The Menton Times - Volume III, No. IV

The Menton Times

December 2023

Volume III, NO.4

NEWS

Students Blockade Campus in Protest of Free Speech Limitations

By LARA HARMANKAYA

On Thursday, Nov. 16, Sciences Po students united behind the cause of protecting free speech and blockaded the Menton campus. From 8 a.m. to 3 p.m., they barricaded the entry with determination in protest of “Sciences Po's policy of censorship against any student support for Palestine,”

CULTURE

Navigating Corrupt Realities: The Timelessness of Dario Fo’s ‘Accidental Death of an Anarchist’

as voiced in the email sent out by Solidaires the day of the blockade.

Their persistence was forced to come to a conclusion with the arrival of police forces who physically dragged students away from the gates.

SEE PAGE 1

FEATURE

How to Delay the Inevitable: Remembering our Grandparents’ Stories

BY SCIENCES DEFENSE

BY MARIA EIRINI LIODI

In a world torn by conflict, poverty, and displacement; where every event is live broadcasted to us 24/7, reality seems to be a nightmarish loop.

Especially with the wartime atrocities we have observed this past year, notions of fairness and justice have been prevalent topics of discussion, as has been the issue of civil disobedience SEE PAGE 8

MENA

Tech vs. Tradition: Could AI Oust Islamic Leaders?

BY COLETTE YAMASHITA HOLCOMB

Among lawyers, graphic designers, and writers, could imams be the next professionals fearing artificial intelligence taking their jobs?

On Sept. 8, the Egyptian cabinet’s media center denied rumors that the government planned to use artificial intelligence to prepare Friday sermons, replacing the imams who write them. These rumors were spurred by

“Do you think we’ll see another world war before we die? Will the ecological crisis inevitably lead to mass-destruction as states are forced to fight for survival? With the plethora of nuclear weapons,

comments made by Muhammad Mukhtar, the Minister of Religious Endowments, SEE PAGE 22

could we even survive World War III without human extinction?”

These are questions I ask myself weekly and that most SEE PAGE 13

Another American in Paris

BY MAIA ZASLER

SEE PAGE 7

acing the familiar blue light of my computer screen—SkyScanner displayed in my Chrome browser and the threat of several four hour final exams looming over my head—I booked a flight to Paris.

1 | December 2023

NEWS

Students Blockade Campus in Protest of Free Speech Limitations

BY LARA HARMANKAYA walk-out, simply would not have been as “publicly seen.”

On Thursday, Nov. 16, Sciences Po students united behind the cause of protecting free speech and blockaded the Menton campus.

From 8 a.m. to 3 p.m., they barricaded the entry with determination in protest of “Sciences Po's policy of censorship against any student support for Palestine,” as voiced in the email sent out by Solidaires the day of the blockade. Their persistence was forced to come to a conclusion with the arrival of police forces who physically dragged students away from the gates. This momentous day, for many, was the culmination of tensions in a growingly-hostile campus atmosphere following the events of Oct. 7. Now, more than a month later, it is important to look back on this event and evaluate whether real change has been effectuated since. Have students’ and the administration’s attitudes improved? What do Science Po students think about the event in hindsight?

To understand the extent to which things have changed since, we must identify the causes that induced the blockade in the first place. For the students I have spoken to (whose identities will not be disclosed throughout the rest of this article to ensure their safety) the primary impetus for participation was a feeling of concern that there was an active curtailment of expression by the administration.

One student described this as a prevention of “any opinion, or any input related to Palestine especially, but also about the situation in general.”

There were undeniable clashes of opinion that prevailed among the

polarized student body, but what elevated such contentions was the apparent bias of the school’s administration when determining which acts of expression constitute as acceptable. This was evinced by the fact that the activities of the student club, Palestine: Understanding the Struggle (Sciences UTS), were largely restricted.

Similarly, the administration’s interference in some students’ private social media accounts was interpreted by many as an act of censorship. For one student, the problem was the “threatening” way in which this was done, not the actual act itself. This, compounded by “the total lack of support by the administration “in response to threats” received by some students online, contributed to the very “atmosphere of denunciation” that prompted the blockade.

The invitation to participate that was sent out at 7:15 a.m. through email that morning, therefore, was the final push for a row of dominoes that were already shaking by tremors deep underneath. The Palestinian cause is embraced by many students on our campus. Therefore, creating the impression that holding this opinion is not supported by the campus intensified the impression of censorship. One student, who had not read the email before arriving on campus that morning, describes this sentiment when explaining why she participated in the blockade: “seeing the Palestinian flag hanging from the railing and a sign saying ‘ceasefire now’ was really all that I needed to sit down with the others.”

The course of events that took place during and immediately after the blockade presented the students

sitting in front of the campus gates with many frustrations and hopes.

From the refusal to broadcast the meetings that were taking place by student representatives and the administration, to the arrival of the police, a general feeling of disappointment with the responses of the administration was felt by many students. Students conceded that it is understandable that the administration wished to reopen the campus without having to cancel all of the planned lectures for the day.

However, they could have searched for an alternative means to reach a resolution. One described the presence of the police as “unnecessary”; “We were just a bunch of students sitting and calling for our right of free speech – it was almost laughable when we saw the police arrive in full riot gear with shields and batons.” Many, therefore, were of the opinion that there should have been a “formal apology from the administration regarding their attitudes and actions,” especially for the treatment of the students by the police because there was “a bit of violence there.”

There is a consensus among the students I spoke to that the blockade was effective. In the most obvious terms, the disruption it caused succeeded in turning the spotlight on the pressing issue. With French news outlets and Mentonese locals now also conscious of the students’ protest and demands, they could no longer be ignored. “It made the administration realize, not just what were we asking for, but the general sentiment – which was a very a frustrated one.” Given the isolation and the small size of the Menton campus, one student argued, other means of protest, such as a campus

Since then, students I have spoken to argue that things have changed for the better, at least to some extent. They pointed out that there is now greater “sensitivity” from the administration regarding the issue and an “awareness that we want to talk about it and have it discussed on campus.” The recent holding of two conferences centered around Palestine and the Israel-Hamas war, for many students, was therefore a manifestation of a promising beginning of a more constructive academic environment.

The relations between the administration and students seem to have also improved, particularly “regarding student safety” according to one student. This should continue to remain as a priority to avoid politically-charged conflicts within the Sciences Po community.

Moreover, efforts by students to arrive at a point of mediation have been enacted since; more students are now acknowledging the importance of not posting or saying disrespectful statements that can easily be construed as inappropriate or offensive. Like the students themselves, the administration is also showing signs of a greater willingness to become involved in constructive discussions. This “shift in tone” is more in line with the expectations of students who came to this institution with the hope of engaging with diverging variants of political thought and opinion.

Although declaring that the tensions that were prevalent in the preblockade environment have dissipated would be going too far, it can be stated that the very need for recognition and reconciliation that brought about the blockade is now finally being responded to. Whether real policy changes will be implemented is more ambiguous, and the work to attain true freedom of speech has not yet been finalized, but at least it has left the ground. We have the blockaders to thank for that.

The key takeaway from this consequential moment in the history of the Menton campus is that Science Po students, after all, are resolute in their commitments to free speech. This is precisely why they are the students of this institution.

2 | December 2023

The Menton Times

NEWS

Sciences Po Director Mathias Vicherat Temporarily Resigns Following Domestic Violence Custody

BY PEYTON DASHIELL On Dec. 4, news broke that Sciences Po Paris Director Mathias Vicherat had been placed into police custody the previous evening for violence conjugale (domestic violence). According to AFP, Vicherat’s partner came to police the evening of Dec. 3 to file a complaint against Vicherat after he allegedly pushed her to the ground during a public argument.

Additionally, she stated that Vicherat had broken her wrist six weeks ago, but no charges were pursued. Vicherat arrived at the police station shortly after his partner, accusing her of slapping him. Both were released the afternoon of Dec. 4, and no complaints were ultimately filed.

Shortly after his release, Vicherat released a statement to students via email clarifying that no official complaints had been filed and expressing his desire to preserve the stability of his family, particularly for the sake of his young children. He affirmed his commitment to the “values of Sciences Po” and said that he will be meeting with student associations shortly to discuss the issue.

The allegations promoted a strong reaction spanning across campuses, with several student associations, including Solidaire Etudiant.e.s., Sciences Po Paris En Lutte, and the Sciences Po Menton Feminist Union calling for Vicherat’s resignation.

A “day of mobilization” was called for Dec. 5, and an independent petition was publicized calling for Vicherat to step down. The petition highlighted Vicherat’s previous promises to make VSS “his priority,” the fact that as director he holds the ultimate authority over campus VSS cases and sanctions applied, and concluded that “the trust between the student community and its director has been broken.” By Dec. 8, it had garnered over 1,300 signatures.

In Menton, the Feminist Union and Solidaire Etudiant.e.s released a joint statement asserting that “as a matter of principle, Sciences Po cannot have a director accused of domestic violence.”

This student condemnation of Vicherat was not solely confined to the digital sphere. On Dec. 5, Menton students gathered on the parvis to rally for Vicherat’s immediate resignation, hanging a large banner reading “Vicherat Demission.” Additionally, campus blockades occurred at the Paris, Reims, and Dijon campuses.

Vicherat was appointed Sciences Po director in November 2021 after the resignation of Frederic Mion in the wake of the Olivier Duhamel affair.

Duhamel, a Sciences Po professor, former politician, and head of the Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, was accused by his daughter-in-law of sexually abusing her brother throughout their childhood in her January 2021 book La Familia grande. Mion initially feigned shock at the accusations, but later admitted that he had originally learned of them in 2018. Mion was one of at least seven people associated with Sciences Po who had knowledge of the allegations for many years. Duhamel admitted to the abuse in an April 2021 interview with the police minor protection brigade, but no charges could be brought due to the statute of limitations.

Student reactions to these demonstrations were generally supportive albeit cautious.

Anoushka Naik, an exchange student at Sciences Po Menton, expressed that “If it is found that Vicherat did engage in abusive conduct, calling on him to resign is absolutely the correct step.

However, we as students have absolutely no idea what truly happened, and speaking as though we do is not how to properly In light of these events, as well as support survivors of abuse.” criticism of Sciences Po’s handling of assault cases, Vicherat Nearly a week after these efforts, sexual the Fondation Nationale des specifically outlined combatting VSS Sciences Politiques announced via as one of his aims as director. In Feb. email that Vicherat would be 2022, Sciences Po adopted an temporarily withdrawing from his institutional action plan addressing role as director. After consultations VSS, which included mandatory with the Sciences Po board of awareness and training modules, a directors, this withdrawal was standardized reporting system, and a unanimously approved to end on VSS guide distributed across all January 29, 2024. It is unclear if any campuses. According to a 2023 additional steps will be taken to progress update, 51 preliminary address the allegations against investigations were launched in 2022 Vicherat following this withdrawal for reported cases of VSS. Out of these 51, four were referred to the period. disciplinary committee and two resulted in sanctions against perpetrators.

3 | December 2023

The Menton Times

NEWS

European Asylum Overhaul Nears Finish Line

BY YASMIN ABBASOY

Touted as a “historic” resolution to years of contention among Member States, the European Commission’s New Pact on Asylum and Migration has been the subject of controversy regarding the changes proposed to the procedure followed at European borders. The planned changes have been widely criticized, and non-governmental organizations have warned they could lead to a crumbling of human rights and the solidification of dangerous and often excessive practices at the borders Negotiations on the pact, proposed by European Commission President, Ursula Von Der Leyen, almost three years ago, are reported to be in their final stages. On the heels of a characteristically prolonged period of conciliation between European institutions, officials have made their intentions of finalizing the content of the pact before the new year. It has become a priority to push the pact through before the upcoming European elections in the summer of 2024.

The pact is composed of five principal pieces of legislation which collectively aim to define and present a coherent legal framework outlining the measures to be taken in ordinary and extraordinary situations at the external borders of the Union.

