Palestinian territories are experiencing the War and the ways in which they grapple with the pervasive violence.

Emotions run high during times of conflict. How have recent events in the region affected you personally?

Being exposed to all that is going on is mentally draining. I exist in parallel with anguish over and detachment from the horrors of the war. The footage is endless, and having to constantly witness the suffering of your own people is heartbreaking, but has also made me desensitized to some extent.

In these times, I find comfort in reflecting on the blessings I have taken for granted. Knowing that my family is alive and well, not having to worry about where my next meal will come from, and even stressing over university, while the lives and dreams of many have been cut short.

While I thankfully don´t go through the horrifying reality of Gazans, Palestinians’ human rights and lives are still at risk everywhere.

Everyone is a target. There is no freedom of speech without risking imprisonment or worse. I haven't been able to leave my home since the war started. I spend my days hearing gunshots in my street, scrolling through graphic photos on social media, and reading about violent attacks in the West Bank.

Combined with the relentless checks of phones and arbitrary arrests, hopelessness has become a collective endurance.

However, whenever I feel helpless, I remember a particular quote by David Ben Gurion during the Nakba, “The old will die, and the young will forget.” Being here today, I can attest that Israel has brought up a generation that is attached to the land and their roots like no other generation before. Our proud existence is resistance. Every story that died lives through us, and we will certainly not forget.

As a Palestinian, how do you perceive the disconnect between Gaza and the West Bank, and what do you think can be done to address this division within the Palestinian territories?

The divisions between the territories primarily manifest in the degrees of privilege. It is a direct result of post-colonialism and a rather bittersweet lottery of political liberties with no true freedom. On one hand, there are the privileged Palestinians from the 48 lines who often don't identify as Palestinian due to identity erasure, and on the other hand, there are Palestinians from the West Bank who experience raids, restrictions on freedom of movement, etc. but enjoy greater communal support and a stronger sense of national identity. However, no matter the nuances, these distinctions don´t expand into social divisions - we all share one cause and solidarity with Gazans.

The idea of normalization between Palestinians and Israelis is a controversial topic of discussion.

What are your thoughts on this and its potential impact on the conflict resolution process?

There are many different attitudes towards normalization between Arabs and Israelis, both in civil society and internationally, in the light of Arab-Israeli negotiations.

From my point of view, having

Nevertheless, if both sides are able to come together to have a constructive conversation, I do not see this as normalization. I think it is really important to listen to each other and that everyone should be given a chance to speak and to be heard, in order to both foster empathy and avoid extreme polarizations.

For example, if Palestinians were to completely oppose the thought of engaging with Israelis, it would be easier for the latter to accept learned beliefs which can lead to villainizing and dehumanizing us.

Exposure to the Palestinian narrative can help them see and even understand reality through our eyes, dismantling prejudices and unveiling concealed truths. It could be a step forward in the right direction, a step towards mutual understanding and humanization.

You attended a school with both Israelis and Palestinians. How did the recent events impact the relationships with your previous classmates?

It seems to me that hard times like this one shed light onto the true intentions and beliefs of those surrounding you. Watching people I held to such a high esteem in my life, proudly and openly express violent ambitions or attempt to justify continuous escalations in their social media feels like a betrayal of our friendship. It's agonizing to see that during a sensitive time, some actively choose to turn a blind eye towards the devastation and pain of others.

10 | November 2023 Polarization can be a significant challenge in the IsraeliPalestinian conflict. How do you see this divide between proIsraeli and pro-Palestinian sentiments impacting the peace process/ceasefire efforts?

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FEATURE

Death by Design: Food Apartheid from Nunavut to Palestine

BY HUDA JAVED X ENVIRONNEMENTON

These sentiments are very broad in their scope, and they obviously both have the potential to become problematic. I think being in opposite spectrums of one or the other just results in normalizing all the violence arising, whether by justifying the actions of the Israeli government or Hamas.

Regardless, I can talk about my pro-Palestinian sentiments, since I clearly identify with the Palestinian cause. I do not think expressing my thoughts, opinions, or publicizing experiences regarding the human rights violations of my people impacts the peace process negatively.

Raising awareness is essential, and the more people are aware the more we see action being taken both by individuals and other stakeholders, even when governments are trying to censor our voices. Unveiling everything that is happening, being eyes and voices for the people that have had them taken away from them, it helps by both showing those suffering that they are not alone and by holding the Israeli government accountable. Overall it just helps to put more pressure into all actors to bring about a ceasefire.

But yes, as I mentioned before, taking extreme stances to justify any sort of violence that comes towards the other side—which is what is happening right now, with everyone saying “it is proportionate”, “it needs to happen” etc.—does not improve any peace prospect. At the same time I think being neutral, with the excuse of being uninformed on the subject is very naive, and that taking the time to educate oneself is necessary. When advocating for all human beings and lives, it is crucial to acknowledge that the reality us Palestinians are living in is one with an ongoing imbalance of power.

Everyone should be given a chance to speak and to be heard, in order to both foster empathy and avoid extreme polarizations

In Nunavut, North Canada, home to the indigenous Inuit communities, 70 percent of homes face severe food insecurity in one of the richest nations in the world. A liter of milk in Nunavut costs over CΑΝ$7 and a handful of fresh vegetables costs almost CΑΝ$40. The few grocery stores scattered across the territory predominantly sell unhealthy and non-nutritious food.

The remoteness of the territory requires fresh produce to be flown in due travel restrictions by boat and road. By the time fresh produce makes it to grocery store shelves, it is often expired, sold at extremely inflated prices and situated amongst multiple rows of processed foods that are considerably cheaper and higher in caloric energy.

Territories like Nunavut are often referred to as ‘food deserts’ – places where access to affordable, healthy and nutritious food is restricted by social and geographical constraints. The term ‘food swamps’ is often used alongside this to describe areas where highly processed ‘junk’ foods are densely concentrated, namely in low-income urban neighborhoods with majority racialized or minority groups.

While these terms certainly recognize the pressing issue of food accessibility and adequacy, they are severely ignorant and passive to the fact that these so-called ‘deserts' and ‘swamps’ are not naturally occurring phenomena, but they have emerged through a discriminatory process and deliberate government policies.

Even so, the word ‘desert’ creates an image of desolation and emptiness.

These spaces are not empty; there is huge potential for growth, nourishment and vibrancy. It is rather the obstacles of settler colonialism, white supremacy and segregation that stand in the way of food justice. So, food apartheid seems the appropriate term.

In the U.S., the majority of farming subsidies go to white farmers. White neighborhoods have at least four times as many grocery stores as African-American neighborhoods.

Housing subsidies largely go to rich, white Americans, while ‘redlining’ policies have also restricted mortgage lending to minority homebuyers, preventing those in low-income areas from moving to neighborhoods with adequate access to nutritious food. This has created the knock-on effect of ‘supermarket redlining’ as companies view wealthier neighborhoods as more profitable and safer from crime.

As with the spatial segregation of minority and racialized communities in the US, the isolation of the indigenous Inuit communities in Canada is a product of forcible expulsion and land theft. The traditional food systems, environments and ancestral crop lands indigenous communities depended on, were destroyed by settlers.

Consequently, native communities were forcibly relocated to isolated reservations, which are currently being impeded upon as well.

Offshore oil exploration in the Arctic by major companies, endorsed by the Canadian authorities, threatens

marine life. In 2008, seismic testing caused the death of up to 1,000 narwhals. Rising global temperatures due to climate change are also impacting the migration patterns of these marine animals, which the Inuit depend on for food.

The Navajo Nation, spanning 17 million acres and the largest reservation in the U.S., has a total of 13 grocery stores, where the average resident has to drive three hours one-way to reach a grocery store that predominantly sells processed and nonnutritious products. The USDA’s Food Distribution Programme on Indian Reservations supplies some food to indigenous communities.

However, the products tend to be highly processed and have little nutritional value. Along with the few job opportunities and the rarity of affordable fresh food in indigenous reservations, this leads many to resort to cheap, unhealthy processed foods.

It does not stop there. As a result of limited access to healthy and culturally appropriate foods, health issues, in particular type 2 diabetes, are becoming increasingly prevalent in Black, Indigenous and other minority and low-income communities. On top of this, harsh discrimination and negligence within healthcare systems are a regular occurrence for these groups, and as a consequence, they experience higher fatalities and poorer overall well being. Achieving food justice and sovereignty for communities of color is more than

11 | November 2023 simply living near a grocery store, but rather about having agency over their local food systems.

Similarly to Black, Indigenous and minority communities in the US and Canada, Israel’s system of apartheid has wholly denied Palestinians their right to food sovereignty. Forced displacement, land expropriation, restrictions on free movement or even access to markets have led to severe food insecurity. The control of 80 percent of West Bank water reserves is one crucial way that Israel enforces food apartheid upon Palestinians.

Israeli authorities, between 2012 and 2021, demolished 572 Palestinian water structures in the West Bank. These structures are often small-scale traditional rainwater cisterns and wells. The demolition of an entire water system severely impedes the ability to cultivate land and create a sustainable food system.

Other discriminatory policies include requiring Palestinians, under military orders 1015 and 1039, to be granted permission to plant certain crops like eggplants, tomatoes, and onions.

Additionally, Israeli agricultural policies enforce the use of commercial seeds in an effort to erase Palestinian agricultural heritage. The traditional Jadu’i watermelon has been lost due to this.

Simply foraging for Palestinian diet staples, such as

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FEATURE

zaatar, sage and akoub, is punishable by fines and three years in prison.

Taxing ‘legal’ requirements and restrictions are piled one on top of the other, not only creating huge economic losses but hindering even basic subsistence agriculture within Palestinian communities. In 2020, Israel rejected 73 percent of farmer permit requests to access their farmland and tend to crops. The crops that are able to grow in spite of all this, as well as the increasingly dry and scorching summers, are often ruined by Israeli military aerial spraying of herbicides.

Simultaneously, cheaper, ‘secondclass,’ and harmful produce is introduced by Israel into markets across the West Bank, undermining the efforts of Palestinian farmers. In 2020, 72 percent of vegetables sold to Palestinians by Israeli producers were found to contain high levels of harmful pesticides.

