Page 1

CATHOLIC RECORD SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS (RECORDS SERIES) VOLUME 64

Issued to Members/or the year 1973-4


Editorial Committee: A. F. Allison D. M. Rogers P. R. Harris M. Hodgetts


SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS VOLUME I : 1603-1612

Edited by

ALBERT J. LOOMIE, S.J.

CATHOLIC RECORD SOCIETY

1973


© The Catholic Record Society

Printed in Great Britain by Lowe and Brydone (Printers) Ltd. ,


CONTENTS

PAGE

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

...

CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF DOCUMENTS

... vii

TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS

...

x

THE ARCHIVES AND LIBRARIES CONSULTED

...

xi

THE RELEVANT PRINTED COLLECTIONS

... xii

INTRODUCTION 1. The Purpose of this Study 2. Philip III and England 3. The English Catholics 4. The Texts

... xv

vi

... xiv

... xx ... xxiii

DOCUMENTS 1-65 ADDENDA 1-2

... 205

INDEX

215

v


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am indebted to the Director of the Archivo General de Simancas, Senor Amando Represa, for permission to publish in whole or in part the ma!1y. docum.ents f~~m .t~e Secc~6n de Estado that are included in this volume and to the Director of the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid for permission to transcribe the surviving copy of the Constable of Castile's report on England from Manuscritos Varios vol. 6949. Transcripts of Crown-Copyright records in the Public Record Office appear by permission of the Controller of H.M. Stationery Office. The portions of two letters of Philip III to his ambassadors in Rome are transcribed by courtesy of the Director of the Archivo de la Embajada cerca la Santa Sede in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Madrid. I would also like to express my deep gratitude to the Directors of the Penrose Fund of the American Philosophical Society, The John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation and the Folger Shakespeare Library for their generous ¡ suppo~t while gathering the materials which are included in this edition . I will always remain under obligation for the advice and encouragement of Fr. Basil FitzGibbon, S. J. and the late Fr. Leo Hicks, S. J. when first undertaking this project. The patience and courtesy of the general editors of this series, Mr. Allison and Dr. Rogers, are known to all students of recusant history. Mr. Philip Harris has generously provided expert assistance in preparing this manu. script for the press. The mistakes that survive are my own. A.J.L.

Fordham University

vi


CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF DOCUMENTS

No.

ca. July 1603 6 July 1603 1 Aug. 1603 23 Aug. 1603

ca. 20 Sept. 1603 28 Sept. 1603

ca. June 1604 16 Aug. 1604

ca. Oct. 1604 22 Nov. 1604

ca. Dec. 1604 20 April 1605

ca. May 1605 6 Aug. 1605

ca. Dec. 1605 17 Nov. 1605 27 Nov. 1605 12 Jan. 1606 12 Jan. 1606 15 May 1606 14 June 1606 Aug. 1606 27 Oct. 1606 24 Dec. 1606 30 Jan. 1607

An Auiso on the Court of James I, Brussels Juan de Tassis to Philip III, Brussels 2 Anthony Dutton to Joseph Creswell, Addenda Madrid Philip III to Juan de Tassis, Valladolid 3 Anthony Dutton to the Council of State, Madrid Addenda 2 Juan de Tassis to Philip III, Southampton 4 English Jesuits to Philip III 5 The Constable of Castile to Philip III, 6 Dover A Petition from the English Consul at San Lucar 7 The Constable of Castile to Philip III, Bordeaux 8 The Council of State to Philip III 9 Philip III to Pedro de Zuniga, Burgos, Valladolid 10 English Jesuits to Philip III 11 Philip III to Pedro de Zuniga, Burgos 12 The Council of State to Philip III 13 Philip III to the Duke of Escalona, 14 Tordesillas Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, 15 London Philip III to Pedro de Zuniga, Valladolid 16 Philip III to Pedro de Zuniga, Valladolid 17 Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, London 18 Philip III to Pedro de Zuniga, Madrid 19 A Summary of Zuniga's letters 20 Phili p III to Pedro de Zuniga, Ventosillia 21 Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, London 22 Phili p III to Pedro de Zuniga, Madrid 23 vii

Page

10 205 12 207 14 17 20 23 26 44 48 63 69 70 72 74 75 77 78 83 85 86 88 91


15 March 1607 30 April 1607 4 June 1607 11 June 1607 25 Sept. 1607 28 Sept. 1607 20 Jan. 1608 27 Feb. 1608 8 April 1608 21 April 1608 9 July 1608 1608 28 Aug. 1608 23 Feb. 1609 5 March 1609 27 Oct. 1609 5 Nov. 1609 31 Dec. 1609 31 Dec. 1609 22 Feb. 1610 7 July 1610 21 July 1610 3 Aug. 1610 7 Oct. 1610

Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, London Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, London Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, London Juan de Tassis to Pedro de Zuniga, Madrid The Council of State to Philip III, Madrid Philip III to the Marquis of Aytona, Madrid Philip III to Pedro de Zuniga, EI Pardo Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, London Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, London Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, . London Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, Highgate An Oath of Loyalty Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, Highgate The Marquis of Aytona to Philip III, Rome Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, London The Council of State to Philip III Philip III to the Count of Anover, Madrid Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, Highgate Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, Highgate Pedro de Zuniga to Philip III, Highgate Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London Alonso de Valasco to Philip III, London Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London The Count of Castro to Philip III, Rome viii

No.

Page

24

93

25

98

26

101

27

103

28

104

29

105

30

107

31

108

32

113

33

117

34 35

119 122

36

122

37

124

38 39

125 129

40

143

41

147

42

148

43

152

44

154

45

156

46

158

47

159


17 Nov. 1610 31 Dec. 1610

ca. Jan. 1611 17 Feb. 1611 22 March 1611 27 April 1611 23 July 1611 ca. Dec. 1610 16 Oct. 1611 26 Nov. 1611 18 Feb. 1612 18 Feb. 1612 14 April 1612 7 June 1612 18 June 1612 29 June 1612 2 Aug. 1612 2 Aug. 1612

Alonso de Velasco to Philip HI, London Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London A Report on the Death of John Roberts, O.S.B. Philip III to the Count of Castro, Madrid Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London The Council of State to Philip III A Report on the Catholics of England Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, LOndon Alonso de Velasco to Philip III, London The Marquis of Floresdavila to Philip III, London The Marquis of Floresdavila to Philip III, London

ix

No.

Page

48

160

49

162

50

164

51

168

52

170

53 54 55

171 174 176

56

183

57

184

58

186

59

188

60

189

61

191

62

192

63

198

64

200

65

202


LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORTENED TITLES A.G.R. P.E.A. S.E.G. A.H.N. A.R.S.J. A.S.V. B.M. B.Nac. B.Nat. Boderie:

CR.S. Cs.P.

E Foley, Records

H.M.C. n.d. n.fol. PC P.R.O. Win wood: Memorials

Archives Generales du Royaume, Brussels Papiers d'Etats et Audience Secretairerie d'Etat et de Guerre Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu Archivio Segredo di Vaticano British Museum Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris Ambassades de M. Antoine Ie Fevre de la Boderie (5 vols., Paris, 1750) The publications of the Catholic Record Society. Calendars of State Papers Seccion de Estado, Archivo General de Simancas (cited with legajo and Carpeta) H. Foley, S. J., Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, London, 1875-1883. Historical Manuscripts Commission document, or book, undated unnumbered folio Haus Hof und Staatarchiv, Vienna (The archive of the Low Countries) Public Record Office, London Edmund Sawyer, ed. Sir Ralph Win woo d, Memorials of Affairs of State in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James I (3 vols., London 1725) Note:

escudo (also called Ducat and felipe) had a contemporary exchange value of about five shillings in England.

x


THE ARCHIVES AND LIBRARIES The Sources for this Edition I. Archivo General de Simancas: Secci6n de Estado, Legajos 626,840, 841,842,843,990,993, 1743,1859,2227,2513,2571,2584,2585, 2586,2587,2588,2589,2863. II. Public Record Office, London: S.P. 94 vol. 14. III. Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: Manuscritos Varios vol. 6949. IV. Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Madrid: Archivo de La Embajada cerca la Santa Sede, Legajos 54 and 56.

