Cape Town Globalist

Volume 12 Issue 1

T h e C a p e Tow n

GLOBALIST The revolution will not be televised, it will be publicised

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C ONTENT S

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Letter from the Editors

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Feature I

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How Zionists are defeating Zionism

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Balancing the playing field

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Marketing yourself before graduation

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Seven Years of a Five Year Term

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Sports and the Psyche

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Feature II

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What is an Unai Emery?

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Funding Opportunities

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The Land Question

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Farm Murders: Fact or Myth?

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Feature III

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Africa: The Real Picture

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The Public and Public Divide

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My African Fashion Experience

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Tribute to Nomzamo Winnie Mandela

Editor in Chief Nick Roelf & Tatenda Gunani Content Editors Sumano Bose & Aidan Bizonay Layout Editor Tara Osborne THE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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LETTER FR OM THE EDITORS

We go again. And this time, we go better.

The Cape Town Globalist has not published a magazine for two years, and our absence was a reminder about the need for sustainable leadership, and sustainable projects. As we write this, we are reminded that we will not only be remembered for what we did, but also for what we leave behind.

Nick Roelf & Tatenda Gundani Chief Editors

Contributors Aidan Bizonay Bernie Edelstein Camilla Sibanda Kneo Mokgopa Kayelee Dramat Lebogang Maragelo Lebohang Mafebedu Leigh-Anne Alexander Max Greenbuam Maximus Seyani. Molo Mhlaba Onika Gantsho Sumone Bose

With that said, we must always have one eye on the future, and that has been the inspiration for this edition. The focus for this copy stems from the revolutionary(-esque) change seen taking place throughout the world, and within smaller spheres of interest. In South Africa alone, there have been large strides in the direction of change, Zuma being replaced by Cyril in a change that has largely brought new hope to South Africa. Parliament is at present pursuing a motion tabled to allow for the expropriation of land without compensation, a move that the majority of the country has been crying out for since the inception of the democratic dispensation. One thing is certain, and that is change is inevitable, therefore, we have to constantly shape our realities according to the developments in our surroundings. History has taught us that change without dialogue often lets down the people the change is suppo-

sed to serve. We hope that by bringing attention to these topics we will be able to create much needed dialogue for progress and change which is sustainable.

We are pleased to be able to provide students with a platform where they can have their ideas and work publicized for consumption, critique and praise. Throughout the magazine there are various advertisements for student led initiatives, like the clothing line designed by Kudiwa Shonhiwa. We implore you to have a look at her Instagram page which has a variety of wonderfully designed and crafted pieces. In addition to this, special mention goes to all those students, like Esinako Ndabeni co-publisher of ‘BORN TO KWAITO’ who are pursuing their passion. Importantly, we must thank all those within, and outside the society that made this publication possible. We thank you for your articles, editing, photographs and countless hours of working and reworking contributions ensuring that they meet The Globalist standard.

Finally, for those wishing to get involved in our future publications please follow us on Facebook, or look to the back cover to see how you can contribute going forward.

The Cape Town Globalist is published by students at The University of Cape Town. Any opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of The Cape Town GlobalisE the publication sponsors, the University of Cape Town or Global21.

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Estelle_K_ THE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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Image Credit: Faith24

FEA TURE

Avulekile Amasango:

What does Professor Phakeng mean by “unapologetically African”?

In this cultural moment, vice chancellor, Professor Phakeng, is needed. Prof Phakeng’s appointment comes in the aftermath of the failure to appoint Professor Ramugondo, who was not appointable by a reasons not fully disclosed by the university management. Prof Phakeng presents her agenda as being one of making the University of Cape Town “unapologetically Africa”.

This is in contrast to the outgoing management’s policy of making UCT an Afropolitan university. Phakeng’s criticism is that it continues the colonial identity of UCT as being in Africa without being African. To be ‘Afropolitan’, Phakeng states, is not the same as ‘African’ in that it means ‘of, or like, Africa’, or European with African furniture. Phakeng’s policy, she says, will focus on black experiences in the university within the transformation agenda. The current discourse on transformation hyper values access to the institution, whilst throwing a blind eye to the alienation experienced by black students once they find access and their success rates.

Writer: Kneo Mokgopa

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We should be wary of this agenda and prevent it from falling it rhetoric. Transformation is not a policy or agenda but an action, and this is where the focus must lie. This is not say that we should unduly scrutinize and monitor Phakeng as vice chancellor, but that the movement must shift as progress is made. Prof Phakeng is not the first black woman vice chancellor, we have seen before Dr Ramphele prove that a black face is important and significant but does not necessarily result in fidelity to the needs and interests of black students, and the institutional structure and epistemological framework of the university is not therefore altered. This is important for this reflection.

In 1894, the Glen Grey Act of the Cape Colony was passed. The Act stated that all black males in the jurisdiction would have to work outside their district [for a white employer] for at least 3 months every year or pay a fine of 10 shillings (Over R3 400 adjusted for CPI and inflation). The Act was vital for the dispossession of land project and pivotal in creating forced migration of black people into labour reserves, later called homelands and Bantustans.

The Glen Grey Act turned black people into agents of labour in Aime Cesaire’s equation “colonisation = thingification”.

This function was not anomalous with the grander epistemological framework and ideological construct of law in South Africa, I argue it was a single expression of law in South Africa’s DNA, par for course.

In 1997, the Basic Conditions of Employment Act was passed to give effect to the newly constitutional right to fair labour practices. Read with Sectoral Determination 7: Domestic Worker Industry, in the most part the Act is a compelling success, however it rests on the same epistemological framework and ideological construct of law in South Africa.

of Employment Act came and mandated employment contracts, some domestic workers would not sign a contract. The law subjected the workers to the state’s ‘will to empower’, disrupting established practices of power, ignoring the workers’ agency and competence as opposed to enriching and supporting them.

“I will not sign that contract!”

“But if you have a contract, won’t your working conditions be regulated?”

“No, no, no. I don’t want to sign that contract. First when the legislation came out, we didn’t talk about the laws…. I know I should only work eight to five for Monday to Friday, because I know the laws from the union. So, I know I mustn’t work Saturdays. So, on Saturday, I don’t tell her anything, I just go to my room in the back and pull the blankets over my head. On Monday when I go to work, she says I must be better now, not sick. I don’t say anything. Next week, Saturday, I pull the blankets over my head. Monday, she is wondering. But we don’t say anything to one another. Next Saturday, I pull the blankets. Now, she tells me she called the CCMA, and I’m supposed to work Saturday until twelve, one. But, I know my rights. I know I’m not supposed to work.

So, next Saturday, I pull the blankets.

That Monday, she says maybe I shouldn’t work on Saturdays.”

-Shireen Ally ‘From Servants to Workers: South African Domestic Workers and the Democratic State’ (2009) page 94.

You see where I’m going. Firstly, I feel sceptical that negotiating policies and their implementation with council and senate is an effective medium to achieve the content of the agenda. The institutional structure, white male supremacist Consider this: Domestic work is not compromise and sooth-saying remain like other work. It is filled with psychic unchallenged by the outlying agenda of violence, intimate labour and persona- making UCT “unapologetically African”. lised working relations. From the 1920s onwards, during Apartheid, black women Also, how Sway. The policy alleging to domestic workers in South Africa were focus on access, experience and success subject to informal, personalized and being effected through the polycentric, fragmented legislation that allowed for li- capitalistic and dynastic forces of council ttle effective recourse to legal institutions and senate has little prospect of success, for gross violations of human dignity, ex- evidenced from the failure to appoint Prof ploitation, abuse and psychic violence. Ramugondo. Secondly the agenda makes Over the years, domestic workers devised no mention of supporting and enriching practices of power to informally regula- already established practices of power blate their conditions of employment and ck students have devised to protect their their employers’ control over their labour interests and the conditions of their acaand bodies. When the Basic Conditions demic careers in access, experience and THE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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Image Credit: Robyn Walker

“I feel skeptical that negotiating policies and their implementation with council and senate is an effective medium to achieve the content of the agenda. The institutional structure, white male supremacist compromise and sooth-saying remain unchallenged by the outlying agenda of making UCT “unapologetically African”. success. Far from that, Phakeng’s agenda includes an explicit reference to security, presumably private paramilitary security, instead of legitimizing and funding movements and collectives like Decolonize UCT law, Patriarchy Must Fall and other sub-organisations and constituencies related to the broader Fees Must Fall community. The agenda may very well subject black students to management’s ‘will to empower’, and undermine black student’s agency and competence in achieving goals Phakeng’s agenda alleges to institutionalise.

All of the above being said, I’m excited about the “fab academic” Professor Phakeng. Her criticism of the outgoing management’s policy exposes a nuanced, critical and informed commitment to responding to the calls of black students at UCT. The protest must go on.

POLITICS : OPINION

How Zionists are defeating Zionism

Image Credit: Reuters

Israel is an ultra-nationalist state.

It invokes the Jewish religion, culture, heritage and people to distinguish who has a right to exist in the country and who does not. Zionism, the ultra-nationalist ideology of Israel, makes no provision for the Palestinian people who inhabited the land prior to the establishment of the State of Israel.

Since 1948, the Palestinian people found, and continue to find, themselves denied a right to exist in Israel. This denial of an existence takes the form of the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, the dispossession of Palestinians of their land, the forced exile of Palestinians, the imposition of discriminatory laws against the Palestinians who remain in the country, and the deportations of black Africans – all in order to ensure that Israel remains a Jewish-majority country and ‘maintains its Jewish ethos’ (although this ‘ethos’ is a gross distortion of Judaism).

Zionist camp – the emotional barrage distracts from the simple fact that the Zionists have very few, if any, genuine responses to the Palestinian argument. And while there may be fundamental disagreement, it is not genuine political disagreement, but something much more sinister.

The Zionists have a few choice kneejerk arguments. These are the mainstay of the Zionist justification for the continued oppression of the Palestine people, certainly across university campuses internationally. And they are yelled with such conviction and emotion that it can be a disorienting experience to even confront. The most common ones are “You activists are hypocrites! You shout about Israel, but you’re completely silent about Saudi Arabia!”

“The Palestinians want to kill us!”

Firstly, the ‘what-about’ argument.