The Israeli destruction of up to 1 million olive trees since 1967 and the continuous vandalism and theft of harvests defines the nature of food apartheid as the deliberate effort to occupy or erase a people and their cultural heritage, regardless of environmental damage. Israel has even banned the Union of Agricultural Work Committees, which protects traditional Palestinian heirloom seeds that have the potential to increase biodiversity and minimize the environmental impacts of farming.

The examples are endless. Food

apartheid is one of the most instrumental ways in which the Israeli government has been slowly starving Palestinians. There is no question that this is all by design, from every policy and legal measure to the outright destruction and expropriation of land, it is as deliberate as North America’s utilization of food apartheid against racialized communities.

Efforts of localized agroecological organizations among these communities are growing – farmers markets, community gardens and

food sharing are autonomizing marginalized populations from their oppressors.

However, complete food sovereignty, the right to affordable, fresh and culturally appropriate food for African Americans, the Inuit people, Palestinians, and marginalized communities all over the world, cannot be fully achieved without recognition of their humanity first.

12 | November 2023

The Menton Times

FEATURE

From Misdemeanors to World Domination: How Brazilian Faction PCC Threatens Global Security

BY CATARINA VITA X SCIENCES DEFENSE

One of the most predominant artistic expressions in Brazil is street art. From the outskirts of Bahia to São Paulo’s most metropolitan areas, sentences ranging from “Maria, I love you!” to “Free Lula!” are printed on all town surfaces. What was more noticed throughout the years, however, was the surging popularity of initials and enigmatic sentences. “Everything 3”, “CV”, and “PCC”, took over the sentimental and political declarations as street art. What these three terms have in common are their connections to Brazilian factions, which terrorize civilians inside and outside favelas and quickly wage wars in prisons, both defying police officers and provoking divisions within prisoners. The Primeiro Comando da Capital (translated to First Command of the Capital), or the PCC, is often considered Brazil’s most notable criminal faction, especially when considering its 29,400 member count and its overarching presence in 22 out of 29 Brazilian states.

In the Brazilian context, a faction consists of a group of criminals with a set ideology and aims, driving their crimes and modus operandi, and they are usually formed inside prisons. Before the emergence of the PCC, factions were already rampant in the Brazilian carceral system. The first faction created was the Red Command (or CV, Comando Vermelho), which aimed to forge a union between different classifications of prisoners, such as ones convicted for political and federal crimes. CV, through their crimes, aims to promote prisoner’s rights and banish police officers and people in power.

Factions in Brazil, for the most part, specialize in drug trafficking and crimes such as kidnapping and murder. The PCC, created after the CV, has similar ideologies and operational methods, but functions on a much greater scale.

PCC: Its Emergence and Crimes The PCC was formed during a soccer match in São Paulo, Brazil at what is considered to be the safest detention center in the state: The Custody House of Taubaté. Eight members of the center expressed their anger at the Carandiru Massacre in another prison in São Paulo. The massacre began as an attempt to resolve an ongoing animosity between two groups of prisoners, and resulted in the killings of 111

prisoners at the hands of police officers with 87 more injured. No officers were hurt. Using the Chinese yin-yang symbol to represent their ideology, the PCC established that “good and evil will be balanced wisely,” according to the Brazilian International Police Association.

Ever since the PCC’s emergence, the faction was responsible for the rebellion of over 20 detention centers in 2001 due to the transferring of various faction leaders and members. The collective of rebellions inside these centers are called the Levantes, and PCC leaders got access to cell phones and organized simultaneous insurrections at detention centers, resulting in 16 dead and 77 injured, among those prisoners and police officers. In 2006, the PCC was responsible for another widespread insurrection, arguably due to the transferring of various faction members to other detention centers and the kidnapping of the PCC leader’s stepson. Over 500 people were executed only from May 12 to 21, 2006 across various detention centers in Sao Paulo.

The organization of the PCC distinguishes it from other factions in Brazil since it divides itself into political and economic branches.

With their initial purpose of avenging a massacre committed against prisoners, the PCC establishes that crime is within their ideology as long as it defies the oppressive state. The faction’s economic branch acts by engaging in drug trafficking and other actions in the criminal market and, in return, provides the faction with everything from funding for armed robberies to food granted from the outside for the incarcerated.

PCC soon migrated from paulista detention centers to being omnipresent in Southeastern

Brazilian favelas. Ever since their strengthened economic branch and the presence of narcotics in Brazil, the PCC soon transitioned into land domination. Rio de Janeiro’s favela Rocinha, which the Red Command previously controlled, was taken over by the PCC, motivated by the large drug trafficking market and the prospect of new alliances with smaller criminal groups to ensure even further expansion. The PCC formed alliances with factions in Rio de Janeiro, which ensured them complete control of the inflow and outflow of drugs in the Rocinha favela, which has 70,000 inhabitants, according to a Brazilian census conducted in 2010.

In the present day, the PCC is still rampant in Brazilian detention centers and favelas. They still largely engage in drug trade and trafficking, making close relationships of alliance or animosity with various factions in all of Brazil. Furthermore, the PCC today has an infamous blacklist that includes political officials that the faction aims to exterminate. One of the members of the blacklist is Sergio Moro, a federal judge that was responsible for impeaching Dilma Rousseff, the first Brazilian female president.

Despite the danger the diversity of factions poses to Brazilian states in different degrees, the PCC is still the most feared. This is not due to the large member count and aforementioned history of domination— it is due to their ability to have a presence all across South America and even in parts of Europe.

PCC and the International Sphere Paraguay, which shares borders with some of the strongest South American economies, including Brazil, swiftly noticed a rising presence of the PCC in their drug

and weapons trade markets. The Santos Port in Brazil, located in Sao Paulo and crucial for trade, became largely used by the PCC for drug transportation since their May 2006 insurrection.

European mafias and organized crime factions consider the port as a hub for drugs and arms, which increased the PCC’s notoriety globally. According to Carolina Sampo for BBC, a researcher at the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research, “baptisms” — rituals of entrance to the PCC followed by an admissions process — were increasingly noticed in Paraguayan prisons, enhancing the faction’s presence in a second country.

Organized crime promoted by the PCC did not stop in Paraguay.

Another South American nation with a notable PCC presence is Bolivia, in which there were also insurrections in detention centers similar to the ones during PCC’s genesis. According to Bolivian authorities also for BBC, an explosion in a Bolivian prison resulting in three prisoner deaths was attributed to a PCC member, but the authorities admittedly requested more investigation and information on the case before releasing an official statement.

According to the Portuguese Intelligence Service for CNN, there are 1,000 PCC members in the country, more specifically in the Lisbon region. Portugal is considered to be a relevant drug passageway to Europe, considering the river Tejo’s accessibility. There are 20 PCC members imprisoned in Portugal, the majority of them due to drug trafficking.

More than 100 members of Italian mafias are also connected to the PCC and have been imprisoned for trafficking cocaine to South America.

The Future of PCC’s Influence and Actions PCC’s expansionary character, spreading from detention centers to favelas with greater populations than some big cities, will only let it become a bigger threat to global security. Its current monopoly on drug trade in Rio’s largest favelas, alongside its undeniable impact in South American countries and prisons, reveals that PCC’s most prominent aim today is ascending their economic presence to continue to perpetuate their crime and fund greater criminal actions.

13 | November 2023

FEATURE

The Menton Times

European Parliament: A Plea for Uniformity in Electoral Regulation

BY SELMA KAYMAKCI X EUROPEAN SOCIETY

consulates. This exclusion of voting rights, coming from a time when interest in voting for MEPs (i.e., Member of the European Parliament) was low, presents a democratic blind spot that requires immediate attention.

Considering that the PCC functions as an organized group with political and economic branches, in addition to having clear rules, punishments, and ideologies, the faction is, unfortunately, likely to worsen drug trafficking and widespread violence in South America.

Brazilian intelligence forces, namely police officers, often engage in operations in favelas and detention centers, disregarding that the PCCs profit largely comes from drug trade from the Santos Port and their overarching global presence. The PCC has undeniable hegemony in the south and southeast Brazil, but their presence in the north is not as noticeable as some of their other rival factions. Therefore, the faction aims to attempt domination in the Amazonian region, especially due to their possible easy access to other neighboring South American countries, such as Venezuela and Peru.

To properly counter this security threat, Brazilian and international intelligence forces should recognize the economic presence of the PCC and its impact on security – not only their constant threats of insurrections in prisons and favelas.

Due to the multimillion-dollar business of the drug trade, it is likely that the majority of PCC’s funding comes from drug trade. If intelligence forces worldwide recognized PCC and other worldwide factions, then Brazilian street art would illustrate more love declarations and less enigmatic initials that indicate faction domination and violence.

As the 2024 European Parliament election, scheduled for June 6 to 9, approaches, the institution is at a crossroads, with pressing challenges of possible radicalization and ensuing need for effective functioning. Central to overcoming these challenges is fostering high voter turnout in the upcoming elections. Amidst its commitment to democracy and increasing voter participation via communication campaigns, a persistent issue casts a shadow over the electoral process in four specific member states: Czechia, Slovakia, Malta and Ireland.

These four countries, by law, do not allow their citizens to vote from abroad. Despite 23 of the 27 European Union Member States allowing remote voting as a means to enhance accessibility and civic engagement, these four countries require their citizens abroad to return home to vote, with many citizens opting not to do so. While this may seem like a minor issue, in practicality, it has wider implications.

Allowing citizens abroad to vote in European elections is not just a matter of convenience; it's a recognition of the evolving nature of citizenship in an interconnected world. The voting rights in the elections to the European Parliament extend beyond national borders, impacting not just the voters’ own national legislation but shaping the very mechanisms and policies of the European Union, hence indirectly impacting the laws and legislation of other member states.

EU citizens living in a different member state than their origin are also highly relevant for the outcome of the elections. The first-hand experience of cross-border mobility abroad offers a tangible expression of the abstract idea of the European Union, reflecting a nuanced understanding of the benefits and challenges of European integration.