By formalizing procedures to be followed in the event of unusual pressure at the borders, the pact is envisioned to put an end to the autonomous and uninhibited responses of states to the increasingly common phenomena of border crises. It will also provide some relief to so-called frontline countries, whose national borders form the external borders of the Union and who must evidently bear the brunt of new arrivals. These nations have thus been the most vocal in their support of migration reform to reduce the perceived inequalities with regards specifically to the distribution of migrants across the 27 member states.

The “Screening Regulation” envisions a 5-day screening procedure to be imposed on all people on the move who enter the territory of the Union irregularly.

During the course of this procedure, national authorities will collect biometric information and perform security and vulnerability checks.

This preliminary inspection of the migrant’s profile will, in theory, allow for more accurate decision making as the asylum process continues. The data collected will be stored in the European Dactyloscopy database, which is used to keep track of and verify the identity of those who submit asylum requests. The prospects of this regulation in light of the constantly shifting migratory fluxes remain grim. However, the amount of time allowed for the procedure (extended to 10 days in the event of a “massive influx”) is more likely to lead to an increase in time spent in detention centers, waiting for a screening, rather than a wellfunctioning procedure.

Furthermore, the fast-tracked procedure casts doubt on the ability of officials to correctly determine vulnerabilities or security risks and provide the necessary support.

Alarmingly, all screening procedures will take place under what is called the “legal fiction of non-entry,” which establishes a difference between the physical border and the legal one. While they may have crossed the physical border, migrants are not considered to have entered the territory of the Member State until their presence is established and validated by a border official, which is the endresult of the screening procedure.

As a result, they have crossed the ‘legal border’ and can now be

considered as within the territory of the European Union.

The European Council on Refugees and Exiles comments that in practice, this creates a transitory space of diminished protections, where Member States can potentially derogate from ensuring the rights that they would otherwise be compelled to if the migrant were to be inside their territory legally. This space is essential for the increased efficiency of border procedures, as it is the part of the justification used to impose limitations on movement, such as in detention centers, and increased observation on migrants.

After undergoing the screening procedure, migrants seeking asylum will be directed to one of two channels: normal asylum procedures, or the newlyintroduced accelerated procedures, also termed border procedures. The border procedure applies to those applicants who are perceived to present more of a risk – those who have provided incorrect personal information, or that come from countries from which more than 20 percent of asylum applications were rejected. These asylum seekers may be detained for a period of up to 12 weeks, after which authorities will be granted a further 12 weeks to deport applicants in case of a rejection. In the common case where returning the migrant is not possible in this timeframe, the return regulation allows for up to 6 months of detention pending an impending deportation. The

allowance for this extended period of detention would see migrants spend months in detention facilities and closed camps, which have until now proved to be illequipped to manage even their current load: inadequate access to shelter, food, and water are constantly reported at camps including in the frontline country of Greece.

The border procedure also takes place within the context of the aforementioned legal fiction: access to free legal aid, usually taking the form of further explanation of the asylum procedure and work on the potential and viability of appeal procedures, is not guaranteed by the pact, and the filing of an appeal does not inhibit the return procedure. This means that a person could be deported outside of the country while the appeal to a rejection is actively being processed. The border procedure, then, creates a hierarchy among asylum-seekers, based on not only their actual and potential behavior but immutable characteristics such as ethnicity. It risks generalizing the nationals of a particular nation to such an extent that the asylum procedure, meant to provide protection to the vulnerable, loses meaning and effectiveness.

The legislation introduced for the benefit of frontline countries is one of forced solidarity: when a frontline country declares itself to be in a state of migratory crisis,

4 | December 2023 other member states must either relocate some migrants to their own territories or provide monetary support to the country undergoing the crisis. Tellingly, the European Commission has continuously stressed that payments made to the “solidarity pool” (which amount to 20, 000 euros per individual migrant) will exclude member states from having to relocate migrants to their own territory. There is no proposed guidance for the apportionment of the money, and thus no guarantee that it would be spent on bettering the experience of asylum seekers rather than strengthening border control mechanisms which would only serve to keep more people out.

The single most contentious segment of the pact is the proposed Crisis Regulation. This regulation, which comes into effect only during a “migratory crisis” or a major unforeseen event, allows member states to derogate from standard asylum procedures. The length of border procedures, and thus the length of potential detention, could be extended by a period of 8 weeks, and parameters for directing asylum seekers to the border procedure could be loosened. The terms which form the cornerstone of this part of the regulation, crisis and force majeure, are not clearly defined.

This leads to a situation where member states are incentivised to adopt a loose definition of crisis in order to more effectively create optimal conditions for their own goals, thus normalizing derogation from European Union law as a valid response to events that may or may not be considered “emergencies.”

Non-governmental organizations such as Amnesty International have strongly criticized the pact, with Director of the European Union office, Eva Geddie, commenting that “This agreement risks leaving people stranded, detained or destitute along Europe’s borders and will do nothing to improve the protection of asylum seekers in the EU.” in response to an agreement on the crisis regulation reached in October, while Human Rights Watch has stated that the pact will do nothing but increase suffering at the borders. In the European parliament, the Left party has consistently advocated centering the rights of asylum seekers, with member of parliament, Cornelia Ernst, referring to the pact as “making a bad situation orders of magnitude worse.”

NEWS

The Menton Times

Meet the Class of 2026

BY COLETTE YAMASHITA HOLCOMB As the semester comes to an end, the Menton Times brings you our annual class profile. The class of 2026 answered our anonymous survey on their backgrounds, ambitions, and lifestyles. We have drawn comparisons to our profile on the Class of 2025, but do not have official data on the makeup of either class. Due to rounding, statistics may not total 100 percent.

Demographics Unsurprisingly, Menton has maintained its gender ratio; 71.6% of students identify as female and only 23.9% are male. However, the number of students of West Asian or North African descent has decreased from the previous year, making up only 22.4% of students.

For the first time, we surveyed sexuality and found 31.3% of survey respondents identify as a member of the LBGTQ+ community.

Socioeconomic backgrounds have diversified slightly, but Sciences Po remains predominantly middle class, with 60.7% identifying as such, 20.9% defining themselves with high socioeconomic status, and 13.4% with low.

With a campus as international as ours, it is also no surprise that the overwhelming majority (71.6%) hold more than one nationality and span across six different continents.

with 37.3% saying religion plays somewhat of a role, 19.4% as a moderate role, and 7.5% said it plays a very large role.

By comparison, only 48.7% of the Class of 2025 said that religion played a role in their lives. Within this demographic, however, this year’s class had much larger amounts of moderate and somewhat religious students and fewer students who consider themselves “very” religious.

Politically, students tend to lean left — 55.5% declared their political persuasion as left, a slightly lower percentage than last year’s class.

Many more students consider themselves as center, with 28.4% reporting such compared to 17.9% last year. The extreme left had 6% of respondents, and none reported for the extreme right, a decrease in both categories since the previous survey.

When it comes to drinking, 77.3% said they drink alcohol, while 21.2% said they did not. Last year, only 68.1% of students chose to drink, while 29.2% chose to remain sober.

The Path to Sciences Po Approximately 16.4% of students are in one of the seven offered dual degree programs, programs where students attend Sciences Po and a partner university and graduate with two Bachelor’s degrees.

Columbia University remains the most popular dual degree, with 60% of dual degree students attending Survey results show that the class after their first two years. Students is much more religious than their are also in the University of preceding counterparts; 64.2% said California Berkeley, University of religion plays a role in their life, British Columbia, University College

Religion and Politics

.

London, and the University of Sydney dual degree programs.

Approximately 16.4% of students are in one of the seven offered dual degree programs, programs where students attend Sciences Po and a partner university and graduate with two Bachelor’s degrees.

Columbia University remains the most popular dual degree, with 60% of dual degree students attending after their first two years. Students are also in the University of California Berkeley, University of British Columbia, University College London, and the University of Sydney dual degree programs.

For 83.6% of respondents, Sciences Po was their first choice university.

This is a significant decrease from last year’s 94.7%. Fewer students also intend to do their masters at Sciences Po; only 64.2% said yes, an 11% decrease. There are fewer legacy students, albeit only by a 1.3% difference.

Beyond Menton Regarding careers, most students chose government, which comprised 35.8% of students, while 20.9% plan on working in an NGO, followed by law and academia, with 11.9% and 10.4% of students, respectively. Roughly 4% plan on pursuing journalism, while both business and arts had 3% each. The remainder of the students are still undecided.

5 | December 2023

The Menton Times

Climate Crisis in the Horn of Africa: The Flood of the Century

NEWS

BY ELIAN JORAND

The Horn of Africa is gripped by an unprecedented humanitarian crisis as torrential rains linked to the El Niño weather phenomenon wreak havoc in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia, leaving a trail of destruction and despair in their wake.

The flood, labelled by some as the "flood of the century," is the aftermath of a prolonged drought that plagued the region for over three years, transforming the parched and cracked earth into an unforgiving ocean of mud. The climatic double ‘setback’ of the El Niño phenomenon and the Indian Ocean Dipole anomaly has unleashed powerful rains during the ‘deyr’ raining season, submerging vast areas.

Reports from the three affected countries paint a bleak picture, with at least 260 lives lost and over 1 million people displaced.

The logistical challenges faced by rescue and relief operations are monumental, as vital roads are cut off daily, impeding the delivery of humanitarian aid and slowing down the rescue efforts.

The Chébéli River in Somalia has swallowed entire cities, transforming Beled Uen into a desolated city beneath the floodwaters. Rescue operations navigate through submerged rooftops and minarets to assist the 330,000 displaced residents now seeking refuge in improvised camps. The disaster unfolded against the backdrop of Somalia emerging from a historic drought just six months ago that had pushed the country to the brink of famine and displaced 1,170,842 people since January 2021.

Somali Disaster Management Agency director, Mohamud Moalim Abdullahi, reported at least fifty lives lost in Somalia alone and 687,235 individuals forced to evacuate their homes.

Roads, bridges, hospitals, and schools have suffered extensive damage, isolating thousands of people in villages and heightening the risk of diseases such as cholera and malaria.

Kenya is also dealing with the overflow of the Tana River in eastern Kenya, flooding vast areas and forcing hundreds of thousands of farmers and herders to abandon their livelihoods.

President William Ruto declares the situation an "extreme emergency" as the nation

A $2.6 billion plan to support 7.6 million people this year is so far only 42 percent funded, underscoring the urgent need for increased international assistance. This unfolding crisis comes as El Niño is expected to persist until at least April 2024, necessitating prompt and robust action from the international community to avert further catastrophe in the region.

t

contends with roads vital for aid delivery being severed by rising waters.

Despite efforts by Somali authorities and humanitarian partners to reach around 820,000 affected people with assistance, needs are rapidly rising as the flooding expands across the country.

Mahamud Moallim emphasises the current priority of rescuing stranded families and providing immediate humanitarian relief. The devastation is described as "heartbreaking" by Nimo Hassan,

Director of the Somali NGO Consortium, who underscores the urgent need for sustainable solutions and disaster preparedness for future climatic events.

As the Horn of Africa contends with this unfolding crisis, millions of Somalis continue to battle hunger and malnutrition. An estimated 1.5 million children under the age of five will face acute malnutrition between August 2023 and July 2024.

Humanitarians warn that current and emerging needs cannot be met without additional resources.

The Horn of Africa stands at a critical juncture, grappling not only with the immediate devastation caused by unprecedented floods but also the ongoing repercussions of drought and a myriad of humanitarian challenges. The global community must respond urgently to mitigate the suffering of those affected and prevent a deepening catastrophe in this vulnerable region.

The Horn of Africa stands at a critical juncture

6 | December 2023

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NEWS

How Many Lives will be Lost before the Ethiopian Government and the Oromo Liberation Army Settle a Peace Agreement?

BY VANJA LERCH ERIKSSON The conflicts in Ethiopia’s Oromiya region have been ongoing for decades, with several armed groups carrying out attacks towards the public and government authorities simultaneously. Only a few weeks ago, one of the more organised militia groups, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), sat down at the negotiation table with the Ethiopian government.