How can pro-Palestine activists point a finger at Israel, when there is so much injustice across the world? There is much to say back to this. Perhaps the easiest response is a direct rebuttal. Pro-Palestine activists are not only concerned about Palestinian oppression, but stand in solidarity with all oppressed peoples of the world. And indeed, there are plenty of pro-Palestine activists who are members of numerous other organisations that mobilise in solidarity with other oppressed peoples. In fact, many activists. The fact that Zionists are only aware of these activists through their pro-Palestine work reveals their own hypocrisy.

Where are these same Zionists when the same pro-Palestine activists are mobilised around #FeesMustFall, the Free Tibet Movement, Syria etc.? The flimsiness of this allegation is clear when it becomes blatantly apparent that these Zionists have absolutely no concern for any oppressed peoples, except to the extent that they can invoke them as a hypothetical and intellectual tool to further their argument.

Simply dismiss this deflection of an argument, and return the conversation to the violation of Palestinian human rights.

This all has been very well documented, and grounds and spurs the growing criticism of Israel.

“Israel is a Jewish state – if you criticise Israel, you are anti-Semitic!”

And, for the most part, this is accepted by even the most ardent of Zionists. Though, often unintentionally so.

Whenever Zionists and pro-Palestine activists find themselves in the same room, the debate becomes so virulent and emotionally-charged that it seems that the two camps are diametrically opposed on unresolvable political grounds. This is in the interests of the

Of course, not a single one of these arguments respond to any claims that Palestinians are making about the continued violation of their human rights. But it is certainly worthwhile to The next argument often used to work through each one of these allegations, so that they can be quickly dis- distract is the ‘Palestinians are terromissed to allow for more substantive rists’ argument. This, of course, coand genuine conversation. ming from someone who has almost certainly never spoken to a Palesti-

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nian, and would themselves prefer for most Palestinians to be silent about their desire for human rights, or alternatively dead. This argument is raised to distract from the fact that Israel and the Israeli army is by far in comparison the more brutal and despicable terrorist than any Palestinian counterpart, having killed thousands more innocent Palestinians. But yes, there is a section of Palestinian resistance that has taken up the armed struggle, and an even smaller section thereof that indiscriminately attacks Israelis, as opposed to just Israeli military targets. Of course, the fact that this is a tiny minority of Palestinian resistance, which is predominantly peaceful, is of no consequence to the Zionists – racist stereotypes, unsurprisingly, underlie many of Zionist arguments. While this minority’s action cannot be condoned, it is not in any way the cause of conflict. Palestinian armed resistance is a response to Israeli terrorism, not the cause. It is the expression of deep-seated anger over the demand for human rights. It is evident, and has been confirmed by almost all security experts, that dissent and anger is fostered by the further violation of human rights, not quelled. The solution here is not bombing the resistance out of the Palestinians, but granting them equal rights. Peace, as demanded by the Palestinian people, is a coexistence with Jewish Israelis, with equal rights. The main obstacle to this is Israel’s violent refusal for peace, not Palestinian re-

sistance. And so, simply dismiss this deflection of an argument, and return the conversation to the violation of Palestinian human rights.

Pro-Palestine activists are equally outraged when such atrocities are committed by any other ethnic group.

Certainly, there are those who mask their antisemitism behind criticism of Lastly, the ‘anti-Semitic’ argument. Israel. They have no space in the proIsrael is a Jewish state, made up pre- -Palestine movement. But it is obvious dominantly by Jewish people, and so that, though there may be a degree of criticism of Israel is antisemitism, so antisemitism in the world, it in no way the argument goes. This argument, exonerates Israel of its human rights though, is slowly falling into disuse, abuses. And so, simply dismiss this mostly because of the important work deflection of an argument, and return done by organisations like Jewish the conversation to the violation of PaVoices for a Just Peace, and Jews for a Free lestinian human rights.

Palestine. The State of Israel is not the nationalist expression of Judaism. It is What is telling is that each one of the nationalist expression of Zionism. these arguments is a deflection. ZioThat it appeals to various aspects of the nists do not contest the historical and Jewish religion and culture is merely a ongoing Palestinian narrative, becaufaçade for its nationalist programme. se they cannot. If one raises the ethnic If anything, the State of Israel repre- cleansing of Palestinians before and sents a gross distortion of the Jewish during 1948 by the founding Zionist religion and culture, distorting gearmies, they talk about oppression in nuine and sincere Jewish values and Saudi Arabia. If one raises the forced principles into justificatory forces for dispossession, evictions and exile of dispossession and ethnic cleansing.

Palestinians from the land that they This is anti-Jewish. Indeed, criticism inhabited, the Zionists talk about Paand action against the apartheid Stalestinian missiles. If one brings up te of Israel sits very firmly within the the Palestinian desire for a peaceful normative force of Judaism. It is clear existence alongside the Jewish peothat criticism against the ethnic clean- ple, they call you anti-Semitic. Though sing and dispossession of Palestinians it may not seem like it, the discourse is exactly that, criticism against the is shifting more and more every time ethnic cleansing and dispossession of each one of the Zionist’s arguments is Palestinians. It is no comment on the shown to be what it is, a distraction Jewish people, their religion or culfrom the truth. Slowly the debate is ture. This criticism is focused on the being uncovered for what it really is actions themselves, and is blind to – an argument for justice against an the perpetrators and their identities. argument for racism and oppression.

Writer: Bernie Edelstein

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EDUCA TION

Balancing the Playing Field

Writer: Molo Mhlaba

South Africa has a two-tiered education system - one for the rich and one for the poor. Most poor children experience very low quality of education as a result government’s no fee-paying schools have become synonymous with poor quality education. Elite families buy quality education in the country’s most expensive schools, thus reproducing inequality and widening the gap between the poor and the rich.

Molo Mhlaba Schools is a STEAM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Art and Mathematics) primary school for girls in Khayelitsha. It aims to provide quality education for marginalized and disadvantaged children. This is a task that requires working beyond the CAPS curriculum, creating conducive teaching and learning environments, using relevant languages for teaching and learning, thus treating both the children, teachers and parents with dignity while also bringing justice in education.

Molo Mhlaba was founded collectively by a group of womxn listed in the school’s board: https://molomhlaba.org/our-team/ , including Xolisa Guzula, an early biliteracy lecturer at UCT’s School of Education, and Rethabile Sonibare, a social worker and founder of Thope Foundation as well as many womxn running Thope Foundation after school programmes.

Their paths intertwined as they served on various NGO’s and institutions which work on education development of children.

The school’s board comprises of womxn with diverse backgrounds including teaching, social work, early childhood development, psychology, science and commerce. These backgrounds culminate to form an excellent team which will ensure the sustainability of the school. Moreover, volunteers, donors of the school and community engagement have been imperative in the success of the school so far.

by adopting a child and paying for their education.

Molo Mhlaba Schools are also in the process of building a Pan Africanist System of Education (PASE) by combining culture and education to offer underserved girls quality education that centers on African history, cultures, knowledge, stories, traditions, and languages, and equips learners with the skills and fortitude to be leaders. “A Pan-Africanist approach to education for us is an approach to education developed by Africans, in Africa and for Africa. As Molo Mhlaba, we believe that we need a curriculum and pedagogy that prioritises an African child,” says Xolisa Guzula. Currently, they are building on the tried and tested Montessori and Waldorf philosophies which put an emphasis on the respect for the child and the connection between the child and their environment to learn optimally.

learners to adapt easier if they are to attend STEM high schools.

The curriculum at Molo Mhlaba also includes Art and Mindfulness. The practice of mindfulness is done through yoga.

Guzula highlights that girls in underserved communities come from very stressful environments. Yoga teaches them to manage stress, focus better and exercise.

Guzula also points out the false perception of the binary between Science and Arts that society tends to create. Children grow up believing that they are either creative or intellectuals, whereas both aspects need to be developed. “Scientists are, in fact, artists!”, she says.

African girls at Molo Mhlaba, with this curriculum, will learn to exist in their fullness and defy whatever stereotype is placed on them. The future holds more schools in underserved communities of The curriculum at Molo Mhlaba Schools South Africa under the blanket of Molo introduces learners to Engineering, Mhlaba Schools.

Computer Science, and Entrepreneurship among the core subjects which are Businesses and individuals can support Numeracy, Literacy and Life Skills. “We this school by offering financial grants, want to show that womxn can become adopting a child by paying their school scientists and engineers if given the envi- fees, or donating food parcels. ronment to learn under right conditions,” To learn more about the school, visit says Guzula. More than that, introducing www.molomhlaba.org. these subjects at an early age also allows

Molo Mhlaba Schools, unlike elite private and state schools, charge fees lower than the combined school fees, transport fare and aftercare fees at the cheapest state schools in quintile two. Additionally, most children who cannot pay fees are not excluded from registering at Molo Mhlaba Schools and a bursary fund is created for most of these children, while South Africans are encouraged to support THE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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Above: The first cohort of the first low-fee private school for girls in Khayelitsha greets us Image Credit: Molo Mhlaba

EDUCA TI ON

The Importance of Marketing yourself Before and After Graduation Building a personal brand is vital to gaining self-awareness, setting yourself apart from fellow peers and helping you navigate the corporate world easier when you are still finding your feet. Building your brand should not only start when you are in your final year or as you prepare to start searching for employment post-graduation, it’s a process that should begin as you start setting your future goals and career trajectory, usually in the second semester of your first year.

Doing this earlier on means that you have an idea of the conferences, networking events and career days to go to and internships and training opportunities to look out for. Doing this will enable you to find out the specific entry requirements for the companies and graduate programmes you are targeting after you graduate.

This also allows you to explore earlier on, your options and the requirements for enrolling into honours programmes, for example, to give you an advantage over your peers.

consists of you forming opinion about the environment around you, finding a moral standing in society as well as being able to have self-awareness and the integrity to propel you towards your dreams seamlessly and fulfilling.

Before graduation, the emphasis is on marketing yourself and getting your prospective employers to know you and recognize how you can be an asset to their organization and team.

The emphasis here is on attending career days, setting up social networks in a way that works to your advantage and marketability. It also consists of finding out your development areas and seeking the help you need whether academically, psychologically and personally.

The Post-graduation period is usually for preparing yourself as much as you can for the world of work. While there you realize that not everything is in black and white as it was in school. You learn a lot about yourself but also grow in many ways.

The marketing here becomes one that is focused on either further growing Your personal branding is what your networks to help you learn as will market you to your prospective much as possible about your new employer as well as define what’s im- role or about trying to find your best portant to you and how to go about it. job/organizational fit, if your current Personal branding is not only about employment or programme does not work for you. The first year usually finding your dream job, but it also

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consists of many realizations. Some are great as they grow you and you realize for example that you can work on certain tasks seamlessly while other realizations are not so great and you learn that going back to get your Honours degree or Masters will be more beneficial to you than continuing with full time work. This is obviously based on the assumption that you got a programme straight after graduating.