Particularly amid growing

radicalization in some member states , the votes of those who live abroad are likely to push for policies reflecting ideals of the current European Union, contributing to stability.

Interestingly, the four countries in question present a different case on this matter. In Malta and Ireland, citizens living outside the country do not have the ability to vote in any state elections or referendums— however, both countries have different outlooks and solutions on the matter. In Malta, all elections have resulted in subsidizing airplane tickets for eligible voters, which was also done in the 2019 European elections. While this is admirable, it calls into question the need for such barriers in the first place. The idea of citizens having to board an airplane to exercise their fundamental right to vote appears to be rather obsolete, at least, in the 21st century. In Ireland, no solution is proposed to this issue, and at the heart of the matter is a lack of political will to address this problem. However, by limiting voting rights to those within the country's borders, Ireland inadvertently sustains a system that excludes a segment of its population in both European and local elections.

Czechia is a different case, where citizens can vote in parliamentary and presidential elections from abroad, but are excluded from participating in European elections, senate and local elections. Slovakia also presents a similar policy, where nationals abroad have the option of voting by mail in parliamentary elections but not in presidential and European elections. While the absence of vote from abroad in local elections can be justified via constituency fragmentation, the countries stand as one electoral district in the case of European Parliament elections. Hence, they have no reason not to facilitate elections from embassies or

Solution?

An alternative choice for individuals living abroad in these states is to vote for their country of residence rather than their country of origin. This, however, comes with obstacles—and the more obstacles presented to voters, the greater the chance of non-participation. It requires citizens to be aware that they can vote in their country of residence, register, map out the political arena and cast their ballots. Even when a person is willing to run through these hurdles, the conditions vary across member states as to who can vote in European elections, not ensuring that one can vote at all if they cannot travel to their country of citizenship.

One thing is certain—the European Electoral Act requires revision for a set of united election rules to occur, ensuring full accessibility, equity and legitimacy of representation. The European Electoral Act currently only outlines very broad common principles and lacks a uniform electoral system across EU Member States for European elections. While changes were introduced to this act, most recently in 2022, that sought to harmonize the electoral procedure in many aspects, for these changes to come into effect a long process including a unanimous vote from the Council and majority consent from the Parliament is needed. Most recently, a debate on this act was held in June of 2023, so for the 2024 elections, the train to pass the revised version of the act has long passed. At a time when political turmoil is present and every vote can influence the outcome of the election, this can prove to be a dangerous aspect of European legislation that has not been given sufficient attention.

Examining and addressing these seemingly insignificant legislative issues is crucial as the European Union navigates the complexities of modern governance to combat extremism in the European Parliament and ensure that the democratic process remains reflective of the dispersed European population, guaranteeing voting rights to every citizen.

14 | November 2023

The Menton Times

FEATURE

Missing Figure - An Exploration of Aftersun 2022

BY PEDRO MEERBAUM X CINÉMENTONGRAPHE

I think it’s nice that we share the same sun

On a 9-hour flight from Rio de Janeiro to Lisbon, my mom unexpectedly decided to watch the newly-released movie, Aftersun. The critically acclaimed A24 picture was one of my favorite movies of the year, which I had rewatched and analyzed thoroughly since its release. I sat in anticipation for her verdict, questioning if she would enjoy the movie's atypical format, or minimum-plot storytelling, let alone if she would cry as I had at the movie theater.

She didn't. She only had one thing to say: "If they had made a movie about me and my dad it would have been just as, if not more, desolating." Her comment, albeit simple and short, lingered in my mind for the following 6 hours of the flight.

Had my mom understood the picture better than I, seeing as me and my dad have always been close? Did she see herself in the figure of Sophie, a small girl looking back at the time spent with her absent father? Moreover, what was it about Charlotte Well's Oscarnominated work that made it so relatable? The answer to those questions became clear as I leafed through old family albums: It lies within the universal attempt to reconstruct the puzzle of what, and why, something from our past is now missing in our lives. It lies within the missing figure.

Aftersun follows Calum, played

by Normal People actor Paul Mescal, and Sophie, played by the child actress Frankie Corio, as they spend a week of summer vacation in Turkey. Calum is a young single father, not older than 35, of Sophie, an 11-year-old who lives with her mom in

well-being was in jeopardy; any warning that he would eventually fade from her life. It is hard to pinpoint within the narrative precisely what is a flashback, a dream, or simply an imagined piece that the narrator has tried to locate in the puzzle of her memory.

Sophie sees a hurt father, a figure that spends half of the movie with an arm cast, and the other half with mysterious scars. When she asks him how he hurt his wrist, he replies "I didn't think it was broken."

Co-Director Barry Jerkins (known for his work on Oscar-Winning Moonlight) comments that Wells, in Aftersun, is "wading through wells of quiet anguish." Calum's pain is not simply physical; he cries while taking off his plaster, but he does so with a wall dividing him and Sophie; he shows no perspective for the future, in fact, he claims to be surprised he made it to 30; he condemns smokers in front of his daughter, but quietly lights a cigarette in the room balcony as she sleeps. The nuance of his suffering, one that he so strongly tried to conceal from Sophie, becomes clear to her as time passes, and as she reaches the age of 30.

Scotland. Set in the late 1990s, the week of vacation is often interrupted by short takes of the present, with a 30-year-old Sophie looking back at her vacation in the Mediterranean through tapes. She centers her reflections on Calum, who is often mistaken to be Sophie's brother and is struggling to embody the role of a father. In between swims and trips to tourist spots, Sophie films her dad with a little camera, the same one she would look back on 20 years later.

Wells showcases the week of vacation in Turkey without utilising a traditional plot style, playing with mundane dialogues and a realistic story progression. The director herself said in a Vanity Fair interview that the movie "is not easy to describe, but powerful to behold." Through a format where nothing is revealed explicitly, the audience grasps from the get-go that this specific vacation was, the last time Sophie saw her dad.

The movie begins with the sound of a camera whirring and beeping. An adjustment of zooms and focus that

soon is complemented by a 90s style video recording of Calum folding clothes in the hotel room.

The tape is filmed by Sophie, who comments on her recent birthday, and proceeds to ask her dad: "When you were 11 what did you think you would be doing now?" Sophie's camera whirs again and Calum, answerless, fades. The scene cuts and the movie properly begins. It is exposed, from the first scene, that there is a distance between the dad and the daughter, a feeling of nostalgia that is embedded in the faint background song and camera quality. The audience understands, then, that the movie is merely Sophie's memory. As she rewatches the tapes, and those are revealed to the viewer, the frustration of the daughter becomes clear: she desperately wants to peel the emotional layers of their last week together, looking through its content at the same age her father was when he left her. She is realizing things that her younger self would have never placed: she looks for signs of her dad's depression, indications that his

There is no explanation for Calum's whereabouts – one could infer that he took his own life, or that he simply left Sophie's life without any explanation. All that is clear is that the girl tries to fill in the blanks not shown by the tapes. When her dad is not found in the room at night and appears in the morning with a huge scar, she imagines him going for a nocturnal swim. When she looks back at his lack of emotion during birthday celebrations on the trip, she pictures him sobbing alone in the hotel room. She produces a film of their vacation with tapes from her actual camera and tapes of what young Sophie jokingly calls "her little mind camera."

The film reaches its climax not in any particular point of conflict, nor in any enthralling revelation.

Rather it happens as Calum invites Sophie to dance to "Under Pressure" by David Bowie and Queen. As he awkwardly exhibits his dance moves, white lights flash to the sound of Bowie singing "this is our last dance."

Young Sophie dances with her dad, and as the flashes occur we

15 | November 2023 see older Sophie screaming. It is not clear if she is screaming at her dad out of frustration, or at her younger self, who did not realize that was their last dance, their last moment of intimacy.

In the last scene of the movie, Calum films Sophie as she enters the boarding area of the airport.

He closes the camera and walks into an unknown door. The recording comes to an end.

Charlotte Well's work is undoubtedly one of the best releases of the last few years. It is an ode to memory, aging, and above all, an expression of grief.

It is through her mundane, but nonetheless anguished and nostalgic portrayal of the relationship between a father and a child that makes my mom, myself, and millions of other viewers consider this movie relatable. Her search for her dad through her memories is a natural reaction, a universal attempt to bring pieces together and seek solace in the unfathomable. As Sophie herself puts it, it is comforting to know "that even if we aren’t in the same place, we kind of are, you know? We’re, like, under the same sky."

Even if we aren’t in the same place, we kind of are, you know?

We’re, like, under the same sky

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16 | November 2023

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FEATURE

Les enfants dans la guerre: un enjeu pour la paix

BY SALOMÉ GREFFIER X UNICEF

Le 7 octobre 2023 au matin, des milliers de roquettes déchirent le ciel entre la bande de Gaza, en Palestine, et le territoire israélien.

Un mois après l’opération “Déluge d’Al Aqsa” perpétrée par le groupe terroriste du Hamas, l’escalade des hostilités a provoqué la mort de plus de dix mille personnes, majoritairement des civils. Cette nouvelle déclaration de guerre entre Israël et Palestine s’ajoute à la liste trop longue des conflits de notre siècle. Des guerres habitées par des divisions ethniques et religieuses, opposant des Etats souvent déliquescents à des groupes armés terroristes ou non, sur un fond d’inégalités profondes imposées par la mondialisation. Ainsi, Bertrand Badie et Dominiques Vidal dans “Nouvelles guerres, Comprendre les conflits du XXI° siècle” (2016) soulignent les changements de nature des conflits actuels.

Asymétriques, transnationales et commercialisées, les violences se dirigent principalement vers les civils, en dépit du droit international humanitaire. En effet, la quatrième convention de Genève de 1949 énonce des principes tels que la distinction entre civils et combattants, la proportionnalité et la précaution dans l’attaque ainsi que l’interdiction des maux superflus et la protection des bâtiments civils. Alors que ce texte de loi dénombre 196 parties, soit 196 pays l’ayant reconnu et/ou ratifié, la guerre (que l’on pourrait adjoindre d’un pluriel) israélo/palestinienne témoigne de sa violation; les civils demeurant toujours les premières victimes du conflit. A l’occasion de la journée internationale des droits de l’enfant le 20 novembre, l’exposition des mineurs à la brutalité de la guerre retiendra notre attention.