Other Manuscript Collections Consulted

Brussels, Archives Generales du Royaume: Papiers d'Etats et Id'Audience; vols. 439, 1056, 1970/1, 1976/1; vols. 364-365 bis; registres 1036-1047; Secretairerie d'Etat et de Guerre, vols. 124, 125, 300,422,423,488,500,513. London, British Museum: Add. Mss. 30642 to 30644, Copies of Correspondence of Le F evre de la Boderie; Add Mss. 31,111-31,1.1 2, Transcripts of S. R. Gardiner from Simancas; Cotton Mss. Caligula E. vols. 10-11, Original letters on Spanish affairs, Otto E, vol. 9, 17th Century tracts; Titus C, vols. 6-7-, Papers of Henry Howard Earl of Northampton; Vespasian C, vols. 5, 8 to 11, Letters of Charles Cornwallis, 1605-1608; Harleian Mss. 137 and 295, Papers on trade with Spain and the Treaty of 1604; King's Mss. vols. 121 to 128, Correspondence of Comte de Beaumont, vols. 129 to 132, Correspondence of Le Fevre de la Boderie; Sloane Mss. vol. 1851, a Diary of the treaty of 1604; Stowe Mss. vols. 166 to 174, Correspondence of Thomas Edmondes from Brussels, 1605-12. London, Public Record Office: P.R.O. 31/3, Transcripts from Bibliotheque Nationale; P.R.O. 31/12, Transcripts from Simancas; S.P. 78 vols. 56, 60,61: Papers concerning France 1610,1612; S.P. 84 vols. 65, 66, 68, Papers concerning Holland, 1605-11; S.P. 94 vols. 10-17, Papers concerning Spain, 1603-12. London,_Archives of the Archbishop of Westminster: Series A vols. 8-13; Series V, vols. 24-27: Letters of English clergy with Rome, 1578-1636. Madrid, Archivo Hist6rico Nacional: Secci6n de Estado, Libros 716, 722, 730, 737-39, Miscellaneous papers relating to England, 1604-30. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional: Manuscritos Varios, vol. 2347, Papers concerning the reign of Philip III; Manuscritos Goyangos, vol. 18195, 18400, Tracts of the reigns of Philip III and Philip IV. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale: Fonds Francais, vols. 15972, 15984, 15985, 15986, Original letters of French embassy in London, 1603-11, and vol. 17840, 17843, Instructions for embassies; Fonds Cinq Cents de Colbert, vol. 465-66, Copies of diplomatic correspondence 1605-9; Fonds Clairambault, vol. 361, Original letters, 1609; Fonds Dupuy, vol. 74, Papers concerning P. Coton. xi


Rome, Archivio Segreto di Vaticano: Nunziature Diverse, vol. 207, Newsletters from England; Nunziatura di Spagna, vol. 60-60A, 333-335, Correspondence with th~ Spanish Nuncio, 1605-10; Fondo Borghese, Series I vol. 308bis, 594, 928,Correspondence from Spain, 1606-12 and vol. 911, 915,925, Letters to Nuncio in France, 1607-11 and vol. 914, Letters to Flanders, 1610-13; Series II, vol. 33, Instructions to Nuncios, 1605-13. Rome, Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu: Epistolae Receptae P. Generalis, Hispania, vols. 135-140 and Anglia, vol. 30,31, 31bis. San Marino, Cal., Henry E. Huntington Library: Ellesmere Mss.,vols. 7, 18, 24, 25, 42, 44, Papers of Thomas Egerton, Memoranda on Spanish affairs. Valladolid, St. Alban's College: Series II, legajos 2, 3, 5,6, Original correspondence concerning England. Vienna, Haus Hof und Staatarchiv: Series P 'C, bundles 44 to 47, Original letters from England, 1603-12, of the Conseil d'Etat et Audience, and bundles 14 to 20, Correspondence of the Archduke's agent in Paris, 1603-12.

The Relevant Printed Collections While the theme of religion in Anglo-Spanish 17th century sources has not been traced previously there are various printed collections which provide information on the diplomatic activities of both courts and on questions raised in these documents. Debates of the Council of State, particularly with reference to the Low Countries after 1600, can be seen in M. Alcocer's Consultas del Consejo de Estado (Archivo Historico Espanol), vols. 3 and 4. An interesting selection of Pedro de Zuniga's letters concerning the origins of Virginia is found in P. L. Barbour's Jamestown Voyages (Hakluyt Society , Series 2), vols. 136, 137 (Cambridge, 1969). The concluding pages of M. A. S. Hume's Calendar of Letters and Papers relating to English Affairs ... in the archives of Simancas, vol. 4, has some material relevant to Philip Ill's attitude to the succession of King James. The relationship of Philip III and Brussels on a wide range of topics can be traced in the correspondence of Archduke Albert in vols. 42 and 43 of the Colecci6n de Documentos Ineditos. The summaries of documents, with pertinent excerpts from the originals in H. Lonchay, J. Cuvelier and L. Lefevre, Correspondence de la Cour d'Espagne sur les Affaires des Pays Bas au XVIIe Siecle (Brussels, 1923-30) still remain of high value. Maurits van Durme's masterful summary of documents in Le~ Archives Generales de Simancas et l'Histoire de la Belgique (Brussels, 1965) is by far the most important guide, where many items of interest for the study of English policy in the Low Countries can be traced . Since there were no direct exchanges possible between King J ames and the Papacy, nuncios in the Catholic courts were frequently instructed by the Roman curia to handle questions dealing with the English Catholics. Printed material of considerable significance is to be xii


seen, for example, in A. Louant and L. van der Essen, Correspondence d'Ottavio Miro Frangipani 3 vols. in 4, (Brussels and Rome, 1942). Jose Olarra y Garamendia and Maria Luisa de Larramendi, "Indices de la Correspondencia entre la Nunciatura de Espana y la Santa Sede durante el Reinado de Felipe III", Anthologica Annua, vol. 7 (1959), pp. 409-702; vol. 9 (1961), pp. 495-816; vol. 10 (1962), pp. 451-730; vol. 12 (1964), pp. 323-607 offer a careful listing of materials covering 1598-1614. A useful, if small, selection of materials from the Vatican Library is available in A. O. Meyer "Clemens VII und Jakob I von England", Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven (Prussian Historical Institute, Rome), vol. 7 (1904), pp. 268-306. A valuable and well edited series of letters which touch upon English Catholic affairs is available in B. Barbiche, Correspondence du Nonce en France Innocenzo del Bufalo, 1601-04 (Rome, Paris, 1964). A clear resume of certain of the issues is contained in Barbiche's "La Nonciatu.re de France et les Affaires d'Angleterre au debut du XYIIe Siecle", Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes, vol. 125 (1967), pp. 399429. Again it is wise to consult Barbiche's edition of Lettres de Henri IV concernant les Relations du Saint Siege et la France, 1595-1609 (Rome, 1968) for background on English Catholics affairs in French politics. The diplomacy of France towards King James has been well served in published documents although after 1610 there is a gap. The policy of Henry IV during the transition of the dynasties has been carefully described in P. Laffleur de Kermaingant's L 'ambassade de France en Angleterre sous Henri IV, Mission de Christophe de Harlay, Comte de Beaumont, 1602-05 (2 vols. Paris, 1894). A wide selection of the letters of his successor as resident envoy is available in Ambassades de M. Antoine le Fevre de la Boderie (5 vols., Paris, 1750). An important selection of the despatches of the resident English envoy in Spain, Sir Charles Cornwallis, was produced by Edmund Sawyer in Sir Ralph Win wood, Memorials of Affairs of State in the Reigns of Queen Bizabeth and King James I (3 vols., London , 1725). Thomas Birch gave large excerpts from the letters of Sir George Carew from Paris and Sir Thomas Edmondes from Brussels in An Historical View of the Negotiations between the courts of England, France and Brussels, 1592-1617 (London, 1749). More detailed on the situation in the Spanish Low Countries from 1605 to 1614 is a series of letters by William Trumbull and Thomas Edmondes in the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Downshire Mss. vols. 2 to 4, which can be used jointly with letters from Sir William Brown to Sir Robert Sidney, later Lord Lisle, covering the years 1603 to 1611 in H.M. c., De L 'Isle and Dudley Mss, vols. 3 to 5. Inevitably Robert Cecil's papers offer much of interest on Spanish diplomatic affairs, in H.M.C., Salisbury Mss ... at Hatfield House, vols. 14 to 22. Not to be overlooked are the frequent observations of the Spanish embassy by the Venetian envoy in H. Brown, Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts . .. in the Archives ... of Venice, vols. 10 to 12, covering the period of this volume. xiii


