Energy, Vol. 10 Issue 3

September 2015

Volume 10 Issue 3

UCT’S STUDENT INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS MAGAZINE

“Magetsi aenda”!

Loadshedding in numbers

Will South Africa face a nationwide blackout?

Behind the darkness there is little light

ENERGY How are UCT and Lonmin connected?

Eskom, privatisation and independent power producers

UCT’s involvement in Lonmin stirs up debate

dangerous connections

FRACKING

Illegal electricity in South Africa

The Cape Town Globalist

Privatise eskom?

CTGLOBALIST.COM

The Great Debate

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reject internet censorship South Africa’s Film & Publications Board has released draft regulations to police the entire internet.

Take a stand against internet censorship!

Go to r2k.org.za/HandsOffOurInternet to sign the petition and spread the word!

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#HandsOffOurInternet

@r2kcampaign

facebook.com/right2know

MAY 2015

Contents

Editor-in-Chief Ashleigh Furlong Deputy Editor Alicia Chamaille Content Editors Tshilidzi Neluvhalani Mandisa Nduli Khensani Ngobeni Aisha Abdool Karim Tahiera Overmeyer Karla Hugo Layout Editor Daniel Rautenbach

Appetisers

Energy

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16

News bites

What’s happening in the world

8 Q&A

with Sustainable Energy Africa

Deputy Layout Editor Zona Magadla Head of Marketing Kachipa Masipa

26

Finance Salma Khan

Cover Photo Rohit Saxena, Lightning Strike over Dare, North Carolina

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10

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The Cape Town Globalist

The great fracking debate

Fracking in South Africa

Eskom, privatisation and independent power producers

Privatise Eskom?

The day Nagasaki saw itself burn to the ground

Nagasaki and Hiroshima 70 years on

Behind the darkness there is little light

Loadshedding in numbers

“Magetsi aenda”!

(Electricity has gone)

Will South Africa face a nationwide blackout?

News

14

The Cape Town Globalist is published three times a year by students at the University of Cape Town. Any opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the Cape Town Globalist, the publication sponsors, the University of Cape Town, or Global21.

To contact the CTG, email ctglobalist@gmail.com

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24

Deputy of Marketing Mandisa Nduli

Contributors Hilary Price Theo Van der Merwe Laura Heyns Katharina Gensicke Komborero Mtambirwa Azi Mqatazana

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Energetic Forms A photo essay on Energy

30

UCT’s involvement in Lonmin stirs up debate

Armchair

Dangerous connections

How are UCT and Lonmin connected?

When temporary housing isn’t temporary

GroundUp article

Mmusi Maimane speaks at SAIIA event

Reflections on the new DA leader

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The Cape Town Globalist is a member of

Global21

1 NETWORK LINKING FUTURE WORLD LEADERS

Network of International Affairs Magazines 5 LANGUAGES www.global21online.org 5 CONTINENTS

11 UNIVERSITIES 245 000 STUDENTS

Yale University • University of Toronto • University of Sydney • Hebrew University • Institut de Sciences Politiques • London School of Economics • Peking University • University of Cape Town • University of South Australia • Oxford University • Ibmec University 4

MAY 2015

Editorial After months of load shedding, the future of Eskom being questioned and the possibility of a multi-billion rand nuclear power deal, the team felt that Energy would be a fitting theme. For this edition we viewed energy according to its physics definition—the capacity of a physical system to perform work. We wanted to explore energy in all of its forms and connect this to the social and environmental impact that energy has in our country and indeed the world.

Many of the articles in this edition focus on the electricity crisis and attempt to understand it, as well as analyse its effects. We explore what fracking would mean for South Africa and whether this is a viable option for the country. We debate whether Eskom should be privatised and if this is a viable model for South Africa. We also open up a discussion on how inequality can be exacerbated in the way in which load shedding occurs. We investigate the debt that Eskom has amounted, as well as their inefficient billing system. Our armchair piece looks at how illegal electricity connections don’t just place a burden on the government but can also be fatal.

On the 70 year anniversary of the Nagasaki and Hiroshima nuclear bomb attacks, we look at the long lasting repercussions of the attacks as well as how it has impacted the world. We also interview Sustainable Energy Africa and find out more about their projects. In our photo essay we collected photographs that illustrate the power, beauty and diversity of energy in South Africa. One of our news articles takes a look at the recent debate around UCT’s connections to Lonmin. Another news article is a piece from GroundUp, a non-profit news agency that writes on social justice issues. This particular article looks at how temporary housing in Cape Town is very often not so temporary. Our other news article is a reflective piece on Mmusi Maimane’s recent presentation at a SAIIA event.

This is the last edition of 2015; an edition that we hope will both inform you and open your mind to new ideas and possibilities. I am very excited to announce that the Editor-in-Chief for next year is Tshilidzi Ben Neluvhalani and the Deputy Editor is Mandisa Nduli. Please take the time to visit our website ctglobalist.com and email us at ctglobalist@ gmail.com if you have any queries or would like to be on the team for next year.

Ashleigh Furlong

Editor-in-Chief

The Cape Town Globalist

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News bites Food Fight!

What started as a simple food fight between local children in 1945 has turned into an annual tomato flinging festival. Every year towards the end of August, the town of Buñol in Easter Spain comes alive for this hour long food fight.

The town’s streets are filled with locals and roughly 175 tonnes of ripe tomatoes. After the fight the town is hosed down and participants are invited to clean up using public showers.

This year marked the 70th anniversary of the world’s largest food fight and was commemorated with a google doodle.

70 Found Dead in Truck

Dynam

Feline Stationmaster Nitama (Tama the second) has completed the necessary training to become the next feline stationmaster for Kishi Station in Kinokawa, Wakayama. Nitama trained alongside predecessor Tama and is now ready to take up the position since Tama died at age 16 in June.

Nitama started training with Tama in 2012 and is now ready to sport the tiny stationmaster’s hat. Wakayama Electric Railway Co, started the tradition of using cats as stationmasters in order to attract passengers. The railway has been in a financial crisis when they first implemented the cat plan. The turnaround has caused other animals to be used as a way of attracting tourists.

35 Million 600

Average solar panel size in square feet needed to power the average home

Total number of countries that utilize hydropower

52% New Eskom Unit

Tonnes of carbon dioxide saved annually by all solar energy users

30

Percent of all paper products that get recycled

Last Ebola Patient Released

August was the month of almost no power cuts. And now Jacob Zuma officially opened Medupi’s Unit 6 in Limpopo. It is believed that the new Eskom unit will add almost 5 000 megawatts of power to the grid. This new coalfired power plant should hopefully alleviate the need for load shedding which affects us all. All six units of Medupi should be operational by the middle of 2019. Although this is good news, it comes with the warning that Koeberg power station (Unit 2) is due to close for three months for maintenance purposes.

An abandoned truck was found carrying the decomposing bodies of roughly 70 refugees. The truck was discovered in Austria just outside of the Hungarian border. Earlier this year it was reported that over 28 000 people had applied for refugee protection in Austria alone, with further tens of thousands applying elsewhere in Europe. Refugees are mostly from Middle Eastern and African regions. Police believe that the refugee’s in the truck had been dead for a few days before it was found and that the cause of death was suffocation. The investigation is still ongoing.

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Sierra Leone has good reason to celebrate.

After 13 000 recorded Ebola cases and 3 586 deaths due to the virus, the Mateneh Ebola Treatment Centre in Sierra Leone released its last Ebola patient at the end of August.

President Koroma warned that citizens must remain cautious and vigilant as there is risk that the virus has not yet been completely eradicated. Concerns are focused on Guinea which is still a high risk area and neighbours Sierra Leone. Many are thankful towards the International Medical Corps who ran the Treatment Centre built and paid for by the UK. MAY 2015

appetisers

South Sudan Violence Continues

mic Data

With the race for the white house in full swing, the Republican party is making headlines with its internal search of a nominee who will run for president in the 2016 elections. Donald J. Trump, the real estate mogul is leading the Republican nominee race according to various polls. His brash, tell it like it is approach on issues ranging from national security to immigration policy makes him a popular candidate within the Republican voting population. Only time will tell if he will maintain his lead in the polls and emerge as the GOP nominee, who will possibly run against the democratic nominee poll leader Hillary Clinton.