The outcome was unfortunately as disappointing as many expected it to be. The OLA and Ethiopian government have not managed to reach a consensus, thus continuing to put thousands of civilians at risk every day.

The OLA is an established militia – they have previously posed as the military wing of the once-banned political opposition group, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

The OLF fought for selfdetermination for the Oromo people for decades until 2018, when they reached an agreement with the Ethiopian government to lay down arms and reintegrate.

However, as these negotiations later broke down in 2019, the OLA also broke ties with the OLF and continued to conduct armed operations under their own leadership. From this point, the Ethiopian federal and regional forces started a counterinsurgency towards the OLA, resulting in serious human rights abuses from both parties.

Human Rights Watch has reported that the OLA has carried out killings of several government officials as well as attacked nonmilitary government offices.

However, the OLA does not contain their violence to the Ethiopian authorities but also targets the ethnic Amhara minority in the region. There have for decades been conflicts and disagreements in the region between the different ethnic groups living there, and the OLA has on several occasions specifically targeted the Amharan communities.

Residents who survived the attacks by the OLA witnessed how the armed men surrounded entire villages and forced their inhabitants to gather in the town centre for mass executions.

At the same time as the OLA carries out attacks on civilians, they are also having an armed

conflict with the Ethiopian government in the Western parts of Oromiya.

Though there are established government forces in the region, they usually take hours to respond to emergency calls from civilians being ambushed by the local militias. There have also been reports of arbitrary arrest and detention of Oromos, as well as summary executions by government authorities.

The Ethiopian authorities have killed and injured hundreds of civilians over the last few years, using violence towards peaceful protestors and large gatherings of people which did not pose a security threat on several occasions.

For example, this was the case as hundreds of people gathered to honor the killed Oromo singer, Hachalu, at his home in 2020. The gathered group did not carry weapons and did not behave violently, yet, the police and armed forces opened fire and shot several individuals. Thus, it is clear that the government authorities are also perpetrators of human rights abuses.

In addition to the mentioned abuses, the Ethiopian security forces have instrumentalized the arrest of Oromos as a way of limiting the group's influence and their ability to exercise freedom of speech.

Thousands of Oromos have over the last couple of years been arrested, and many are kept in prison for years without facing trial. The huge amount of arrests could seemingly

also be a way of covering up the dozens of arrested opposition politicians. In addition, the Ethiopian government has failed tremendously in providing housing and support for the thousands of displaced people in the region, as many are fleeing more violent areas.

It is therefore clear that the civilians in the area are the ones suffering the most, as they are attacked both by militias such as the OLA and at times even government authorities. The thousands of people who have been killed so far do thus not make up too big of a cost for either party to yet consider a peace agreement.

There are at the moment no further planned negotiations like the ones held in September, making the future unsure for the thousands of civilians living in limbo. At the moment, both parties refuse to acknowledge the other's demands and worries. The Ethiopian National Security Adviser, Redwan Hussein, said that the OLA currently had an obstructive approach and unrealistic demands after the September negotiations. In turn, the OLA accused the government of not dealing with the structural issues regarding the marginalisation of the Oromo people in Oromiya. Thus, the two parties are stuck in this stalemate until further ado, as something needs to change before any party would consider a different path.

Organisations like the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), also called the East African Trade Block, have however made efforts to support future negotiations At the moment there are no signs that their effort is paying off, as both parties continue to engage in violence, both towards each other and the already suffering Ethiopian population.

7| December 2023

The Menton Times

Another American in Paris

OPINION

BY MAIA ZASLER

Facing the familiar blue light of my computer screen—SkyScanner displayed in my Chrome browser and the threat of several four hour final exams looming over my head—I booked a flight to Paris.

Apart from the excitement of anticipating a change of scenery in this beautiful, historic destination, I embraced the vision of feeling like a native as I would wrap my wool scarf around me and sip coffee in a Parisian cafe far from the tourist sites. Alas, that dream has long since vanished. As much as I have immersed myself in the French language and culture since arriving in Menton last August, my experience in Paris remained internally a French Sciences Po Menton student, yet externally… sigh…just a girl almost always put in her place as yet another “American in Paris.”

This trip in December 2023 marks my third visit to the Île de la Cité.

At this point, I feel fairly proficient in the “Parisian way.” I am not deterred when, following a brief exchange of “bonjour(s),” I am answered in English (and met with the occasional pitying, pedantic smile). I persist; I insist on responding in French. I know that athleisure is an absolute no-go (I apologize for even including the word in this article), and that a sturdy umbrella is a must (if it's black, you get bonus points). I will not attempt to go to any museum past 3pm (15h, if you will) lest I have some sort of odd proclivity towards waiting in an infinitely long line that particular day. I could deliver a dissertation on the

distinction between a “pain-auchocolat” and a “chocolatine,” and I know to never order an iced coffee.

Yet, my knowledge might as well be utterly useless. To an extent, I understand. American tourists don’t exactly have a great reputation, and perhaps that is rightfully so. France, being the world’s most visited country, definitely has some real, negative experiences to draw from. I will not contest any evidence put forth… but I will say, when I was walking in the 8eme arrondissement—in a long black coat, dark jeans, boots, and a maroon sweater, mind you—and a French man bumped into me and said “excuse me,” I was absolutely demoralized. How did he know??

How do they know??? I don’t get it.

Does my American-ness radiate from the back of my head? “Pardon” is so much more fun to say, anyways. It rolls off the tongue much quicker than the clunky “excuse me.” This extra effort and somehow psychic knowledge leaves me gobsmacked.

Even the Paris weather seems to go above and beyond to make it clear that I am not completely welcome.

The crisp cold and incessant rain are the least of it; strong winds that render my feeble umbrella pointless by ultimately inverting it and snapping the little metal legs leave me susceptible to further frigid unpleasantness.

With external elements like this, I can comprehend the desire to make

Mondays slightly more bearable by shutting down ostensibly every store. I can also better wrap my head around the Parisian tendency to speak in the negative—when your jeans are wet and stick to the crevices in your legs with an anxious attachment style, one becomes much less optimistic or loquacious.

On the rare occasion that I am able to blend in—and I’m not violently shaking my umbrella to get it to right itself—I truly enjoy observing the interactions between the French / Parisians and the many tourists. But, more often, I am—or am adjacent to—the source of fascination in such interactions. For example, during our first dinner together in the lovely Marais district, my roommate, Marly Fisher, got her finger stuck in the loop of her hot chocolate mug handle. How she managed to squeeze her finger through the loop in the first place, I do not know. The issue was, she could not get it back out. As tears gathered in the corners of her eyes—fueled by intense laughter and mixed with profound panic—I could not help but burst out laughing, too, at her repeatedly failed retractions. I attempted to pull the mug off her finger (which was gradually swelling), but to no avail. This, one can imagine, was quite the scene.

Our little tug-of-war attracted quite a few looks and chilling, disapproving glares from the servers. I have no adequate defense.

While in Paris, I will own up to my identity as an “American tourist,” but, I’d prefer to publicly propagate “je suis étudiante à Sciences Po.” Side note: It may be a good thing, then, that water in restaurants is so difficult to come by. We, as Americans, would most likely topple the glass over.

The smells of Paris tend to bring out the American in me as well. Now, I would not dare to claim this phenomenon endemic to Paris, but seriously…every time I walk past a metal sidewalk grate I am greeted with a whiff of a warm, pungent odor. I find myself dodging dog feces scattered on the sidewalks or praying I don’t spot a rat scurrying across the metro tunnels.

Despite it all, I do truly enjoy Paris, and I love France. I would not have committed myself to studying here for at least two years if I did not. I feel fortified, and I will continue to brave the cobblestone and concrete streets, gradually improving my French thanks to the generous corrections natives kindly provide (without my asking!). While in Paris, I will own up to my identity as an “American tourist,” but, I’d prefer to publicly propagate “je suis étudiante à Sciences Po.”

8 | December 2023

The Menton Times

OPINION

L’Union Européenne confrontée à elle même

BY ANNA HALPERN

Qu’est-ce que l’Union Européenne?

Cette question devient de plus en plus cruciale avec la montée au pouvoir de partis d'extrême droite qui ne soutiennent pas forcément l’UE et qui divisent l’Union de plus en plus. Le Brexit était un premier signal très flagrant et un “wake up call” pour l’Union Européenne, mais la question de sa viabilité et de son futur est de plus en plus pressante. Entre ceux qui prônent une centralisation et un fédéralisme Européen et ceux qui veulent sa dissolution, où va t-on?

Cette question de la structure européenne est apparue après la chute de l’Union Sovietique et l'expansion sans précédent de l'Union Européenne vers l’Est avec notamment l’élargissement de 2004 à 10 pays, passant de 15 à 25 membres. Cet élargissement est un moment charnière pour l’opposition à l'Europe, car il a permis de développer la notion que l’Europe avait perdu son but/raison d’être d'après-guerre et s'était élargie à des pays ayant une histoire politique et une économie très différente. A cela s'ajoutent les crises migratoires et économiques auxquelles toute l’Europe fait face, surlignant des divisions de fond. Ces divisions sont les fondements des tiraillements que l’on peut observer aujourd’hui.

Je me dois de souligner que je ne peux pas répondre à cette question, mais il faut les garder en tête en regardant la montée historique de l’extrême droite en Europe. En effet, l’année 2022 seule a vu Giorgia Meloni monter au pouvoir en Italie, le grand succès du bloc d'extrême droite en Suède ainsi qu’un score historique pour le Rassemblement National en France. Les finlandais et les néerlandais ont eux aussi témoigné une montée de l'extrême droite en 2023. Ceci a des impacts non seulement sur la politique de ces pays, notamment en Italie où le débat fait rage sur les propositions de changement de la constitution amenées par le gouvernement Meloni, mais aussi sur l’Union Européenne.

En effet, l’UE apparaît de plus en plus divisée. Face à la guerre en Ukraine et à la problématique migratoire, les pays européens se divisent entre les pays gouvernés par l'extrême droite et le reste de l'Europe. Cette divergence fait aussi et surtout rage sur les sujets

de la démocratie et la protection des libertés fondamentales avec l’affrontement entre l’Union Européenne et la Hongrie et la Pologne au sujet de tendances autoritaires que ces pays ont progressivement adoptées (notamment la libertée de la presse et la séparation des pouvoirs sont sous pression), culminant en une confrontation juridique. En de tels temps, des questions se posent sur la viabilité de l’UE telle qu’on la connaît.

Néanmoins, il serait trop facile de blâmer l'extrême droite pour tous les maux de l'Europe. En effet, les ressentiments se sont fait sentir de toutes parts, notamment après 2008 dans les pays d’Europe de l’ouest tels que la Grande Bretagne dont la population avait le sentiment de trop cotiser et de

ne pas en bénéficier autant, créant la base de l’argument proBrexit. D’autant plus que la tendance vers la droite n’est pas universelle dans les pays membres avec l’exemple de l’élection de Donald Tusk, du parti pro-UE, comme premier ministre en Pologne, un changement radical par rapport à la dernière administration.

Prenant tous ces éléments en compte, il est possible de voir l'extrême droite non pas comme le mal mais simplement un des symptômes d’une Europe fragmentée et dont une grande part des populations doutent aussi. Ces doutes vont très certainement influencer les résultats des élections européennes de juin.

Prenant tous ces éléments en compte, il est possible de voir l'extrême droite non pas comme le mal mais simplement un des symptômes d’une Europe fragmentée et dont une grande part des populations doutent aussi.

9 | December 2023

The Menton Times

OPINION

Beyond Borders: The Environmental Imperative in Cyprus

BY MARIA EIRINI LIODI

on both sides of the island are emblematic of that. As highlighted in the recent International Consortium of Investigative Journalists investigation and the 2020 Al Jazeera Cyprus Papers, we should be skeptical of the urban development we see, as the unregulated nature of certain investments can easily pertain to the marginalization of environmental concerns and the economic gain of only a select few.