Pour Antonio Guterres, secrétaire général de l’ONU, Gaza “devient un cimetière pour enfants” et réitère ses appels à un cessez-le-feu immédiat. Dès les premières heures du conflit, l’organisation internationale et son agence, l’UNICEF, ont appuyé la nécessité de l’arrêt total des attaques armées, de l'acheminement de l’aide et de la libération des enfants enlevés.

Malgré ces cris d’alerte, au 5 novembre, le bilan faisait état d’au moins 4 008 enfants décédés dans la bande de Gaza, 7 695 blessés et 1 150 portés disparus.

Cela représente 400 enfants tués ou blessés par jour sous seulement 25 jours de conflit. Du côté israélien, les otages toujours retenus par les forces du Hamas comptent de nombreux enfants.

Au delà de ce conflit, entre 2005 et 2020, les Nations Unies ont vérifié plus de 266 000 violations graves contre des enfants commises par des parties lors de conflits en Afrique, Asie, au Moyen-Orient, en Amérique latine et récemment en Europe avec la guerre russo-ukrainienne. Tués, mutilés, enlevés, violés, exploités sexuellement, les enfants sont touchés dans leur chair. Nous pensons dès lors aux enfants-soldats du Libéria, de Sierra Leone ou encore du Népal. La prostitution infantile touche tous les continents et particulièrement au Pakistan, Inde, Kenya ou encore le Brésil. De plus, il est nécessaire de considérer les impacts psychologiques relatifs aux violences commises envers les enfants, qui les suivent dans leur vie, comme un rappel constant des actes qu’ils ont subi. De même, l’accès à l’éducation, à l’eau, à la santé, sont des défis à relever pour les organisations internationales et associations. Enfin, les déplacements migratoires d’enfants restent une problématique pour l’UNICEF. Le Soudan demeure ainsi la plus grande crise de déplacements

d’enfants au monde, avec 3 millions de mineurs fuyant la violence généralisée. Au total, ce sont plus de 43,3 millions d’enfants qui se trouvent forcés de quitter leurs domiciles. La majorité sont déplacés à l’intérieur de leurs pays d’origine.

Le rapport de l’UNICEF “25 years of children and armed conflict: Taking action to protect children in war” (2022), traduit, selon Catherine Russell, directrice générale de l’organisation, de “l’incapacité du monde à protéger ses enfants contre les violations graves commises en période de conflit armé”. Un aveu de faiblesse, rappelant à chaque partie leur responsabilité dans les conflits.

Cette culpabilisation engage non seulement les Etats, mais aussi les organisations non gouvernementales et groupes armés à se soucier davantage des risques qu’ils pourraient encourir à l’avenir en sacrifiant des générations. Porter atteinte à l’intégrité des enfants met en péril la paix, la stabilité et la sécurité future globale. Construire la paix à partir d’un cercle de violences intégrées dans les représentations individuelles semble être vain.

Néanmoins, si l’on en croit les mots de Françoise Héritier, l’éducation et la considération de l’autre en tant qu’être digne de respect et de considération, propose une issue à ces trappes de brutalités:

“La seule manière de sortir de la violence consisterait à prendre conscience des mécanismes de répulsion, d'exclusion, de haine ou encore de mépris afin de les réduire à néant grâce à une éducation de l'enfant relayée par tous”

17 | November 2023

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“Es-tu gay?” outenir les deux? Quelle est la Leur site web (Free Block 13 - Free corrélation entre le fait qu'Adam soit the LGBTQIA+ community from un homme et qu'Eve soit une femme Kakuma) contient des informations "Es-tu gay ?” Cette question a été et le fait que Dieu ne puisse pas nous sur les activités du Pride month, une posée par l'étudiant qui se trouvait aimer tous, peu importe notre section "dons" et une section à mon côté dans mon cahier de sexualité ? "histoires." J'ai pris le temps de lire notes il y a quelques semaines dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma. À partir de cette question, une discussion écrite de quarante minutes sur l'homosexualité a z commencé. Ecrite parce que, simultanément, un migrant géorgien queer a témoigné de son expérience et de son travail de recherche sur le thème de la migration LGBTQ+.

Cette discussion a été retranscrite en partie :

BY AMALIA HEIDE X SCIENCES PO REFUGEE HELP

Amalia : Tu détestes ça ?

Lui : L'homosexualité est contraire à notre culture.

NOUS le détestons.

Le pronom " nous " dans ce cas fait référence à la communauté. Mon interlocuteur se présente, pendant toute la durée de la conversation, comme un porte-parole de la vision générale de la communauté.

Lui : Nous n'aimons pas les gays et les lesbiennes. C'est un crime ici.

La société vous maudira si vous vous engagez dans cette voie. Les LGBTQIA+ sont-ils autorisés en Argentine ?

Amalia : Nous croyons (j'ai également décidé de prendre le rôle de représenter la culture hégémonique de mon pays) que chacun est libre d'aimer qui il veut.

Le mariage gay est légal.

Lui : Je n'ai jamais vu de joueurs argentins se marier avec des joueurs masculins, par exemple Messi, Aguero, etc. C'est un manque de respect d'épouser un homme quand on est un homme.

Amalia : Pourquoi ?

Lui : Dieu a créé Adam (l'homme) et Eve (la femme). Pourquoi Dieu n'a-t-il pas créé le même sexe ?

Amalia : Il est peut-être préférable de considérer la création du monde comme une légende, créée dans une société où les LGBTQIA+ n'étaient pas bien vus, comme c'est le cas aujourd'hui au Kenya. Mais si la légende était vraie, pourquoi cela signifierait-il que Dieu est nécessairement CONTRE les LGBTQIA+ ? Ne peut-il pas

Lui : Le mariage est destiné à mettre au monde des enfants, mais les personnes du même sexe ne peuvent pas mettre au monde des enfants.

Autoriser les LGBTQIA+ revient à aller à l'encontre de l'œuvre de Dieu.

Pourquoi s'engager dans une relation si l'on ne peut pas avoir d'enfants?

Nous pouvons nous aimer les uns les autres, mais pas nous engager dans des actes sexuels avec le même sexe.

Adopter des enfants est une bonne chose [...] mais il faudrait savoir aussi à quoi ressemblerait ton produit (le bébé).

J'ai estimé qu'il était important de transcrire cette conversation afin de contextualiser l'environnement dans lequel la communauté LGBTQIA+ est contrainte de se développer. Afin de ne pas baser ma déclaration uniquement sur une conversation, je voudrais souligner que la Commission nationale des droits de l'homme des gays et lesbiennes (NGLHRC) et Amnesty International ont publié cette année un rapport conjoint sur les expériences des réfugiés LGBTQIA+ vivant à Kakuma, au Kenya. Ils qualifient cette situation extrêmement dangereuse, caractérisée par des crimes de haine, des discriminations et d'autres violations des droits de l'homme.

Malgré cet environnement hostile, il existe dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma un collectif LGBTQIA+ extrêmement actif qui cherche à sensibiliser les gens à leur statut dans le camp. Il s'agit de Free Block 13 Kakuma.

plusieurs témoignages poignants et je vous invite à faire de même.

Cependant, j'aimerais mettre en lumière l'histoire de Kevin, un homme transgenre qui a subi plusieurs attaques de la part de la communauté à Kakuma sans recevoir d'aide de la part du HCR. Kevin raconte que "le 25 juin 2020, des homophobes ont mis le feu à notre clôture, qui s'est propagée à notre maison malgré la présence de la police, aucun effort n'a été fait pour arrêter les agresseurs et, à ce jour, personne n'a jamais été appréhendé et les mêmes agresseurs jurent toujours de nous attaquer et de nous tuer pour mettre fin à la malédiction qui pèse sur nous, les LGBTQIA+ de Kakuma au Kenya." Une malédiction, c'est la même expression que celle utilisée par mon interlocuteur pour décrire cette communauté.

Il est évident que cette série de discriminations doit être comprise à travers l'intersectionnalité. Prenons le témoignage de Shifra: sa mère, qui est homosexuelle, a dû fuir avec Shifra son pays d'origine, l'Ouganda, après avoir été victime de violences physiques et mentales. Elle et Kevin ont tous deux été victimes de mariages forcés parce qu'ils étaient des femmes et étaient incapables d'imposer leur volonté.

Ainsi, le statut des femmes en matière de droits de l'homme est une question centrale dans le camp de réfugiés. Lors de la conférence internationale sur les mobilités et les

immobilités à Kakuma, un groupe "d'étudiants du camp a présenté le projet sur la santé et les droits des représentants sexuels. Composé de deux femmes et de quatre hommes, le groupe vise à sensibiliser les femmes (mais aussi les hommes) à leurs droits sexuels.En effet, l'une des fondatrices du projet a raconté, avec beaucoup de tristesse dans les yeux, comment plusieurs de ses camarades de classe ont dû épouser des "hommes de plus de 60 ans". Une autre a raconté comment l'absence d'éducation sexuelle a conduit des adolescentes à tomber enceintes contre leur gré.

Cette initiative étudiante est rejointe par d'autres, comme dans le cas d'Amina Rowimoh Hortense.

Amina est arrivée au camp de réfugiés de Kakuma en 2004, fuyant le conflit en République démocratique du Congo. Elle n'avait que 17 ans. Elle a réussi à suivre une formation de cinéaste grâce au HCR et réalise aujourd'hui des films pour sensibiliser à la situation des femmes dans le camp. Son dernier film traite par exemple des mutilations génitales féminines et l a été projeté dans le camp, incitant les femmes et les hommes à remettre en question cette pratique, toujours ancrée dans la société.