INTRODUCTION

1. The Purpose of This Study In a well known petition of 3 December 1621, the House of Commons made clear to King James I their resentment and misgivings over many aspects of Stuart policy. High on their list was "the interposing of foreign princes and their agents in the behalf of popish recusan ts ... " Furthermore, there had been in London an "open resort to the chapels of foreign ambassadors," while abroad English Catholic youths were being educated "in many several seminaries and houses of their religion appropriated to English fugitives".l This well publicized reproach has been cited frequently in the framework of the mounting constitutional crisis of English history, yet the "interposing" of the Spanish monarchy on behalf of Catholics deserves exploration. There has long been need of a review from within the fIles of the Spanish crown's highest consultative body, the Council of State, of their actual deliberations concerning English Catholicism. It has been rightly suspected that valuable information could be made accessible to historians in recusant themes as well as diplomatic issues. I t is hoped that through these original sources some important questions may for the first time be appraised in proper depth. A concern of the ambassadors of the Spanish crown for English Catholics was well known to contemporaries but not their precise activities and motivations. What special information did they have about the recusants? What plans for toleration, or mitigation of the penal laws were in fact formulated? How seriously did the envoys pursue them? What were the aims of Philip III in the Catholic issue? Why, in fact, did the Spanish envoys show such concern for their London chapels? What advice did English Catholics offer to the Spanish court? Did, therefore, the resentment of the House of Conunons against the maleficent design of the Habsburgs have any basis? Because of the varied and abundant materials pertaining to this ' theme a division into two volumes was necessary with the year 1612 as a convenient mid-point. Within this span of years following the accession of James I there is time to analyse the emergent policy of the Spanish crown through the despatches of the Constable of Castile, don Juan de Tassis, don Pedro de Z] u=ga and don Alonso de Velasco. From the viewpoint of English history this period coincides with the paramount role of Sir Robert Cecil in virtually all aspects of domestic and foreign policy. The year 1612 was to see his death, as well as that of Prince Henry, towards whom the Spanish embassy had begun to show a mounting degree of interest. In the second volume the activities of don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna will be explored in terms of the prospects of toleration for English Catholics through the fresh negotiations for a "Spanish Match". The first decade of the reign is, however, a fundamental prelude to the comprehension of these later developments.

xiv


INTRODUCTION 2. Philip III and England When Robert Cecil prepared the Instructions for Sir John Digby early in 1611 prior to his departure for the court at Madrid, he offered two simple but basic precepts which were in fact an obvious reflection of the evolution of the diplomatic policy of Spain itself. By that time Digby was being urged by Cecil to be watchful for the "movinge" of Spain towards other princes, and yet to seek out the opportunities of "mutual amitie" between the two monarchs. 2 It is clear that from the outset of Philip's reign in 1598, despite the then current open hostilities with England, his Council had been hoping for a change, since it viewed English partisanship for the Dutch as neither a pennanent nor an irrevocable commitment. To stimulate the "movinge" of England away from its present policy had been the goal of disappointing peace conferences and even of some of the tactics of the war itself. Once peace was obtained in 1604 tokens of "mutual amitie" in England were brought to the proper attention of the Spanish council so that reciprocal gestures of friendship could be planned. If this guiding pattern was not complex, the growth of Anglo-Spanish friendship had been slow and mled wi th uncertain ties. In the four and half years of Philip Ill's reign prior to the accession of King James, the Spanish council hovered over various opportunities. There was, firstly, the strategy by which the troubles in Ireland might force Elizabeth to divert her forces away from the Dutch. There was, secondly, the expectation that some role could be found for Spain in the expected change of dynasty on the death of Elizabeth. The use of these options was far from successful. In 1599 Spanish assistance to the Irish insurrection was frustrated by bad weather. The peace discussions at Boulogne in the spring of 1600 served largely to prevent Spanish support again for Irish militancy. When the situation there would later offer a chance for collaboration with the force of Tyrone, the Spanish forces under don Juan de Aguila were not co-ordinated to the rest of the rebel campaigns and were to surrender at Kinsale in December 1601. 3 Meanwhile, those who disliked the succession of James Stuart, as a Protestant who would continue the anti-Catholic policies of Queen Elizabeth, had been urging the half sister of the Spanish king, the Infanta Isabella, as an alternative candidate for the English throne. 4 Peitions of English Catholic exiles on her behalf dated back to 1596, but four years later a tentative sounding of the strength of Spanish resolution on this matter in both the spring and autumn of 1600 elicited interest but not an enthusiastic response. From the start there were three cogent reasons which made this candidacy unlikely to succeed: the persistent refusal of the Archduchess Isabella and her husband, the Archduke Albert, even to consider so unsubstantial an offer, the unconcealed aversion of the court of Henry IV to the thought of a traditionally hostile power having influence across the Channel and lastly, the inability of the Spanish council to secure any other xv


INTRODUCTION collaboration to a resolute anti-Stuart alliance. While the Infanta's candidacy was already languishing for "a lack of serious interest by 1601, it was the initiative of Henry IV in the following year which led to a new detente with Philip III to start consultations on supporting a native English candidate, as yet unnamed. This surprising FrancoSpanish collaboration for which the support of Clement VIII could be expected, was still in the first stages of negotiation including the sounding of prospects of local Catholic strength, when the death of Elizabeth I in the spring of 1603 provided James with an unopposed accession to the English throne. 5 A new Stuart regime in England could not but alter the policy of a Council of State which had to like what it could not prevent. When James proclaimed a cease-fire at once, Philip was advised to reciprocate. Direct commerce between the two kingdoms was the natural prelude to diplomatic courtesies. A special envoy was selected, don Juan de Tassis, whose official duty was the traditional presentation of congratulations on the accession of a brother monarch. There was more, of course, to his mission, since the prospects for a permanent peace had to be sounded. Philip's war against the Dutch, now entering the fifth year of his reign, was expensive. The hope of detaching England's support for his "rebels" was livelier than ever before and fresh Spanish campaigns in Ireland were no longer contemplated. However the two years of anti-Stuart diplomacy had left an inevitable residue of disbelief over J ames's grasp of the English crown which would take several months to dispel. There was also the vital issue of religion. What did Philip intend to do on behalf of the Catholics whom his father had promised publicly to protect? The situation did not augur rapid negotiations in London. King James was suspicious of any foreign influences. At his court there was still a "war faction" of importance who deplored the cease-fire as an error since they viewed Spain as a vulnerable power which could be easily toppled by a fresh offensive by the Protestants. For others there was anxiety over the survival of the Dutch cause as well as the repayment of Elizabeth's substantial subsidies which had left the crown in debt with only the surety of fortified places. There were even fears among the merchants who had traditionally traded with the Iberian peninsula that there would not be sufficient attention paid to their grievances over long embargoed shipping and goods and their desires to worship as freely in Spain as in England. 6 Others insisted that recognition of English rights of trade with Spanish colonies had to become part of any final settlement. With issues as complex as these it will cause no surprise that the reports of the first Spanish observers in England forecast that a peace would accomplish very little. From the late summer of 1603 until the official ceremonies of ratification of the following August, discussions were carried on for a treaty which merely reflected the status quo ante bellum. Peace was sincerely desired by both James and Philip and xvi


INTRODUCTION during their lifetimes it was, to their credit, maintained. Other major causes of friction would be subjected to periodic diplomatic scrutiny during the years ahead. The Council of State, however, was advised in 1604 that James was not to be considered a willing partner, for he preferred a guarded neutrality, remained wary over his own security, and was mistrustful of any increase in Spanish power. It was the clear task of Spanish diplomats to alter this, but after the first year's efforts to counter the wary hostility of Robert Cecil, Tassis could only report: "Although he has not done us any service in keeping with the position and office he now holds he must be kept under consideration. He has not done the harm he could and was supposed to do."7 For two years after the treaty the Spanish observed that, while some concessions were offered to the Archduke, still the position of the Dutch was viewed more favorably and that James was expected to be the spokesman of the Protestant cause on the continent, more belligerent about the complaints of English merchants in Spain over taxes and treaty privileges and more abdurate against pleas on behalf of the Catholics. The Spanish diplo,mat, as all other foreign envoys, had somehow to win approval among influential members of the Privy Council. Nicolo Morin, the ambassador for Venice in the first years of the reign, described the atmosphere in London in these terms: "There is no one who sooner or later is not forced to apply to the Council and everyone therefore seeks the protection of some member and that can only be gained in England by presents and gifts. Who receives most, is most esteemed ... "g An advantage for Spain, however, could not be achieved simply through pensions for the powerful. There were at least four considerations to be weighed. The first was that competition among rival embassies in bestowing presents made if difficult for anyone power to be paramount. Spain was not the only monarchy that can be proven to have offered pensions. Noel Caron for the Dutch and Boderie on behalf of France were rightlY, 'suspected of largesse. 9 Envoys of other princes were at various times publicly charged with this practice as well. Secondly, the variations in the membership of court factions, despite the immutable preeminence of Cecil, prevented any small clique of Hispanophiles from having their way. Thirdly, all were well aware of the power of the Puritan in pUlpit and pamphlet to cry alarm readily at any overt service to Spanish interests. Lastly there was the demonstrable vigilance of the House of Commo~ over any step of the crown towards leniency for papists or stronger ties with the Habsburgs. If then the power of the purse should not be exaggerated in a study of various Hispanophile courtiers of King James, the reasons for the more evident Anglo-Spanish amity after 1606 must be sought elsewhere. The most significant reason by far was the growth in friendship between the Dutch leadership and the court of Henry IV, as a result of which the unique influence, of England in Dutch xvii