With an increased push for environmental sustainability and climate crisis awareness, the European Union calls upon its member states to work hard on reducing their emissions to meet the Fit for ’55 goals. According to EU Climate Law, EU emissions must be reduced by at least 55 percent by 2030 with the prospects of climate neutrality in 2050, meaning environmental action must take a front seat for member states.

So, as the Republic of Cyprus attempts to stride into this greener future laid out by EU and U.N. goals, it is vital to consider the unique physical and environmental landscape the state grapples with, as an additional factor of utmost importance for why negotiation talks for the ‘Cyprus Problem’ need to be resumed.

First, let’s start with some context. Following the creation of the U.N. buffer zone in Cyprus in the 1960s and what we can call its formal division following the 1974 war, the island is partitioned in two – as is its capital, Nicosia. We have the Republic of Cyprus, an EU member state, which makes up about 59 percent of the island’s area (henceforth south), and then we have the self-declared ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’ (henceforth north), which makes up about 36 percent of the island’s area. Notably, the ‘TRNC’ is not an

internationally recognized state; it is only recognized by Turkey. The two sides have separate administrations and little to no shared actions, posing a problem regarding Cyprus' work toward true environmental sustainability.

The only way to work toward sustainable goals is through consistent actions and accountability, be it on the national or international level. However, only the south of the island, the Republic of Cyprus, is held accountable under internationally binding agreements, while the north of the island lacks international accountability since it is not part of the EU. Therefore, it is not bound by EU environmental regulations and is not subject to potential sanctions meant to deter negative environmental impact.

This leaves the heavy load of work to NGOs, implying minimal positive change, and unaccounted damage.

Bringing the focus to the capital, Nicosia, the city’s layout postdivide is at best, suboptimal, given it is literally split in two. Having to construct new transportation links on the fabric of pre-existing infrastructure and transport networks meant to serve the purpose of a country-wide, nondivided map, is challenging and necessitates a skewed logic of urban planning. Therefore, the addition of pavements, even some cycling paths in certain locations, have only been few in number,

disallowing many that want to opt for more sustainable travel options – e.g. cycling, from making it their primary mode of transport in the city, as it is neither properly accessible nor fully safe. This leaves the south with an underdeveloped public transportation system and a very high vehicle per capita ratio compared to other EU countries, especially considering the size of the country.

Adding to these issues, there is a severe lack of priority given to the creation of green corridors in urban spaces to mitigate the urban heat island effect and promote decreased car usage in the city. In the north, similar problems prevail, with an all the more unregulated spurt of urban development with little environmental regard, and a public transportation system that is even more underdeveloped and leaves people mostly reliant on private vehicle use. In a utopic future of some form of collaborative administration, talks on sustainable urban development, preservation of green spaces, and creation of more efficient modes of public transport could be on the table, but as of now, that is not the case.

With the added layer of the island’s bustling tourism sector and foreign investments, urban development cannot be discussed outside the context of sustainability and regulation. Rapidly sprouting and multiplying, the skyscrapers built

Moreover, Cyprus consumes generously, wastes extensively and disposes inadequately. This is why aside from reduction, sustainable waste disposal methods are critical in minimising negative environmental impact.

In the south, some municipalities have taken impressive strides with the implementation of ‘pay as you throw’ schemes, compulsory recycling and even providing families with free composting bins. However, these actions should not be limited to merely one or two municipalities and should be more widely implemented to promote accountability in the way all citizens manage their waste.

Some villages do not even have access to recycling bins.

In the north, efforts were made to introduce an organized waste management system according to EU standards in 2012, at the Gungor Dumpsite. Unfortunately, these endeavors quickly ceased after this dumpsite was privatized. In recent years, the dumpsite has begun posing risks to soil, air quality and human health due to incorrect operating methods and a lack of inspections to maintain accountability. With all kinds of waste being handled, including construction and hazardous byproducts, fires have repeatedly begun, posing alarming health risks to all citizens in the area. The air we breathe is not divided, and the environmental degradation of our island will not be either.

With such issues in mind, the people of Cyprus need to be able to demand change, and not have the environment treated as a trivial afterthought. Right now, more than 100 countries have a constitutional right to a free environment, also safeguarded by the U.N. Human Rights Council.

Cyprus is not one of those

10 | December 2023 countries. Hence Cypriots on both sides of the divide do not have an explicit right to live in a healthy environment.

These are just some of the problems the island faces environmentally, and they should not serve as a divisive excuse of ‘us’ versus ‘them,’ but instead, contribute to peace negotiations and discussions of shared responsibility. By aiming toward a future where we can harmonize environmental policies, Cyprus can pioneer a path toward a sustainable and resilient future that serves to benefit all its citizens, preserves the island’s biodiversity and ensures controlled development with minimal environmental risks. The journey transcends borders, echoing the principles of accountability, sustainability and partnership. Negotiation talks are critical if there is to be any progress on the island of Cyprus on any front.

Cyprus can pioneer a path toward a sustainable and resilient future that serves to benefit all its citizens, preserves the island’s biodiversity and ensures controlled development with minimal environmental risks.

The Menton Times

FEATURE

Studying in Menton: A Dream or a Curse?

BY SELIN ELIF KÖSE

creates an unfair competition.

Furthermore, the education system is mostly based on memorization — another point that frustrates students who wish to engage more critically with course content.

Administrative Policies “I feel like the administration is not helping us when we need it but rather making our life even harder,” a 2A said.

With a population of 30,679 and a size of 14,05 km2, Menton is one of the smallest cities in France. In the heart of Cote D’Azur, Menton is often filled with tourists and, of course, Sciences Po students. Yet, this colorful town stands as a unique case to host one of the most prestigious universities in the country. For most students, the first few months are very fun and exciting, filled with opportunities to meet new people, by attending tons of parties, going to the beach after classes, and taking a train to Monaco or Nice on the weekends.

But around November, as the sun starts to fade away, the initial joy of the people is nowhere to be found.

This makes me wonder, is this a universal college experience or distinct to Sciences Po Menton? If so, why are students in Menton not happy?

The Social Bubble “Being in Menton, by nature of it, is isolating,” a first-year student describes.

Here, students do not have a usual university life experience, as the Menton campus is not actually a campus. Unlike other universities where most students live in dorms or “Crous logement,” in Menton the majority live in apartments which puts invisible barriers and increases the distance between them. Additionally, there is a severe lack of coffee shops, pubs, bars and restaurants apart from the tourist traps and Le Retro, which restricts socialization, especially for people who don’t like going to parties at Soundproof. Here, another problem arises: who do you socialize with?

At a campus with a student body of approximately 400 people, most people know each other at least by name, and friend groups are relatively strict, so even when you are socializing, it is quite rare to

meet someone new. The division between French and English tracks is also worth mentioning since the two groups rarely see each other, limiting the interactions and the possibilities of forming new friendships. Everyone majoring in social sciences also decreases the range of perspectives on campus.

These perspectives are often similar to each other given that most students' socio-economic background is frequently middle class or upper middle class.

An Education Like No Other “My motivation is disappearing day by day, hard-work is almost never enough here,” a French-track student answered when asked about their opinion on the education system.

In a November CVC meeting with 1A student representatives, campus director Youssef Halaoua said, “Most of the time teachers are new, i.e. they have not taught before–and some of their first teaching experiments are at Sciences Po.” In such a prestigious university like Sciences Po, the quality of teaching can be questionable from time to time. This particularly becomes problematic when considering the school tuition (relatively high by French standards), which is also subject to a five percent increase next year. Additionally, the work load can often be more than challenging because students have to deal with essays, presentations, and exams without catching a break.

This is completely understandable for a competitive university, but particularly for French track, which is often regarded as more difficult than English track. Many students experience stress and frustration due to the harsh grading system that fails to recognize the effort students put in. Considering that third-year placements are based on grades, this perceived gap between French and English track students

There has long been tension between students and administration on the Menton campus, but these issues arose with the Israel-Palestine conflict this year. The violation of freedom of expression and the calling of police on the students blockade were just some examples of the lack of cooperation with students.

Students have felt disconnected from the administration as a result. There is also a stringent two-absence policy where students can only miss two classes per course, including excused absences such as medical issues. However, the campus doctor cannot issue medical notes, which compounds this problem. Even if they are not feeling well, students feel obligated to go to class, adding to the pressure on their shoulders.

Furthermore, many students complain of lack of access to mental health services. An English-speaking therapist should be present and available to students not just once a week, but more, since the majority of the campus are international students.

What Should Change Overall, it is clear that change must occur within the administration’s stance. The common feeling shared between students is that the administration is making decisions against students’ interests. In a campus like Sciences Po Menton, a need for a more considerate and collaborative administration is apparent. In addition, the mental support system should be improved. Recognizing these problems and voicing them are crucial – how long can Sciences Po keep looking the other way?

11 | December 2023

The Menton Times

I’m Glad I’m American

FEATURE

BY ABHIRAM MASAM

You remember that the train stopped for a while, long enough for you to notice but not long enough to think much of it. Then you see an angry, portly woman storm the length of the traincar, as if she was looking for something. She stops at your seat, demanding papers. Her badge and holster reveal that she is a police officer, something she forgets to tell you. You calmly explain that you don’t have papers– you’re a student travelling within the country. Her eyebrows remain furrowed; her face disbelieving.

You offer her your student ID, and you watch as the creases of her face deflate as she reads “Sciences Po” on the flimsy plastic. She continues on with her search for another ten minutes before the train starts moving again. You remember being the only person on that train car who was asked for papers. You remember feeling deeply unnerved, a feeling you couldn’t shake for days afterwards.

You’ve become paranoid, so you carry pictures of your passport, French student visa, and student ID with you wherever you go. Just in case someone else doesn’t believe that you are a student, who lives in France legally.

You remember the bus stopping the same way the train did. You avoid crossing the border between France and Italy because you know what might happen. But the bus is filled with students, all exhausted after the end-of-year gala, so you believe that you’ll be fine. How naïve. Your eyelids grow heavy; the stillness of the bus begins to lull you to sleep. But you’ll never forget how hard the harsh light made you wince.

Looking through the window, you see a border guard shining a flashlight on you. She looks at you, points at you as though she’s seen a spider on a wall, and then motions for her supervisor.

Together, they glare. They’ve decided that you are a problem.

The guard with the flashlight climbs the bus, and makes a beeline for you. You know why she is asking you, and only you, for your passport. So you dance the dance, hand her your passport.

You watch her face. You tell her you’re American, and she looks at you as if you’ve told her pigs have finally figured out how to fly. She returns my passport and signals for the bus to return to Menton.

You remember your face feeling uncomfortably hot. Every single person on the bus watched as you were humiliated, helpless. You

remember that same deeply unnerving feeling, knowing you were the only one on that bus who was asked to present a passport.

People come up to you; they offer you pity. They mean well, but you resent them for it. You resent the other people on the bus for not having been asked for their passports, too. Their words feel empty to you. You know why you were singled out, but you wouldn’t dare call it for what it is. No one wants to be around someone who’s being difficult. No one likes to talk about this sort of thing, so you don’t either. You wouldn’t want to be an imposition.

You feel the stares from passersby everyday. They look at you with judgement and disgust. You wish you had the endurance to cuss them all out, to get them all to leave you alone. But you don’t. So you sport sunglasses to pretend you can’t see them, even when the sun hides behind the clouds. You try to dismiss the sinking feeling that arises when the cashiers at Carrefour ask to search your bags– they suspect you of stealing. You try to forget knowing that you are the only person in the store to have been searched. So you avoid Carrefour as best you can. Every encounter has made you think you aren’t supposed to exist here. Two years of your undergraduate studies in the South of France feel like a criminal sentence. You keep this all to yourself to the best of your ability, because you’d rather feel like shit all the time than burden anyone else with your issues.