Préserver les traditions ou changer ? C'est le thème qui est devenu de plus en plus récurrent lors de notre séjour à Kakuma et de nos échanges avec les étudiants résidents du camp. Cette tension entre la tradition et l'universalité des droits humains est ressentie dans l'environnement, en espérant qu'un équilibre puisse être trouvé entre les deux concepts pour assurer la sécurité et le bien-être de l'individu.

18 | November 2023

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CULTURE

Un cri pour la tolérance religieuse: la Abrahamic Family House

BY CALISTA CELLERIER

et présent dans beaucoup d’architecture musulmane, est grandement apprécié dans la mosquée car il permet aux croyants de voir l'extérieur tout en conservant un sentiment d’intimité.

Enfin, la synagogue, nommée après le philosophe juif du 12ème siècle Moses Ben Maimon, est construite par des colonnes croisées représentant les palmiers utilisés dans les Sukkah, refuges pour les croyants durant Sukkot – le festival des Cabanes, l’une des trois fêtes de pèlerinages inscrites dans la Torah. Cette architecture permet de se protéger du soleil et d'observer les étoiles. Il s’agit d’une synagogue orientée vers Jérusalem.

Lorsque l’on regarde les actualités aujourd’hui, il est clair que nous vivons dans une époque de profond changement, marquée par les guerres et les conflits entre sociétés et populations.

Dans un monde multiculturel, caractérisé par une diversité de croyances, comment peuton vivre quand les différentes opinions se déchirent constamment ?

Bien que nombreux se posent cette question, certains essaient d’y répondre. C’est le cas des Emirats Arabes Unis (EAU) en ouvrant le 16 février 2023 la “Abrahamic Family House”, offrant au monde une nouvelle définition de la tolérance religieuse.

Alors, qu’est-ce que la Abrahamic Family House? Construite à Abu Dhabi, capitale des EAU, la Abrahamic Family House est un complexe de trois bâtiments au cœur de Saadiyat Island, le centre culturel de la ville. Il se compose d’une église, d’une mosquée et d’une synagogue. C’est un centre culturel et religieux promouvant la tolérance, la connaissance et surtout l'amitié entre êtres humains. L'accès y est gratuit, ouvert à tous et le centre propose aussi des activités et programmes à but éducatif.

Par exemple, le programme religieux “Tahfeeth Circles,” pour apprendre le Coran est dispensé par l’Imam Ahmed Al-Tayeb ainsi que différents professeurs, ouverts aux hommes et aux femmes. Le centre offre aussi des activités en communauté, comme les ateliers d'aromathérapie et de peinture acrylique.

Quant aux bâtiments, ils sont d’une singularité et originalité qui a surpris le monde. Chacun est construit de manière similaire, en forme de carrés de 30 mètres à l’architecture sobre et épurée et dotés de caractéristiques communément trouvées dans des églises, mosquées et synagogues du monde, soulignant la similarité et l’origine commune entre les trois religions d’Abraham.

Pourtant, en regardant de plus près, chaque lieu de culte présente des différences, comme pour indiquer que chaque religion est unique et indépendante.

Le premier bâtiment est l'église de Saint François d’Assise, moine catholique Italien du 13ème siècle, qui insistait sur l'humilité et la simplicité et consacrait sa vie à une pauvreté extrême. Ses colonnes sont orientées vers le soleil levant, visant à souligner l’importance de la lumière comme le symbole de la divinité. Les colonnes sont droites et symbolisent la verticalité des concepts d’incarnation et de résurrection.

Le plafond est construit en forme d’arche, comme l’Arche de Noé.

Ensuite, la mosquée est nommée après Ahmed Mohamed Al-Tayeb, grand Imam d’Al-Azhar et est orientée vers la Mecque. Elle regroupe nombreuses similitudes avec des mosquées du monde entier, comme les sept arches reflétant l’importance du nombre sept dans l’Islam. Le mashrabiya, un ornement folie permettant à la lumière d’entrer

Les croyants du monde entier de chacune des religions d’Abraham peuvent ainsi se réunir à la Abrahamic Family House pour se recueillir et communiquer, en tant qu’amis et communauté.

Cependant, quelle est la raison derrière cette initiative des Emirats? En effet, le 4 février 2019, le Pape François et le Grand Imam

19 | November 2023 Ahmed Al-Tayeb se réunissent à Abu Dhabi pour signer le Document sur la fraternité humaine pour la paix dans le monde et la coexistence commune.

Le document met l’accent sur la collaboration, le dialogue et la connaissance, dans la perspective de guider les futures générations vers le respect mutuel au sein de l'humanité.

De ce fait, La Abrahamic Family House est construite suite à la signature de ce document et constitue un exemple de la volonté des EAU de promouvoir la coexistence entre toutes les religions et de lutter contre les conflits qui souvent divisent la société.

Ce n’est pas la première fois que les EAU font preuve d’une ouverture d’esprit peu commune.

De nombreuses mosquées et églises peuvent être trouvées dans les différents émirats, mais surtout à Dubaï et Abu Dhabi. Des temples Hindou sont aussi ouverts aux croyants, comme le Hindu Temple, célébrant principalement les dieux Shiva et Krishna. Il est important de noter que la synagogue Moses Ben Maimon n’est que le deuxième édifice construit pour la pratique de la religion Juive par un gouvernement du Moyen Orient, le premier se trouvant au Bahreïn. Un geste qui ne passe pas inaperçu.

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En effet, de nombreux religieux du monde entier s’expriment sur la Abrahamic Family House, comme le cardinal Miguel Angel Ayuso Guixot ou le rabbin anglais Ephraim Mirvis.

L’inauguration du complexe est décrite comme un moment mémorable dans l’histoire de la tolérance religieuse et de l’unification des Hommes.

Aujourd’hui, de nombreux conflits et désaccords font rage et l’acceptation de la diversité religieuse devient une discussion cruciale pour la paix dans le monde.

De nombreux pays ont tenté d’atteindre ce but, la plupart à travers la séparation de la religion et de l’Etat ou la neutralité religieuse comme la laïcité en France. Néanmoins les EAU semblent être plus proches que jamais d’achever cet objectif, sans pour autant se séparer de leur tradition religieuse, en appliquant une Sharia certes allégée, mais bien présente.

Ainsi, nous constatons que La Abrahamic Family House représente un espoir pour l'humanité, et comme l’annonce l'évêque Paulo Martellini pendant une juridiction concernant Oman, les EAU et le Yémen: “L’inauguration de cette maison est un cri pour la paix qui s'élève vers Dieu et vers l'humanité toute entière, en particulier dans un monde marqué par les guerres et la haine.”

“L’inauguration de cette maison est un cri pour la paix qui s'élève vers Dieu et vers l'humanité toute entière, en particulier dans un monde marqué par les guerres et la haine”

20 | November 2023

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Navigating the Paradox: Kierkegaard's Philosophy of Choice in an Age of Wellbeing Anxiety

BY FRANCESCA DI MURO

‘’Existing means "being able to choose"; indeed, to be a possibility. But this does not constitute man's wealth, but rather his misery. His freedom of choice does not represent his greatness, but his permanent drama. In fact, he is always faced with the alternative of a "possibility that yes" and a "possibility that no" without possessing any criteria for choice. And he gropes in the dark, in an unstable position, in permanent indecision, without being able to orient his life, intentionally, in one direction or another’’ Søren Kierkegaard, a 19th-century Danish philosopher, delved deeply into the human experience, particularly the complexities of choice and decision-making. His exploration of existential themes, such as the nature of individuality and the anxiety inherent in freedom resonates strongly in today's society. This article will examine Kierkegaard's theme of choice and its relevance in contemporary times, with a focus on the "fear of best option" and the challenges posed by the abundance of choices, well-being, and privilege.

Kierkegaard's philosophy emphasizes the paradox of human freedom – the simultaneous burden and blessing of having the power to choose. In a world where choices abound, individuals often find themselves paralyzed by the fear of making the wrong decision.

His notion of choosing in life extends beyond the conventional understanding of decision-making as a mere selection of positive alternatives. He introduces the concept that every authentic choice involves not only saying 'yes' to a particular option but simultaneously saying 'no' to other possibilities.

This dual nature of choice emphasizes the inherent exclusivity and commitment that accompanies genuine decisionmaking. In choosing one path, individuals inevitably reject alternative avenues, and Kierkegaard argues that this negation is an integral aspect of the human experience.

By acknowledging the necessity of both affirmation and negation in the act of choosing, Kierkegaard introduces a nuanced understanding of decision-making that encapsulates the complexities and sacrifices inherent in the pursuit of a chosen path.

For Kierkegaard, the tension between 'yes' and 'no' in choosing is not a source of despair but an opportunity for authentic selfexpression.

Choosing involves taking a stance, making commitments, and embracing the responsibility that comes with saying 'yes' to a particular way of life. Simultaneously, the act of saying 'no' reflects an individual's willingness to forego other possibilities and accept the limitations that define their chosen path. Kierkegaard's philosophy encourages individuals to recognize the dialectical relationship between affirmation and negation in the process of choosing, fostering a deeper understanding of the profound impact that decisions have on the unfolding narrative of one's existence.

In the 21st century, technological advancements and socio-economic progress have exponentially increased the number of choices available to individuals. From career paths to relationships, and even trivial daily decisions, the fear of making the wrong choice can be overwhelming. This fear is further compounded by societal expectations and the constant comparison facilitated by social media, contributing to decision paralysis. Kierkegaard's insights into choice gain additional relevance when considering the role of privilege and well-being in decision-making. In societies where individuals are blessed with numerous opportunities and resources, the fear of squandering these privileges can be paralyzing.

The weight of responsibility in making choices that align with one's well-being and privilege adds an extra layer of complexity to the decision-making processes.

In a society where choices proliferate and opportunities abound, those endowed with privilege often confront a unique set of dilemmas. The fear of the best option, as conceptualized by Kierkegaard, becomes particularly pronounced for these individuals.

The weight of societal expectations, coupled with the fear of squandering their advantages, can render these individuals incapable of taking decisive action. This paradoxical situation leaves them in a state of indecision, as the fear of making the wrong choice hinders their ability to engage authentically with the possibilities before them.