INTRODUCTION deliberations was to be weakened. lo Furthennore, commercial competition inevitably strained Anglo-Dutch friendship. Ideologically, J ames found unpalatable some schools of Calvinist thought which were freely circulating in Holland. Thus a sense of unease over the skilful manoeuvering of Henry IV in both the Low Countries and the Empire made a detente with Philip III an intelligible English precaution. The situation in Ireland, where Tyrone's cause might well excite sympathy from Catholic Spain, was an obvious stimulant to seek assurances of Philip's neutrality there. Lastly, the possibility of a marriage alliance with Savoy, a princely house already related to Philip III, would not be unwelcome to the aspirations of King James. In sum, the changing diplomatic climate on the continent brought the court of James I to rethink its previous coolness towards Spain. l 1 How this would be demonstrated in action will appear in several of the documents reproduced below, but it is proper to contrast the unenthusiastic performance of Robert Cecil in his encounters with the first Spanish envoys in 1604 with his easy, almost partisan cordiality with Pedro de Zuniga in the year 1608. During that later period he showed the current dispatches of Cornwallis, the English envoy in Spain to Zuniga's secretary.l2 Either personally, or through the Countess of Suffolk, there were continuing signs of favour towards the English secretary of Zuruga, such as an opportunity to read through the correspondence from both Paris and the Hague in September of that year. l3 Cecil was confident enough in the logic of his policy that, although he was denounced for a lack of Protestant zeal by Archbishop Bancroft in the Privy Council in November, he calmly showed the dispatches from Holland to the secretary of Zuniga in December.l4 If the cease-fire of 1607 between the forces of the Dutch and the Spanish Habsburgs followed by the 12 Year Truce of 1609 had been the catalyst for previous Anglo-Spanish discords, the newer relationship still left much to be desired. The thaw after 1606 remained based fundamentally on a mutual preference for peace and common suspicions of France. 1 5 On an issue to which Philip had always given the highest priority - the better treatment of English Catholics - very little immediate improvement was achieved at the English court. There could be reasonable speculation, however, whether a turn for the worse had been avoided. The role of the Spanish crown in contributing to the survival of Catholicism in Britain has usually been described in tenns of the encouragement it gave after 1589 to the foundation of colleges where Englishmen, Scotsmen and Irishmen could attend the theological faculties at universities in Spain and the Low Countries. Vital subsidies to assist many of these colleges came secretly from royal revenues and privately from wealthy Spanish patrons. Equally famous were the printing presses producing numerous books of controversy and devotion to be sent from the Low Countries across the channel for xviii


INTRODUCTION distribution. Without the colleges and the presses of Habsburg territories the survival of English Catholicism would have been far less certain. 16 Yet for the reign of King James there was more to the Habsburg policy. This volume will trace both the place of the Catholic problem in Spanish diplomacy and the wide variety of expedients adopted by Philip's court and his envoys to produce a change in the lot of the recusants. Within these documents there is indicated nearly every form of peaceful intervention at hand to the early 17th century diplomat. The success of many of these measures was limited, but that they were tried at all explains the tone of the remonstrance made by the House of Commons in 1621. Diplomacy was a change from the narrow options available to Philip III in the final phase of the Elizabethan war. Aside from the English emigre apologists whose writings could be expected furtively to reach the few, there were only the wider general appeals to a Catholic populace which were printed, but in fact never used, for the abortive Armada of 1599. 1 7 There was also the agitation on behalf of a Catholic candidate to counter the King of Scots as successor to Elizabeth. Leniency towards Catholics was, in fact, secretly hinted by King James in an effort to dispel the Spanish opposition. 18 However he remained anxious to have the war prolonged during the queen's lifetime lest the wider opportunities of peace provide Spain, or France, with a new chance to influence the future of England without Scotland being consulted. That nothing in fact came from his fears does not deny James's awareness of the Catholic issue for two years prior to his accession. 1 9 Although the nrst Spanish embassy to England by Juan de Tassis was nominally only to felicitate King James on his accession, the instructions given to him before his departure made very clear that religion was important. Among other points the following are a valid selection: "The King of England should see how important it is for his continuance to be in league with me. To this end you should rally the Catholics of England and Ireland, but do it so that you are , at the same time, assuring the well being of the said Catholics ... " "Y ou are to make it plain that religion will open the way for alliances and marriages as it is upon this foundation that they can be concluded and in no other fashion are they possible ... " "At the same time, through whatever means you find convenient, you should discreetly see that the Catholics of England and their Archpriest are made aware of the orders you carry to secure their well being and their security in both the spiritual and the temporal, and they should know that in the present situation the course that is now being followed is the best for them, since violent activities will perchance produce their ruin ... "20 xix


INTRODUCTION It was with reason that the Constable of Castile began his final report on the treaty negotiations of 1604: "Among all the issues which have been considered in this negotiation of peace that of religion in England has been the one which your Majesty has most desired to improve ... "21 What, then, would Spanish diplomacy try to achieve? After the cease-fire was proclaimed in 1603 between England and Spain the first efforts of Spanish diplomats focused on an article on toleration in the peace treaty. When that proved to be unattainable, their secret discussions fastened on the novel expedient of a prepayment by Spain of a certain amount of recusancy fmes which would leave the Catholics without fear of sanction. 2 2 When insufficient guarantees were offered for this unusual suggestion, a bargain was attempted, again in terms of a secret payment of money, by which there would be a very restricted enforcement of four important penal provisions. This, too, foundered over the absence of a convincing commitment, but such previous secret discussions help to explain the Spanish willingness to encourage a Catholic marriage for the house of Stuart at first in Savoy, then later in Tuscany and even in Madrid. In each instance Philip's envoys were at pains to warn the Privy Councillors that the depressed condition of Catholics was an obstacle to the continuance of serious negotiations.

3. The English Catholics In the collection of documents of this volume these facets of Spanish policy are illustrated in various ways. The special place of Catholicism in Philip's diplomacy, particularly in the first years of James's reign, is clarified in Documents 6, 8, 10, 54. The personal reactions of members of the embassy to the calibre of the English Catholics are described to the Spanish Council in various places, but especially in Documents 8, 48, 52 and 55. The early evidence of Spanish mistrust for any English Catholic military strength is evident in Documents 3,4,8 and 11. The embassy showed a special interest in the trials of priests in London. Fresh accounts are available of either the trials, or executions, of some celebrated persons such as, Henry Garnet in Document 18, of Robert Drury and William Davis in Document 34, John Roberts in Document 50, and William Scot and Richard Newport in Document 62. Each ambassador eventually drew a distinction between the activities of Parliament against recusants and the personal policy of King James, even if,. in fact, the Crown and Commons did share the same dislike of Rome in several respects. The urgent pleas of Parliament as reported in Documents 9, 17, 25 and 43 offer a contrast with the attitude of the King in Documents 13, 18,24,59 and 62. Parliament appears adamant, James a victim of velleity. Furthermore, the fresh evidence about the xx