In the case of not securing a programme or employment after graduating, your life shifts from focussing on academics and balancing school with passive job searching and becomes one where you must be an active job seeker who approaches all job searches with a vigour that will ensure you secure something in a short space of time. While on the hunt expand your knowledge by reading further into your subject or prospective area of work and find out if you can volunteer/ shadow people from the organizations you want to work for.

The main thing is to stay inspired, hungry and committed to reaching your short and long-term goals. Everything we put our mind up to is attainable if we continue to work every day towards it and towards improving our self and our brand holistically.

Writer: Pridy Prankhurst Image Credit: The Economist

POLITIC S

Seventh Year of a Five Year Term bility will provide the perfect environment for rebel groups to push for even more of a stronghold. To add to this it is estimated that almost 8 million people – about 10% of DRC’s population experience extreme food shortages and that more than 4 million children under the age of five are at risk of acute malnutrition. These factors make the situation even more dire, and put the population in a position of desperation.

This desperation could very well be a factor that could push the situation into further chaos.

Above: The majority of the protesters have been disgruntled youth and religious leaders.

Image Credit: The Economist

The Democratic republic of Congo is not the first African country to struggle with the smooth and peaceful transfer of power after acquiring independence. It has been almost 2 years since the current president Joseph Kabila was supposed to end his 16 year reign as president. Kabila, who came to power in 2001 after his father President Laurent Desire Kabila was assassinated. Kabila was then elected as President in 2006 and in 2011 when he ran for a second term. While his 16 year term had been lauded for the success after his presidency had brought peace and economic growth to Congo. However, many had wished for a peaceful transition of power at the end of 2016.

Instead Kabila in what was only his second public speech of the year announced to his parliament that “I cannot allow the republic to be taken hostage by a fringe of the political class.” What ensued was an internet and communications blackout, and when the blackouts were eventually lifted there was wide spread news of protest repression and the deaths of some of those who had taken to the streets to protest Kabila’s resolution not to give up power. The blackouts and repressions have continued

for over a year with authorities in the Democratic Republic of Congo blocking the internet in Kinshasa and setting up roadblocks throughout the city ahead of planned protests demanding that President Joseph Kabila leave power early on in the year.

During these country-wide protest at least seven people were killed across the country, after security forces reportedly fired tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition at demonstrators in the capital Kinshasa, and other cities. President Kabila is in the seventh year of a five-year term and is constitutionally barred from standing again.

For many the worry was now that the country would plunge into violence, as was the case in many of the Arab Spring uprisings that occurred earlier on in the decade.

The Democratic Republic of Congo has had a history of warfare after conflict; between 1998 and 2003 led to the loss of five million lives. The war is referred to as the second Congo war which was presided by the first Congo war from 1996 to 1997.

Initially anticipation of violent outbreaks, Kabila had used the anticipation of violence as a reason to further repress the protesting masses and to hold on to power for a little bit longer. However his tune has changed and President Kabila has decided to allow for elections to happen at the end of the year. According to the schedule set by the election commission, declarations of candidacy are due in July. There is still repeated speculation that Kabila might seek to change the constitution and seek a third term or find an ally who could stand on his behalf. However, in February an aide of the president announced that Kabila would not be seeking another term as President. Whether or not this will hold to be true, only time will tell, but for now all the world can do is wait.

To make matters worse, many Eastern regions are still plagued by violence as various rebel groups continue to operate there. And the worry is that the current instaTHE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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Writer: Tatenda Gundani

HIRE AND SELL SERVICES FOR FREE ON PROPAL.CO.ZA PLUMBING, DECOR, PANEL BEATERS, WEB DESIGN ETC . PROPAL IS THE PLACE TO BE

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SPOR T S

Sports and the Psyche We have all heard about the benefits of playing sports, I mean, how could you have missed that chat at this point in your life. For starters playing sports has the ability to develop confidence in the individuals that play. I am sure you have seen it where someone is a completely different person on the field or the court, especially if they are good at the sport they are participating in. It’s almost as if they enter an alternate universe, one in which they are the most confident individual with the ability to act with certainty as if the outcome was a given. This confidence often also translates from the sports field to real life, it’s the same reason why some people become very confident after a gym session or two.

We cannot deny sports just do something for us. I addition to this there are also the health benefits… I don’t really think many of us are interested in this, however, participating in sporting activity in along with a healthy diet is a way of securing long-term health by reducing your risk for developing chronic illness like diabetes, obesity, cancer and cardiovascular diseases.

Unfortunately, there is a flip side to this conversation which is, that without taking appropriate measures, partaking in sports can instead, end up in pain, on a different path to poor health, due to avoidable sport injury.

Some of the more common injuries include: • Knee injuries, • Sprains and strains • Tendon and ligament injuries • Fractures and dislocations.

With some of these injuries requi-

ring a life of caution and treatment if not addressed appropriately in the first instance. But the biggest challenge is often a mental one.

the typical fanatic comment, if I was them I would definitely do better.

Perception

Change of Perspective

As an avid sports consumer, be it by watching Basketball, Golf (yes it’s a sport), Soccer, Tennis and Rugby witnessing sports-related injuries has been nothing new to me. And to be honest I always felt that injuries were simple, you get hurt, you heal, have rehab, and then you play again as if nothing happened; that is of course unless if your injury is a career ending injury. It was through this lense that I engaged with the sports players that I watched on T.V. Players like Daniel Sturridge, Derrick Rose, Tiger Woods, Novak Djokovic, basically any player who had been injured, but then failed to get back up to the highest level they had been previously associated with. In my mind it was simple, until the moment that I too had my serious sports-related injury that I began to understand what then goes on through the mind of an athlete after the healing and rehab process. For all of these sports stars, who at some stage were regarded as the best in their disciplines, one thing was consistent; and that was the fact that after their injuries they couldn’t push their bodies to the limits required to play at the levels they had previously played at. And in almost every case, the serious injury was followed by another smaller injury that further removed them from that world class category.

To me it was stupid, and I turned to

In September of 2017 I ruptured my Achilles tendon while playing basketball, it was the most routine movement, in fact, a routine movement that I had probably made ten thousand times in the ten years I have been playing basketball. “Fake right go left, fake left go right,” the same thought still goes through my mind every time I think of the moment. However, the difference this time wasn’t me losing the man marking me to get into the open space, instead, the difference lay in a sudden POP, a sound so loud it sounded

Above: Tiger Woods Image Credit: Skysports

Left: Daniel Sturridge Image Credit: Skysports Writer: Tatenda Gundani THE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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Above: Derrick Rose (Image Credit: Seth Wenig)

Recently Novak Djokovic, former world number 1 had to admit that he must conquer his mind again to find his old form, stating “I’ve faced this major injury issue myself. You feel the consequences mentally more than physically”.

as if someone had fired a small calibre gun. The diagnosis at the hospital was a simple one for the doctor, the gap with no muscle chord between my calf and my heel was an indication that my tendon had ruptured.

I would say there are 4 stages to an injury. The injury itself, the healing process, the rehab period, and the post trauma period. These periods are also accompanied with psychological challenges; For example an athlete may experience, Anxiety. Many athletes who sustain an injury develop associated anxiety with the injury. This can make an athlete feel pressure to succeed, pressure of failing, fear of injury, fear of re-injury, or anxiety about overcoming an injury. Anxiety can also be coupled with feelings of helplessness, suffering an injury are a traumatic experience for athletes.

When people find themselves in new and precarious situations, sometimes they are overcome with feelings of fear and helplessness. In addition, it makes the individual more likely to feel and experience the same mental, emotional, and physical experiences that occurred during or just after the trauma repeatedly.

Anger and Depression. Anger is usually a central feature of an athlete’s response to physical trauma associated with an injury. Mainly because you are not used to being restricted in the manner that you are after a serious injury. Depression is a medical illness that causes a constant feeling of sadness and lack of interest. Depression affects how the person feels, behaves and thinks. Athletes who have been seriously injured may even develop severe depressive illness. Left undiagnosed and untreated, depression can worsen, lasting for years and causing untold suffering, and possibly suicide.

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ts differently. Fans often feel that injuries only involve the physical aspects, i.e. getting hurt, healing, and then rehabilitation. However there are psychological effects that run throughout these different stages, and at times the psychological effects last even longer than the physical effects (PTSD). Recently Novak Djokovic, former world number 1 had to admit that he must conquer his mind again to find his old form, stating “I’ve faced this major injury issue myself. You feel the consequences mentally more than physically”.

An Achilles tendon rupture, like an ACL tear, or a hamstring tear or various injuries out there, are injuries that have the potential to recur over again after shredding the muscle initially. The effect of this can then be PTSD stemming from the fear of reliving the experience over and over again. So next time you shout at the T.V screen when the players fail to reach their old levels, bear in mind the demons they have to face to compete.

Above: Novak Djokovic Image Credit: Skysports

FEA TURE

SOUTH AFRICAN FOCUS:

CYRIL RAMAPHOSA Addressing the Needs of a Nation, and a Political Party The Landscape Separated by 10 years the ANC has had two leadership conferences that have changed the landscape of the South African political scene. While some of the players were different, the outcomes were largely the same. In 2007 the then President Thabo Mbeki came up against Jacob Zuma at a party conference in Limpopo where Jacob Zuma would win the election for the presidency of the party, and in less than a year later Thabo Mbeki would be recalled as the President of the country by the ruling party.

While at the latest ANC leadership elections the outgoing president did not contest the elections, the manner in which he backed presidential candidate Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma (NDZ) against Cyril Ramaphosa (CR17) made it seem as if he himself was running for the presidency. In what would be nothing but short of a moment of ‘déjà vu’, Cyril Ramaphosa would win the election and this outcome would be followed by the removal of President Jacob Zuma from office as the President of the Republic.

The significance of the ANC leadership conference results stems from the fact that, the elected party president is most likely the would-be President in waiting of South Africa. The manner in which the ANC has dominated at the polls since the end of the ‘apartheid era’ leaves no doubt in ones mind as to where the next president of the Republic will come from.

While in the wake of Ramaphosa’s victory the Rand surged against the U.S dollar, however, on the ground, the reality is that we are all still waiting to see whether Ramaphosa will be able to steer the ANC and South Africa back on a path of prosperity and hopefulness.