But that seal on your lips, it will break. It happened after you were on a routine run along the sea. You remember that It was dark, but you’ve never once felt unsafe being out at night. Uncomfortable, sure, but never in danger. Your route is one you have done countless times over: to the border, then back towards the end of Cap Martin, and then back to your apartment. You

turn around right before the border crossing, so as to avoid the border guards– something you’ve done countless times over. You don’t hear the border guard chase after you because the music in your earbuds is too loud. He is screaming at you; his wrist now wrapped around yours.

You freeze from shock; you don’t dare take another breath. He is demanding papers. You stumble over your words in French: you plead with him to let go, that you are American, and that you have pictures of all of your documents.

You feel your eyes pushing against the contours of your face, widened with unadulterated fear. When he relinquishes your hand, you surrender your phone to him. He zooms in on every picture, doubtful that the brown man before him is a student at Sciences Po, that this brown man could be a part of l’élite de la nation. You are dumbfounded by the way every border guard and police officer you encounter cannot conceptualize that you are both brown and American. The border guard returns your phone to you, defeated.

But you don’t leave. Your fear has fermented to anger. You scold and scowl at him as you defend yourself and your humanity. You did nothing wrong by going on a run, nothing to warrant his suspicion of you. You inform him that you never even crossed the actual border, so you never would have needed a passport in the first place. You are alone, in the dark, face to face with a border guard and no one is around to see.

You fight back because you have nothing to lose.

He becomes furious with you for speaking back. How dare you question his authority? How dare you disrespect him, when he never treated you with a shred of respect to begin with? He scolds you back, instructing you to behave as if

you’re some insolent child throwing an irrational temper tantrum. When you are demanded of your papers, he lectures, you are to present them with politeness and without delay. To him, it is irrelevant that the only reason you’d be asked for papers is if your humanity is called into question and documents are required to justify your existence. As if speaking to a child, he mocks that once a border guard verifies your papers, you are to bid him a gracious “bonsoir” and carry on.

Fuck that. You want to curse him out. You want to scream “fuck you,” and all the vile words you only reserve for the people you truly despise. But you don’t. Because you can’t. Your command of the French language is weak; you can’t convey how angry you truly are. You don’t even believe that there are enough words in the English language to verbalize this feeling. You are angry, but also scared, alone, and vulnerable. A second border guard has joined you, standing behind you to prevent you from fleeing. You concede to his speech and he lets you leave. You don’t remember his face. You will never forget the shade of purple that will stain the bruise on your wrist for the following week. Even after the bruise fades, you will never forget his grip. You feel it every time you wear a bracelet, and you only just started getting into wearing jewelry. What a damn shame.

For the first time, you start thinking about your experiences.

You are certain you are not wanted here. You always thought that people would age out of hate and bigotry, as they experienced the world around them. But the border guard who stopped you on your run couldn’t have been more than a few years older than you. You become haunted with the realization that this border guard will continue to harass the black and brown people he’ll see for as long as he’s a border guard. He will not remember the number of people he inflicts his violence upon, because to him they are not human to begin with. You were subhuman to him. How dare he take your humanity away from you, you thought. Even if for fifteen minutes, he should never have had that power in the first place.

12 | December 2023 In the days following your encounter with the border guard, you watch as everyone around you continues to be enamored with this idyllic town with its idyllic old buildings, idyllic beaches, the idyllic ocean, and the idyll of the French Riviera captured by pictures and posts for all to see.

And with every picture you feel your resentment growing. You resent their oblivion. You resent them because you will never be able to truly enjoy living here. How can you, when you know you are thought to be less than human here. You can never say that sometimes you hate living here, though. Because then you would be ungrateful. God forbid it.

You know that your feelings are multifaceted, because there are moments where you love living here.

There are times when you feel like you are a part of the fantasy, too. But these moments are always short lived. They are always marred by the reality of living here. All you can do, all you have the agency to do, is worry: you fear that all this resentment will turn you into a permanently bitter person. And who wants to be around someone like that?

The Menton Times optimism. As if you weren’t someone thrilled at the chance to live and study in France, and in one of the most coveted regions of the country no less. But of course, those who tell you these things have not had the pleasure of wearing a bruised wrist for a week like a scarlet letter. And they too don’t really give a fuck.

You will feel isolated. You never want to be a burden to anyone. That’s why you didn’t call anyone when you ran back from the border. It was late at night, probably best that you didn’t bother them on a weeknight. What’s worse, is that they might be deterred by the emotional weight that you are forced to carry. You cannot call your parents. They mean well, but they will question why you were running at night, why you were running to the border knowing how they look at you, and they will frustrate you with their perfectly valid concerns. They live an ocean away, and telling them will only make them worry. You try calling your closest friend. She will listen, and she will care, and you will never find the words to thank her for it. But she is there, on a separate continent with the same ocean that separates you from your parents.

You learn that there is likely no You are here. You are completely and language with the capability for you totally alone. to express how violent and dehumanizing it is to live under the But despite all of it, you will soon weight of your realization. All that recognize the immensity of your the condolences offered by those privilege. Because the night after around you will do is make you feel your encounter at the border, you go hollow. Because, you think, they for another run. At night, too. You don’t really give a fuck about you, or are stubborn, and the decision you've your experiences. Why would they, made is likely a stupid one, but you it’s not like it affects them. They don’t care. This time, as you run don’t deal with it on a daily basis like towards the border crossing, you see you do. Some of them will make two refugees scaling the rocks below racially insensitive jokes in front of the promenade. They duck from the you. But you mustn't make a scene, lights that could expose them to the you mustn’t be so sensitive. You are border guards. They duck from the still more concerned with being waves, threatening to pull them into thought of as difficult, as the person the sea. You turn away, so as to avoid who talks about the things that no bringing attention to them if one likes to talk about. And any fear someone else was looking.

I’ve ever felt while facing a border guard is dwarfed by the fear of being Your anger suddenly feels silly. a burden, and being disliked.

Because my American passport will always protect me in ways those You will consider raising your refugees’ passports will not. No concerns with the administration. matter how angry you feel, you will You have your apprehensions, as the always be spared from the brunt of administration has a reputation for racial violence. Because in America, making students one of their last you are Indian. You are not Ahmaud priorities. When the opportunity Arbery, a Black man who was fatally arises, you are told that you are shot while on a run in the same way irrational. That you must trust the you were. In France, you are people of this town. That there are American. Your passport will protect good and bad people everywhere, you in a state where racial violence that there is racism everywhere. took the life of Nahel Merzouk, the They will make you feel like an idiot, seventeen year old fatally shot by and that it is your fault for feeling French police in Nanterre. Your affected by the racist border guards shoulders perk up, anxious, every and police. They talk to you as if you time you see a police car drive by. But didn’t trust the people of this town no matter what, you know that your when you first moved here. As if you life will never be taken from you. weren’t a student once filled with

FEATURE

There truly is no greater privilege I would like to thank you for than that. reading this, and listening to what it is that I have to say. It took me *** over a year to find my words, because I really wanted to avoid This reflection of my privilege is just dealing with it altogether. But I ask that – a reflection. Nothing more, that you do not offer me any nothing less. It is my account of my condolences. I am not grieving. Do experience living here. I know that not commend my courage. I have this is not some grandiose thinkpiece none. I am not miraculously on the violence of racism; I don’t superhuman for having dealt with want it to be. I do not have enough racism. And I am certainly not the lived experience with racism to speak first person to do it. Do not offer with that kind of authority. I do not feedback on the mechanics of my care to make myself, my experiences, writing. I did not write this to and my feelings digestible or demonstrate my way with words, palatable to an audience. I’m certain or how I can communicate my there are countless scholars and ideas. These are feelings and activists who have written about emotions no person should ever what I’ve attempted to say with this have to make sense of – to cope reflection far more eloquently than I with. I did nothing to deserve to could. I have no ulterior motive in feel this way. At nineteen, no less. I writing this reflection other than am not interested in finding a that I am simply sick and tired of more poetic way to say that I’m dealing with this shit on a daily basis. really fucking angry almost all the time. If this reflection in any way I’m glad I’m American. A jarring offends you, I don’t give a shit. All I confession, I know, seeing as though can hope in writing this reflection being American is seen as a bit of a is that you have listened to me. joke. You jest about the flaws of And for me, that’s enough.

America: gun violence, Trump, car dependency, and trademark I wish I never felt compelled to say American stupidity. I see these flaws, anything in the first place. But I and I often laugh with you. I’ll be the owe it to myself to process what I first to admit that America is a am feeling, and to warn other deeply flawed place. I know that students living here makes me long to go back of visible color about the realities home, to a place that offers me of living here. If you are someone refuge from the violence from the who has experienced something racism I experience here. But I also similar, and if ever you need know that it’s a place that someone to talk to about it, please systematically criminalizes black do reach out. Aside from that, I people – racism is a central tenet of feel like there’s not much else I can American society. I feel guilty for do. Writing this reflection is some wanting to exist in such a place. But sort of a triumph. There’s really make no mistake, I will always nothing you and I can do or say to recognize my privilege in being prevent this from happening to me American; in holding an American or anyone else. passport. Because that privilege will always protect me.

Where do I go from here?

But make no mistake, I will always recognize my privilege in being American; in holding an American passport.

Because that privilege will always protect me.

13 | December 2023

FEATURE

The Menton Times

How to Delay the Inevitable: Remembering our Grandparents’ Stories

BY ANONYMOUS X SCIENCES DEFENSE

“Do you think we’ll see another world war before we die? Will the ecological crisis inevitably lead to mass-destruction as states are forced to fight for survival? With the plethora of nuclear weapons, could we even survive World War III without human extinction?”

These are questions I ask myself weekly and that most in our generation have undoubtedly discussed. The Western era of peace, which has presided since the end of World War II, is entirely unprecedented. With today’s rise of fanatic leaders, the sheer mass of nuclear weapons available and an ecological crisis that is bound to increase tensions, this era of peace will inevitably come to an end, and, as always, the West will As part of a large family, each had implicate the rest of the world. their daily ration consisting of a And how could we possibly be piece of bread meant to sustain prepared for a war in an era with them throughout the day. But the existing nuclear capacity to starvation changes things we believe wipe out humanity? Perhaps our to be fundamentally human, even best chance is to delay the parental loyalty. One day, my inevitable for as long as possible. grandfather found a piece of bread Perhaps the nature of people in the street. Overjoyed by this makes it impossible for us to live incredible discovery, which would in an eternal state of peace and slightly ease the hunger of a safety, so maybe the best way for prepubescent child, he ran to his us to stay safe is to prevent global father to show off his discovery, who had been lying in bed for several war for as long as possible. days, too weak from hunger to leave.

However, with the rise of political Without saying a word and with the and ideological extremism, it swiftness uncharacteristic of a dying seems we have forgotten the man, his father snatched it from his stories our grandparents taught hand and stuffed it in his mouth. My us about war. In a generation that grandfather never forgot this: has other major and valid starvation had caused his own concerns, such as global warming, father, a good and moral man, to inflation and systemic steal food from his son. inequalities, the lessons of past generations on wars that seem Another story I was told as a child distant have lost their was that of the parents of my French grandmother, who lived close to a significance. phosphorus factory which Nazi Whilst our parents may never see Germans had requisitioned. My another world war, we will great-grandfather, who worked in probably not be as lucky, and the factory, would attempt to hide therefore, it’s up to us to prevent some of its production to send it to resistance fighters. it for as long as possible. Perhaps French the first step in doing so is However, since phosphorus was remembering the stories our highly flammable, it would often grandparents and great- catch fire during its transportation, grandparents have passed down leading to my great-grandfather through the generations about being arrested quite regularly what they saw in times of war. I during the war. Since he was deemed would like to share some of the essential to the factory, he would be stories I’ve been told, and released, but his going missing therefore chose to remain became a regular occurrence for his anonymous for the sake of my family, who would not know if he was dead or alive for days on end until he grandparents' privacy. would re-appear.