INTRODUCTION religious outlook of Queen Anne, the Catholic consort of the King, in Documents 8, 15, 38 and 65 does not imply that she was believed to have a strong role at the court. After the Gunpowder Plot and the new penal legislation of the spring of 1606 the embassy was told by its confidants at the court of King James that a serious negotiation over a Stuart marriage with a Catholic princely house on the continent was a "key" to any mitigation of the persecution. In these manuscripts Savoy, Tuscany, France and Spain come under scrutiny at different times as possible partners for the royal children. This difficult problem is raised in different ways in Documents 30, 31,4.3,48,49, 51,63,64 and 65. This Catholic match was inevitably linked to a less familiar facet of Spanish diplomacy towards England in which Pope Paul V was urged by Philip's envoys in Rome to assist. In Documents 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 37 and 38 are revealed the papal attitudes to the Stuart regime and particularly to the problems which the Oath of Allegiance created. In London the restricted environment of 17th century diplomacy left these ambassadors far more familiar with "court" rather than with "country". There are many allusions to prominent courtiers such as Robert Cecil, the Howard family, Wotton, Lewkenor, Winwood, Lake and others which will be a useful supplement to what is already known about them. Documents 1, 18, 20, 31, 32, 3.6, 45, 46, 60, 61 and 65 provide this unfamiliar perspective. In this decade there was a well known rivalry at every major European court among the embassies for precedence. New information about the determination of the Spanish embassy to have leadership in preference to the French is found in Documents 9, 24, 29, 56 and 58. No series of documents illustrating Spanish policy towards the Jacobean Catholics would be complete without a selection of papers concerning the exiles. Their overseas colleges are discussed in Documents 5 and 11, and a final review of all the special pensioners and the decision of the Spanish Council about their future is available in Documents 39 and 40. The complaints of merchants in both Spain and England will be seen here to have occasioned considerable distress and tensions at both courts. The selection of an English consul in Andalucia in Document 7 explains to what extent religion had entered the market place as well. From this new collection there are certain trends that may be adumbrated here. First, any doubts about the presence of an active concern of King Philip and his Council about the condition of Catholics can not have much basis. Even if practical gestures were frustrated and ineffectual, the involvement of Spain in discussions over the treatment of the Catholics proved far more continuous than even a hostile Puritan might have reason to suspect. This was basic to its leadership of English Catholics and one of the reasons for the greater sensitivity of the Jacobean court over the Spanish contribution to English Catholic xxi


INTRODUCTION morale than that of any other Catholic monarchy. Secondly, through a persistent policy of interventions on behalf of individual Catholic prisoners pressure on the issue of mitigation of the penal laws was sustained. Thirdly, the regular secret protests against Parliamentary enactments certainly contributed to a frustration of the higher expectations of the Puritans. Fourthly, in establishing the Spanish embassy chapel as an accessible place of worship for English Catholics and withstanding the Privy Council's desire for its closure to all but foreigners, the Spanish envoys secured a clear, if minor, victory by which other Catholic ambassadors inevitably profited. Fifthly, despite the failure of secret schemes for payment of recusancy fines and even a plan for marriages with Catholic princes on the continent there was frequently a mitigation in the degree of prosecutions under the court's . direction. Sixthly, the support for Spanish policy among some highly placed courtiers did not come merely as a result of pensions; it was from the need of alternatives to the requirements of other alliances. In private some courtiers, such as Robert Cecil, admitted that they desired friendship not on the basis of religion but from the conditions of the diplomatic scene at that time. Seventhly, while many historians have viewed these early decades as a time of independent initiative on the part of Spanish envoys in England and elsewhere the evidence here presented shows a high degree of control of policy on the part of the Spanish council and a vigilant supervision of its implementation. Eight4ly, if a Jacobean Puritan was inclined to imagine a papist to be a "fIfth columnist" on behalf of a Catholic power, the Spanish crown in fact viewed the recusants in a different perspective. It could not discern either military or political strength among them of any signifIcant degree and accordingly dismissed this concept from its policy, even if some exiles continued to hope otherwise. Apparently there was a congeries of motives which inspired the vigorous concern of the embassy for the Catholic minority. Aside from a not unexpected solidarity with their co-religionists there was at times ¡a clear admiration for the fortitude and character of those' who were known to be suffering for the faith. There was also a pride in the previous promises of Philip II which the Council of his son was determined to honour. The persistent promptings of the papacy served also to keep alive the willingness of the Spanish crown to support the Catholics, although there were clear differences between Rome and Madrid on the means to gain mitigation of the penal laws. In any case, the Spanish court viewed the loss of the loyalty of the English Catholics as a danger which must be avoided at any price. Lastly, it is diffIcult to appraise fully the reaction of the¡ English court to this known Catholic partisanship of the Spanish embassy. The English Privy Council did not encourage recruiting for the Archduke's armies, but it did not prohibit it either. It resented the publicity given in Spain to the enactment of the penal laws xxii


INTRODUCTION but did not pursue the problem energetically~ In London the one source of official protests for the embassy was the "open" chapel; however the stubborn refusal of each envoy to change his policy did not in the long run provoke any serious reprisal. Apparently the court of King James learned to live with the pro-Catholic activities of the Spanish and these activities were not a major strain on the rapport between the two monarchs. 4. The Texts With but a few exceptions the documents printed here belong to the Secretaria de Estado preserved at the Archivo General de Simancas near Valladolid. This castle, the original depository designated by the first members of the Habsburg family, has retained, aside from the brief interruption of the Napoleonic war, uninterrupted possession of its present collections since their deposit there during the 16th and 18th centuries. The Secretaria de Estado is one of twenty one classifications of documents at Simancas, and its slightly more than 8300 bundles remain of unique importance for the study of the Spanish Habsburgs and of the diplomacy of early modern Europe. 23 During the regime of Philip III the Secretaria was presided over by two secretaries to the Council of State, who handled correspondence "de Espana y Norte" or "de [talia". During the period of this volume, Andres de Prada and Antonio de Arostegui handled the despatches "from the north", which included this London embassy. 2 4 An under secretary "de despacho" expedited the final decisions of the Council to every part of the Spanish monarchy. The Council of State had been created by Charles V, as an autonomous body independent of the older royal council of Castile, to advise upon the interrelated problems confronting the Habsburg hegemony within Germany, Spain and France. It retained its direct link to the sovereign and its preeminence as the leading advisory committee of the Habsburgs even when Philip II created other councils to manage narrower and more specific areas. The Council of State's authority if ample, was also vague, in that its papers are found to concern war, peace, diplomacy as well as major issues in trade, reviews of varied problems in crown finance, and individual petitions. It recommended appointments for all embassies and followed an envoy's activities regularly within the summaries of his correspondence which were the basis for new instructions. Its membership was consistently aristocratic but previous service outside of Spain was very frequent. During the decade covered by this study its prestige was high, but, later under Philip IV, Olivares would frequently bypass its authority by appointing small juntas of his friends to manage affairs according to his own xxiii


INTRODUCTION purposes. It will not cause surprise that the Council contained former ambassadors within its membership. In fact two 'envoys to the court of 1<.ing James participated in its functions. The Constable of Castile hid already been a member for three years before he came to London, and later Pedro de Zuniga Was to be a member under Philip IV.2s Some specific examples of the Secretariate's procedures in the documents below can be indicated here. After the selection of an ambassadur various lengthy instructions would be prepared for him before his departure and kept on fIle (no. 10). Special directives would of course be sent later to an ambassador at any time (no. 3). Sometimes these orders would be in response to letters from an envoy (no. 17) or come from the Council's own initiative 26 (no. 23). Practically all of the letters sent by the embassy in London were in cipher which the Secretariate first had to decode (no. 4), but an original holograph letter would still find its way into the courrier's pouch as well (no. 65). Summaries of the despatches were regularly prepared for the Council (no. 20) which would then select major items for its own comment. If a letter was of high interest to the secretary this summary could be so lengthy as to be virtually the original (no. 25). This process of decoding was evidently time consuming, for scattered in the various legajos the reader can discover at times the original cipher despatch, then a rough draft by a secretary and finally a clean copy of the final version. There will also be a draft version of a report (no. 9) and a full final text (no. 39) for the Council. There will also appear draft notes upon the paraceres - opinions - of the councilors, as well as a final text of a consulta, or advisory opinion, in a clear hand, which the councillors initialled individually before it was passed to Philip III, who either in person, or through his valido, would inscribe a specific directive in response (no. 54). The Secretariate would accordingly draft a letter to the ambassador (no. 40), a copy of which would also be fIled , as a minuta de despacho. Even when one ambassador corresponded directly with another elsewhere, e.g. the Spanish envoy in London with the papal court (no. 37), the council would be informed and at times receive a copy. Many of the documents bear unmistakable traces of this coding process. They have a telegraphic style, little or no punctuation, abbreviations based on a secretary's personal style, paragraphs without a complete coherence, sentences of irregular length and hurried omissions of words. For the transcriptions of the Spanish texts spelling and punctuatiOll are left as in the original, but abbreviations are expanded. Paragraph lengths have been kept the same, but this has not been done in the translation. To assist identification of the original text a number in parentheses is given for each page of the original even though not written by the Secretariate. Where necessary, essential words needed to complete the sense have been added within square brackets. A xxiv