Addressing the past administrations failures

unrest in the North West which led to the National Executive taking over the administration of a province for the first time in the democratic era. While in the past the ANC has chosen to stand on the fence when it came to the calling out, and the rooting out of corruption, this new administration does not have the same luxury to ignore the rampant nature of the corruption in the South African government.

A clear indicator that the current administration doesn’t have this luxury can be There is no denying that the ANC admi- seen from the fact that the ANC lost three nistration has been corrupt in the use of the major municipalities in the Municipal elecpublic institutions, the most corrupt period tions, with the ANC registering its worst coming under former President Jacob Zu- result since the 94’. It seems clear that suma’s tenure. pport or maybe even trust in the party is being questioned by the voter base becoWhat makes the corruption that was wit- ming more and more frustrated with the nessed under the previous administration inefficiencies and the corruption in the goso special is the fact that at times it was vernance of the country. so blatant that it made the public lose faith with the government and the institutions Ramaphosa stated in June that “The prothat are supposed to be there for their be- cess of state capture - with all its attendant nefit. political, legal and economic consequences - has eroded the capability of several instiThe scandals ranging from Nkandlagate, tutions and undermined public confidence Guptagate, to the recent Supra Mahumapelo and trust.”

The main difference between the two narratives, however, is that when Jacob Zuma took the reigns of the ANC, he did so with an overwhelming majority after defeating the faction that backed Thabo Mbeki.

Cyril Ramaphosa, on the other hand only managed to seize power with a slight majority against the NDZ/ JZ faction. The result of this lack of dominance is that there is a 50 % split of the ANC’s top 6 leadership with half of the top 6 not necessarily in favor Ramaphosa nor his politics.

Above: Ramaphosa and Emmerson Mnangagwa Image Credit: Elmond Jiyane

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Above: Ramaphosa celebrates his win asa ANC party president Image Credit: Alaister Russell Writer: Maximus Seyani.

Part of Ramaphosa’s charm has been the fact that he has been very willing to publicly accept that the past administration had failed the country.

“The process of state capture - with all its attendant political, legal and economic consequences - has eroded the capability of several institutions and undermined public confidence and trust.”

Cyril Ramaphosa

But he says the government has begun the task of restoring the integrity and capability of several state institutions, saying the organizations must fulfill their mandate without any interference. Ramaphosa can already begin to claim that his administration has in a sense started to do with the National Executive taking over the North West amid violent protests over the corrupt nature of the administration of the province

The Promice of the Man Cyril is a massively successful businessman, and while his business interests have not always served the interests of the population, with particular reference to the Marikana massacre. However, many will be hoping that the Presidents business acumen will be something that will aid the growth of the economy, especially in the wake of South Africa’s economic woes, that have come from the low economic growth, and the rating’s downgrades incurred by the country last year.

Ramaphosa himself recognizes the need to boost the economic prospects for the country stating accurately that “We remain a highly unequal society in which poverty and prosperity are still defined by race as well as by gender,” he said. “For several years our economy has not grown at the pace needed to create enough jobs or lift our people out of poverty.”

One of the adverse effects of the rating’s downgrades has been reduced investor sentiment, meaning that foreign investors are less likely to bring their business to the

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South African shores. While the Rand has performed better against the U.S dollar, this must not be mistaken as an increase in economic growth. In order to turn the economic conditions around Ramaphosa will have to increase investor sentiment.

In response, the commitment has been to increase foreign investment in South Africa Ramaphosa President Cyril Ramaphosa announced in April that South Africa would host a major investment conference in August or September 2018 aimed at attracting investors into South Africa. However, if the President is to truly show his business acumen, the government will also have to look inward to solve the economic problems in the country. The government has to stimulate small businesses within the country.

According to figures cited by Minister Lindiwe Zulu when the Department of Small Business Development was created in 2014, only 37% of SMMEs survive to their fourth year. Ramaphosa putting his mind to the issue stated that the government will have to find ways of easing the effect of the tough business conditions in order to ensure that more SMME’s survive.

However, before seriously tending to the long list of issues the Republic is facing, Ramaphosa has to first navigate the small matter of leading the ANC to victory in the upcoming National elections. The manner in which he wins will be very important because if he can manage to lead the ANC to a dominant victory, the President will be able to rally a little bit more support within the ANC; and this will make the application of his policies a little bit easier.

WHAT IS AN UNAI EMERY?

Noun: One who will take over one of the toughest jobs In English football, with the most demanding fans, a seemingly indecisive board content with mediocrity, but yet simultaneously seeking to compete at the highest level.

The biggest gripes that Arsenal fans had about Arsène Wenger were the fact that he would not spend in the transfer market, and that the team lacked ambition as whole… This sounds very much like the same gripes that Arsenal fans have about Stan Kroenke and the rest of the board. The Arsenal board have seemed content with ensuring that the profit margin at the end of the season is better than winning silverware. As a result of this they have been and most likely are still content with the club losing their best players but still staying competitive enough. The reality is that Arsenals problems have been two pronged, and while Wenger needed to go, we still have the same board.

The question against Emery in his first few seasons will be whether he will be the new puppet or whether he will be the mastermind to turn things around!

The new man at the helm, Unai Emery is a man who has done it with both no resources and with enough resources to fund a small country. Most will call his stint at PSG a failure with him crashing out of the Champions league in spectacular fashion for both the seasons he was with the perennial league one champions. Most football fans will tell you PSG are supposed to win the league, and for any PSG manager it is a prerequisite and not an achievement.

It is clear that he is not at Arsenal for his work with PSG especially because he will not have nearly half the resources. He is wanted for his ability to win three Europa Leagues with a team that was consistently changing year after year. On his arrival to Sevilla in 2014, the club had to sell key players Alvaro Negredo and Jesus Navas to help alleviate their financial crisis. In 2015 they sold their best player at the time, Ivan Rakitić, to Barcelona and their top goal scorer left for Milan. These two were replaced by Ever Banega and Grzegorz Krychowiak. However, they still won the Europa league with the replacement signings playing a massive role in their victories.

Unai Emery’s ability to keep a team competitive on a low budget and constantly losing their best players (sound familiar?) is why he is probably the best manager for Arsenal at this time in all honesty. The board will not give him a big budget and will ask him to look internally and work closely with ex-Dortmund chief of scouting Sven Mislintat to keep the team fighting for Champions league. Mislintat is responsible for Aubameyang, Robert Lewandowski and Dembele walking into Dortmund’s doors. Emery’s sterner approach will also be refreshing for the Arsenal team that apparently didn’t have much cracking of the whip in training. This disciplined approach will help turn the Arsenal back four from four players at the back to a solid defensive unit and provide a platform for the team to build solidly on. This however, will not mean that the new Arsenal gaffer will be playing park the bus football or route one football. In fact, if Emery’s history is anything to go by, the Arsenal team will be difficult to break down with high-intensity attacks going forward.

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Writer: John Spiro

BUSINES S

Funding Opportunities in South Africa The biggest barrier to entrepreneurship is not the creativity to see gaps in the market, nor is it the lack of innovative solutions to then take advantage of these gaps in the market. The real problem is often finding the funding to execute your creative potential multi-million Rand ideas. However, the reality out there is that there is funding; it just depends on how you want to go about it! For some entrepreneurs the first port of call would be the 3 F’s; FAMILY, FRIENDS, and FOOLS. Family and friends engage with you well enough to either understand your vision, either that or they believe in your work ethic and conviction. The ‘fools’, well they are not really fools, but these are investors who are crazy enough to take a chance on your idea. They are commonly referred to as fools because they take such a massive risk when they invest in an idea that often has no guarantee of yielding returns. But, in reality you don’t always get the backing of the 3 F’s, and does this then mean that you have to give up on your dreams?

Small Enterprise Agency-Sefa

Finance government’s policy for that sector is, your

business could qualify for more funding.

The NEF also offers assistance for rural Founded in 2012, SEFA helps startups and community development, franchise and small businesses. This is done throu- finance and new industry development. gh the provision of fund grants, loans, or Call Centre: 0861 843 633 via assisting entrepreneurs to obtain funE-mail: info@nefcorp.co.za ding from other sources. SEFA services are designed to help micro, small and meSmall Enterprise Developdium-sized business enterprises.

Loans from SEFA can range from as li- ment Agency-SEDA ttle as R50 000 up to 5 million Rand. These SEDA is another initiative of the Deloans are paid directly to those who apply for them, i.e. the owners. This direct pay- partment of Trade and Industry that is ment is important in a business sector that available to give guidelines and training to is often not part of the traditional banking entrepreneurs to assist with the processes that are required to access funds, such as system. drawing up business plans. The reality is, Micro, small and medium enterprises most start-ups have a great idea, but they and co-operatives with a viable business do not have the ‘know-how’ when it coplan can apply for a loan. SEFA staff will mes to what they must have, and how they evaluate the application to determine the must approach investors. This initiative is viability of the loan, and at what rate it can fantastic, because it give entrepreneurs a be repaid without affecting the company’s tool that they can use for a lifetime. After all, if you give a man a fish you feed him growth. for a day but, if you teach him how to fish, you feed them for a lifetime.

Call Centre: 086 000 7332 E-mail: helpline@sefa.org.za Call Centre: 0860 103 703 National Empowerment FundE-mail: info@seda.org.za

Well, no, don’t give up on your dreams that easily, because there is one more avenue of funding that isn’t always spoken of, and that is Government. It is in the best -NEF interests of the Government to foster as many entrepreneurs as they can, espeFor those who are directly involved in cially young entrepreneurs considering their business and need funding between the high unemployment rate among the R250 000 and R75 million, the (NEF) may youth that exists in the country. be able to help. It is mandated to offer financial and non-financial assistance to Department of Small Business Develop- black-owned businesses. Which is great ment (DSBD) has a mandate that aims for for the average entrepreneur who hits the promotion and development of sus- the proverbial brick wall and doesn’t have tainable and competitive entrepreneurs, the social capital in the business sector to small businesses and co-operatives that draw knowledge from. contribute to job creation and economic growth. In a bid to grow entrepreneurship Funding decisions are guided by the in South Africa, the department has crea- Industrial Policy Action Plan across a vated a variety of funding schemes or agen- riety of sectors. Therefore, depending on cies that can help your business take off. what sector you operate in, and what the

Image Credit: Pintrist

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Eligibility for assistance is based on: · A completed application form and business plan by owner or manager · Ability to repay loan · Business must be registered · The business must operate in South Africa · Assessment of application will be done at a regional office closest to the business. · Committee approval · Upon approval, before funds are transferred, applicants will be required to sign a contract acknowledging debt.