0.0005 %

Percent of earth that would need to be covered with solor panels to power it

435

Total number of civil nuclear power reactors in the world

Percent of world’s electricity produced by Hydropower

84%

20%

Percent of a typical household’s waste that can be recycled.

Statistics courtesy of statisticbrain.com

NASA’s Self-Sufficient Dome A French astrobiologist, a German physicist; a pilot, an architect, a doctor/journalist and a soil scientist from America are living in a self-contained solar powered dome. What may appear as the beginning of a bad joke is actually a very serious NASA programme which will simulate life on Mars. The programme started on August 28 and the group shall live a year without fresh air, food or privacy and limited internet access. It is hoped that the programme will develop our understanding of the sociopsychological factors of long-duration space exploration. Plans of the pioneering mission to Mars range between one to three years long thus making this research crucial if the mission is to be successful.

The Cape Town Globalist

Trump in the Lead

The conflict between the Dinka’s and Nuer continues. Fighting between the enthnic fault lines started in December 2013 as a power struggle between President Kiir of South Sudan (Dinka) and his former deputy Machar (Nuer).

Since the fighting started there have been several deals committed to a ceasefire which have all been broken. Causing the U.N. Security Council to threaten an arms embargo if the latest deal made on 26 August collapses. Trouble, already, seems to be in the air as the rival sides started accusing each other of attacks just two days later. The conflict has claimed thousands of lives and driven more than 2.2 million from their homes.

Mosque Suicide Bomber

Clive Naidoo’s Clip The conduct of metro police officers in issuing traffic tickets to motorists has come under the microscope. Cellphone footage shot by the motorist Clive Naidoo, of a traffic officer issuing a traffic violation ticket has gone viral across various social media platforms. What seemed like an innocent act on the part of the motorist, has resulted in unsolicited attacks by internet trolls towards the motorist for his part in posting the video online. The cheeky exchange of words between officer and civilian raises the question of acceptable behaviour in the context of procedural conveyances between a state bureaucrat and civilian.

Yemeni capital Sana’a was host to two attacks near a mosque. The first attack was in the al-Mo’ayyad mosque by a suicide bomber while the second attack targeted medics helping outside the mosque and was due to a car bomb.

A preliminary figure of 25 deaths and dozens more wounded has been made. The attack, although awful, is unsurprising considering more than 4.5 thousand have already been killed in Yemen’s civil war.

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appetisers

Q&A

with

S.E.A.

Sustainable Energy Africa is a non-profit organisation that promotes just and sustainable urban societies founded on the efficient use of energy and other resources. It does this through building capacity and supporting policy development, planning and implementation of energy efficiency, renewable energy and climate response related initiatives in and around South Africa. SEA has been involved in supporting cities for the past 15 years. Since its inception it has helped develop energy and climate change strategies, provide technical support to cities and assisted in developing capacity at the city level.

What are some of SEA’s current projects?

SEA has the following projects in place:

• A four year project supporting sustainable energy transitions in six urban areas in three African countries, Ghana, Uganda and South Africa. A key objective of the project is to improve knowledge transfer and support municipalities with this challenging area.

• Vertical integration and learning for lowemission development (V-LED) in Africa and Southeast Asia. The project is undertaking a training of trainers in the climate change toolkit developed for municipalities, a mitigation potential for cities across South Africa, knowledge building, network and sharing lessons across municipalities.

• A three year project looking at issues of energy poverty across South Africa. This project is a continuation of earlier work undertaken. Energy poverty relates to access to clean and safe energy sources and the ability to afford that energy. In 1994 only 36% of the population had access to electricity – that figure has now risen to 87%. However, poor people continue to use unsafe energy sources either due to affordability or because they do not have access to grid electricity.

• State of energy and modelling for the City of Tshwane • Stakeholder engagement process for the City of Cape Town regarding their Energy 2040 Vision

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What is Cape Town’s Energy 2040 vision?

The City of Cape Town has recently updated its State of Energy Report (2012 baseline year).

The transport sector (petrol and diesel fuels mainly) accounts for more than half of all energy consumed in the city, with the commercial and residential sectors (primarily electricity) accounting for the bulk of the remainder. The reason electricity produces more carbon emissions per unit of energy is largely due to the fact that it is largely generated from coal-fired power stations using low-grade coal. The City of Cape Town has pioneered city-level sustainable energy development in South Africa (working in partnership with SEA and UCT). In developing the Cape Town Energy 2040 vision, an energy futures modelling exercise was undertaken. Alternative ‘futures’ including energy efficiency across all sectors and different supply mix (including gas, storage, large scale wind and solar and rooftop PV) have been modelled.

The model indicates that the biggest energy demand reduction will come from the transport sector, since it consumes the most energy.

Emissions reductions in the commercial sector will also have significant results. A low carbon future for Cape Town in line with national goals of peak, plateau and decline (that emissions should peak by 2025 and begin to decline after 2035) is only possible when:

i. all sectors undertake large scale efficiency and ii. extensive national and local generation from cleaner and renewable energy sources is implemented

Then Cape Town will be able to meet the long term mitigation pathway sketched by national government in their emissions reduction commitments – this is the 2040 energy vision.

How is Sustainable Energy Africa (SEA) involved in supporting the City of Cape Town?

SEA partners the City of Cape Town in developing energy and climate change strategies.

SEA has undertaken a third update of the Cape Town state of energy report and modelling future options towards a low carbon and sustainable energy future. Such modelling assists the City in decision making for a more resource efficient, secure and sustainable energy future.

SEA has also assisted the City with development of a low income energy service strategy.

What are the City of Cape Town’s strategies?

The City of Cape Town was the first city in Africa to undertake a state of energy exercise.

Based on the findings of the State of Energy 2003 report, an Energy and Climate Change Strategy was developed in 2006. The strategy integrates sustainable energy approaches into the core functions of the City, promotes greenhouse gas mitigation measures, and lastly sets out preparation measures for expected climate change impacts.

In 2008, the City added a new strategic focus area - ‘Energy for a Sustainable City’ - to its Integrated Development Plan (IDP). The IDP is a budget priority plan; setting out how, where and on what the City will spend its money for the next five years. Including sustainable en-

MAY 2015

appetisers Image: Nic McPhee

ergy within the IDP meant the assigning of budget towards its implementation.

The Strategy had set a number of initial energy and climate change objectives. The implementation of these objectives is by way of the Energy and Climate Action Plan (ECAP); supported by Council in 2010. The Plan includes projects that are currently in existence as well as those proposed and in the pipeline. The City will continue with implementation, coordination, review and updating of the objectives and projects of the Plan. The 2010 plan objectives included: 10% reduction in city-wide electricity consumption; 10% reduction in energy consumption of Council operations and facilitating 10% renewable and cleaner energy supply by 2020. The ECAP is in the process of being updated on the basis of the latest energy futures modelling (Energy2040).

Is there anything you would change about Cape Town’s strategy?

Cape Town has some very good strategies in place and support for them at a political level.

The City also has good intentions in terms of the work needed into the future in order to achieve a sustainable energy path. Where the City, as with all metro governments in South Africa, is challenged is in the implementation of these strategies when there are significant constraints on human and financial resources.

It also needs improved alignment and collaboration between national and local government.

Metros depend, to some extent, on the sale of electricity to raise revenue to provide for its citizens. Moving away from taxing resource consumption as a means to cross subsidising other needs requires quite fundamental reform to service delivery and financing models. This needs to be tackled by city governments and national government together What sectors can change the energy profile of cities? Use Cape Town as an example.

South Africa is 64% urbanised and urban populations are forecasted to reach 70% by 2030 and 80% by 2050. South Africa’s cities, often the loci of energy intensive consumption, demonstrate high carbon emissions per capita relative to our level of development. Between 30-40% of national energy consumption takes place in our largest cities, those forming the economic backbone of our country. South African cities have historically developed along sprawling, low density suburban lines resulting in substantial transport inefficiencies. Spatial planning and mobility are key to developing a sustainable city.

This is not an easy task. In Cape Town the transport sector accounts for 64% of all energy consumed in the city. Passenger transport dominates, consuming 81% of transport energy (excluding marine and aviation). Of this, 91% is private passenger (with a component being small, commercial vehicles) and only 9% is for public passenger transport. This is despite the

fact that 54% of the city’s households do not own car.