INTRODUCTION traditional formula at the conclusion of letters to a Spanish monarch is frequently abbreviated in the secretary's decipher. "Guarde Dios, etc. " meant "Guarde Dios Vuestra Catholica Magestad como fa Christianidad ha menester... " or "May God protect your Catholic Majesty as Chistianity has need ... " Secretarial practice required at this time that, after a personage was first mentioned, he be continuously styled "sobredicho", or "dicho". This is translated in all instances as "aforesaid" . All documents are dated as in the original which, both for the London embassy and the court of Philip III, is invariably new style. No secretarial endorsements are given with the texts of the documents; when they are of significance they are given in each pre-note. In all annotations original foreign sources are cited only in translation. Notes to the Introduction John Rushworth: Historical Collections of Private Passages of State, Weighty Matters of Law, Remarkable Proceedings in Five Parliaments (London, 1721), vol. 1, pp. 404l. 2 P.R.O. S.P. 94/18/50. Instructions of 4 April 1611. 3 A convenient account is available in J .B. Black, The Reign of Elizabeth, 1558-1603, (Oxford, 1959), pp. 483-92; J. Silke, Kinsale (Liverpool and New York, 1970) has valuable information on the Spanish court's relations to the Irish leaders. 4 H. Stafford: James VI of Scotland and the Throne of England (New York, 1940), pp. 225 ff and 242 ff. 5 A. Loomie, 'Philip III and the Stuart Succession in England', Revue Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire, vol. 43 (1965), pp. 492-98. 6 The effect of the treaty on the post war status of English merchants in Spain is explored in A. Loomie, 'Religion and Elizabethan Commerce with Spain', Catholic Historical Review, vol. 50 (1964), pp. 27-51. 7 E 841/118. Tassis to the Constable of Castile, 28 June 1604. 8 e.s.P. Venetian, 1603-7, p. 514. 9 A. Loornie, 'Sir Robert Cecil and the Spanish Embassy', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, vol. 42 (1969), pp. 54-57. 10 H.M.e. De L1sle and Dudley Mss., vol. 3, pp. 361-1; Win wood, Memorials, vol. 2, pp. 210, 314; M. Lee, James I and Henri IV (Urbana, 1970) explores in depth the reasons for this situation. 11 G. Edmundson, Anglo-Dutch Rivalry during the First Half of the 17th Century (Oxford, 1906), pp. 16-18; Loomie, art. cit., Bull. Inst. Hist. Res. , pp. 42-47. 12 E 2586/87. Zuniga to Philip, 29 January 1608. Cornwallis had a previous ex perience of this, which led to an unhappy encounter with Andres de Prada, Winwood, Memorials, vol. 2, p. 259. 13 E 2586/149. Zuniga to Philip, 24 September 1608. 14 E 2586/159,172. Zuniga to Philip, 19 November and 25 December 1608.

xxv


INTRODUCTION Loomie, art. cit., Bull. Inst. Hist. Res., pp. 52-54. Loomie, The Spanish Elizabethans (New York, 1963, London, 1964), pp. 182-218. 17 H. Thomas, Anti-English Propaganda in the Time of Queen Elizabeth (Oxford University Press for the Hispanic Society of America, 1946), pp. 15-18. 18 Loomie,art. cit., Rev. Bel. Phil. Hist., pp. 512-13. 19 James VI had written in 1602: 'A liberum commercium betwixt these nations would so soundly conciliate and extinguish all former rancours as it would no more be thought odieuse for any Englishman to dispute upon a Spanishe title .. .' J. Bruce, Correspondence of King James VI of Scotland, (London, 1961), p.-3l. 20 B. Nac. Manuscritos Varios, vol. 2347, ff. 70-77, copy, Instructions of 29 April 1603. 21 See Document 8 below. 15

16

22 See A. Lo ornie , Toleration and Diplomacy: The Religious Issue in Anglo-Spanish Relations, 1603-5 (Transactions, American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1963), vo. 53, part 6. ;23 J. Paz and R. Magdaleno, Secretaria de Estado, Documentos Relativos a Inglaterra, 1265-1834 (Archivo de Simancas, Cacilogo XVII, Madrid, 1947) provides a summary of the principal subjects of each legajo, which the earlier archivists judged to pertain to England. However, bundles which deal with the Low Countries, Italy and France do in fact have documents of considerable interest to English affairs. 24 Francis Cottington recorded a useful impression of the two secretaries: "Arostegui ys reputed to be a very honest gentleman and my late lord [Cornwallis] ever noted in him an extraordinary respect and affection not only to himself and our whole nation but unto the service of his majestie [James] in all occasions...Prada - besides that he is a single man - ys of an extraordinary quicke apprehension, long practiced in our busyness and incredabelly laborious. Arostegui ys maryed, of a safe - or rather -d ull- constitution... " P.R.O., S.P. 94/17/43. Cottington to Cecil, 18 February 1609/10. 25 A convenient survey of the Council's activities is found in A. de la Plaza, Guia del Investigador: Archivo de Simancas (Madrid, 1962), pp. 12-36. The more recent study of J. A. Escudero, Los Secretarios de Estado y del Despacho, 1474-1724 (Madrid, 1969), vol. 1, has much information on the Secretariate and the conciliar system of the Spanish Habsburgs. 26 The memoranda of the Council's meetings were also labeled "de officio", if from the Secretariate (no. 20 below) or "de parte" if from the initiative of the individual (no. 7 below).

xxvi


1. AN AUISO ON THE COURT OF JAMES I

ca. July 1603.

Original text, decipher, 7 pages, E 840/118. This report, according to a letter of don Juan de Tassis of 4 July 1603 (E 840/108), was prepared largely by Robert Spiller who came to Brussels late in June "sent by the Catholics and the Theatines [Le. Jesuits] of England to the Lord Archduke and the Jesuits here". He had learned also that Spiller had been a "correspondent" of Federico Spinola and that the Archduke judged him to be fully reliable. The Jesuits of Brussels, Sir William Stanley and Hugh Owen, whom Tassis considered to be trustworthy, had also vouched for Spiller. As early as 1594 this confidant had been described by Fr. Henry Walpole as a correspondent of Richard Verstegan and he had also come to the unfavourable notice of Topcliffe (e.R.S. vol. 5, pp. 262, 250). Apparently Robert Spiller was a brother of Sir Henry Spiller, attorney for the Court of the Exchequer, and was reported to be a"domestic" of Henry Garnet in London with a house "a little below St. Pauls going towards Temple Bar" (H.M.e. Salisbury Mss vol. 17, p. 611). Later Sir Thomas Edmondes heard that he had been a companion of Guy Fawkes "under the name of Bellamy" (Ibid. vol. 18, p. 10), however this is unlikely since Spiller wrote to the Comte de Beaumont, the French envoy in London, from Paris in March 1605, explaining that he had been unwell and that he intended to rest in the French countryside before returning to England (B. Nat. Fonds Francais, 15977, f. 376). After the Gunpowder Plot a search for Robert Spiller proved unavailing as his brother, Sir Henry, reported to a friend in February 1606, that he was "out of their fingers" (e.S.P. Dom. 1603-11, p. 294). A memoir composed by the Jesuit chaplain of the Dowager Countess of Arundel and Surrey, shortly after her death in April 1630, offered a valuable record of the subsequent activities of Robert Spiller. His wife had been, and remained, the friend and companion of the Countess for forty years, during which time her charitable interests earned her the title of "Mother of Mercy". Spiller, as Steward of the properties of the Countess, was known for "his prudent and- careful management of her estate" which enabled her to get rid of her debts, maintain a large household and give many benefactions to the needy. Spiller, therefore, was closely associated for decades with Lady Anne Dacres, one of the most distinguished of the Jacobean Catholics. Since Thomas howard, Earl of Arundel, her son, had a long struggle to free his properties from the control of his uncles, Northampton and Suffolk, and later complained of his heavy debts it is very probable that the estates were separated. Spiller was also known for his generosity to the needy and to the Jesuits in exile "leaving a good part of his wealth for the encrease and advancement of the means of that house which was erected by the Countess at


2

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

Gant". (H. G. Fitzalan-Howard, Duke of Norfolk, ed. The Lives of Philip Howard, Earl of Arundel and of Anne Dacres, his Wife, London, 1857, pp. 240-42, 292-3; M. Hervey, Life and Correspondence and Collections of Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel, Cambridge, 1921, pp. 23, 25, 258; L. Stone, Crisis of the Aristocracy, Oxford, 1965, p. 413). Robert Spiller was still publicly identified as a recusant in 1626 (1. Rushworth, Historical Collections, vol. 1, p. 396).