Writer: Max Greenbuam

Image Credit: AFP

POLITICS

Land redistribution for the Socio-Economic Liberation of the

BLACK PERSON

As much as there is opinion that the land question is an economic debate, at its core I believe, it is a socially relevant ideological debate which speaks to a historical legacy which still permeates to this day. Access to land and property has existential importance for any human being. Once deprived of a space to live, and thrive, while realising your constitutional freedoms in the comfort of your own home, you are essentially facing an imminent threat to your livelihood. The land debate is a very broad and often contentious matter that strikes every nerve for both supporters of land redistribution and those who oppose. Take note, there is an important difference between the word ‘distribute’ and ‘redistribute’. To redistribute would be in the current policy, the state buying land from white owners and subsequently redistributes it to black people.

This piece will zone into agricultural land in specific and comment on the ‘long overdue’ need for a faster, more efficient and proper redistribution of agricultural land that has potential for economic productivity.

Later demonstrating how access to land has a direct correlation to the economic liberation for black people in South Africa.

Land Redistribution It would be lazy of us to distance the issue of land reform away from the historical struggle against colonialism and imperialism, which still continues

to this day. The call for land redistribution is not a mere call to shift land ownership to black people, but it is a call for black liberation and economic advancement of the livelihoods of black people in South Africa. You would think that a capitalist economic system like ours in South Africa would have long realised, that it is better to have an economically active majority where there is an increase in the number of people that can participate in the market, to effectively yield positive results to the South African economy as a whole. But till this day, the exercise of land distribution has faced even more barriers which has done very little for the poor majority of the country.

The South African constitution under section 25 allows for the expropriation of land by the state, subject to payment of market related compensation. Concurrent to this, the state is obligated by the constitution under subsection 9 of the property clause, to establish policy, regulatory frameworks and mechanisms which allow for land reform. The ANC’s land policy is characterised by three main pillars; restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. Restitution involves monetary compensation to victims of past forced removals and tenure reform seeks to provide security of tenure to the subsequent owners of land which has been redistributed.

To date, the land policy has been highly unproductive, where according

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Writer: Siya Boto to a research conducted by the department of agriculture, forestry and fisheries shows that only about 9% of commercial farmland has been transferred through restitution and redistribution.

This figure stands at loggerheads with the envisioned goals of land reform set by the ANC in the beginning of its term, as it falls short from transforming the existing property relations and ownership patterns which show, according to the 2017 land audit report released by the City Press, “white people own 72% of agricultural land in individual ownership, followed by coloured people with 15%, Indians 5% and Africans 4%”. While the rest of the land is spatially owned in various parts by companies, trusts and through other means, but in essence the figures today depict white people as having a larger ownership stake in land as opposed to other racial groups, which is an unsurprising fact considering how ineffective land redistribution has been over the years.

Will a change in policy transform land ownership patterns?

As of late, political rhetoric by the ANC and EFF have called for the amendment of the constitution to allow for expropriation without compensation. Thus an

important preliminary question to consider, is whether or not this policy change will have any real fundamental difference in transforming the existing patterns of land ownership in South Africa? I am of the view that, expropriation without compensation may add a positive impact in land reform, in that the state will no longer need to finance every single expropriation done, thereby increasing the amount of money available to execute land reform projects better. However with that said, it is not sufficient to say this is the only solution to the matter.

Aligned with this plan, there has to be a vigorous reconfiguration of current institutions of land reform, and for the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform to have the correct political will to discharge their duties free from corruption, maladministration and misuse of state resources. The greatest barrier today in matters of land reform, is the issue of dysfunctional administration and finance. To cite one policy issue which relates to the matter of ‘willing buyer, willing seller’, the land reform report of 2008 released by the department of land reform states that only 5% of previously white owned land has been successfully transferred to historically disadvantaged people.

One leading cause of this small figure, is the amount of discretion available to current landowners regarding making their land available for willing buyers, by far no other legal mechanism exists to coerce or persuade landowners to participate in ‘willing buyer, willing seller’.

An audit released by Agri SA to determine how much agricultural land was available stated that agricultural land has decreased by 4% over the past 23 years, from 97.03 million hectares to 93.25 million hectares, due to the expansion of industry and mining. A study released by Modor Intelligence stated that the South African agricultural sector contributes only 10% to formal employment in the country but notes that this industry has contributed positively to South Africa’s GDP in 2016 and 2017.

This shows that the industry has potential to grow and such growth must have a significant contribution to youth employment and the creation of jobs. Coupled with this potential, is a need for educational programmes centred around agriculture and farming, to be made freely and widely available to enhance skill ca-

pacity and knowledge for young people. This will provide young people with the requisite knowledge to enter the sector, so that the agricultural sector looks to employ unemployed black people who mostly have no employable skills. Hereby alleviating the perpetual cycle of poverty in our black communities.

Who is entitled to land?

Central to a thriving agricultural project would be proper infrastructure and sufficient capital investment, William Shaw in his journal article, “They stole our land”, cites how in Zimbabwe, poor infrastructure and insufficient capital investment caused problems for the productivity of the farms after the radical land reform project was implemented. Today it would be extremely hard to borrow money from the bank to finance your agricultural project, if you do not have ownership status over the farm, since the bank would need to hold the land in security for the loan. Therefore it is clear there cannot be any proper land distribution project without a distinctive focus to ensure ownership rights are transferred to the new owners and security of tenure is protected by law.

But in South Africa we are faced with a unique issue, where entitlement to land for black people was not necessarily individualistic in nature but more communal. Even the expression “Izwe Lethu” gives expression to a communal/collective call for “our land” rather than a call that depicts individual entitlement, so I would argue that at best to grasp the ideological debate, one would need to understand that the land question, is also a position of black solidarity, founded on the background of a shared experience of colonial oppression and land deprivation, and it is therefore logical to understand the call for land to be brought back to those who previously owned it to be seen as a collective black liberation agenda.

Moving Forward: How do we answer the land question?

Expectedly the motion for expropriation without compensation has unsettled the capitalist community, some views happen to correla-

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te black land ownership with poor economic productivity, some have controversially cited reverse apartheid and others have characterised this as an incitement of civil war. I find this to be highly problematic and ironic, since our history depicts clearly that the current land ownership patterns come from the genocide and dispossession of the African people over centuries and I would call on those who hold the former views to engage deeply to change such biases and support the justiciable need for redistribution of land. It would be a meaningless exercise to attempt to debunk these backward sentiments, a more meaningful task would be an engagement on how do we answer the land question in a way that lends itself not to political rhetoric but for the purpose of ploughing back what was taken-away, in order to provide the black community with the necessary resources to survive, self-determine and rebuild a sense of community that was once distorted, disturbed and terrorised by the colonial agenda. The apparent risk of capital-flight and decrease of white investment in our country due to such radical motions, should not derail the bigger, long-term purpose that land reform hopes to achieve. In my opinion, at this stage in our democracy, we cannot afford to defer the matter of radical redistribution any longer, if we are really interested in advancing the black economic liberation. Political power has done very little to help the previously disadvantaged communities and it is clear there is a need for something with an economic centred approach.

In closing, I wish to reiterate that the land debate is by far the most controversial and most important matter that ought to be taken with high regard. Not only does land redistribution present the opportunity of addressing the shameful legacy of apartheid and colonialism, it also has direct implications for the economic liberation of the black person today. It remains to be seen whether our current liberal constitution would allow for expropriation without compensation to pass, since doing so, possesses various contradictions for other constitutional values of ‘right to property’, fairness and equity, but this is a topic for another day.

Above: Apartheid City Planning Image Credit: John Miller

Farm Murder:

Fact Or Myth?

In the South African Bill of Rights, it is stated that everyone has the right to life and that everyone has the right to be free from all forms of violence from either public or private sources . The Bill of Rights is the cornerstone of our democratic land and promotes values of human dignity, equality and freedom. Therefore, it is important to keep these values in mind when addressing the issue of farm murders in South Africa.

Writer: Leigh-Anne Alexander

In the South African Bill of Rights, it is stated that everyone has the right to life and that everyone has the right to be free from all forms of violence from either public or private sources . The Bill of Rights is the cornerstone of our democratic land and promotes values of human dignity, equality and freedom. Therefore, it is important to keep these values in mind when addressing the issue of farm murders in South Africa.

Violence on farms and smallholdin-

and farms, and a total of 74 murders committed. An independent organisation, known as AfriForum, conducted their own research into the issue of farm attacks and murders. AfriForum recorded 375 attacks and 74 murders between the 1st of April 2016 and 31st March 2017. Although the statistics do not differ entirely, it is important to note that there is no official crime category known as ‘farm attack’ or ‘farm murder’. The official definition of acts of violence against persons on farms and smallholdings is referred to as “acts aimed

at a person/s residing on, working on or visiting farms and smallholdings, whether According to the South African Police the intent to murder, rape, rob or inflicting Services’ (SAPS) latest 2016/17 statistics bodily harm .In addition, all acts of violen, there were 638 attacks on smallholdings ce against the infrastructure and property

gs

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in the rural community aimed at disrupting legal farming activities as a commercial concern, whether the motive/s are related to ideology, land disputes, land issues, revenge, grievances, racist concerns or intimidation are included.”.

A farmer observes the names of farmers killed in farm attacks at the Wall of Remembrance in Nampo Park in Bothaville, Free State. (Amanda Khoza/News24)

“White Genocide” Despite there being no crime category known as ‘farm attack’ or ‘farm murder’, there is still growing concern amongst many white South Africans about the rate of farm murders in South Africa. Websites such as genocidewatch.org and social media pages such as ‘Stop Boer Genocide’ continually post articles and state that South African farmers are facing a ‘genocide’ and ‘state sanctioned ethnic cleansing’.