Households consume 12% of total energy, and 37% of total electricity. A quarter of all households (high- and very-high-income households) account for roughly half of the residential energy demand, while approximately half of all households (low-income) account for a quarter of the residential energy demand. Cape Town households mostly rely on electricity for their household energy requirements.

Together the commercial and industrial sectors consume 21% of total city energy.

Within the commercial sector, which is heavily reliant on electricity, consumption has flattened considerably despite continued economic growth. A “decoupling” of the economy from energy consumption can be seen. The commercial sector uses its electricity mostly for HVAC and lighting purposes. Cape Town does not have a large industrial sector (when compared to Durban), which is why the industrial sector consumes the least amount of energy of all the major sectors. The industrial sector does have a greater energy mix, with reliance on coal (32%), heavy furnace oil (12%), LPG (10%) and paraffin (1%), alongside electricity (45%). Although end use energy data is not readily available, the indication is that motors are responsible for the bulk of electricity demand. CTG

ALICIA CHAMAILLE is an Honours student in Historical Studies The Cape Town Globalist

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news

All images: Tokolos Stencils’ Facebook page

UCT’s involvement

in Lonmin

stirs up debate I Mandisa Nduli

is a BA Film and Media Production student majoring in Print Journalism

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mandisa nduli looks at the controversy surrounding UCT’s connection to Lonmin

n the wake of the third anniversary of the Marikana Massacre on August 16, students of UCT came to campus on Monday morning to find that the university was the latest chosen location by art group Tokolos Stencil Council, for their “Non-Poor Only” and “Remember Marikana” protest pieces.

Tokolos Stencil Council is responsible for vandalizing Micheal Elion’s “Perceiving Freedom” sculpture and Brundyn+ art gallery. The Cape-Town based guerilla art group known for its disruptive spray painting has stirred up debates all around the city, at the same time generating a lot of media attention.

In addition to its known tags, the art collective added “Max Price for black lives?” on UCT’s Jameson Hall. A play on words questioning the motives of UCT and its involvement in Lonmin.

During the week of the third anniversary of the Marikana Massacre, a number of events were held by various societies and forums on UCT’s campus where students voiced their opinions in light of the new found information. In a press conference, Members of Rhodes Must Fall took action to hold the university accountable and demanded transparency from management on the matter.

In a now-deleted Facebook post, the art collective linked UCT to the Marikana Massacre and wrote; “#UCTHasBloo-

dOnItsHands” referring to the third anniversary of the Marikana shootings on August 16, 2012. In a statement by the group they said, “Over the past few months, we have been inspired by the persistent struggle of the #RhodesMustFall movement at UCT. We did our research and found out a few little known facts about UCT’s link to the Marikana Massacre.

1.

2.

3.

4.

Judge Farlam is on the UCT Council.

UCT has been investing in Lonmin for several years since the massacre.

UCT therefore has blood on its hands.

Therefore Farlam is a conflict of interest.”

The graffiti that defaced the campus occurred in response to UCT’s confirmation, released in a statement by UCT’s Communications and Media Liaison Department manager, Patricia Lucus, that it is invested in the resources sector, including Lonmin. “All investment falls within the university’s investment policy managed by the Joint Investment Committee,” it added.

UCT also confirmed that Justice Ian Farlam, judge and chair of the commission of inquiry into the Marikana killings, is a member of council and explained, “He is not involved with the joint investment committee or UCT investMAY 2015

news

“The fact that UCT and Farlam are investing in Lonmin knowing full well the company’s complicity in the massacre means they both have blood on their hands. This cannot be more clear.”

ment decisions”.

Farlam’s seat on the university’s council and UCT’s investment was of particular concern for the group who stated, “The fact that UCT and Farlam are investing in Lonmin knowing full well the company’s complicity in the massacre means they both have blood on their hands. This cannot be more clear.”

The collective whose known aim is “to terrorise the South African elite: those who screw us with forced removals, privatization, gentrification and of course, the many Marikanas that plague our society each and every day” added that the University’s involvement in Lonmin could no longer be hidden regardless of its ‘ivory tower’ status.

Tokolos Stencil Council’s determination to receive responses and explanations from UCT continues to grow as the story catches media attention and students continue to urge the university to be transparent.

On August 25, Varsity Newspaper published the three demands to the university issued by members of Rhodes Must Fall. The first demand was that UCT provide a detailed outline of their financial relationship with the mining industry, particularly Lonmin, including specific information regarding donations given to the University by the mining company. Secondly, they have called for Judge Ian Farlam to be removed from the University Council due to his involvement in the Marikana Commission, which the movement says creates a conflict of interest, as Farlam was unable to hold those in power accountable for the massacre. The third demand is that Jameson Hall be renamed to Marikana Memorial Hall.

To which the university responded to the first two of the three demands and not confirming the renaming of Jameson Hall.

In a statement, UCT Management condemned the graffiti as “an irresponsible and inappropriate method of protest that shows no respect for the students and staff of the UCT community”. The university has since removed the graffiti on campus. CTG The Cape Town Globalist

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news

When temporary housing

isn’t temporary Article from GroundUp by Ashleigh Furlong

“They promised us that we would stay for a short period of time. They didn’t keep their promise,” says Amelia Nono, who came to Intersite, a temporary relocation area (TRA) in Langa, nine years ago.

N

ono and her family had been living in Joe Slovo’s community hall for six months prior to moving to Intersite. They moved to Intersite, one of the oldest TRAs in the country, because it was a “better place” than the hall.

Nono says that her family is unable to be relocated to an RDP house. “My husband has got a problem. They say he has got high wages. He is the only person who is working [in a household of six].” She says her family have been told that they will be given an open space to build their own house, but that this will only happen in 2018.

Some 20 minutes away from Intersite TRA lies Delft, which is home to numerous TRAs, including the infamous Blikkiesdorp. Blikkiesdorp has been around for seven years already and could be present for another five to seven years. The rows of corrugated iron structures have sparked much criticism. Many other TRAs have a striking resemblance to Blikkiesdorp, although they are often constructed using more attractive and weather resistant materials than the corrugated iron.

Just around the corner from Blikkiesdorp is Delft TRA 5, where the dusty streets and rows of houses look re12

markably similar to Blikkiesdorp. A resident of TRA 5 said that she had been there since 2011 and that she was not sure when she and her family would be moved. Another resident, Siseko Ncukana-Ncukana, said that he had just moved into TRA 5 from Tsunami, another TRA in Delft.

He says that he is in the process of getting a permanent house but isn’t sure when this will be. Similar stories can be heard in Delft TRA 6.

If you travel a short distance down the N2 away from Delft and take the next exit you will find yourself in Blue Downs, which is home to Bosasa TRA. Bettie Ntshintshi lives here with Edward Tatiya in what is their child’s house. They have stayed in Bosasa for more than five years after living as backyarders in Mfuleni.

“They [the City] say they are going to move people. I don’t know when they are going to make a plan, because this is temporary housing,” said Tatiya, “They are talking about maybe sometime moving half of the people to houses, but they talk about it and they don’t do anything.”

“They [the City] just promise. They talk, talk, talk,” he says.

In a response by email, the City’s Mayoral Committee MAY 2015

news

“They [the City] say they are going to move people. I don’t know when they are going to make a plan, because this is temporary housing.”

Member for Human Settlements Benedicta van Minnen stated that unrest and vandalism by “certain members of the community” had “forced” the City to halt delivery of houses that would have gone to Bosasa TRA residents.

“The resources which were allocated to this community will be reallocated to communities who have not sowed destruction and vandalised infrastructure to the extreme levels seen here. Resources will be allocated to communities who have not hampered service delivery and who want to work with the City to see development in their areas.”

TRAs are areas that have been developed as a response to a need for emergency housing, such as a fire or flooding. Other events such as upgrades and evictions also contribute to the need for TRAs. There are numerous TRAs around the country but their numbers are difficult to accurately determine due to new ones being developed and old ones dismantled as the need arises.