(p.1) Lista de los Consejeros de Estado del Rey de Inglaterra y otros personajes de aquel Reyno calidades y condiciones de cada uno y de los medios que pueden auer para ganar algunos dell os, hecho por un confidente. (p.2) El Ar<;obispo de Canterbury, es herege y se entremete poco en las cosas de¡ estado.

+ Thomas Egerton, canciller de Inglaterra, es hombre amuicioso irreligioso estimado temporalmente, bien entendido mas en cosas de consulta inclinase siempre a 10 que inclina el Rey los medios para con el son el yerno de su muger el Varop de Sandeos que es catolico, y por aqui y dinero so 10 puede entrar. + El Varon de Buchurst, tesorero de Inglaterra, siempre se inclina a la paz como Catholico con condicion que se die sse libertad de conciencia a los Catholicos y no de otra manera, es hombre medioso y auaricioso, y para con el es buen medio donatiuos y sus hijos y 2 particularmente el Thomas que es Catholico. El Conde de Notingham, Alrnirante de Inglaterra no es estimado por hombre muy profundo, ha sido siempre contrario a la paz por respecto de 10 mucho que gana en las presas que toman en las [guerras 3 j quales tiene grandes derechos en virtud de su oficio, es erege y dudase del por el beneficio que se Ie sigue de la guerra maritima. El Conde de Shrewsbury, no es persona de grande (p.3) entendimiento en materia de estado, y siempre sigue la opinion del Secretario Cecil, es irreligioso. 4

+ El Conde de Borcestre, cauallerizo mayor del Rey ha sido Catholico, y es estimado ser 10 en su corazon, siempre ha inclinado a la Paz, mas es temeroso naturalmente y dessea conseruar su grandeza, con este su secretario que se llama Esterel, y sospechase que Ie inclinaran donatiuos. 5 + Juan Forestecu siempre ha deseado la paz con condicion que se concediese toleracion a los Catholicos en su cora<;on ya [es Jmuy viejo


JULY 1603

3

y declina mucho, su hijo y nuera son Catholicos y se pueden a el y a ellos ganar. 6 Guillermo Knols, Thesorero de la casa es grande herege y enemigo de la paz y no se puede esperar del nungun bien y dizen Ie ha dado el Rey titulo de Varon. Juan Estanp, vice cameraro es grande herege y enemigo de la paz.

+ Eduardo Uuoton, contralor de la casa es bien entendido , aficionado a la religion Catholica desea la paz con la condicion sobre dicha de la libertad de consciencia, el Rey Ie ha dado titulo de Varon, podra buscar algun medio para con el. 7 Juan Popham, Justicia mayor de Inglaterra es herege peruerso y perseguidor de los Catholicos en estremo, enemigo de la paz de quien no se (p.4) puede esperar ningun genero de bien.

+ Roberto Cecil, Secretario principal, es la persona que todo 10 gouiernaua en tiempo de la Reyna y tiene al presente mas entrada con el Rey en cosas de gouierno que ningun Ingles, es enemigo de la paz, y del todo por . los Olandeses, los quales Ie han cohechado, el Rey Ie had dado tambien titulo de Varon, con este razones y dineros muchos porque es muy rico. Juan Herbert secretario, es herege y uno de los comissarios que vinieron a Bolona para tratar de la paz, sigue del todo el parescer del secre1ario Cecil, con este en todo como con el de arriba. Todos estos de arriba son Ingleses y eran del consejo de Estado de la Reyna y el Rey los ha con tinuado en 10 mismo, y los siguien tes son consejeros nueuos hechos por el Rey tam bien Ingleses.

+ El Conde de Nortunberland, es uno de los mayores senores de Inglaterra y se ha mostrado inclinado a la paz con condicion que se die sse libertad de conciencia a los Catholicos y no de otra manera el medio para con este es su hermano Carlos Persi que es de la Camara y Catholico puede se Ie regalar. 8 + El Conde de Cumberland, es grande hombre de mar, ha hecho diuersas viages a las Indias, todavia se ha mostrado inc1inado a la paz con la condicion arriba dec1arada de libertad de conciencia, y se cree ser Catholico y un hermano (p.S) suyo que 10 es ha hecho mucho bien a espanoles, y dizen para con el sirue traer a un hombre que se llama Roberto Talero con quien tratar para ganalle. 9 El Varon Thomas Horuard, camerero mayor del Rey, es hombre de mar, ha hecho diuersos viages a la costa de Espana y Terceras por su prouecho particular, y la esperanza que tiene de ser Almirante es enemigo de la Paz, y en todo sigue las opiniones del Secretario Cecil si el Rey inc1inare a bien abra medios de ganalle y sino no, tiene un hermano Catholico que en tal caso podra ser el medianero. 1 0


4

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

+ El Varon Henrico Howard, ha sido estimado muy Catholico mas por ambicion se muestra agora al contrario, es de ceruelo inconstante y no tan cuerdo como paresce en sus discursos sigue en todo las opiniones del Secretario Cecil y tiene grande entrada con este Rey,11 si el Rey se inc1ina hara 10 mismo que el de arriua. El Varon BurIaygh, es hombre (sic) mayor del secretario Cecil grande herege para poco y enemigo de la Paz.

+ E1 Varon de Montjoy, Virrey de Irlanda, en 10 de la religion es bien inclinado a la fee Catholica, es soldado y ha ganado mucha reputacion en Irlanda por auer alianado aquella guerra deste me dizen se me aduertira alia. 12 El Varon Zouch, es grande herege y enemigo de la Paz. Todos los sobredichos son consejeros Ingleses que el Rey (p.6) ha hecho despues de su venida, y tambien ha hecho del consejo de Estado los escoses siguientes. El Duque de Lenox, es pariente cercano del Rey, hombre inconstante y estimado de poco, el Rey Ie ha hecho presidente del consejo de estado que es cargo que ninguno ha tenido en tiempo de la Reyna difunta, de que se ha sentido toda Inglaterra, no se reputa cristiano, mas que puede con el el dinero. El Conde de Mar es grande herege, enernigo de los Catholicos y de la Paz, es ayo del Principe, hijo deste Rey, juzgase del como del de arriua en quanta al dinero. Jorge Hume, es el mayor priuado que el Rey tiene y que mas puede con el, amigo de dinero, al principio se inc1inaua a la paz, mas ha mudado de parescer despues de la venida de los embaxadores de Olanda, juzgase ser por dadiuas y se cree que se inclinara a las mayores. Jacome (sic) Elfmston, herege era secretario del Rey en Escocia, y queda con el mismo titulo al presente, es como se dize grande herege y enemigo de la paz, dizen que podra con el dinero. Rouerto Brusi, Senor de Quinlos, grande herege y enernigo de la paz, dizen del 10 que del de arriba. Todos los sobredichos arriba nombrados son del consejo de estado, y los que se siguen no 10 son. Thomas Hesquins, escoces, Capitan de la guardia, y es primer gentilhombre de la camara del (p.7) Rey con quien puede mucho, por ser grande priuado suyo enemigo de la paz mas no de dinero, es grande herege. El Conde de Southampton Ingles, el Rey ha mostrado y muestra en diuersas occasiones de fauorescerle mucho, no es del consejo mas