My grandfather often told me about hunger. An overwhelming, Due to the strategic location of this gut-wrenching, life-scarring phosphorus factory, the families of my grandparents were often hunger. bombarded by British and U.S. fighter jets. Evacuation became a regular occurrence due

home from school, an old man, whom she would chat to almost daily and sometimes give her half a sugar cube (a rarity in times of hunger and poverty), waved her over to talk. Coldly, she ignored him, even though she had known and trusted him for so long. She had learned her lesson well. No one was to be trusted. This left a lasting impression long after the war.

to bombardment.

Whilst my grandparents told me that the British tended to be quite accurate in their aiming and would cause minimal civilian casualties, this was not the case for the U.S. Since the Americans prioritized the safety of their pilots, the fighter jets would fly over their targets at maximal altitude, hence bombing the factory imprecisely, causing many civilian deaths, setting fire to the home of French inhabitants, and regularly completely missing their target.

Once, my grandfather had to flee his house in his underwear, woken up by his mother as the first bomb came crashing to the ground. When they returned to their home, they found a crater in their kitchen and a hole in their ceiling.

The damage of the war was psychological.

The impact of constant evacuations, bombardments and Nazi occupation led to a complete distrust among citizens. Not only did you have to be cautious of German spies, but French people were sometimes also willing to denounce each other if it benefited them. My grandmother learned to distrust everyone. She told me, “We had to be neutral. We had to learn to be completely invisible, which was really difficult for us young children. We had to learn complete self-control very young.” Once, coming from school, she was stopped by a beautiful woman who chatted with her for several minutes. A passerby, who noticed this, immediately informed her parents that their daughter had been speaking with a spy, who then harshly scolded her. While my grandmother had simply admired the lady for her beauty and elegance in a time of war where this was so rare, she was reminded about the necessity of not trusting anyone.

Three days later, when she walked

However, “not everyone was so awful.” Nazi German soldiers had occupied my grandmother’s house throughout the war, and they had been confined to a room in their home whilst the soldiers inhabited the rest. My grandmother told me that it would have been easy and obvious even, to have hated them.

Nevertheless, every time she speaks of these men who made her a guest in her own home and commandeered her house as if it were theirs, she had nothing but awe for them, as they had been respectful and polite. When they had leftovers, they would give them to my grandmother’s starving family, and once, they broke a dish and regretfully apologized to my great-grandmother. Confused, she found herself unable to hate those who had stolen her home from her.

Today, it is easy to forget these stories; they seem so far in the past that they are easy to ignore.

Politicians are quick to incite anger and hatred, and we are all too willing to denounce what we believe is wrong in extreme ways. My grandmother once told me that when she hears the speeches made

by French politicians, it’s so obvious they know nothing about war. Even though we have the right to use our country’s power to fight for what we believe in, the impact of war is all-encompassing and devastating.

Too many countries worldwide are either engaged in a war right now or have experienced one in the last decades, and although it sometimes seems distant, they have stories we need to listen to as well. When World War III comes, many of us will not survive, and those who do will have life-long trauma. Whilst we do not have the power to stop it from happening, we do have the power to delay it. I believe this starts by listening to our grandparents and greatgrandparents' stories, the last generations who experienced World War II. Perhaps this way, we can remember to prioritize peaceful communication, diplomatic ties and tolerance with one another instead of hatred, anger and violence.

14 | December 2023

FEATURE

The Menton Times

Our Military are our Mates!

BY LUCY LÖNNQVIST X SCIENCES DEFENSE

Australia is a nation in which the interrelationship between the people and our Naval forces has come to play a pivotal role in shaping national identity.

Australians hold an inexplicable appreciation for our island continent's safety and good fortune, guarded by the devoted efforts of our naval and maritime powers, the Royal Australian Navy (RAN). On the surface level, the RAN is known

by Australians for its defense of civil liberties and national sovereignty against external threats. In another vein however, a more fundamental yet subtle duty of the Navy that often lies unspoken, pertains to its role in fostering a strong sense of harmony, trust, and connectivity within the social fabric of all residents who call Australian soil home. It is this latter principle which the essence of this article will focus on, in order to demonstrate precisely why Australians call the military our mates.

The nature of Australia’s coastal geography positions the naval and maritime at the nexus of the country’s defense strategy. While Australia has come to be founded in the archetype of the ‘Lucky Country’ and ‘Land of the Fair-Go,’ through an examination of the military forces’ relationship with the Australian community, the answers as to why Australia has come to be characterized by these legends and how our naval powers have perpetually assured the prosperity and support of Australian people, are revealed.

Australia’s reputation as a land of safety and abundance is by no means the product of a draw of luck, rather, these norms have been sowed into the attitudes of trust and reciprocity between Australian society and the Navy as a respected institution.

This deeply rooted trust has perpetuated since the Royal Australian Navy was first titled in 1911, and today has proven difficult to invalidate through experience. As a liberal-democratic island situated in a region of growing momentum for military attention, the capacity of the country’s Naval powers to protect its people is a question occupying political agendas.

Australians today are vesting their trust in the country’s naval and maritime powers as a politically neutral institution they believe will continue to safeguard the security of the land we seek to reconcile and the prosperity of living standards we relish in.

Trust is an essential component of any sustainable relationship between a nation’s military power and the society at large. Arguably, much of the conflict in the world today can be explained by the lack of mutual confidence between the society and its governing authority, with the military serving as the third-party mechanism for social control bridging between. Thomas Hobbes sheds light on this arrangement in his solution to the dilemmas of collective action in saying “If both parties concede to the Leviathan, their reward is the mutual confidence necessary to life.”

That is to say that the naval forces of Australia acting as the third-party enforcement allows the state and its citizens to trust one another. In the absence of trust, there can be no guarantee over a population’s security, nor hope for prosperity of the nation; thus, the society would effectively be reduced to a state of lawlessness and self-interest, opening the gates for tensions to boil and even a breakout of a civil war.

There is a psychological component to the legitimacy of trust in a nation’s defense powers.

For Australia as a seaborne nation, trust towards our sea powers have a greater grip in the minds of Australians than other military branches, as we depend on the good order at sea to secure trade and maritime resources as well as uphold the territorial integrity of our state and homes.

Unlike most global powers across the world, Australian society is fortunate to have fostered a relationship of reciprocal trust towards the heroism of our naval servicemen. It is not often Australians look towards our maritime powers in fear, but instead view the body as a kind of moral sage, a guardian for the protection and wellbeing of our community, one that allows Australians to thrive in a state of amity and non-violence.

There are several reasons for this, including the important pillar of neutrality of the RAN. The Royal Australian Navy operates substantially removed from the whimsical affairs of day-to-day politics, acting as a somewhat invisible power in the minds of many Australians who often aren’t reminded of the gravity of its value in underpinning the harmonious culture of our daily lives. The invisibility of the RAN in this sense is productive, as the actions of a state’s military service should not occupy space in the minds of civilians, but instead operate in the background of the state. Many Australians appear unaware of the extent to which the service of our naval powers reinforce the prosperity of our day to day lives because Australians have largely flourished in an environment of peace and liberty since the inception of the RAN. This is not to say the country is without inequality or flaw, rather to highlight that our

land has not been threatened by foreign powers for as long as our national naval and maritime services have operated.

In recent years, the Royal Australian Navy has stepped into the vision of the Australian public during times of national emergency. A particular example to illustrate is the evacuation of Mallacoota in Operation Bushfire Assist 2019-2020 whereby the Navy conducted itself with sincere compassion and open communication with evacuees.

This demeanor ensured that people felt accommodated and safe onboard, no doubt reinforcing internalized norms of trust towards RAN as an institution among the Australian public. This example proves the RAN is more than a purely militant institution; it is a public good serving to cultivate a communal culture of trust and mateship to be shared evenly by Australian people. The security and prosperity enjoyed by all Australians as a courtesy of our naval efforts are not the private property of any person, but the communal gift to the entire nation.

While the actions of the RAN may not be expressly seen by Australians in their daily lives, the equal opportunity to join the Navy is accessible to all citizens.

Australia employs a policy of optional military service as opposed to one of national service, testament to the working

15 | December 2023 environment of the Navy as an attractive institution of community and trust whereby Australians elect to enter on their own accord as opposed to serving by compulsion. It is the nature of voluntary subscription to the Navy that enhances its capacity to better guarantee the security and prosperity of Australian people because the risk of betrayal or defection is lessened.

The achievement of Operation Tonga Assist 2022 illustrates how Australia’s policy of voluntary inscription promotes efficiency in the work ethic of naval personnel, allowing the RAN to respond to crises with seamless coordination.

The navy was able to deliver 417 tons of equipment and relief supplies, conduct reconnaissance operations and assist with damage assessment following the undersea volcanic eruption and subsequent tsunami.

This operation serves to prove that a fleet in which sailors consciously choose to serve in, is able to accomplish more than a comparable group lacking trustworthiness between members thereby enhancing the success of the fleet in guaranteeing the island’s security.

The relationship of reciprocal trust between the people of Australia and the RAN is a matter of attitudes, behaviors, and feelings. An inextricably difficult phenomenon for countries abroad to engrain between their citizens and military institutions because it cannot simply be uplifted and transplanted into another context.

Rather, it must be bred overtime.

Building reciprocal trust is not easy, and this trust is so finely thread within behaviors, attitudes and national institutions that it can be difficult to identify and eulogize as a nation. Recognizing it, however, allows us to see ordinary Australia in intimate detail, drawing on a seemingly limitless depth of commitment towards each other which binds our sense of safety and mateship for eternity. The Royal Australian Navy champions representations of Australian national identity by upholding the country’s security and prosperity which is presented as attainable for everyday Australians.

The Menton Times

FEATURE

Reflecting on SPMUN 2023

BY NAÏA BERLIOCCHI X MEDMUN

Pernet, former French Ambassador to Ukraine, honored us with his presence and delivered a speech.

Finally, the opening ceremony concluded with words from Othman Benjelloun (Secretary General of MEDMUN) and Alicia Petrella (President of RIMUN), who officially declared SPMUN 2023 open.

From Nov. 24 to 26, the ummah Mentoniya traveled to Reims to participate in SPMUN, encapsulating two days of intellectual collaboration unfolding under the Model United Nations (MUN) banner. The theme of this year, "Embracing Transformation: A juncture for a better future," served as the backdrop for impassioned debates and visionary dialogues. Throughout the summer, the RIMUN and MEDMUN teams collaborated tirelessly for months, striving to make the 3rd edition of SPMUN 2023 a memorable experience. In total, the event gathered 220 students from all seven Sciences Po Paris campuses.

Thus, a journey began for 46 students from the Menton campus of Sciences Po Paris as we embarked on an excursion of both distance and in the realms of diplomacy and discourse. This journey commenced early for us, but it was worth it.

At 5 a.m., we gathered in Bastion at the crack of dawn and bid farewell to the sun-kissed shores of Menton, braving a grueling fifteen-hour bus ride, all for a rendezvous in the regal city of Reims, where history whispers through the stones of its majestic cathedrals and the spirit of kings still lingers.

The participants then met up at "Le Saint-Maurice," roughly a rémois equivalent to "Le Rétro," exclusively reserved for the occasion. However, it seemed that the esteemed delegates preferred to spend the evening at Anamour, the local kebab restaurant. Afterwards, the ummah, used to the sunny and warm south, braved the bitter cold in Reims, and made their way to their host's places: students from the Reims campus who had set up their rooms for us to spend the nights in. This opportunity to meet new people became a truly bonding experience.

From Saturday onwards, we delved headfirst into debates, formed alliances, and addressed global issues across eleven committees, catering to all levels of expertise, from beginner to expert, in either French or English.

Delegates renegotiated the Kyoto Protocol, debated the introduction of artificial We were then introduced to the intelligence, addressed security general theme and the committees challenges in Libya, and much more. by RIMUN and MEDMUN executives, Mara Beteagu, Lisa Poisson, Rebeka Tatham, and Luna Ragozino.

Additionally, the incredible guest speaker Hugues Although we missed the welcome cocktail held at 5:30 p.m., we arrived just in time for the opening ceremony.