These websites and media pages often rely on gruesome content and depictions of violence to draw audiences in on the brutality occurring on farms. They also rely on a narrative of the South African government being inefficient and incompetent. An article published by ‘www.genocidewatch.org’ titled ‘Ten reasons South African farm murders should be prioritised’ stated that the lack of acknowledgement of farm murders and the government’s disregard for facts is the primary reason why farm murders are overlooked. Popular South African musician, Steve Hofmeyer, advocates against the killing of South African farmers, and claims that “white South Africans killed by blacks would fill a soccer stadium”, and

that white Afrikaners are being “killed like flies”. It is often these tactics that these groups employ to create a narrative that white lives on farms, and by extension white lives, are under persecution in South Africa. However, the 2003 Report of the committee of inquiry into farm attacks investigated 3544 cases between 1998-2001 to understand the reasons behind farm attacks. The report found that 89.3% were to the number of farmers. However, this motivated by robberies, whereas only 2% line of argument only serves to minimise were politically and racially motivated. the current statistics of murder in other areas, and rather amplifies the narrative “The statistics inquire into the ongoing of the ‘white genocide’. spate of attacks on farms, which include violent criminal acts such as murder, Violent crimes on farms cannot robbery, rape, etcetera to determine the only be ascribed to racial and politimotives and factors behind these attacks cal factors and to make recommendations on their findings”.

It is important to note that murder often occurs due to extreme outcome of an Nonetheless, the purpose of this article assault or argument, or, can take place is to not to disregard violence occurring in the context of a robbery, rape or other on farms, but to contextualise the rate of crimes, however, murder remains murfarm murders and attacks and compare der, despite the area or race. Therefore, it them to the murder rate in rest of South is important to not get swept up with the Africa. Crime Stats SA, found that the top exaggerated narrative of ‘white genoci10 areas where the most murders occur de’, but to keep these statistics in context on a national level were Nyanga, Delft, and understand that violence committed Khayelitsha, Harare, Phillippi, Kraai- against others should be examined for fontein and Gugulethu (in the Western their multiple underlying factors. Factors Cape) and Indada, Umlazi, Plessislaer that may cause the increase in violence, (in KwaZulu-Natal). In 2017, Nyanga had which may include the normalisation of 281 murders, Inanda 207, Umlazi 187 and violence, group dynamics or pressures, Delft 183 murders in total. Given that the specific type of psychopathologies, family rate of murders occurring on farms and dysfunctionality, substance abuse etc. smallholdings were 74 during 2016/17, Therefore, it is incorrect to attributherefore the area in which people reside te crimes committed on farms as wholly will impact on the safety of persons, and racially and politically motivated, and consequently the murder rate occurring furthermore, the narrative of ‘white genoon farms are much less than in the above- cide’ only serves to diminish the realistic -mentioned informal settlements. Howe- presence and impact of violence in other ver, an argument held is that the statistics vulnerable areas. Lastly, as mentioned of farm murders should not be compared earlier, the purpose of this article is not to the number of murders in informal se- to discredit the impact that violence may ttlements but should rather be compared have on farming communities, or to silento the size of the group identifiers, i.e., the ce the concerns of those living on farms, number of farm murders in comparison but to rather call for South Africans to

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see this issue through the values of our democracy. If everyone has the right to life, freedom, human dignity and equality- why should we only be concerned about the murder rate of white farmers and not black citizens living in townships?

After all, our lives carry the same intrinsic value.

A POST-MUGABE ERA For a lot of people when the news broke that the army had taken over Zimbabwe’s Broadcasting Corporations channel ZTV, and had declared their campaign to uproot “the criminals surrounding Mugabe”, this news sent shockwaves.

I remember that day vividly; for most people the news that the army had made this announcement was the first thing they heard when they woke up that morning. For some of us, night owls it was the last thing we heard before we went to sleep…if we could even manage to sleep after such an announcement. I remember watching everything unfold from my desk and my twitter account. Firstly, I had to take in the shock that the Army had done such a thing. I was quick to bring in my inner politics student, questioning myself whether this was a coup or whether this was one of Mugabe’s many political tricks, was this him taking a stance against the disaster that had become Zanu PF? I could not help also looking at how this significant act of taking over the national broadcasting platform was during this “coup-not-coup”. The take-over of ZBC was symbolic in the political events that were to occur in Zimbabwe because, this cooperation was the main tool used by Zanu PF to push their propaganda which fueled their political monopoly. For many people ZBC had grown unreliable and very much biased, therefore the takeover by the army symbolized something big was about to happen in Zimbabwe. It is also very ironic to note how the deterioration of ZBC into merely an active propaganda machine for Zanu PF was fueled by Former Minister of Information Jonathan Moyo, who now

Image Credit: Reuters

plays quite an interesting role politically since being ousted and targeted by this new Zimbabwean regime. But I digress…

The days following the announcement by the army were the most emotionally taxing days I have ever experienced. Imagine after 34 years something was finally happening in Zimbabwe. I was personally scared of engaging because my investment in #ThisFlag, the previous year had left me disappointed and depleted. Now as everything unfolded in November 2017, I started imagining everything changing in my life for the better. The days that followed were well documented by the media, I felt inclined to return to Zimbabwe as soon as I possibly could so I could get a feel of what was happening on the ground. I was about to complete my Honours degree in Justice and Transformation, a qualification I pursued with the goal of using it in helping rebuild my country one day. I was full of hope but I was also very realistic about the future ahead. 34 years of damage is a lot to undo, we could not expect change overnight therefore, and we were hopeful but simultaneously realistic of our circumstances.

When I landed in Harare, the first thing I noticed was the energy in the airport was different. Any Zimbabwean can testify stepping out into that airport is always a painful experience. You are greeted by a deserted, barely functioning airport and you remember the state of your home country in those first few moments. When I went back home, the energy was different. People seemed lighter, and more jovial, this made me happy. Maybe, this THE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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POLITIC S . OPINION

Never in my life I would have imagined Robert Mugabe being referred to as the former President of the Republic of Zimbabwe.

This probably sounds crazy when you consider that I am only 22 years old and Robert Mugabe is in his 90s. I guess that feeling is fueled by the fact that for many Zimbabweans, Mugabe stood as a formidable, everlasting force. After 34 years of ruling our country, many of us had concluded that we will have children; our children would have children, while Mugabe was still in power.

Writer: Lesile Mudimu

was finally our luck turning around for us. In every space I found myself in while I was home, everyone spoke of the future, about the upcoming elections, about the state of affairs in our country, topics people tended to shy away from during Mugabe’s regime. A few weeks down the line however, this feeling was slowly disappearing. Every day we were flooded with news stories of arrests made of former Zanu PF members and calls against corruption. Many of us were skeptical about all these events, and rightfully so. It did not seem realistic that the same people who protected and collaborated with Mugabe and his G40 followers during their heydays, were now the same people calling for arrests and shaming their former allies for their corruption. That was the first red flag.

I still had hope however, because for me choosing hope was chasing life; it was choosing to fight against a sense of hopelessness that had sadly become a character trait for us Zimbabweans for the past 34 years. President Mnangangwa’s first days in office allowed for this hope to continue manifesting however, as his first 100 days progressed a lot left us disgruntled. Nothing tangible came out of Mnangangwa’s first 100 days- just much dedication to a PR campaign to rebrand the face of Zimbabwe’s leadership and to let the world know that “Zimbabwe was open for business”. The impression the administration has made on the public stage has been impressive considering how damaging Mugabe’s rule had been on how Zimbabwe was viewed. On the ground however, very few people were and are impressed by Zanu’s new optics and their PR campaign. People are still waking up to stand in bank queues for hours to retrieve their hard earned money, prices on basic commodities continue to rise with no substantial explanation and service delivery remains the same.

Prospects of change in Zimbabwe are

visible, but the extent of this change is what leaves a lot of Zimbabweans weary.

The fact that at the moment this change is being orchestrated by the same Zanu PF members who stood by as Mugabe destroyed our country diminishes any hope that people have about a citizen-centered transformation in our country. As a young woman, so many things worry me about the future of Zimbabwe. There has not been any indication that the changes potentially being implemented in Zimbabwe will be gender inclusive. The trajectory of patriarchal politics threatens to engulf the new era of Zimbabwean politics and this is such a disheartening reality. What makes this feeling worse is the current state of our opposition politics. I wrote an article before detailing how the main opposition party MDC was slowly evolving a new version of Zanu PF and the past couple of months have proven my analysis to be sound. While many rested their hopes on MDC to deliver the democratic change that Zimbabwe needed, the state of the party and its continued deterioration, in my opinion, leaves a lot to be desired. One thing that I believe contributed to the disasters that plague MDC currently is the late Morgan Tsvangirai’s failure to diffuse the conflicts within his party and the failure to address the issue of succession.

While I am well aware my analysis of the state of opposition politics will not be received well by many, I would be doing a great disservice to the political community by painting a false image of the reality. The state of the main opposition party will make for a very interesting election in Zimbabwe. The last couple of months have seen the rise of a cult like MDC following which discredits any form of constructive criticism. The following resembles what we have seen over the years with Zanu PF’s youth following. It is disappointing and disheartening for many Zimbabweans that the one party that upheld our hopes and dreams for a

THE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

democratic Zimbabwe might not deliver as we had hoped it would. Many of our hopes now lie with the current President of MDC Nelson Chamisa. Chamisa has a long stretching record within Zimbabwe’s politics and I have often viewed him as Tsvangirai’s right hand man. What makes Chamisa appealing is his age and his energy. This for many is refreshing considering the ages of many of our political figures. Chamisa’s campaign however, has been nothing short of problematic.

The main criticism has been the over-exaggerated ‘church’ like nature of his rallies which have left some, like me, very uncomfortable. To mix church and politics publicly goes against some of the fundamental principles of politics (refer to The Prince by Machiavelli). In a county where many religions are practiced it is already a bad sign when the potential leadership peddles one religious following over the others in the public domain.

Another big critique I have of Chamisa’s campaign is the constant fallacies that the MDC under his leadership have promoted. In many of their speeches, current MDC leadership continues to push promises that from the first listen seem unrealistic. The sad thing about the politics of the opposition is that it has morphed into a “vote for us because we are NOT Zanu PF campaign”. Whether or not the main opposition will take into consideration some of the critiques that have been presented to them is yet to be seen.

Considering how soon the elections are however, there is not much hope in that regard.

Whether or not post-Mugabe Zimbabwe will be progressing democratically is something we are yet to see. While there is a great level of uncertainty in regards to Zimbabwe’s politics, the future is something some of us are willing to work for. It is something that will take one step at a time, however, for now we are grateful to be able to say Robert Mugabe is the former President of our country.

Image Credit: Reuters

POLITICS

AFRICA: THE REAL PICTURE Writer: Sumona Bose It is a little too late in the century to continue to brand Africa as the ‘dark continent,’ as it may have been observed that we do not all carry the label of being ‘underdeveloped.’