TRAs form part of the national government’s emergency housing programme and are subject to the national standards for service provision, but according to the Housing Development Agency’s Guidelines to Emergency Housing this is not always realised. TRA houses are also smaller than typical RDP houses, do not have individual plots or titles and have a lower level of services than formal housing programmes. n Cape Town, there are several parties involved in the implementation of TRAs: the City of Cape Town, the Provincial Department of Human Settlements, the Housing Development Agency (HDA) and private companies. Some TRAs such as Intersite, as well as Delft TRA 5 and 6, are managed by the Western Cape Government, while others such as Blikkiesdorp and Bosasa are managed by the City.

Sometimes multiple parties work together on TRAs. In the HDA’s guidelines, temporary relocation areas are clearly identified as just that: temporary. They are meant to be used when the site of the emergency, whether that be land or a building, is not currently habitable and “people must be moved for a short period to a relocation area or permanently to a resettlement area”.

The Cape Town Globalist

The guidelines explain that TRAs are often established instead of permanent settlements when the land is only able to be leased and not purchased, or the land is being used without payment to the owner. “Often, the area for relocation is not suitable for permanent resettlement,” reads the HDA’s document. Despite this, some residents have been staying in TRAs for nearly ten years.

“There is no pre-determined maximum time [that residents stay in TRAs] but it is the responsibility of the authority responsible for the TRA to limit the duration,” says Nathan Adriaanse, who is the communications director in the Western Cape Department of Human Settlements. “It is not the ideal situation to have people living in TRAs indefinitely but it is not always possible to accurately pre-determine the duration of people’s stay in a TRA when some circumstances that required the TRA in the first instance change.”

The head of advocacy at the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) Alison Tilley, who works with the residents of Blikkiesdorp, said that the City should be engaging with Blikkiesdorp residents about when and where they will be moved. “But that has not been happening, according to community members,” she says.

When asked about how regularly communication occurred between residents and the party responsible for the TRA, Adriaanse replied that the ideal situation is for there to be regular interaction but that “the frequency of communication between the parties can vary from case to case”.

As for people such as Nono’s husband who do not qualify for a housing subsidy, Adriaanse says that before a TRA has reached its “design lifespan” other accommodation options must be made available to non-qualifiers. “Possible options could include rental accommodation or access to a serviced site,” says Adriaanse.

Currently there appears to be no available “design lifespan” for Intersite where Nono stays or for any of the other TRAs. All residents know is that sometime in the future they will be moved, but to where or when is uncertain. CTG

ASHLEIGH FURLONG is a BA Honours student in Media Theory and Practice

13

news

Mmusi Maimane speaks at SAIIA event Image © The Democratic Alliance

Hilary Price reflects on her experiences of Mmusi Maimane at a South Africa Institute of International Affairs event

M

musi Maimane, newly elected leader of the Democratic Alliance (DA), recently spoke at an event hosted by the South Africa Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), Western Cape branch. His topic was: Restoring a Foreign Policy based on Human Rights. I went along having heard that Maimane is, in the tradition of many African leaders, a skilled orator, an eloquent and emotive public speaker, as can be observed from watching his impassioned speeches directed at President Zuma in Parliament. However, what I was interested in, was to see if his speech would be substantive, moving beyond ideological rhetoric, thereby breaking from the tradition of many African leaders, and incorporating concrete policy ideas based on cogent reason and evidence.

I listened to the first part of his speech with some scepticism, because for a while he appeared to be simply doing what I refer to as ‘Zuma bashing’. In order to make the point that South African foreign policy had entered a moral vacuum, Maimane referred to the controversy around Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, who escaped South Africa under suspicious circumstances. This, in spite of a court ordering he be detained in accordance with our obligations as a member of the Rome Statute, which established the International Criminal Court. Maimane argued that we made the wrong decision by letting him go, choosing instead not to upset the “old boys club of African leaders”.

Consequently, according to Maimane, we lost significant international respect, not to mention flouted our own constitution and judiciary.

He also slammed our nuclear deal with Russia, saying it will not solve our energy crisis

Hilary Price

is an Honours student in Justice and Transformation

14

While I do not presume to comment on the legitimacy of this opinion - that is beyond the scope of this article - I want to point out that it’s easy for one to criticise, but very difficult to answer the old question, “Well, do you have better idea?” During the question session afterwards, an Ethiopian student of “Peace Studies” (which sounds very much like what we call transitional justice here) addressed this issue, asking Maimane, if it was up to him, would he have really arrested Bashir, considering what this might do to peace and stability in Sudan – the ‘peace vs justice’ debate. To this, Maimane could only reiterate that “we made the wrong decision”, though he did qualify that perhaps the best course would have been to make our stance clear before Bashir arrived and warn him not come at all.

To be fair, you can hardly expect the leader of the opposition not to take the opportunity to take pot shots at the “moral bankruptcy” of the ruling party. However, I hoped to hear solid policy direction and arguments. Fortunately,

once the ritual ‘Zuma bashing’ was completed, his speech improved dramatically in this regard.

One of the arguments he made in his speech that stood out to me was the need to streamline our formal international relations. He argued we have far too many embassies around the world than necessary, many of which are staffed with “failed cadres”, instead of career ambassadors.

Moreover, we seem determined to belong to every regional and interregional organisation, attend every conference and sign too many trade agreements that we never intend to implement. He also slammed our nuclear deal with Russia, saying it will not solve our energy crisis and “my children are still young, but be assured their children will still be paying it off”. In general Maimane’s foreign policy stance was orientated away from Russia, and to some extent China, and back to the West. To this end, a DA priority is to ensure SA’s continued participation in AGOA, which boosts trade to the US. A brilliant and insightful question came from a representative of Salamanca, who asked Maimane, “If there was an election tomorrow and you became president, which world leader would you call first?” To this, Maimane hummed and arr-ed, and eventually answered, “Perhaps the European Union, one of those countries, or if not, Obama. I think South Africa’s economic future lies over there”a very telling answer.

On human rights, Maimane advocated a bolder stance.

When asked how we could balance commitment to human rights with our domestic interests, Maimane barely equivocated, rightly pointing out that we need to define better what our national interests are: we have refrained from condemning human rights violations in countries we can actually afford to live without. He nodded to the nuances and tensions inherent in international relations, quoting Churchill on how choices are often not between good or wrong, but between worse and worst.

I was hoping he might make reference to the concepts of human security and human development - the link between economic goals and human rights. While he did not do so, he touched on the idea during the question session when he argued that not addressing human rights and democratic problems in Africa is going to cost the continent economically in the long term. Does this mean he agrees with the much debated link between democracy and economic growth?

My impression of Maimane, from this event at least, is of a leader that can back rhetoric up with facts and considered policy stances. I don’t necessary agree with him or the DA’s politics and am mindful of issues regarding race and Maimane’s position in the DA. But I was pleased to see one our possible future leaders demonstrate a practical knowledge of politics and economics. CTG

MAY 2015

Energetic

Forms

Energetic Forms Local Photographers’ take on ‘Energy’ The Great Fracking Debate Hilary Price Eskom, privatisation and independent power producers Theo Van Der Merwe The day Nagasaki saw itself burn to the ground Laura Heyns Behind the darkness there is little light Katharina Gensicke “Magetsi aenda”!

(Electricity has gone) Komborero Mtambirwa The Cape Town Globalist

Image by Alicia Chamaille 15

EnergeticForms We asked three local photographers to submit their visual interpretations of Energy and how we perceive it differently from day to day.

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MAY 2015

energy

shipslightsindustryoutsideinside is a small series of images. They imply movement; they imply energy. But they are spliced- splices in time, and splices of deadened objects that can never really be alive in the way they might pretend. Photographs are taxidermed trophies and cameras are the murderers of energy.

Words & Images by Thuli Gamedze The Cape Town Globalist

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Images by AIDAN TOBIAS

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MAY 2015

The Cape Town Globalist

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“F

rom the outskirts, the event is ultra deceiving. You don’t see or hear the crowd in their thousands. Instead, you drive along a long dirt road and through a scenic countryside. Ah, there’s even an ostrich or two. This is nice. Serene. Spiritual. But no.

As you approach the main dance floor, you hit traffic congestion with lighties fist pumping through their windows and security guards confused as to where the hell they’re going to direct you to park. It’s packed. Serenity, I bid you farewell for the next few hours.”

Having grown up in a block of flats in Wynberg, I listened, not entirely out of my own will, to pan-flute renditions of Celine Dion, the Trompies and Boys II Men. Commercial electronic dance music thus cooks my mind like a fish finger in a Verimark pan.