In the realm of privilege, Kierkegaard's philosophy reveals a profound irony. While possessing the resources and opportunities to shape their lives in ways that many others might envy, these individuals find themselves ensnared by the fear that the best option might elude them. The privilege that ostensibly offers freedom becomes a double-edged sword, amplifying the anxiety associated with decision-making.

This paradoxical struggle to choose is symptomatic of a broader societal issue where the abundance of choices, combined with the pressure to make optimal decisions, results in a form of decision paralysis.

Kierkegaard's insights thus serve as a poignant reflection on the challenges faced by those who, despite their privileged positions, find themselves incapacitated by the very abundance of options that their status affords.

"When you choose one way out of many, all the ways you don't take are snuffed out like candles, as if they'd never existed. At the moment of choice, each one of them is the one and only way of salvation.

Then, as soon as you've chosen, the doors of all the other ways close on you. They were and remain nothing. But this one way is more than enough. It goes on infinitely.

Along its path, the way you chose and the one you didn't will merge. Or not. Because each way is unique, and every difference is different"

21 | November 2023 Kierkegaard's philosophy encourages individuals to confront the anxiety of choice head-on, advocating for authentic, subjective engagement with one's existence. In a society that often values external success metrics, Kierkegaard's emphasis on individuality and authenticity provides a counterpoint, urging individuals to look inward and prioritize personal values over societal expectations.

To navigate the fear of the best option, Kierkegaard suggests embracing the reality of human existence, which includes the inevitability of making mistakes.

Acceptance of this inherent imperfection liberates individuals from the paralyzing fear of making the wrong choice. Kierkegaard's philosophy invites a shift in perspective, encouraging individuals to view choices not as burdens but as opportunities for personal growth and selfdiscovery.

Søren Kierkegaard's exploration of choice, the fear of the best option, and the challenges posed by wellbeing and privilege resonate deeply in today's society. As we navigate an era of unprecedented choices and opportunities, Kierkegaard's philosophy serves as a valuable guide, urging individuals to confront the anxiety of choice with authenticity and self-reflection. By embracing the imperfections inherent in the human experience, we can move beyond the fear of making the wrong decision and forge paths that align with our true selves.

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CULTURE

A Local’s Guide to Istanbul

BY SELIN ELIF KÖSE

Istanbul — a home to a range of civilizations from the Byzantines to the Ottomans, an inspiration for the most beautiful songs and poems, and a bridge for connecting continents and cultures. There are hundreds and thousands of ways to describe Istanbul, yet words remain inadequate for explaining the art of living in the city. Running to catch the ferry from Üsküdar to Beşiktaş, reading a book while listening to the sound of waves and seagulls, feeling the warmth of hot tea in your freezing hands and talking about Turkish politics with a random taxi driver. Not a single day is quite the same in this overcrowded but lively city. To properly experience the unique spirit of Istanbul, visiting the tourist attractions is barely enough – but don’t worry, this guide is here to help you discover the must-see parts of Istanbul from a local’s perspective.

Where to stay Taksim Taksim, located on the European side of Istanbul, is one of the most central and lively parts of the city with its various restaurants, shops, and lively night-life. From Istiklal Avenue to the Galata Tower, this district serves as a fusion of history and modernity at the same time.

Whether you take the infamous tram in Istiklal, the M2 metro line with a sea view or the funicular from the Beyoglu Tunnel, it is extremely easy to use public transportation to traverse Taksim.

Taksim is also a popular spot amongst tourists thanks to its wide range of hotels. If you are looking for a historical experience and have a flexible budget, Pera Palace Hotel might be a good choice to consider.

Initially built in 1892 to host passengers of the Orient Express, Pera Palace welcomed many historical figures including Shah of Iran Reza Pahlevi, King of Great Britain Edward VIII, and American First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy. The hotel also has museum rooms of authors Ernest Hemingway, Agatha Christie and founder of modern Turkey Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, which are open to visit. The exterior and interior design of Pera Palace reflects the architecture of the late 19th century and the live jazz and swing music from the 1920s in the lobby takes you on a one-way trip to the past. Pera Palace is definitely one of the historical places that warrants a visit even if you are staying elsewhere.

Beşiktaş Even though it’s not as crowded as Taksim, Beşiktaş is also one of the most central areas in the European side of the city. As this district is located near the seaside, ferries are the easiest and most common public transport. Since there is no direct metro line from Beşiktaş, dependence on ferries and taxis may be a problem for a tourist staying there. Still, if you choose to stay in Beşiktaş, there is a huge selection of Airbnb options varying in price – finding an accommodation close to Akaretler Avenue would be a smart choice. Akaretler, with its renovated architectural design from the Ottoman era, is a popular neighborhood amongst local residents of Istanbul due to its variety of restaurants, coffee shops and bars. At the same time, it is close to the most important museums like the National Painting Museum, the Naval Museum and Dolmabahçe Palace. Beşiktaş is also the home for a fan-favorite football team carrying the same name. So, if you see a bunch of people in black and white jerseys chanting “Gücüne güç katmaya geldik/ Formanda ter olmaya geldik/ Beşiktaş seninle ölmeye geldik, Beşiktaş!” , don’t be scared, there probably is just a match. Just tag along with the crowd and enjoy the enthusiasm of our beloved national sport.

Kadıköy Also known as the most liberal district of Istanbul, Kadıköy is the heart of youth and free spirit.

Located in the Asian side of Istanbul, it is the most popular hang-out spot for people ranging from the age of 13 to late 30s. The Street of Bars is the best place to drink beer and eat french fries on a Friday night and Moda Coastal Park is the best place to have a picnic with your friends or read a book by the sea. When searching for an

Airbnb in Kadıköy, Moda will definitely be the neighborhood you would want to choose. Although it should be noted that there are not many historical monuments to visit in Kadıköy, so it’s more of a favorite spot for local residents, rather than tourists. However, it’s extremely easy to access other parts of Istanbul by ferries and metro.

Must-see places & monuments Galata Tower & Istiklal Avenue Galata Tower, one of the most well known symbols of Istanbul, is located in Taksim. The Turkish myth is that you will marry the person you visit the Galata Tower with, so be careful about who you take there! There usually is quite a long queue to get inside and I would say it is not worth the wait. Rather, I would recommend having dinner at a rooftop restaurant with a view of the city and Galata Tower, such as the Barnathan Cafe Brasserie or Simone Beyoğlu.

Istiklal Avenue is the most lively pedestrian street of Istanbul. Just take a walk down the street and you will see various passages (Çiçek Passage, Suriye Passage, Atlas Passage, etc.), historic churches (St. Anthony of Padua Church and Roman Catholic Church of Santa Maria Draperis) and many vintage shops. However, to truly experience Taksim, just take a quick turn from Istiklal and enter a random street.

The narrow streets around Istiklal are truly mesmerizing – walking around spontaneously and aimlessly is the best way to explore this district.

Sultanahmet Area The Sultanahmet area, also known as the Old City, is where most important historical landmarks are located. This area is located in Fatih district near the Sirkeci station of

22 | November 2023 the Marmaray metro line.

Sultanahmet can be a bit overwhelming with the huge crowds of confused tourists and stressed locals, so it is important to know your way around.

I would recommend starting with Hagia Sophia and the Blue Mosque. Hagia Sophia was originally built as Christian Church under the Byzantine Empire, but after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, Mehmed II ordered it to be repurposed as a mosque. When you visit Hagia Sophia, you can notice both the Byzantine and the Ottoman architecture. Today, it is listed under the UNESCO World Heritage List just like the Blue Mosque, located directly across Hagia Sophia. After visiting these two mosques, take a four minute walk to Basilica Cistern. This newly renovated underground water reservoir has 336 columns and two Medusa Heads. It takes around 15 minutes to walk around the Cistern, but it definitely is one of the most breathtaking historic sites in Istanbul. And you cannot skip Topkapı Palace, the main residence of Sultans and the administrative center of the Ottoman Empire.

Topkapı Palace Museum is famous for its collections of porcelain, robes, weapons, Ottoman miniatures, Islamic calligraphy manuscripts, jewelry and more.

Moreover, it houses the most important remains of the Ottoman Empire, so you should spare at least half a day to spend in the Palace.

Where to eat: pubs, restaurants and bars Çiya Sofrası Location: Kadıköy

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Concept: Traditional Turkish food Recommended Food: Lahmacun Recommended Drink: Ayran (traditional yogurt drink) Minoa Location: Beşiktaş Concept: Book store and restaurant at the same time Recommended Food: Mücver (vegan) Recommended Drink: Red Wine Varuna Gezgin Location: Taksim Concept: A chill pub with great interior design and a menu with different cuisines around the world

Recommended Food: Kajun Basket (Fried chicken with french fries) Recommended Drink: Efes Beer Karaköy Duble Meze Location: Karaköy Concept: Dinner with rakı at first and then turns into a club after 11 pm (feel free to stand up in your chair and dance along to some 2000s Turkish pop) Recommended Food: Fixed menu of traditional meze (like tapas) Recommended Drink: Rakı (Beylerbeyi Göbek Serisi)

CULTURE

The Prince Island: a quick getaway from the city It is not commonly known by tourists that Istanbul has five little islands.

Whenever you are overwhelmed by the noise and the stress of the city, it is always a good idea to take a day-trip to the Prince Islands, or at least Heybeliada and Büyükada if your schedule is tight.

Start your day with a hike in the forest to the Halki seminary where you will see lovely donkeys, peacocks, and horses. Then find your way through the abandoned Heybeliada Sanatorium, which was the first pandemic hospital in Turkey. After that comes the best part of the day; dinner, and by that, I mean Rakı and Balık (traditional Turkish alcohol and seafood). For that, take the ferry to Büyükada and make sure you make a reservation for Loc’ada Restaurant by the sea. With old, gloomy Turkish music, accompanied by the sound of crashing waves, Rakı Balık is the best way to bond with people on a deeper level, seeing as this whole tradition is based on trauma dumping. Believe me, you are going to feel so much better when you are drunk and running to catch the last ferry on a random Thursday night.