It is a bit too irrelevant to continue to idolize our continent as more of a region than the vast and diverse ecosystem it actually is. Well, this is the perception that has been visualized by the Western world time and time again. So why must we, young Africans aspiring to be academics, intellectuals, working individuals in the competitive corporate world strive to portray Africa the way it should be? It is our right to feel the pride we make up, for our strength is in what we put our effort in. It is too dependent to always rely on outsiders to define our home for us, so let’s build our own.

Colonialism, the antagonist of an eternity and more to come, finds its aftermath still living vividly through the multi-faceted realms of life. Whether its economic deprivation, the persistent racism or the social imbalance of harmony and animosity, Africa has been at unrest. But be wary of calling our beautiful continent hopeless: it is troubled but not doomed.

What makes us weak is perhaps the centuries of dehumanization, capture, and conquest.

We have been stripped of our autonomy, even of our identity, and our right to be recognised and our courage have been deemed irrelevant.

Our spaces have been contaminated with hate and our plight ignored by the bright eyes of the world who do not shudder to put the blame on us for our misfortunes, with their guns pointed to our necks. Our history, tainted with violence echoing sorrows of torture, bondage, and slavery. The pain of being constantly belittled and bewildered is etched in lifetimes; and this is a period to regain dignity and stand out. The weakness is not from the perceived deficiencies we have been repeatedly diagnosed, but the throttling grip of the superficial paternalistic authority that had once invaded us and now seeks to hold us hostage to the blatant materialism it monopolizes.

But times have changed, and with change must come the perception of transition and reality. And Africa’s reality is one that resonates with potential, strength and prosperity. Of course, it is in a volatile state of affairs, with a history of conflict, migration, fatalities, and growing class differences, all cannot be well in paradise. Perspective is key and context reigns.

The lenses ought to change: from a colonial, imperialist view that reduces Africa to a dependent heap of savagery, to the modern state of the continental upliftment, development, and determination. The new generation of Africans are not ready to be complacent of any more colonial legacy that dampens their humanity and history. We are brave to defy a discourse that

was not even written for us in the first place.

So here we are, writing our own narrative. A narrative that envisions our tales, experiences, our struggles, our stories. The complexity of intersectional identities and the recurrence of racial, class, and gender paradigms within our solitude are always tested but they stand committed to the constant shift of focus: a focus on us.

Ironically, ours is not a history solely immersed in the ‘Western’ conception of conquer and control. Our landscape, heritage, and humanity have emerged to be more instrumental in telling our stories than let an oppressive past determine our optimistic future. We shun imperialism in some of the most unique ways; one being that we have chosen our agency to be reflective of our power and not of that that was taken away from us. We cannot be unearthed, not again.

The ground beneath us was taken once, this time, we will break from it.

And that brings back to the centrality of this piece, of why ‘Africa’ and its picture painted is outdated and irrelevant in these times, an era of change, dynamic and roar. Take a look around you; there is an abundance of reTHE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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form in the very surroundings that held back its reins on us. The serenity is a display of our enigma, that despite unsettled boundaries, we stand on firmness, to be taken seriously and never to be forgotten; again.

This generation screams the slogans of revolution, upheaval, and uproar. Rhodes was dethroned, fees fell and here we are resolute in our determination to define where our affinities lie. Why must the muted voices of yesterday be silent again in fear and desperation?

We have taken back the path to create our own road, a hill that will soar into a mountain high enough to leave a mark in this world. For once our honour was immolated in the fires of atrocity and inhumanity, mankind just stared in amuse. The unpardonable task lies ahead to gather the ashes and build it back from our hands.

It is not the time to seek out euphemisms of loss and insult, but to create a generation that pursues meaning and ambition on our own rights. To detach from external perception and concept and to dictate what ought to be from within ourselves. Because if you’re in Africa, Africa is in you.

BUSINESS

Are the public and private sectors doing enough to support young entrepreneurs?

The need for large scale socio-economic empowerment in poor South African communities is of paramount importance. Entrepreneurial opportunities are an important medium through which the unemployed youth of South Africa can climb the socioeconomic ladder. However, funding still remains a significant barrier to progress.

It has been said that any successful economy needs successful entrepreneurs. The logic behind this argument is that economic stimulation by the private sector provides resources that propel the populace into better social classes. As such, those living in poverty are elevated into a much bearable situation, all the while bolstering the middle class. In the case of South Africa, it is now more necessary than ever before to uplift young people, both socially and economically. Youth unemployment is rampant and the economy is facing a period of saturation, there is great need to support entrepreneurs.

South Africa’s unemployment figures for 2017 paint a grim picture. For the last three quarters of 2017, the unemployment rate remained at 27.7%. This is the highest rate in almost 13 years. The overall number of individuals who are unemployed stands at 6.21 million, an increase of 33 thousand. The mean average of unemployment in South Africa between 2000 and 2017 hovered around 25.50%, roughly a quarter of the entire population.

With a backdrop of 31.20% stretching back to the first quarter of 2003, it is clear to see that neither private sector nor governmental invention has improved the state of unemployment in South Africa.

Provided by Statistics South Africa (Stats SA), these numbers reveal a trend of high unemployment during the past couple of years. The problem of unemployment mostly leads to concerns about the country’s youth.

Currently, 39% of all unemployed South Africans have never formally been employed, and this figure increases to 60.3% among the youth.

This is an indication of the problems associated with employment. For a large majority of the youth, with or without any formal training and qualifications, there are simply not enough jobs available to meet the demand. Stagnant GDP growth has meant that there is a saturation in GDP growth. Compared to other developing countries, South Africa is showing signs of positive economic growth that have not caused ripple effects in the economy. As such, jobs are scarce while the youth population keeps growing.

In a socio-economic climate that faces challenges government is struggling to remedy, it only seems logical that more should be done to promote financial and intangible support for new entrepreneurs. On face value, new businesses mean new employees and new employees mean increased revenue for the country as taxation increases when more people move into the formal employment sector.

This is a win-win scenario that makes sense in theory. The reality is somewhat different.

Phalo Msila, Investment Banker at ABSA and former lecturer at Wits University agrees that more needs to be done to address social challenges for young entrepreneurs. “More investment by the private sector into youth initiatives that promote the creation and support of new business has to be made available to budding entrepreneurs,” he says. Msila also points to the problem of unsustainable debt related to loans issued to new start-ups headed by the youth. “It is not sustainable that new entrepreneurs are exposed to loans that usually have unreasonable terms” Msila argues.

For a large percentage of new entrepreneurs, the greatest challenge they face in starting a new business is access to funding. Given that a large percentage of the country’s youth are economically disadvantaged, many simply do not have the start-up funds necessary to make initial investments in a business, let alone the funds necessary to sustain the business until it becomes profitable or even break even. Similarly, getting surety for a loan is even harder.

Any loan requires surety to guarantee that the lender is able to get the investment they made, even if the person the loan is for becomes unable to pay it back. “At the end of the day, banks do not give out loans because they want to help the individuals involved. It is a business practice that is intended to yield profits from interest rates related to the loan” Msila says.

It is in the best interest of the country that the economy moves in an upward trajectory, and that the GDP increases as well. When there is a viable and competitive business environment made possible by business-friendly policies and laws. The returns of which add to increased cumulative GDP figures. Social development, as a result of more revenue to the national budget, is then capable of being improved. Healthcare, welfare, sanitation and security also follow this trend. When the private sector contributes positively to the GDP, more funds are at the disposal of government institutions to distribute accordingly. In the current economic environment where there is an outcry on unaffordable and ever-rising higher education fees – It is necessary to generate capital from the private sector to limit budget cuts to necessary social services that affect the poor such as reasonable welfare grants and free healthcare benefits.

Removing aid from both private sector investors and government-sponsored donors from the equation creates instances most youTHE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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th entrepreneurs are used to dealing with. For many entrepreneurs struggling to emerge in the mainstream economy, they have had to resort to unique ways to fund their businesses without the help of private or public donors and investors. So what does the face of an entrepreneur who does not lean on government or private funding look like? Cue Thando Dyasi.

The brains behind Dine with Khayelitsha, a township-tour meets conversation-instigator business, Dyasi has always had a passion for youth development. This passion has allowed him to pursue youth entrepreneurship mostly in the township. “I was born in a township and have seen the challenges the youth face when looking for employment. This is why I started Dine with Khayelitsha: to create youth employment in the township and to also give back to businesses that are based and operating in the township” Dyasi says. The problem with most township businesses is that a lot of them are informal, and this makes it almost impossible for government to collect income tax. Without this much-needed revenue, development in townships (like the one Dyasi was born in) continue to experience high unemployment and low levels of development. Entrepreneurs like Dyasi have a positive effect on overall development, but more needs to be done by the national government and private business sector to inspire more young people to start businesses that employ the unemployed youth.

Government’s National Development Plan 2030 makes provisions to address the challenges associated with youth unemployment. The plan acknowledges that, in order to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality, the government has to raise levels of employment through sustained and consistent growth. Key elements to address these issues include: improving skills development among the youth, lowering the cost of living for the poor, and investing in infrastructure. Aid to the private sector is also included in the 2030 vision with plans to facilitate private investment and increase performance of the overall South African labour market.

The goal is to fundamentally increase access to employment for young, qualified job-seekers.

NDP 2030 recognises that a collective effort has to be implemented by both government and the private sector to address the issue of youth unemployment and the lack of young entrepreneurs. Working hand-in-hand, both government and the private sector can reduce the high figures of unemployment through cultivating new young entrepreneurs or simply just creating more employment in the private sector to cater to more people.

BUSINESS

My African Fashion Experience Working with African Fashion International at Cape Town Fashion Week.

My first day working for African Fashion International (AFI) was not hectic at all nor was it bad. It was quite relaxed because we were still preparing for the dinner that was going happen the next day and the shows that were going to take place in the days following the dinner.

When I applied I chose to work in production and based on my availability on the days that I had to work I was then chosen to work in the VIP section. Every team (Marketing, Retail and Production) had someone who works for AFI as their team leader. My team leader’s name was Asanda, she was cool but at the same time was very professional. On the first day she gave me tasks to do which were to review the VIP list and copy and paste certain things from one spreadsheet to another. I was a bit shocked when I saw some of the names that were on the guest list because some of those people were celebrities that I have admired and adored for years, but I had to remain calm and be professional because at the end of the day I went there to work and not fan girl over the celebrities.