Before Ultra, I thought Armin van Buuren - one of the international headline acts - was the name of an Afrikaans Super Stêr who recently had a feature in the Huisgenoot for his one-hit-wonder in 2001. I thought so wrong. Armin van Buuren, is apparently one of the backbones of the global Electronic Dance Music (EDM) industry. Most of his tracks, a mixture of trance and dubstep, start melodically and crescendo into predictable builds and drops. A half an hour into the performance and I fell into a trance pattern.

Listen to the build up. Wait for the beat to drop. Watch the Ultranauts lose their minds to their electro leader. Repeat. As this went on and on and on for hours, the amount of shirtless men kept escalating. The amount of MDMA being consumed kept escalating.

The amount of alcohol being drunk out of what looked like feta cheese buckets kept escalating. Everything kept escalating. I don’t know if my vision was obscured by the darkness or the knock I received earlier on my eye, but I couldn’t tell the difference between the fireworks, strobe lights and eyeballs rolling to the back of skulls. Oh well. Pass me a glow stick and Strepsil in solidarity and let me escalate with you, Ultranauts.

Words & Images by MEGHAN daniels 20

MAY 2015

The Cape Town Globalist

21

energy

The Great Fracking Debate: All You Need to Know Image by: Simon Fraser University

In 2008 fracking was the buzzword and many people were up in arms over the possibility of fracking in the Karoo. Now the hype has fizzled out and few people seem to care about fracking anymore. hilary price re-examines the debate.

H

ydraulic fracturing, or fracking as it is commonly known, became an area of ongoing debate and controversy in 2008, when commercial interest in potential shale gas in the greater Karoo basin began.

Fracking is an unconventional technique where liquid, chemicals and sand are injected at high pressure deep into the ground to ‘fracture’ rock sediments and access trapped shale gas reserves. The gas can then be used to generate energy or be converted into oil. In the US, fracking has been going on for over 60 years, dubbed ‘the shale boom’, it has lessened their dependence on foreign fossil fuels.

France, along with some other countries have banned fracking altogether.

In the context of South Africa’s energy crisis, unemploy-

22

ment and economic troubles, some proponents including elements of government and commercial interests have argued for the exploration and exploitation of shale gas. It has been framed as the means for South Africa to reduce its dependence on coal, reduce greenhouse gas emissions and fund a transition to a greener energy sector. Others, have expressed concerns over possible environmental consequences and other externalities, particularly in the context of the ecologically sensitive Karoo and South Africa’s history of poor environmental governance in the mining sector. However, it would be wrong to construe this as a battle between the bottom line and the ‘greenies’.

Fracking in South Africa is a complex issue with many uncertainties relating to economic viability, policy options, MAY 2015

energy potential economic benefits and government regulations.

Championed by the Treasure the Karoo Action Group (TKG), the potential ecological consequences that fracking activities could have on the Karoo are significant. With the risk of possible negative spill-overs for local settlements, agriculture and even national water supply and food security. Hydraulic fracturing carries with it concerns revolving around clean water contamination. Fracking uses enormous amounts of water – estimates vary, but one figure claims up to 20 million litres are needed for a single well, and Shell has said they intend to have up to 32 wellhead in a pad, and between 40 and 50 well pads. While this is not exceptional compared to other national industries, the Karoo is a water scarce region. This leads to concerns that fracking activities will compete with local agriculture together with the drinking and sanitation needs of local settlements. The other major concern is the possibility of contaminating local water sources. This could occur from leakages of ‘flow-back’ fluid, which is water, chemicals and dissolved gas that returns to the surface during fracking.

The flow back needs to be safely disposed in theory. However the real threat of contamination is to groundwater, which is a primary source of water in the Karoo. While the rock formations which are fractured are far below groundwater aquifers, a study from the University of the Free State has indicated that the conditions of the Karoo’s geology may allow for the upward seepage of gas, fracking fluid or brackish water, polluting groundwater.

Technological and infrastructural means exists, or are in development to mitigate these risks, however such measures would require commitments by fracking companies, sufficient oversight capacity and government spending on infrastructure. In general, it is questionable whether the South African government has the capacity for effective environmental oversight and can establish a comprehensive and enforceable regulatory regime that can mitigate these externalities. Maarten de Wit quipped, referring to the environmental disaster in the Witwatersrand, “Tech-

Hydraulic fracturing carries with it concerns revolving around clean water contamination nically we have already been caught with our proverbial pants down in acid mine drainage, we have failed to understand it and we cannot contain it. Will shale gas go the same way?”

The question remains whether fracking is a commercially viable option in South Africa. Whether it will really bring the positive economic externalities proponents have promised – this is where the largest uncertainties lie.

While ultimately it is up to the private commercial corporations to decide whether to invest their money in fracking the Karoo, it’s worth us considering the economics of it. A major source of uncertainty is how little is known about the Karoo’s geology – estimates of how much gas might be commercially retrievable range from 485 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) all the way to 40Tcf, and some researchers have concerns that the Karoo’s geology could affect the quality and retrievability of the gas. Only exploratory fracking, which will require massive investment, not to mention luck, can reveal a clearer picture. Fracking itself is a tricky business with high financial risk. In the US, fracking companies are The Cape Town Globalist

taking heavy strain for elevated expenses and declining production rates. In March this year, Shell announced it was pulling back its fracking operations and investment in South Africa, because government policy uncertainty, delays in licensing and the low price of oil has seen shale exploration as a non-viable exercise.

“Technically we have already been caught with our proverbial pants down in acid mine drainage, we have failed to understand it and we cannot contain it.

Will shale gas go the same way?”

It was Shell who commissioned an Econometrix study which estimated that the extraction of 50Tcf of shale reserves could add as much as R29 billion to the South African economy every year for 25 years and create 700,000 jobs. However, it’s important to realise that these jobs are most likely to be short term, as heavy labour is only needed during the development phase of drilling, and much of the skilled labour would be imported from overseas. On the other hand, permanent jobs might be created if the government chooses to invest in related infrastructure, such as gas turbines, that would insure for the gas being used to alleviate our energy crisis.

Bundu Oil and Gas applied for exploratory licences in 2008, followed by Shell in 2011. To date, no licenses have been awarded. This is as a result of protracted policy uncertainty. At present, oil and gas fall under the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA), and therefore under the auspices of the Department of Mineral Resources. Controversial amendments to the MPRDA which included provisions for 20% free stake carry for government, with options for the state to buy a greater stake, are currently on hold after President Zuma refused to sign.

There has been some suggestion that gas and oil might be separated out from the MPRDA, and regulated in a separate bill, though it has not yet materialised. In May this year, the government announced the commission of a ministerial task team, with representatives from the departments of Environmental Affairs, Water and Sanitation, Energy, Mineral Resources and Science and Technology, to conduct a two year Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) for shale gas Development. In June, undermining the two year commitment, the government gazetted its long awaited new regulations on petroleum exploration and production, which will in effect govern the exploitation of shale gas. The TKG has criticised the regulations for vagueness, among other things and say it shows a lack of comprehension about the risks involved in shale gas. Though the regulations may now allow for licences to be granted soon, it seems that industrial processes may not begin until the SEA has been concluded.

Despite fracking making a comeback in the news recently, it still is not clear whether shale gas will take off in this country, whether due to policy uncertainty, geology or the realities of the international market. This is just as well, because the potential environmental externalities of shale gas pose credible threats to the country and current regulations and regulatory capacity do not appear to address these risks sufficiently. CTG

Hilary Price

is an Honours student in Justice and Transformation

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ENERGY

Eskom, privatisation and independent power producers: Image: Gerhard Roux

What is the way forward for South Africa?

I

theo van der merwe looks at the pros and cons of the privitisation of electricity

f you are currently a resident of South Africa it is likely that you have at some time or another complained about Eskom. The government owned energy utility increasingly fails to bridge the gap between supply and demand. With the rolling blackouts (now commonly known as ‘load shedding’) that occur as a result of generating units being taken offline for maintenance, repairs or refuelling the economic repercussions that begun in 2007; continues to be catastrophic today. As a result, an estimated R300 billion lost in GDP asserts the long overdue conversation about the future and ownership of Eskom.