23 | November 2023

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CULTURE

The Artistic Enigma: What Does Innovation Mean in the Context of Art?

BY ROSIE BETROSIAN

Art is thought of as inherently innovative, original; and personal.

While this statement may hold truth, art often includes recycling, emulating, echoing, and homage.

However, a pessimistic viewpoint asserts that there is no true innovation in art, everything is always connected to a predecessor — is art merely repetition? One may ask, if this negates its artistic nature?

In the realm of fashion, two creators, the brand of Louis Vuitton and Iris Van Herpen, embody this dichotomy.

The former, a global luxury brand, relies on the repletion of old ideas, while the latter, a boundary-pushing designer, is a paradigm of true originality in a contemporary context. This article explores the relationship between repetition, commercialization, and artistic innovation, questioning whether homage and echoing can be considered art forms themselves.

Repetition Philosophy

As

An

Artistic

Louis Vuitton – an iconic name in the fashion industry — has mastered the art of repletion. The brand's design philosophy often involves revisiting its archives, drawing inspiration from past collections, and reinventing classic designs. The conflation of tradition and modernity is evident in each iteration, creating a sense of continuity that resonates with consumers. On the other hand, Louis Vuitton creative directors’ aim is creating couture that has appeal and respects the legacy of the brand. This can be construed as a limitation on artistic expression, rendering the product, a mere product, A potent argument asserts that this approach leans towards commercialization.

The question arises: can repetition be an art form in itself?

nostalgia, which can be considered an art form. Others, however, view it as a calculated move to capitalize on established aesthetics, potentially diluting the essence of true artistic expression. The blurred line between homage and commercialization challenges our understanding of what constitutes art in the context of the fashion industry, and incites the overarching question of what we view as art in a broader sense.

The Quest For True Innovation In stark contrast to the repetitive nature of Louis Vuitton, Iris Van Herpen stands out as a designer who embodies true originality. Van Herpen stands at the forefront of fashion innovation, weaving a narrative that transcends the conventional boundaries of the industry. Her avant-garde approach is a symphony of technology, unconventional materials, and hands-on experimentation.

Integrating technologies such as 3D printing and laser cutting, Van Herpen pushes the limits of what fashion can achieve. Her use of unconventional materials, from liquid resin to transparent acrylics, redefines the very fabric of clothing. The collaboration with scientists and artists enriches her creations, drawing inspiration from diverse sources. Nature serves as her muse, with designs mirroring and transcending organic beauty.

Her work not only sets her apart as a designer but also sets a transformative precedent for the future of fashion innovation.

Is Art Inherently Innovative?

The exploration of Louis Vuitton and Iris Van Herpen's approaches begs the question: is art inherently innovative or can repetition and homage also be considered valid forms of artistic expression?

While some argue that innovation is a fundamental component of art, others contend that tradition and repetition have their place in the creative realm. Although historical accounts frequently highlight revolutionary developments and original works of art, as seen in the case of Van Herpen, a critical analysis indicates that artistic expression occasionally seems bound up with established artists from the past. The idea of unrestrained invention appears to be challenged by the very nature of creativity becoming entwined with cyclicality, where established forms and ideas resurface.

Van Herpen's avant-garde aesthetic challenges traditional notions of beauty, sparking conversations about the limitless possibilities of fashion as an art form. In her hands, Repetition and innovation in the Homage or Commercialization? couture becomes more than fashion world, as exemplified by Louis Vuitton's repetition of old ideas garments; it transforms into Louis Vuitton and Iris Van Herpen, raises the question of whether it is a reflect the broader dialogue within form of homage to Vuitton himself, sculptures that tell unique the realm of art; how does one define preserving his heritage, or merely a stories, urging a art and what is considered artistic? commercial strategy. Some argue Whether repetition is seen as that paying tribute to past designs is reconsideration of the homage or commercialization, and a way of acknowledging the brand's essence of fashion itself. whether true art must always be heritage and creating a sense of

innovative, these questions provoke

thought and challenge our understanding of creativity. As we navigate artistic expression, the tension between tradition and innovation continues to shape the ever-evolving world of fashion and art.

24 | November 2023

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MENA

The Refugee Camps in Tindouf: Is There Another Way?

BY VANJA LERCH ERIKSSON

The refugee camps in Tindouf were established by the Polisario Front, the Algerian state and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as an immediate emergency response to Sahrawis fleeing Western Sahara as the Moroccan occupation began. The camps are located in the western corner of Algeria and house between 90,000 to 165,000 Sahrawi refugees.

Established in 1975, thousands of Sahrawi refugees have spent almost five decades in the camps while others have come and gone. Over the years, the camps have transformed into an established civilization with a state-like structure divided into four villages with internal municipalities and neighbourhoods, all of which are named after landmarks and places in Western Sahara, to remind the camps’ population of their homeland.

The quick establishment of the camps in Tindouf was absolutely necessary to stabilise the number of Sahrawi refugees seeking to leave the occupied territories, and such an immediate solution was welcomed by many international organisations which sought to find possible longterm avenues. However, looking back, the immediate ‘success' of the camps also contributed to the conflict being portrayed as less urgent to resolve, as a large part of the Sahrawi population was now considered safe from the violence of the Moroccan state. Increasingly fewer international organisations thus put in an effort to stabilise and mediate the conflict. Even though the word about the ‘success' of the camps spread in the international community, the reality in the camps was very different. Families have suffered from extreme poverty and food insecurity for decades as international organizations changed priorities and also wrongly estimated the number of inhabitants in the camps, sometimes differing by tens of thousands. In addition, the camps face large challenges regarding access to water as knowledge about how to treat, store and distribute it is close to nonexistent. It is therefore unsurprising that an increasing number of people in the camps are distressed and seeking alternative solutions.

A continuous question is: why can’t the Sahrawis simply return to the occupied territories? The answer is clear – returning would pose a huge safety risk. The few Sahrawis who have chosen to stay in the occupied territories are constantly put at risk by the Moroccan authorities, as well as the Moroccan settlers in the area, as the Sahrawis are often subject to harassment and violence.

International organizations have concluded that in the occupied territories, there is no guarantee that human rights are or will be respected, as few international organisations are granted access to surveil the human rights situation.

In addition, Sahrawis in the occupied territories are subjected to violations of their freedom of speech, their freedom of association and their freedom of assembly.

There have also been numerous reported cases of Sahrawi activists being imprisoned on false ground after unfair trials, and many of those have also been subject to torture and harassment from Moroccan authorities.

For such a solution to be realizable in terms of human rights, the international community has concluded that the Moroccan regime would need a great democratic transition as well as a major decentralization of the state. Thus, as expected, this option was rejected by the Polisario Front. The second proposed option is that the inhabitants of the Tindouf camps would slowly move to the liberated territories of Western Sahara, especially to the area surrounding the capital of Tirafiti. However, such a solution is estimated to be problematic as well, as Tirafiti is located only five miles from the defense front and could contribute to a renewal of the armed conflict in the area. In addition, the area is close to inhabitable; it completely lacks natural resources and is composed of only a small strip of land the size of barely a third of Western Sahara.

Though there are clear complicating circumstances, this is the favoured option by the Polisario Front as it means that the Sahrawis could partly return to their land.

planned. To hold the referendum today is considered close to impossible, not only due to the humanitarian situation but also the lack of authentic representation of Sahrawi opinions, as Sahrawis have now become a minority in their own land. Actors of the United Nations, unfortunately, complicated the conflict even further as Ban KiMoon publicly mentioned the occupation of Western Sahara during a visit to the Tindouf camps in 2016. Even though he was correct from the perspective of the international community, this ravished the diplomatic relations with Morocco. As a response, the Moroccan government retracted all of their financial support to MINURSO and demanded that all 84 international civil staff members leave the country. This signified that no surveillance of human rights was allowed in Morocco or the occupied territories, putting the Sahrawi population in the occupied territories even more at risk.

Over the years, the international community has tried to facilitate negotiations and propose peace plans. However, all such efforts have proved insufficient as both Morocco and the Polisario Front continuously violate cease-fire agreements and reject peace plans and possible solutions.

The international community further questions whether the camps should even be allowed to exist, as they could prevent serious matters from being dealt with urgently. Such matters include long-term plans for reintegrating refugees and plans for rebuilding necessary infrastructure.

Though the conclusion in the case of the camps in Tindouf has been clear, the camps need to remain as few other options are available.

As these are the currently most favoured options for a possible solution, the idea of a referendum for the Sahrawis is out the window.

Many blame the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) as a significant subject in enabling the stalemate situation to prevail, as they have continuously failed to provide and create an environment where a referendum is safe to be held. If MINURSO had had a more sufficient mandate as well as a better structure from the beginning, referendum could possibly have been held in the 1990s as initially

The humanitarian situation in the camps is evidently unfavourable, as it consequently results in prolonged and extreme poverty and human rights abuses of thousands of Sahrawis. However, few other options seem realisable at the moment. The question does however prevail – do these camps therefore pose a durable longterm solution? Even though the international community continuously answers no, little effort has been put into actually changing the situation, neither in the camps nor in the occupied territories.

The two most recent and possibly realisable solutions proposed are: West Saharan autonomy under Morocco and “The new capital solution.” The option of West Saharan autonomy under Morocco is supported by the Moroccan regime, however, the international community opposes this as long as the situation in Moroccan politics prevails.

25 | November 2023

MENA

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Afghanistan Two Years PostWithdrawal : An Assessment

BY ELIAN JORAND

“We have been fighting for this day for the last 20 years: to end this war and attack of foreigners on us and bring our own Islamic government,” declared Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid on Aug. 17, 2021 at Kabul International Airport. The chaotic American withdrawal of Afghanistan signaled the end of an era, and the beginning of a new reality. For the first time in 20 years, the Taliban had seized complete power. One question was on everyone’s mind: what would a second Taliban regime resemble?

Would it be one of traditional Islamist rule such as in the 1990s or did 20 years of guerrilla warfare impose a more pragmatic vision of power upon the Taliban? Two years later, the answer is clear: not much has changed.

One of the most contentious issues surrounding the Taliban's return is the status of women's rights.