On the first day, I was mainly focused on the guest list for the dinner that I was going to happen the next day and it was hosted by the amazing Dr Precious Motsepe. I had to copy and paste emails from the original list of invited guests to the list of the guests that have RSVP’d. This was not hectic at all but it required me to use excel and I had to tap into my excel knowledge that I had gained from Information System in first year.

After I had done all that was assigned to me I was then given permission to leave but I was not in the mood to leave because Gavin Rajah’s show was taking place that evening. But due to how I was feeling at the time which was being tired, I thought that it was best if I left as I would not be able to work to the best of my ability if I was that tired and would probably have not had a good first day experience.

I did not take a lot of pictures on the first day even though there were a lot of spaces in the hotel that we were working at that were worthy of taking pictures at. I thought it was best to take as less pictures as possible and focus on the work that was given to me so that the people that I’m working for acknowledge that I’m taking this opportunity that I has been given to me seriously and that I really want to do my best. I however was able so snap some selfies here and there.

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DAY 2 Day 2 of AFICape Town Fashion Week was interesting because it was the night that Dr Precious Motsepe hosted her dinner.

I went to work around 12 pm because I had a tutorial I had to attend at 10 am for one of my courses. When I got to the hotel I didn’t do much since my team leader, Asanda, handled most of things that needed to be done. I was given two t-shirts which I was supposed to wear as uniform on the days that the events occurred (the dinner and the fashion shows). You might have seen me wearing this t-shirt in some of my Instagram pictures and I’m wearing it in the head shot above. It has a nice message that says, “I am Africa” on the front and on the back, it has the words, “AFI Cape Town Fashion Week”, the dates when fashion week started and ended and the sponsor for the event.

After getting my t-shirt, I sat in the hotel dining area because there wasn’t much for me to do around that time. While I was still chilling, a lot of fashion influencers arrived and the whole place was filled fashionistas. This changed the atmosphere and you could feel that Fashion Week was about to happen.

When it was time for the event to begin we got stationed outside the hotel to welcome the guests and check them in. This entailed ticking their names on the spreadsheet to confirm their attendance and placing wrists bands on their arms. I got the chance to meet a lot of influential people and celebrities like Bonang Matheba, Leign-Ann Williams from the Expresso show on

SABC 3 and many more through this. My team and I worked until 11 pm while we started around 6 pm.

After we were done checking people in, we packed up and moved to the first floor of the hotel were the after-party for the dinner was held. We joined in and had a lot of fun dancing and just enjoying the vibe and I also had the opportunity to mingle with a lot of people that are in very high positions in the fashion industry.

DAY 3 So, it’s day 3 and almost the end of my fashion week experience. This day was the start of the actual fashion shows. The shows were hosted in a huge film studio in Salt River, Cape Town.

On this day we started off late because I remember arriving at Salt River around 3 pm and we still had to set up the VIP station where the VIP guests checked in when they arrived. We had set up at the front entrance where the the media and guests that were invited by the designers also checked in but they both had their own separate stations to checked in at. Around 6 pm we started checking VIP guests in because the fashion shows were going to start at 7 pm. The first show that took place was by Salima Abdel-Wahab’s who is a designer from Morocco.

She is a lovely and talented woman because I had the opportunity to talk to her at the opening party and it was fun to hang around with her.

The second show that took place was MaXhosa by Laduma and to be honest I really didn’t know who Laduma was or that he had a clothing line called MaXhosa before he showcased at Fashion Week. I only knew about him and his clothing line after the show and apparently, he has designed

for big celebrities like Oprah Winfrey, Alicia Keys and the list goes on and on and on. Sadly, I didn’t get the chance to see his showcase because I was busy working but I heard that it was amazing. Other fashion houses that showcased were Fashion Revolution, AfricaIsNow and Friends, Leandi Mulder, Mahome, Sitting Pretty and Hemporium, Lalesso and the last two fashion houses that showed at 10 pm were KAHNIDO from the DRC and Quiteria and George.

Most of the fashion houses, especially those I didn’t mention where they are from originate from South Africa and it’s amazing to see the talent that South Africa has when it comes to fashion.

I could watch the final shows as we had packed up at our station by then and I really enjoyed it. It has always been a dream of mine to go to Fashion Week and watch the fashion shows and on that night my dream had been fulfilled.

We did check in a lot of influencers and celebrities and some of them were guests that attended the dinner that happened the previous night. The setting was amazing and it was truly an amazing night to remember.

DAY 4: The Last Day. So, this was the last day of Cape Town Fashion Week and I was a bit happy because I was tired of working but I was also upset because I was going to go back to reality and not experience this amazing life I had experienced for the past few days.

On this day we started at off around 4 pm and we set up as we did the last time but the things were much better as there wasn’t any chaos like the previous day. A lot of well-known fashion houses showcased on this day and we were even graced with the pre-

sence of the amazing Dr Precious Motsepe and her husband Patrice Motsepe and their son Kgosi Motsepe.

I did the same thing as I did the previous day which was to check-in the VIP guests, show them to the VIP section and help out wherever I could. The first fashion houses that showed on this day were Nicholas Coutts, Matte Nolim, W35T Nicola West which are all from South Africa. The second ones were AFI Prive, AFI Prive by David Tlale, Fastrack, De Beers, Tongoro by Sarah Diouf who is from Senegal but the rest are from South Africa. After that it was Craig Port from South Africa, Adele Dejak from Kenya, Imprint from South Africa, Adama Paris from Senegal, Skorzch from South Africa, Unknown Union, Ituen Bazi from Nigeria and Khosi Nkosi from South Africa. I could watch Khosi Nkosi and the final shows as well which I took videos of and if you want to watch them you can find them on the AFI highlighted story on my Instagram page, _justleh. I could watch those shows because I was done working for the day as we had packed up at our Station. The final fashion houses that showcased were Diane Paris from South Africa, Lumiere Couture from Ghana and Orapeleng Modutle Style Avenue from South Africa.

I was so mesmerized by Orapeleng’s show because he showed amazing haute couture clothing which gave me the desire to design my own clothes because I love those sorts of designs and would want to wear them to events but they are too expensive for me to afford them so I might as well design them for myself.

So, that is my AFI Cape Town Fashion Week experience and I hope you guys enjoyed being on this journey with me through my Instagram stories and my blog posts.

Writer: Lebohang Mafebedu

Image Credit: Alexander Masuba Bitenge THE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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Tribute

NOMZAMO MADIKIZELA

MANDELA

1936 -

2018 Very few will acknowledge the 27th of April for what it is; a black feminist triumph. For a very long time we’ve been forced to say we have a ‘complicated’ relationship with Winnie Mandela even though there was something inside of us that never quite agreed with this. Much of it stemming from the propaganda that was targeted against her name during Apartheid, and which continues to persist to this day.

In the wake of the passing of one of the most iconic leaders South Africa has ever seen, I find it important that we now begin to talk about the dehumanisation of black women. There is an absolute refusal to view women as three dimensional human beings; capable of breaking, to acknowledge our emotions beyond anger. We live in a world where everyone else gets to be a victim except us. We are either formidable text book rocks with no ‘personality’ like say, Rosa Parks. Or we are villainous jezebels like Winnie Madikizela Mandela.

To illustrate my point ; I would like to challenge you to think about how much you know about Rosa Parks the person; beyond the fact that she sat on a bus. On the other hand, Nomzamo Madikizela’s story; though it started before she even met Nelson Mandela, also became defined by a single event, Stompie’s death. Whether or ‘good’ or ‘bad’, our stories are never presented in a three dimensional manner and this is the primary cause of major distortions in our history, when we are lucky enough to get mentioned at all.

Every time a white man commits a horrific murder, the narrative is almost always humanised in one way or another. There is always an explanation for why they shot up a school; killed his girlfriend in a bathroom or hacked his entire family to death. Almost immediately you get bombar-

ded with pictures of them doing ‘normal things’ with ‘normal people’ but wait for it, like clockwork they are diagnosed with mental illnesses.

In the time I have been alive, none of these men have ever spent 489 days in solitary confinement. None of them have ever been tortured in a prison while pregnant causing them to have a miscarriage.

None of them have ever been banished to a different province for years causing them to be separated from their children. None of them had their husband imprisoned for life just a few years into marriage. None of them were harassed by the police and routinely imprisoned, banned, spied on, tortured and isolated.

Winnie Mandela was not a rock, she was a human being. A human being that was brutalized and traumatized by the apartheid government, then went on to be brutalized further by the very people she lead and helped, the men in the ANC. This story is a text book illustration of the fact that most black men do not desire change, justice or equality but rather to replace the white man. Before there was Kris Jenner; there was Winnie Mandela, she built and sustained the Nelson Mandela brand that we see around us today when he was still just another ‘terrorist’ in this country. She made sure the whole world knew about her husband who had been taken away from her by the apartheid government. This wasn’t just Winnie’s story but the story of a lot of women at the time that had had their husbands imprisoned resulting in the breakdown of nuclear families in the black community. Thus, when Winnie was fighting for Nelson, she was inadvertently fighting for all the men who had been imprisoned then. These are the THE CAPE TOWN GLOBALIST

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same men who disassociated themselves with her when she took their place as the ‘terrorist’ post 1994.

So where do we go from here? Now that we know she didn’t kill Stompie? We refused her, her humanity until the day she died. No news bulletin pyscho-analysed her to explain why she could have possibly turned violent, instead her jezebel status was entrenched further for having relations with other men while her husband was serving life imprisonment.

Realistically, Nelson Mandela was highly likely going to die in jail and even he expressed that he never expected her to be celibate. It is common knowledge that the likes of Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King were philanderers but this has never affected their images let alone our affection for them and more importantly their contributions to the liberation of black people. We live in a country that not only sided with a rapist but went on to elect him as president, now we have another philanderer as president. So yes, it seems like we are a society that has no moral standards for men but holds up women to impossible standards.

Therefore; the story of South Africa’s feminist triumph, starts with the birth of the beautiful Nomzamo Winifred Madikizela Mandela. A champion stick fighter, South Africa’s first black social worker, the wife who rallied for the release of her husband Nelson Mandela at the cost of being dehumanized by both the apartheid system and the rainbow nation. Today we humanise the mother of Zinzi and Zenani Mandela; she was imperfect because she was a human being but iconic for that very reason.

Writer: Camilla Sibanda

REST IN POWER “There is no longer anything I can fear.

There is nothing the government has not done to me.

There isn’t any pain I haven’t known.”

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