Privatisation. Countries of the West and international institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have in the past strongly advocated for the selling of public utilities to private enterprises, a practice grounded in the belief that markets function best when there is little to no government intervention. Such policies are highly divisive, having garnered much acclaim from the conservative right as well as intense criticism from the left and the working classes. Privatisation of key government utilities has been attempted in several regions in the world. Most notably under Thatcher’s administration in the United Kingdom but also in the former Soviet Bloc and Latin America, all yielding various degrees of success and failure.

In light of the energy crisis in South Africa, the question around Eskom’s potential privatisation is increasingly beginning to rear its head. This has been met with a consid24

erable extent of polarisation. Those in favour of privatisation generally cite efficiency as their primary argument.

Under private management and for private profit; it is only natural that its stakeholders would want a company to run as efficiently as possible. In addition, it has been argued that it would be easier to take drastic emergency decisions to steer the country out of the energy crisis it currently finds itself in. There also seems to be a general consensus that Eskom will be unable to make the money required to build new generation infrastructure needed through tariff adjustments of the price of energy alone. This in turn has resulted in some suggesting that Eskom needs to begin selling some of its assets to acquire funding.

Such arguments are not wrong either. The majority of privatisation research has found that in competitive industries, with well-informed consumers, privatisation will improve efficiency. The degree of this improvement is largely based on the level of competition within the industry. And therein lies the privatisation argument’s Achilles heel. With there being minimal competition in the energy production industry in South Africa, Eskom enjoys a resounding monopoly. Furthermore, there are reasonable concerns around what privatisation of a monopoly by corporate interest may look like. The majority of South Africans could potentially find themselves in a position where they are unable to afford new prices if tariffs were to be increased. There are also practical considMAY 2015

ENERGY

“Those in favour of privatisation generally cite efficiency as their primary argument.”

erations regarding the existing generation infrastructure.

Government owned or not, the fundamental problem is a deficiency of generation capacity. The privatisation of the infrastructure currently in place will not necessarily mean that this problem will be solved, even if a private company might be better equipped to manage Eskom’s current assets.

As a result of this, full-scale Thatcher-esque privatisation of Eskom begins to look undesirable. Therefore some have instead suggested a re-modelling of the South African Energy sector. Here it is useful to consider page 42 of the White Paper adopted by cabinet in 1998: To ensure the success of the electricity supply industry as a whole, various developments will have to be considered by government over time, namely: • giving customers the right to choose their

electricity supplier; • introducing competition into the industry,

especially the generation sector; • permitting open, non-discriminatory access to

the transmission system; and • encouraging private sector participation in the industry.

The keyword here is undeniably competition. The energy sector is no longer able to exist purely as a monopoly.

To this end, Eskom has welcomed private-sector participation. Kannan Lakmeeharan, Eskom delivery unit head, has stated publically that Eskom is unable to meet the current demand and as such welcomes international private-sector involvement. Such participation in the electricity industry was first approved in 2003, with Eskom

The Cape Town Globalist

announcing that future power generation capacity would be divided in a 70/30 split between Eskom and Independent Power Producers (IPPs).

This goal, however, has proven to be highly elusive. The South African Independent Power Producers Association (SAIPPA) has publicly complained to the government about the unreasonable restrictions in place that bar entry into the energy producing market. To this end they have referred to the central planning nature of the Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) of the Department of Energy as a hindrance to private investment in power projects, which currently only awards new generation licenses to projects already included in the IRP. Such rigidity is not viable whilst in an on-going energy crisis.

Moreover, the onus is on the Energy department to create an atmosphere as conducive as possible to support the energy generation industry within the country. It is imperative that the rigid protocol of the IRP be relaxed to ensure that the private enterprises meet some of the needs Eskom is unable to meet, whilst ensuring a continued sense of accountability around Eskom and its efforts.

It is clear that regulation will be essential to ensure that citizens’ rights to electricity are duly protected, lest private energy be catered only to the wealthier segments of the population. Given that the infrastructure needed to serve the country is not currently there, it would seem that the immediate question should perhaps not be privatisation, which could further hurt the populace by putting our energy infrastructure in the hands of those motivated purely by profit, but rather should be what we can be doing at the moment to spread the load rather than shed it.

Theo Van der Merwe

is a first year student majoring in economic history, business french and international relations

CTG

25 Image: NJR ZA

energy

The Day Nagasaki Saw Itself

Burn to the Ground The atomic bombs of 1945 saw unfathomable destruction to Hiroshima and Nagasaki. laura heyns looks at its impact seventy years on.

T

he Atomic message stands as a warning to all those who will listen. On 9 August 1945, Nagasaki saw itself burn to the ground, and seventy years later the world remembers the devastation caused. A minute’s silence is given to pay respect to the lives lost, however no retribution can take away the pain that runs through the victims’ veins. This day impacted Japan beyond repair and will forever live on. To the survivors, the terror still lingers in their minds. For them, the war never ended.

To the ordinary man, the words ‘Hiroshima’ and ‘Nagasaki’ are simply names found in history books, telling a story of a forgotten period of terror. An imagined devastation, disconnected to the reality of the contemporary world.

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However, the stained streets tell another story. This unimaginable act was indeed committed and lives were stolen in the name of world domination.

In the era of the Second World War, rumours of America’s nuclear weapons made their rounds, alarming nations who feared the unknown and untested capabilities of manmade affliction. Instead of the U.S showcasing their newest invention in a barren land, they decided to incorporate an audience to witness their military greatness. They displayed their toy’s power in the Japanese city, Hiroshima, abolishing its spectators. But this wasn’t enough. Roughly 146,000 lives was not enough. So three days later, another fireball turned Nagasaki into an inferno. The plutoniumMAY 2015

energy

70 years have passed and historians are still divided over the real reasons behind the United States’ decision to drop the atomic bombs on the Japanese cities. The American myth justifies the bombings as a necessary evil to end the war and avoid an invasion of Japan, claiming that it would have led to a greater loss of life.

core bomb generated shock waves faster than the speed of sound and instantaneously the temperatures rose to 4000 degrees Celsius. Killing everything and everyone within one kilometre of the hypocentre. From a flash to complete darkness, black smoke escaped from the ground up into the sky, creating a ring of smoke. The smoke transcended to an altitude of 8000 metres in a mere 3 or 4 seconds, revealing for the first time the notorious mushroom cloud.

The devastation caused is incomprehensible. 13 kilotons of TNT took the lives of somewhere between 39,000 and 80,000 people, as the radiation sickness took its victims.

Black rain washed the blood stained streets of a devastated city. And six days later, Japan announced its surrender.

Today, the victims of this unimaginable offence are objectified through a number. A number that reaches way past 100,000. A numerical figure holding no meaning. Desensitizing the human mind. Through statistics instead of stories, the West has censored the bombing.

The Atomic bomb did not simply kill masses of people; it obliterated society, and devastated the environment. The radioactive fallout ensured a future of helplessness. Contaminating the future generations who face discrimination due to misunderstandings in Japan about the genetic effects of radiation.

70 years have passed and historians are still divided over the real reasons behind the United States’ decision to drop the atomic bombs on the Japanese cities. The American myth justifies the bombings as a necessary evil to end the war and avoid an invasion of Japan, claiming that it would have led to a greater loss of life. However, critics say that Japan was already prepared to surrender. Paul Ham, a historian, said that the nuclear strikes were ‘a planned massacre of innocent civilians - an unwarranted, American atrocity’, used to display America’s military might.

Recent declassified documents suggest the nuclear strikes may have been performed not out of military necessity but to intimidate the Soviet Union. President Truman made the decision to drop the bombs after a mere four months in office. Supposedly, his motivation for the nuclear strike was a part of his dual strategy; to force Japan to surrender and to simultaneously intimidate the Soviet Union. Following the devastation, Truman stood by his decision with pride, stating that “what has been done is the greatest achievement of organized science in history”.

Yet, in the years following this statement Truman recognized the inhumane devastation he caused. Nevertheless, seventy years have passed, and Japan has yet to receive an apology from the United States.

The Cape Town Globalist

Beyond the atrocity, the bombings did define how the world thinks about nuclear weapons; preventing the use since the Nagasaki bombing. This is not to argue that the bombings can be justified; rather it is to suggest the warning it has provided to the world. It has created a nuclear taboo. It could even be said that the bombs altered the course of history: that the nuclear inhibition would not have existed without its first use on Japan.