The masters of ceremony, Tarun Ruschmeier and Shereen Abdul Razak from RIMUN, and Crystal Cordell, Reims campus director, welcomed us.

16 | December 2023

The Menton Times

FEATURE

The highly anticipated moment arrived at the end of the conference's second day: the party.

At 10 p.m., future diplomats gathered at Nemes, an Egyptian-themed bar.

Despite the absence of Arabic music played by the DJ, who, during the day, had been seen in formal attire as a delegate, we had a fantastic time until 2:30 a.m., showcasing Menton's party spirit to other Sciences Po students.

Of course, true to its vibrant spirit, Menton brought the heat – quite literally – over the weekend. As the ummah Mentonniya ignited the other delegates with their enthusiasm, the frozen halls of Reims found themselves warmed not just by the fervor of discussions but by our fiery passion and amazing chants. Consequently, Menton didn't fail to stand out during snack breaks, lunches, ceremonies, and parties, echoing "Et quand Menton entre dans la salle, c’est tout Sciences Po qui se met au halal,” singing “Sciences Po Menton je t’aime," and dancing in circles to 3 Daqat.

On Sunday, at 2 p.m., as the end drew near, the well-dressed participants headed to the Grand Amphithéâtre for the closing ceremony. A recap video of the weekend was screened, followed by speeches from Sofia Bartolini and Penelope Gelman (MEDMUN crisis co-directors),

Rania Moalla (MEDMUN) and Carla Mory (Logistics of RIMUN), and the wonderful speaker Henry Zipper de Fabiani. After the chairs of each committee announced and awarded prizes for “best delegate,” Othman Benjelloun (Secretary General of MEDMUN) and Alicia Petrella (President of RIMUN) gave the final speech, officially closing this edition of SPMUN. With suitcases in hand, we boarded the bus where Jean-Jacques and Jean-Louis awaited us to depart Reims and its historic charms.

After a 14-hour overnight bus journey, we arrived back in Menton

at 6.30 a.m., just in time for some of us with 8 a.m. classes! Yet, it was with fond memories of the incredible time we shared during this weekend, thanks to the hard work of the MUN teams, that we returned home.

Of course, true to its vibrant spirit, Menton brought the heat – quite literally – over the weekend. As the ummah Mentonniya ignited the other delegates with their enthusiasm, the frozen halls of Reims found themselves warmed not just by the fervor of discussions but by our fiery passion and amazing chants.

17 | December 2023

The Menton Times

FEATURE

The Children of Marx and Coca Cola: The Life and Work of Jean-Luc Godard Beyond the Aesthetics

BY ECESU BASARA X CINÉMENTONGRAPHE

and Madeleine, an aspiring pop singer. The film captures the essence of the youth in the 1960s; Godard shows the youth’s raw struggles, relationships, and opinions during the period. He uses the characters' dialogues and interactions to reflect the political apathy and growing shift away from traditional political ideologies. He states in an intertitle that, “This film could be called The Children of Marx and Coca Cola,” confirming his efforts to portray the political climate of the time through a cinematic lens, illustrating the romantic lives of young Parisians, busy signing petitions against restrictions of freedom of speech and quoting philosophers such as Maurice Merleau-Ponty.

"The philosopher and the filmmaker share a certain way of being, a certain view of the world that is that of a generation.”

Maurice Merleau-Ponty Jean-Luc Godard is perhaps the most iconic figure in cinematic history; he is the first name every person who calls themselves a cinephile should know. His name reverberates with such significance that its absence from one's cinematic lexicon may induce shaming by others. The FrenchSwiss film director, known for his contribution to the New Wave movement of the 50s and 60s, pioneered new narrative structures, innovated and developed filmmaking techniques and produced many masterpieces, some of which you may all have heard of, such as Pierrot Le Fou or Breathless (À bout de souffle).

Yet, we tend to ignore Godard's impact beyond his cinematic aesthetics and his role as a political activist who used his art to articulate his socio-political convictions.

his political views through his films.

In Masculin Féminin, based on two short stories by the great French author Guy de Maupassant, the story revolves around the romantic relationship between Paul, a young man who is looking for a job and A period of civil unrest and social protesting against the Vietnam war, upheaval took place in France, particularly in Paris, during May and June of 1968. Mai ‘68 started as a series of student protests but quickly escalated into a widespread movement involving millions of people from various societal sectors. This upsurge symbolized defiance against established authority, denounced the suppression of academic freedoms within universities, and later gained the support of labor unions. Artists joined this vibrant societal movement, among whom Godard's stance was particularly significant: the director got the worldrenowned Cannes film festival canceled, his impassioned words —"I talk to you about solidarity with students and workers, and you talk to me about tracking shots and close-ups! You're idiots!"— showed his commitment to sociopolitical justice and solidarity over formalities such as film festivals.

His activism also took more implicit forms as he communicated

Essentially, the work that Jean-Luc Godard accomplished transcends cinema. He manages to depict a moving history of social revolutions and reflect the dynamics of political dissent and periods of social change. His legacy lives on not just in the frames of his many films but also in his everpresent dedication to promoting social change and expressing his beliefs through the medium of film.

18 | December 2023

The Menton Times

FEATURE

Face Á La Censure Riposte Étudiante: Analyzing Freedom of Expression for Students in France

BY JENNA AHMED X AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

College campuses across the globe are grappling with the regulation of diverse opinions in an educational environment where the safety of students, the integrity of fundamental freedoms, and the reputation of the institutions are at stake. Following the Oct. 7 attack on Israel and the resulting retaliation on the people of Gaza, college campuses have become a hotspot for heated debate and resulting administrative censorship.

On Nov. 16, Sciences Po Students, professors, and administrators woke up to barricades stacked against the campus's front entrance accompanied by a sign that read, "Face À La Censure Riposte Étudiante.”

That morning, a collaboration of several student organizations, namely, Solidaires Étudiant-e-s, had placed dumpsters, construction borders, and other materials blocking the entrance to campus and attendance to the daily lessons. In an explanatory email to peers and administrators, the students expressed their discontent with "Sciences Po's policy of censorship against any student support for Palestine," as well as the administration's “lack of support in response to threats from the far-right, including calls for rape and murder." The students also called out the administration for "at best psychological pressure, at worst harassment" directed at students supporting Palestine.

Finally, they ended with concrete demands calling for freedom of expression within the law.

The blockade quickly caught the community's attention; Menton residents, French news outlets, and campus staff observed the student protests. Dozens of students stationed themselves in front of the blockade in support of the cause, and at 3 p.m. that afternoon, with directions from Campus Director Yousef Halaoua, the police came to lift the blockade. More than twenty police officers in riot gear entered the back entrance of the campus and removed the blockade from behind the students. Several students received minor injuries as the officers shoved the barriers against them. Over the next hour, the authorities physically removed

66 students and informed them they would be fined for participating in an illegal protest.

In the weeks leading up to this event, the atmosphere on campus was highly contentious between students and administration, and within the student body itself. The Oct. 7 attack led students to be fiercely vocal regarding the attack, overall historical conflict, and enduring humanitarian crisis.

Discontentment was sparked in the students by several actions by the Sciences Po administration at both the campus and university levels.

Shortly after the attack, and in the weeks following, Sciences Po Paris released several statements of acknowledgment and solidarity for the Israeli victims and those affected in relation, notably expressing less, if any, support for Palestinian victims. However, the triggering point was when several students received emails from the administration addressing the media they were posting on their private Instagram accounts regarding Israel and Palestine.

Further, during this period, local news networks and French politicians publicly targeted Menton students for their support of Palestine, accusing the campus of

antisemitism and terror apologia, which left the students feeling unsupported by their campus and their community.

Students were unimpressed by the administration's immediate response to this distressing situation and, ultimately, questioned the legality behind new and old restrictions in France regarding freedom of expression and protest. Does the French government have the power to limit speech, and to that point, does Sciences Po have the authority to sanction students' private accounts? The complexities of French and international law and the context in which these laws are incessantly abused by French authorities may answer these concerns.

Universal Declaration, Article 19 Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 10 of the European Convention, and Article 4 on the Elimination of Discrimination."

Succinctly, France has, on an international level, committed to protecting these specified freedoms. Nevertheless, Vaur also identified the significance France has applied to the notion of Public Order, which outlines "both legal and physical guarantees of freedom, security, and peace of mind, which are necessary for individuals to live together in society."

Does the French government have the power to limit In an interview with Ph.D. student speech, and to that Samantha Vaur, a Law and Politics seminar teacher at Sciences Po point, does Sciences Menton, we discussed the specifics of French freedom of expression Po have the authority and protest laws. Primarily, she emphasized that "international law to sanction students' is very relevant," stating that "France is a state party to private accounts? international conventions on human rights where you can find freedom of expression — Article 19

19 | December 2023 In an article on the French Council of State, author Rim-Sarah Alouane argues that France has traditionally applied an extremely narrow application of Public Order in the name of ensuring public safety.

Alouane further asserts that French politicians have repeatedly attempted to bypass the rule of law to combat terrorism. France’s approach to freedom of expression through anti-terrorism rhetoric is a common trend evident since the end of the 20th century when many assert that French jurisprudence shifted from protecting expression to combating terrorism. Finding a balance between the two has been challenging; on several occasions, the European Commission on Human Rights has considered France’s sanctions "disproportionate and, therefore, unnecessary in a democratic society." On Sciences Po campuses, many students feel anti-terrorism clauses are being abused to sanction opinions that do not resonate with the university’s position. In an interview with Islam Mohamed, another Law and Politics seminar teacher, he discussed the importance of understanding how “apology of terrorism has been abused by the French government as a legal tool” long before current conflicts brought the issue to the university stage, stating that the Israel-Palestine debates on campus have only added another layer to the issue’s complexities.

When asked if there is a legitimate concern of terror apologia among students and if so, what is the appropriate administrative response of college campuses, he responded that:

“In general, there can be limitations to freedom of expression even outside the scope of terrorism. How we assess the legitimacy of these limitations is by assessing whether these limitations are proportionate to a particular security threat. Taking an action that limits freedom of expression that is disproportionate to a danger of the threat would be considered illegitimate by the European Union and French government.”

The Menton Times Ultimately, although freedom of expression and protest are recognized rights, French law has been instrumental in the consistent limitations of these rights. This debate, which is seen on both national and international scales, presented itself at Sciences Po following emails to three students who posted pro-Palestinian content that was identified by Sciences Po’s legal team as apology of terrorism.

This came after the controversial statement by French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin calling for pro-Palestinian demonstrations to be banned and perpetrators to be arrested in the name of disrupting public order. Although the legality of this directive is inconclusive, it certainly constructed an atmosphere of distrust and unrest among students.

Due to the debates forming around these emails, the student blockade, and several contentious meetings between students and administration, Director Yousef Halaoua held a meeting for the entire campus where he explained recent controversial administrative actions. Regarding the blockade, he explained that blocking an educational facility from running its daily functions is illegal and goes against school policy. Secondly, he cited the French penal code 421-2-5 as the motivation for emailing students. This code states: "Directly provoking acts of terrorism or publicly advocating these acts is

punishable by five years' imprisonment and a fine of €75,000." The exact content of these students' posts is unknown; however, many students have questioned the legitimate authority the administration has over personal content and whether the administration was motivated by the student's political stance rather than the outlined legal limitations to freedom of expression.

The continuity of this issue is made apparent by the atmosphere of distrust French authorities have created around the government's ability to protect certain rights.

Amnesty International has published copious reports criticizing France's actions regarding protest and speech.In an article titled "France is not the freespeech champion it claims to be," Amnesty details how France's record on freedom of expression is incessantly bleak. The article cites the example of the European Court of Human Rights finding the convictions of 11 activists for campaigning for a boycott of Israeli products a violation of their free speech rights. Amnesty displays that the application of restrictive laws to this particular conflict is familiar. Following the Interior Minister's ban on pro-Palestinian protests, Amnesty International France's President stated that "The ban on all demonstrations in support of the Palestinians in France constitutes a serious and

FEATURE disproportionate attack on the right to demonstrate…A ban can only be legal if it is motivated by a specific threat and if it is demonstrated that no other less restrictive measure could guarantee public order." Again, the importance of the proportionality of a legal action to an issue of expression is apparent.