International observers anticipated a rollback of progress made over the past two decades since the American invasion. They were right. Reports from NGOs suggest that restrictions on women's attire, mobility, and participation in public life closely mirror the policies implemented during the Taliban's previous rule in the 1990s. A U.N. expert stated that

“the situation of women and girls’ rights in Afghanistan has reverted to that of the pre-2002 era when the Taliban last controlled the country, effectively erasing progress on women’s rights in the intervening 20 years” The persistence of discriminatory practices clearly demonstrate the lack of change.

This sex-based discrimination has a severe impact on education. Despite assurances from the Taliban leadership about allowing education for all, on-the-ground reports indicate a persistent lack of access to education for girls. Instances of girls being denied education or facing restrictions in certain regions echo the practices seen during the Taliban's earlier rule. The Taliban have implemented over 20 written and verbal decrees restricting girls’ education, on the ‘basis’ of sharia law.

This again shows the initial promises of change that the Taliban boasted about to be untrue.

In addition to imposing severe restrictions on girls' education, the Taliban has also exploited foreign aid intended for education. The Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (Sigar) revealed that the Taliban have taken control of $185 million in U.S. aid earmarked for education. In a country already grappling with poverty, famine, and drought, the Taliban's rule has instituted gender-based apartheid, leading to the departure of 81,000 female teachers out of a total of 226,000 educators. To counteract the educational setback, Afghan and international NGOs, with support from rural communities, have established parallel education systems with foreign funding, including community schools and distance learning programs.

However, the Taliban has targeted these initiatives, imposing taxes on teachers' salaries, forcing NGOs to purchase from Taliban-affiliated stores, and diverting school materials for personal gain. The Taliban's exploitation of aid extends beyond education, with reports of forced hiring and the creation of sham NGOs to siphon international assistance. This alarming trend raises concerns about the diversion of funds meant for humanitarian

purposes, impacting the already dire situation in Afghanistan. The resurgence of the Taliban has also brought questions regarding their engagement with neighboring countries and international actors.

Recent reports reveal that China is discreetly pressing the Taliban to safeguard Chinese interests and investments in Afghanistan, particularly by preventing the country from becoming a refuge for Uighur Muslims critical of the Chinese government.

Beijing's lobbying efforts are seen as part of a calculated strategy to secure international recognition for the Taliban-led government.

China hosted the third ministerial conference of Afghanistan's neighbouring countries, emphasizing its increasing involvement in Afghan affairs.

Diplomatic meetings, including those with Russia and the U.S., have seen China advocate for the inclusion of Afghanistan in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and call for an end to sanctions on the Taliban.

This diplomatic maneuvering raises questions about the Taliban's compliance and its potential impact on the broader geopolitical landscape. This marks a departure in the Taliban’s previous strategy of total isolationism seen in the 1990s – presently, they are willing and even eager to interact with certain states.

In conclusion, the Taliban's return to power in 2021 mirrors a troubling lack of change from their previous rule in the 1990s. Despite initial hopes that two decades of conflict might have tempered their approach, the reality is starkly different. The status of women's rights, a litmus test for societal progress, has regressed to pre2001 conditions. The persistent denial of education to girls and the exploitation of foreign aid further illustrate the Taliban's unchanged stance. The group's actions not only undermine the well-being of Afghan citizens but also raise international concerns about their compliance and engagement with the global community. The parallel development of China discreetly pressing the Taliban to protect its interests adds another layer to the complexity of their governance. In this second iteration of Taliban rule, the evident lack of change highlights a disconcerting continuity that demands attention from the global community.

26 | November 2023

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MENA

IMEC: A Modernized Ancient Route

BY JAD TOUFIC TOUTINJI

In ancient times, before Ottoman hegemony and the creation of the Suez Canal, the old world was interconnected through the Silk Road and the Red Sea Trade Route.

Today, as the Chinese government expands its influence through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the heir of the ancient Silk Road, a new revival of the Red Sea Trade Route is also taking place, mainly prompted by the i2u2 – an economic and security cooperation of the US, Israel, India and UAE. In this case, the heir is the India-Middle EastEurope Economic Corridor (IMEC), which was announced in the G20 summit in New Delhi in September.

The IMEC has been praised by many world leaders, including President of the European Commission, Ursula Von Der Leyen, who described it as a “green and digital bridge across continents and civilizations,” and her American counterpart Joe Biden, who dubbed it as a “really big deal.”

Behind this revolutionary U.S.-led endeavor — expected to cost approximately $5 billion according to initial estimates — conflicting interests offer major gains for beneficiaries while putting at stake grand losses for some discontented regional and international powers.

Nevertheless, since its inception, increasing doubts have been casted amid the Middle East’s instability, especially in relation to the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Who benefits?

The U.S., despite not having a direct relation to the whole project, is its main driver. The U.S. proposed the endeavor as a sign of its continuous commitment in the region amid skepticism around the Biden administration’s disinterest. It aims to send a strong message to U.S. allies in the Middle East, in particular Saudi Arabia and Israel, that the U.S. has never stopped providing support in security as well as economic matters. This is especially pertinent following recent concerns from the latter over U.S. commitment in the fight against Iranian influence. Such concerns are reflected in the Saudi, as well as Emirati, approaches with China through joining the BRICS and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Accordingly, for the U.S., this project also serves to restrengthen its waning power over the region as Chinese contestation is growing ever more powerful. As such, it aims to recover U.S. influence over the UAE and KSA while proposing a competing proposal to the Chinese BRI. Israel benefits by playing a central role in such a project through its Haifa port, especially since neither Syrian ports nor the exploded and underdeveloped Beirut port are capable of accommodating expected demands.

However, Israeli interests are not only economic but also political. The trade route would require the expansion of the Abraham accords to include Saudi Arabia, the leader of the Arab initiative to defend Palestine. If such an expansion were to take place, especially with the recent talks between KSA and Israel, it would constitute a major win to the state of Israel. Israeli ambitions are expressed through Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who boasted that the project is “the largest cooperation project” in Israel’s history.

As to the UAE and KSA, the neighbors’ objectives, even if in constant friendly competition, are aligned in the project.

As aforementioned, the U.S. seeks to reimpose its influence on the growing independent authority of both countries, yet it does not seem as such for Riyadh or Abu Dhabi.

Even though the project would entail U.S. economic and political influence and support, MBS and Sheikh Zayed only consider it as another opportunity to strengthen their geopolitical and economic independence, benefiting from the bipolarized economic cold war between the U.S. and China. Their ultimate goal is to make their respective countries focal points in world trade as potential substitutes to their economic reliance on oil and other natural resources.

In addition, with regards to the Abraham Accords, which the UAE already signed in 2020, the kingdom sees a benefit in a stable, peaceful Middle East. Perceived internationally as the Arab leader of the Palestinian cause, extensive concessions would be expected if any potential accord with Israel were to take place in order to maintain Arab and Saudi approval. Nonetheless, amid the current Gaza conflict, any accords are surely halted.

Furthermore, Europe will surely benefit as trade becomes cheaper and more environmentally efficient.

With regards to India, the project is seen as a means to try and rebalance economic hegemony over Asia, while ensuring greater Indian influence in the world economy in sight of concerns of its exclusion from the BRI (and the inclusion of its neighbor Pakistan through the ChinaPakistan Economic Corridor – CPEC).

27 | November 2023

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Who are the losers?

Egypt is arguably the principle economic loser in this new proposed equation of world trade, especially because the IMEC would bypass the highly tariffed Egyptian Suez Canal. Moreover, Egypt would be excluded from the new order. In fact, two of the reasons which prompted the IMEC are to avoid any potential crises in the Suez Canal and to reduce the imposed tariffs.

Iran, on the other hand, is set to be the main political loser as the trade route dodges all the potential intersection with Iran or Iranian influenced countries like Yemen, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq.

Indeed, the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab El-Mandeb Strait, both of which oversee a third and tenth of all the traded oil in the world, are the pivotal locations for Iranian, and Houthi, maneuvers to mitigate imposed sanctions. In other terms, the IMEC can be considered as a U.S., Israeli and Saudi counterreaction to potential threats.

The Turks are also going to take a hit not only because of its exclusion, but also because in the Chinese alternative, Türkiye is promised to occupy an essential role, which would likely fade overtime amid more efficient and more rapid opportunities otherwise. This radical opposition is reflected through President Recep Erdogan’s high tone comments on the IMEC, stating that “there can be no corridor without Türkiye” and that Türkiye would “part ways with the EU.”

Would China be considered a loser in this agreement?

As for the Chinese, despite the BRI, which has reportedly attracted $1 trillion in investments, being largely contested, it does not look like China will be the greatest loser, but they certainly will not benefit.

Evidently, certain trade opportunities along the BRI are going to shift towards the more attractive IMEC; however, the BRI is a greater project, covering larger areas over more continents, particularly in Africa.

Accordingly, it is unlikely that China will reduce its investments in its intercontinental project.

Instead, China might look to alternatives such as extending the IMEC route towards other excluded regions via the BRI. Optimistically, the BRI and IMEC may potentially complete each other, thus revolutionizing global trade. In such a scenario,

economic players like India, UAE and KSA (all members and partners of BRICS and SCO) will have a strategic economic role.

What are the consequences of the increased aggressions regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?

In the marketing for and the analysis of the IMEC trade route, it is presumed that peace and stability relatively prevalent in the Middle East in the last two years will resume. In fact, it is expected that such a trade route will end the region’s incessant instability by expanding the Abraham Accords to include KSA in exchange for major compromises on behalf of Israel in the benefit of the Palestinians. However, ever since the October 7 violence, it seems unlikely that KSA will be able to achieve these compromises. As to the Abraham Accords, its attainment is inevitable, but the conflict has surely postponed it.

Overall, this resurgence of violence sheds light on the predicament the IMEC, as well as the BRI, will constantly face: instability of the Middle East. Without lasting peace, no sustainable trade route can be accomplished. Finally, India’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman has expressed firmly, and quite optimistically, that “IMEC is for the long term” when asked about the current violence’s reality.

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