Marking the 70th anniversary of the bombing, Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said, “as the only nation in the world to have suffered a war-time nuclear attack, I have renewed my resolve to play a leading role in pursuing a world without nuclear weapons and maintain the three non-nuclear principles.” However, the Prime Minister’s actions do not correlate with this statement. Concurrently, Abe is pushing for legislation that would expand Japan’s military role in East Asia, allowing military transportation of foreign forces’ nuclear weapons. As an ironic paradox, Japan has been seeking to obtain the most powerful weapon in the world in order to enhance their security. As a result, this controversial legislation has caused ‘widespread unease’.

A representative of Nagasaki bomb survivors spoke about how this is out of tune with the wishes of the survivors, and “will lead to war.” Japan’s government’s actions do not embody their disarmament policy. Although, it is understandable that a country needs to deter harm through its military power, Japan’s history should force them to set the standard; creating a world free of nuclear threat.

The last Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, strongly supports the disarmament movement. And in paying tribute to the atomic bomb devastations, he reminded the world that nuclear weapons can easily “wipe out the entirety of civilization”. He stressed how demilitarisation should be put “back on the agenda of international politics,” otherwise the whole world will lose to the inhumane atrocities of modern warfare. In direct comparison, no American president has visited Nagasaki or Hiroshima, or even paid their respects. Even Barack Obama’s promise to reduce nuclear weapons was a façade; as the numbers have only increased.

Energy is the foundation to all life, and manmade energy holds so much potential for good. However, with 50,000 nuclear weapons stocked in the world today, a number equivalent to one million Hiroshima-type A-bombs; it is clear how dangerous energy can be, giving nuclear weapons the power to dictate the fate of mankind, between survival and extinction. CTG

Laura Heyns

is a first year BSocSc student majoring in History, politics and Media & Writing

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ENERGY

Behind the darkness there is little light

I

Katharina Gensicke investigates Eskom’s debt and inefficient billing system

caught myself in an awkward situation these past June/ July holidays trying to explain to my German extended family what load shedding was. Questions like: “Why do they just turn the lights off?” and “How is it possible?” were asked. Yes, how is it possible that since the 2008 electricity crisis we are still dealing with an impending blackout, nearly 7 years later? The electricity crisis is not just a story of the government owned company Eskom being underserviced, mismanaged and in dire trouble, but rather a more complex one of debt and the inefficient and outdated billing system.

To put the electricity crisis into perspective we can look at some statistics in regard to the production and consumption of electricity that plays an important factor. In 2014 Eskom produced 252578 gigawatts per hour (gph) worth of electricity. Namibia has recently started to export 11177gph of power to South Africa from the Kunene River due to its successful rain, totalling the overall electricity available in South Africa to 263755gph. From that total, 5.2% is exported due to The South African Power Pool agreement to; Botswana, Mozambique, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Swaziland and Zambia. 7% is used by power utilities and 87.74% is consumed by South Africa itself. The statistics of the electricity consumption by the industrial sector reveals that the mining sector is the main consumer of the country’s electrical capacity. Non-ferrous metals use 14% of the state’s electricity along with the extraction and processing of gold. That, interestingly, does not contribute

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much to the GDP, compared to the trade and wholesale sector, which uses less electricity, yet contributes more to the GDP. The service related sector contributed 67% to the GDP and employs 9% out of the 12% in the working force (retail trade and hospitality). This can be broken down to the most prominent sub-sectors such as finance and business that sat at 23.5%, and manufacturing that contributed 17.2% to the GDP. This is important to note as load shedding is affecting not only the industrial mining sector, but the most crucial service sector. Small business are not able to cope with the rising costs and the constant interruption of no power. This leads to businesses having to shut down for several hours, affecting their income and continuous survival.

The main source of the country’s electricity is created through coal, producing 77% of the overall electricity.

6.5% of the overall amount is created by nuclear energy in the Koeberg nuclear power station in the Western Cape and the rest is created through petroleum gas and other sources, such as wind and solar power. What is interesting to note is that while we are the one of the five biggest producers of coal, we export about 28% of coal, thus making us one of the 3rd biggest exporters of that mineral. Of this, 44% is used for electricity generation itself, where 18% is liquefied for liquid fuels and 10% is directly consumed; 65% is used by industry, 23% by common households and 12% by commerce. South Africa has three major coal power stations: Kendal, Majuba and Matimba. The fourth power station, Medupi, which will be the largest power station, has just opened its first unit after being in the construction phase since 2007. This unit was connected to the power

MAY 2015

ENERGY

grid in August, adding 800MW to the grid. When all six units are completed it is predicted that it will add 4800MW to the country’s electrical grid. Yet, the burning question many of us have is why the construction of the Medupi station has taken so long. The other stations are failing and relying on back-up generators, increasing the prices due to expensive imports, while events such as strikes, maltreatment of workers, mismanagement and shortage of funds have contributed significantly to the stagnation of the Medupi station.

At the end of March last year, Eskom stated on its financial report that it was in debt of R205 088 million. Between the 2008 blackout crisis and 2013 Eskom implemented buy-backs to try and control the electrical consumption by charging the large consumers, such as mines and metal smelters, up to 80c-85c per kWh (kilowatt per hour), in order to encourage a cut-back on consumption. This was not enough for the power utility, and they have since attempted to raise the consumer’s cost of electricity by 16% per annum in 2013, an attempt that was ultimately unsuccessful. The current situation is high electricity costs and the continuous problem of load shedding.

As the price of electricity continues to increase, and the problematic situation Eskom is in, can be explained by looking at how the monthly and yearly costs are established. Eskom uses a historical cost accounting system, whereby it tries to recover the price of the infrastructure it has built, upgraded or implemented. This can be explained by looking at the newest building and investment in a power station – the incentive will be to receive the cost of that infrastructure back so it can sustainably service it and invest in new power stations. Between 1978 and 2008 the electricity cost decreased greatly – in 1978 the cost was 39.7cents per kWh and in 2008 it decreased to 22.7 c/kWh. The drawback of this method is how that cost is established. The cost is determined by what it was previously,

instead of using the cost of the new station to determine the money to be paid back. This does not take into account the evolving and changing electrical technologies, such as nuclear power. While this may result in a lowered electricity cost when paying off the old station and infrastructure, there will be a sudden and significant increase when the old infrastructure is replaced.

This pricing system is complicating matters further, as the electricity prices are continually low for an extended period of time, yet the demand for electricity does not dissipate. Due to the use of gas turbines, which are temporary and expensive, there is a sudden increase in prices, as these structures have to be implemented and imported.

This could be seen in 2008, where the price increased exponentially, in response to the dire depreciation of the ability to produce and supply electricity. We are now encountering the same problem, as debt has mounted to an unprecedented rate and the delay in the completion of the power stations is hampering the income of Eskom. Even higher increases are still expected, as the old stations are only formally expected to be replaced by the new ones between 2018 and 2020.

So we will have to bear with the continuous load shedding and just hope that the pricing system and management structure will be duly reviewed. For now we will have to pre-charge our electronic devices and, maybe, even resort to talking to each other like the good old days. CTG

Komborero Mtambirwa

is a 1st year student majoring in International Relations and Economic History

“This pricing system is complicating matters further, as the electricity prices are continually low for an extended period of time, yet the demand for electricity does not dissipate.”

Image: Hrishikesh Premkumar

The Cape Town Globalist

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ENERGY

“Magetsi Aenda”!

Electricity Has Gone

“M

Komborero Mtambirwa takes a look at the electricity crisis in South Africa

agetsi aenda”! (Electricity has gone), is a phrase that I usually quoted growing up in Zimbabwe, in a town called Bulawayo. It reminds me of my rather disappointing moments in life when electricity would go while I watch my favourite cartoon and when it went, automatically my mouth would utter the quote with a tone of disappointment as I would contemplate on activities to do while anticipating the return of our power. Well at least I grew to be fearless of the dark, since it had been imposed upon me, I could do nothing but embrace it. Now here I am a university student in South Africa, with high ambitions, ready to explore opportunities that I have never before been exposed to and then from nowhere bam! Right before my eyes, “Magetsi aenda”.

Much contention lies in the manner in which the load shedding schedule and zoning is determined.