In essence, despite international law protecting and outlining certain fundamental freedoms, states within international bodies exercise extensive discretion. The issue of freedom of expression and protest in France is complex and tremendously relevant when applied to a university campus with a political science focus. As previously mentioned, limitations to fundamental freedoms are legally sound; nevertheless, neither the media nor the students are ignorant of current trends directly affecting the acceptance of the expression of political opinion.

20 | December 2023

The Menton Times

CULTURE

Emmanuel Carrère, L’adversaire

BY FRANCESCA DI MURO

‘’In those days I didn't lie, but I never shared my true emotions, except to my dog... I was always smiling and I believe that my parents never suspected that I was sad... I had nothing else to hide then, but I was hiding this: my anguish, my sadness... Maybe they would have been ready to listen to me, like Florence after all, and yet I have never managed to speak... And when you get stuck in this mechanism, so as not to disappoint, the first lie leads to the second, and then you carry on your whole life.’’ – L’Adversaire (2002)

Ultimately nothingness is what tells us best because it translates in the same way what is not yet life, and what has ceased to be. If this is the case, what distinguishes us is the ability to know or recognize ourselves.

Among the many masks we wear, among the many secrets we inhabit, so similar to our Jean-Claude Romand: a serious man, esteemed, worthy of absolute trust. way of being, it Believed to be a good husband, a warm father, and a highly Like a snowball rolling downhill, we pursue, who we would like to be, becomes a very prestigious doctor. In short, a calm, turning into an avalanche and who we will be. Among the many apparently normal man. Yet it overwhelming everything in its masks we wear, among the many appears that normality sometimes path, Romand started from a simple, secrets we inhabit, so similar to our difficult task to overwhelms, sucking in everything repairable secret that became way of being, it becomes a very around it, being capable of imposing, and grandiose, and ended difficult task to discern what is a discern what is a submerging the very things on up even overwhelming himself 18 mask from what is not. I have the which it had been nourished shortly years later in an apartment in the feeling that without the masks, mask from what before, every single part from which French countryside, submerging there would be absolutely nothing it was composed. On January 9, 1993, left of us. Because we are all behind him and his family. Submerging him Jean-Claude murdered his wife and the masks together, at the same is not. and everything he had become over two children, then went to his time, and behind the masks, we hide parents and shot them with a rifle.

He also killed their dog.

Nothing remains of the Romand family; everything was destroyed that January evening; not even Jean-Claude was saved from his fury, or at least the Jean-Claude that had gradually formed with one lie after another—a carefully cultivated persona that emerged after eighteen years of lies. On the whole, he never graduated, worked, and lived on the money that relatives and friends had entrusted to him to invest profitably in a solid French bank, which never took place. When the money ran out and the deception was about to be discovered, rather than revealing the truth to his loved ones, he preferred to kill them. As a Member of the Faculty of Medicine, he had not shown up for the admission exam for the third year — an easily remediable mistake. But to his father and his mother, companions, and Florence, who he would later marry, he lied, saying that he had passed it, that everything had gone well.

time. Yet, his secret hid nothing.

Under the false Doctor Romand, there was no real Jean-Claude Romand. There was nothingness, a nothingness built year after year, fed by anguish and sadness, a nothingness nourished by the perennial desire not to disappoint, by the ambition to be someone else, someone who didn't need to hide behind a white coat and a pair of sunglasses, one like many and at the same time like no one. 3

In the end, maybe we are all a bit Jean-Claude Romand with all our fragility. If it were such a simple thing to live, if it were so simple to be in the world, to start a family, to find a job, to wake up every morning and smile at the faint light that makes its way through the tiny cracks in the roller shutter, we would certainly be men without any secrets. Or rather, we could not enjoy the privilege of having any.

That very subtle balance created by what we hide would be missing, that precarious stability that most reveals who we are. It is not easy to define ourselves: who we are, what

the black hole of nothingness. The same nothingness of Romand made of ambition and fear motivated by the feelings of dizziness and emptiness in our stomach.

21 | December 2023

The Menton Times

CULTURE

Navigating Corrupt Realities: The Timelessness of Dario Fo’s ‘Accidental Death of an Anarchist’

BY MARIA EIRINI LIODI

In a world torn by conflict, poverty, and displacement; where every event is live broadcasted to us 24/7, reality seems to be a nightmarish loop.

Especially with the wartime atrocities we have observed this past year, notions of fairness and justice have been prevalent topics of discussion, as has been the issue of civil disobedience in light of injustice.

Is deviating from the norm and going to extreme measures to make one’s voice heard justifiable? What civil disobedience is justified in the name of fairness?

While this article will not delve into these political topics directly, they do provide a basis of my discussion of theatre and the role of political plays today, with the spotlight on a recent favourite of mine, Dario Fo’s play, ‘The Accidental Death of an Anarchist.’

Recently while in Athens, I was able to see this incredible play brought to life. An amalgamation of movement, song and wit, the interpretation

brought by the Greek actors, namely the protagonist Panos Vlahos, is a must watch for anyone in the area. A woeful tale woven in webs of lies, injustice and violence, the protagonist, a mad trickster, unveils the distorted reality one finds when dealing with powerful and corrupted state bodies.

the public weren’t convinced. As all Gossip Girl fans and perhaps governments will know, even the best hidden secrets come out eventually. Well this one didn’t exactly ‘come out.’ It was just whispers of the corrupt core of the police, alleged brutal methods of interrogation and even rumours of the police planting intelligence This lively satire unfolds a tale based members disguised as leftists to on the 1969 Piazza Fontana bombing plant bombs to destroy their and death of anarchist Giuseppe credibility and political standing.

Pinelli. In a period where Italy was struck by intense waves of social Fo illustrates this confusion unrest, radical calls from the left for through an absurd reality of a societal reform and anarchist protagonist with a fast-talking, groups mobilizing to destabilize the skillful eloquence and underlying status quo, the government was revolutionary zeal. Assuming the cornered in a challenging position. semblance of a psychiatrist and Pinelli was arrested for an alleged later an investigating judge, the anarchist bombing, however like protagonist infiltrates the police everything in the play, Fo sheds light department, seamlessly unraveling on the ambiguity of the events, from the inconsistencies of the the arrest, to the unfortunate, anarchist’s case and revealing ‘accidental’ death. through the impeccable “appearance-versus-reality" trope Pinelli’s death was labelled a suicide, the deceptive, corrupt actions of an ‘accident,’ but many members of the police force.

As audiences immerse themselves in the narrative, the play subtly urges contemplation on the challenging of authority and resisting oppressive systems.

Amidst the protagonist's journey through the absurdity of corrupt institutions, the narrative quietly champions the notion that civil disobedience, rooted in anarchist values, can wield significant influence in the battle against societal injustice. If we were to look practically anywhere in our modern day society, we could see these ideas entrenched around us.

Modern media yields growing power in dominating the narratives upon which not only our interpretations of the world are based, but society itself is based.

Done in parallel with the growing tools of misinformation and misrepresentation of information, as tools of social division and exclusion of justice, Fo’s political drama serves as a cautionary tale.

We ought to be critical about what we read–where was it published?

When? By whom? Is there proof?

In a democratic society we willingly submit power to governing institutions to be wielded toward the greater good, and when that isn’t the case, and other measures fail to address injustices, Fo’s tale suggests that civil disobedience may be the only route left to take.

If so, then what is it? And when it comes to institutions of power, be it universities, companies or governments –we ought to be critical of them too. In a democratic society we willingly submit power to governing institutions to be wielded toward the greater good, and when that isn’t the case, and other measures fail to address injustices, Fo’s tale suggests that civil disobedience may be the only route left to take.

Disclaimer: This is by no means an article written to promote anarchy, just critical thinking.

22 | December 2023

MENA

The Menton Times

Tech vs. Tradition: Could AI Oust Islamic Leaders?

BY COLETTE YAMASHITA HOLCOMB

Among lawyers, graphic designers, and writers, could imams be the next professionals fearing artificial intelligence taking their jobs?

On Sept. 8, the Egyptian cabinet’s media center denied rumors that the government planned to use artificial intelligence to prepare Friday sermons, replacing the imams who write them. These rumors were spurred by comments made by Muhammad Mukhtar, the Minister of Religious Endowments, who declared that he had experimented with using artificial intelligence to write a Friday Khotba and rated the output an “8 out of 10,” but acknowledged that the output included religious mistakes.

While the rumors in Egypt may have been disproven, the nation isn’t the only one exploring using artificial intelligence in religious practice.

Across the Islamic world, government and religious leaders have grappled with the question of whether technology has a role in religion. While Iranian religious leaders have emphasized that artificial intelligence efforts are simply to add to “the toolkit of Islamic leaders,” in the United Arab Emirates, the government discontinued the Virtual Ifta program within two years, electing to focus on applying artificial intelligence in business.

Iran has faced increasing pressure to modernize on the heels of the mass protest movement that began last year, evolving to a broader call to replace the Islamic republic with a modernized, secular state. The nation’s religious establishment views technology as a potential avenue of development, all while strengthening Islamic national identity and values. The head of Qom Seminary, located in the Iranian holy city of Qom, has warmed up to artificial intelligence, primarily focusing on how it could accelerate the Islamic studies of senior clergy and communication with the public.

The seminary has partnered with the city’s leading AI research center.

“The seminary must get involved in using modern, progressive technology and artificial intelligence…we have to enter into this field to promote Islamic

civilization,” the head of Iran’s seminary, Ayatollah Alireza Arafi, said this summer.

Most clerics follow the traditional approach to religious study and adapt Islamic rulings to modern life, analyzing lengthy documents that can take weeks to prepare. The topranking clerics, the majority aged 80 to 100, aren’t expected to divert from this traditional style. However, younger clerics may be more open to utilizing technological advances.

Yet, some doubt whether a quicker process would benefit Islam. Many figures caution against the use of artificial intelligence for interpreting religious texts because interpretations of religious teachings require a deep historical, sociological, and theological understanding beyond simple linguistic knowledge; some have advocated concerns that artificial intelligence may oversimplify or misinterpret nuanced religious teachings. Artificial intelligence would also challenge the principles of the Islamic educational system, such as strong teacher-student relationships. The Journal of Islamic Studies highlighted that supplementing, let alone replacing, these relationships with artificial intelligence platforms could erode the essential human element in religious teachings since it cannot provide the same emotional and

spiritual guidance. Moreover, if students lack personal connections to the text, often found through these teacher-student relationships, it could weaken both their understanding and relationship to the text and their faith.

For non-clergy Muslims, artificial intelligence has more apparent benefits. Artificial intelligence could strengthen an individual’s understanding of Islam and the Quran because programs can explain concepts and passages differently based on individual learning styles and a personalized 24/7 learning experience that is impossible to find in a traditional setting. Additionally, the increased global reach appeals to those who want to spread Islam worldwide; artificial intelligence platforms can make Islamic teachings accessible to a global audience through indepth explanations and real-time translation. Yet, like with clergy members, the impersonal nature of artificial intelligence could create a disconnect with faith. The risk of bias and misinformation is still prevalent, which could harm the understanding of Islam through misinformation.

For some, the integration of artificial intelligence by imams is not a departure from tradition but

an evolution that aligns with the needs of modern society.

Meanwhile, others view artificial intelligence as a pressing risk to Islamic values and traditions, representing a decline in society's faith and moral fabric. In some countries, such as Egypt, this exploration has exacerbated tensions between state overreach into clerical roles and the question of how Islamic states may be redefined and reimagined in the coming years. While the jobs of imams may not be up for grabs quite yet, it is clear that artificial intelligence is no longer a hypothetical future; it is the reality in every area of our lives.