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It is here that I came to realise this predicament we call load shedding is not one that is limited to just a section of the continent, but is rather a universal one. Therefore does this load shedding have the same attributes as the power cut I have come to experience and understand within my limited and ignorant state of mind growing up back in my hometown? Surely there is a difference. What is load shedding exactly, is it something that is due to a state of lack of capacity to generate electricity, or perhaps is it a necessary and pragmatic exercise that electricity suppliers tend to conduct?

A vague understanding of the term load shedding would be the lack of capacity of an electricity supplier and distributor such as Eskom to deliver enough electricity to the affected area. However the meaning of load shedding goes much deeper than this. If one is to fully understand its meaning they might actually acknowledge and appreciate that times load shedding is a very necessary exercise to carry out in South Africa and any other country that faces the same challenges. A situation can arise where the demand for electricity is too high, especially during peak periods, however the supply may not be able to cover this demand and it then becomes necessary to cut down supply for some areas. This has been exacerbated by the fact that there continues to be growth in the number of users of

electricity due to development resulting in the purchasing of houses and increased heavy industrial activity, therefore the demand keeps increasing to levels that exceed the level of supply.

What load shedding hopes to avoid is a nation-wide blackout that can occur when the power system collapses in its entirety which would be a result of an imbalance in the power supply and demand, where essentially the power system becomes too strained with the huge burden it has to carry. This is the challenge Eskom faces as the single distributer of electricity in South Africa. South Africa has not experienced any form of blackout in recent times. Most countries have to rely on electricity supply from neighbouring countries when faced with black out problems, however Eskom has managed to single handedly resolve such problems so at least some credit should be given to them.

Much contention lies in the manner in which the load shedding schedule and zoning is determined. The fact that there is not enough supply means that some areas will be cut off and some areas won’t, and even though the procedure alternates between different areas, do some areas perhaps get much more convenient times than others and if this is the case does the criteria for doing so mirror the different class structure or inequality within South Africa?

In December 2014 there was an issue raised by the COSATU Western Province Secretary- Tony Ehrenreich, that the load shedding schedule in South Africa especially in the city of Cape Town was ‘racist and unfair’. He stated that the municipality of Cape Town has a tendency to conduct load shedding during peak hours (6.00p.m- 8.30p.m) in areas such as Mitchell’s Plain and Langa twice a week whereas privileged areas such as Constantia, Plumstead and Bergvliet may only experience load shedding once a week during morning times and usually during weekends. Ehrenreich was trying to emphasize the fact that the criteria used to implement the schedule for load shedding is one that meets the interests of the richer settlements in Cape Town and one that is convenient for them.

If we are to consider the fact that some of the people within these richer settlements have the ability to purchase alternatives such as generators or battery operated lights, the question can be asked why these neighbourhoods possibly receive more convenient schedules. It is during these peak hours that most children have to do their homework,

MAY 2015

ENERGY

and most of their parents have to cook for their families, but in townships the complications of this are worsened as there are usually no possible alternatives and takeout pizza is usually not an option.

“This uneven distribution is completely unacceptable.

We need to re-work the schedule to achieve a more equitable distribution and potentially better energy-saving outcomes,” is a quote from a Wentworth resident in Durban who also believes that the system is unfair. He expresses how most areas such as Fynnland are not affected yet others such as his neighbourhood is constantly affected every second night.

Despite these concerns, Eskom does have an obligation to ensure that some areas are exempt from load shedding if they have crucial economic activity that may be vital for South Africa and this includes industries. Some areas may also be located near hospitals or other important services and therefore if you happen to live nearby these areas you will be forever exempt from load shedding.

Despite what is often seen as a dire situation in South Africa, it would come as a surprise to hear that South Africa generates ten times more electricity than the rest of the African region especially Nigeria. This shows that though

“This uneven distribution is completely unacceptable. We need to re-work the schedule to achieve a more equitable distribution and potentially better energy-saving outcomes.”

Image: Hrishikesh Premkumar The Cape Town Globalist

South Africa may face domestic criticism for its service delivery especially in terms of electricity, it may be applauded for its effort in generating so much in comparison with other African countries. Despite this, Africa as a whole seems to be the ‘pack at the back’ when it comes to international standards, indicating the relationship between economic development and level of electricity production. In 2011, the World Bank issued a report that showed that Spain generates more electricity than the whole of Africa although it only caters for 45 million people, whereas Africa caters for 8000 million people, leaving one to wonder how Africa will ever be able to support the ever increasing demand for electricity. CTG

Komborero Mtambirwa

is a 2nd year bachelor of Social Science Student: International Relations, Public policy and Administration, and politics

31

armchair

Dangerous Connections Azi Mqatazana examines the problems with illegal electricity connections

A

third of South African households still have no electricity. Consequently, many people around the country have resorted to unconventional ways of heating their homes and their food. A nationwide phenomenon of illegal power connections has thus surged; people are generating electricity through street lights and some are going as far as connecting through railway cables. Eskom have been plagued by these illegal electricity connections in informal settlements and warned against it, but have not prevailed.

One of the causes of these problems is the constant development of informal settlements throughout the country. When people see open land, they often see a chance to establish households in that area. This has been occurring regularly in greater Cape Town. One example is that of Philippi, where people established the settlement of Marikana on privately owned land and have experienced numerous evictions.

A nationwide phenomenon of illegal power connections has thus surged; people are generating electricity through street lights and some are going as far as connecting through railway cables.

AZI MQATAZANA

is a second year BSocSc student majoring in Psychology and Law

32

What makes informal settlements problematic is that as soon as people settle there are expectations that the government must provide electricity for them even though this is often not possible given the constrained and inefficient South African government. Providing electricity for a recently established informal settlement is almost never a priority. As a result, people have to make ends meet independently; one way being through illegal power connections.

With the increasing burden created by illegal power connections, Eskom has had to find ways to try and curb the amount of electricity being stolen in informal settlements around the country. In Johannesburg alone, about 32% of all electricity delivered is lost to theft and non-payment; in Soweto, more than 80% of the power supply is either stolen or remains unpaid by those who have legal connections.

A campaign launched by Eskom to tackle this issue is Operation Khanyisa (bring light in isiXhosa), has been the most successful campaign. This campaign, meant to spear-

head the fight against electricity theft, is nearly reaching the R1 billion mark in the value of revenue recovered from electricity theft and prevention of further energy losses.

Taxpayers, however, are feeling the pinch. With the considerable amount of electricity being taken for free it comes as no surprise that there are constant complaints about tax-payers’ hard-earned money being flushed down the drain. It is imperative that the government makes drastic and efficient strategies that will deal with the issue of illegal power connections because it is costing South Africa dearly. With electricity prices being hiked up and load-shedding happening all too often, increasing costs are being incurred.

Some commentators, who are taxpayers, express their frustrations politically. It is perhaps the belief that the law-abiding, hardworking and taxpaying citizens of South Africa are being punished for doing just that; being good citizens. Therefore, they see themselves being used as a free ride by people who are breaking the law.

Johann Marx, a Fin24 user, says, “Who is paying for the electricity consumption here? Looks like it’s you and me.

The hardworking taxpayers are burdened even further, while the ‘consumers’ get it all for free… it’s the very same ‘consumers’ that keep the ANC in government at election time, while the taxpayers pay for it all.”

The KwaZulu-Natal local government has also emphasised that illegal connections of power have contributed immensely to the shortage of energy supply in the country.

Earlier this year there was the story of Princess Ntuli, a resident of Intshawini, who had the unfortunate event of being electrocuted after a bucket of water she was carrying on her head touched a low-hanging wire connected to a shack. The 37 year-old woman was killed instantly. It is also apparent that this kind of incident is not rare in informal settlements as sometimes even children as young as five years-old lose their lives due to illegal power connections.

These fatalities will most probably continue to happen.

At some point, it must considered that illegal power connections are for those who are poor to dodge electricity costs so that they can put bread on the table. In such cases, electricity is too expensive for them to afford.

This is not to justify or rationalise illegal power connections. However, people of low socio-economic standing find the standard of living too high. Perhaps, once gain, we must look to the government for them to do their jobs and solve the fundamental problems underlying illegal connections for good. CTG MAY 2015

The Centre for Film and Media Studies

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Peter Beare is a 4th year Chemical Engineering (B.Sc. (Eng), Chemical)

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