JULY 1603

5

es soldado y grande enemigo de la paz, solia ser bien aficionado a la fee Catholica, mas agora haze profession publica de ser erege, su madre es Catholica, y el medio por donde se abria de procurar caminar con el. 1 3 Despues de la venida del Rey ha auido diuersas consultas sobre la paz entre estos consejos [sic J y assi Ingleses como escoceses quieren guerra excepto los arriua notados con la cruz que dessean la paz con las condiciones declaradas. El modo de ganar algunos de los consejeros se declarara a boca mas en particular en Inglaterra por que aun ay mas medios para ella podra ser que despues de llegado el em baxador de espana en Inglaterra diuersas personas pretenderan inxerirse en su gracia con pretension de ser catholicos 0 otra achaque y para que no se halle enganado por alguno paresce que seria conueniente antes de fiarse del tomar primero su nombre y saber de donde es y dar parte dello a este confidente 14 par cuyo medio tendra noticia de un tiempo a otro de 10 que passa. [Translation: ]

A List of the Councillors of State of the King of England and other notables of that kingdom, the character and habits of each and the means at hand to win some of them, as prepared by an informant. The Archbishop of Canterbury. A heretic who mingles very slightly in affairs of State. + Thomas Egerton, Chancellor of England. He is a person of ambition but without religion, respected at the moment, and of high intelligence. However in matters for advice he always leans toward the direction of the king's preference. For him use the son-in-law of his wife, Lord Chandos, who is a Catholic. By this path and money an entry could be made. 1 + Lord Buckhurst, Treasurer of England. He is always favoring a peace as a Catholic might, with the condition that freedom of conscience be given to Cfltholics 'and in no other way. He is a man of means and grasping. For him a good way is to rely on presents and his sons, particularly Thomas, who is a Catholic. 2

The Earl of Nottingham, Lord Admiral of England. He is not considered to be a very dÂŁ;ep man; he has always opposed a peace since he acquires so much in the prizes taken during wartime for rvhich he has claims in virtue of his office. 3 He is a heretic and one hesitates over him because of the profit he reaps from the war at sea. The Earl of Shrewsbury. He is not a person with a wide grasp of


6

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

affairs of state, but always follows the opinion of Secretary Cecil. He is no t religious. 4 + The Earl of Worcester. He is the King's Master of the Horse and has been a Catholic and is believed to remain one within his heart. He has always favored a peace but is timid by character and anxious to pro tec t his prestige. With him [try] his secretary, S terill, and it is suspected that gifts will gain his favour. 5 + John Fortescue. In his heart he has always sought a peace with the condition of a concession of toleration to Catholics. He is quite old and is weakening considerably. His son and daughter-in-law are Catholics and both he and they can be won. 6

William Knollys, Treasurer of the Household. He is a great heretic and hostile to the peace. There is no good to be expected from him, and it is rumored that the king has granted him a peerage. John Stanhope, the Vice-Chamberlain. He is a great heretic who is hostile to a peace. + Edward Wotton, Controller of the Household. He is a very able man with a favorable view towards the Catholic religion, who is seeking a peace under the aforesaid condition of freedom of conscience. The king has granted him a peerage. Some way to deal with him can be found. 7

John Popham, the Chief Justice of England. He is a depraved heretic who persecutes Catholics extensively. As an enemy of the peace no sort of good is to be expected of him. + Robert Cecil, the Principal Secretary. He is the personage who directed everything in the Queen's lifetime. A t present he has greater access to the king in matters of government than any Englishman. He is hostile to a peace and wholly for the Dutch who have bribed him. The king has already given him a peerage. With him use arguments and considerable money, for he is very rich.

John Herbert, a secretary. He is a heretic and was one of the commissioners who came to Boulogne to negotiate a peace. He follows closely the opinion of Secretary Cecil. With him act precisely as with the one above. All of these above are Englishmen who were in the Queen's Council and the king has continued with them as before. The following Councillors newly appointed by the king are also English. + The Earl of Northumberland. He is one of the great peers of England, he has indicated his favour towards a peace with the condition that freedom of conscience be allowed and in no other way. With him use his brother Charles Percy, a Catholic, who is of the Chamber, and can be given a present. 8


JULY 1603

7

+ The Earl of Cumberland. He is a great seaman who has made various voyages to the Indies. Nevertheless he has shown himself favourable to a peace with the above mentioned condition of freedom of conscience. He is thought to be a Catholic, as well as his brother who has done much good for the Spanish. In dealing with him they say it helps to rely on a person named Robert Taylor with whom one can plan how to win him over. 9

Lord Thomas Howard, the Royal Chamberlain. He is a seaman who has made various voyages to the shores of Spain and the Azores for his personal profit and his ambition to be the Lord Admiral. He is hostile to the peace and follows wholly the advice of Secretary Cecil. If the king will be well disposed, the ways to win him will appear, but otherwise not. He has a Catholic brother who is a possible intermediary in such an event. 10 + Lord Henry Howard. He has been thought to be very Catholic but at present, because of his ambitions, he gives signs of the opposite. He is of inconstant mind and not as straight as he might seem in his speech. He follows completely the advice of Cecil and has ieady access to the king. I I Act the same with him as with the one above, if the king is so inclined. Lord Burghley. He is the elder brother of Secretary Cecil, a great heretic, [suitable] for little and hostile to peace. Lord Mountjoy, Viceroy of Ireland. In the religious question he is well inclined to the Catholic faith. As a soldier he has earned considerable fame in Ireland because he quieted the turmoil there. They tell me that they will advise me about this man over there. 12

Lord Zouche. A great heretic and hostile to the peace. All of the above are English councillors who have been appointed by the king after his arrival. The following Scotsmen were also made councillors ofstate. The Duke of Lenox. He is the king's near relative, an inconstant man and poorly regarded. The king has appointed him president of the Privy Council, an office which was not filled in the days of the late queen and it has occasioned misgiving throughout England. He is not though to be a Christian but money can [win] him. The Earl of Mar. He is a great heretic, hostile to both the Catholics and the peace. He is tutor to the Prince, the king's son. There is the same opinion of him as of the one above as far as money is concerned. George Home. He is the king's greatest confidant and has the greatest influence over him. Money's friend, he was favourable to the peace at the outset, but changed his opinion when the Dutch envoys


8

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

arrived. He is thought to be influenced by gifts and is believed to be swayed by the bigger ones. James Elphinstone. A heretic, he was the king's secretary in Scotland and retains that title at present. According to reports he is a great heretic and hostile to the peace. They say that money can [succeed] with him. Robert Bruce, Lord of Kin 10 s. A great heretic and hostile to peace they say the same of him as the one above.

fl

A II of those named are councillors of state, the following are not. Thomas Erskine, a Scotsman. He is Captain of the Guard and first gentleman of the king's Chamber, with whom he has much influence since he is a great intimate. Hostile to a peace but not to money, he is a great heretic. The Earl of Southampton, an Englishman. The king has shown considerable favour toward him at different times and continues to do so. He is not a councillor but a soldier who is very hostile to a peace. He used to be devoted to the Catholic faith but at present he makes a public profession of heresy .. His mother tS a Catholic and is the door where there is an opening to reach him. 1 3 Since his arrival the king has held various meetings about the peace with these councillors. Both the English as well as the Scots prefer war with the exception of those above marked with a cross who desire peace with the conditions indicated. The manner of winning over some of the Councillors will be indicated by word of mouth and in more detail in England since, even if there are further instruments to this purpose perhaps, after- the Spanish ambassador reaches England, various persons may attempt to make arrangements favourable to themselves with him under the pretence of being a Catholic, or some other ruse. To prevent some one from starting a deception it seems proper before trusting him to take his name first and learn where he lives for a report to this confidant,14 by whose efforts he will be receiving news about what is taking place from time to time. 1 Sir Thomas Egerton's third wife was Lady Alice Spencer, widow of Ferdinando Stanley, Earl of Derby. Her daughter by that previous marriage, Lady Anne Stanley married Grey Bridges who became Baron Chandos of Sudeley in November 1602. Aside from his known membership in the circle of the secret Catholic, Queen Anne, it is difficult to establish the Catholic inclinations of Baron Chandos. However for a review of Egerton's conduct towards the Spanish embassy see W. J. Jones, The Elizabethan Court of Chancery, Oxford, 1967, pp. 95-97.

Thomas Sackville, youngest son of Lord Buckhurst, had become a Catholic during his tour in Italy in 1602. The Duke of Sessa had informed the Council

2


JULY 1603

9

of it fr om Rome (E 977 n. fol. letter of 13 March 1603). He was fined for recusancy . in 1610 (CS.P. 1603-10, p. 593). See ;llso Loomie, Spanish Elizabethans, pp. 174 ff. 3 An error in the decipher as the copyist repeated "en las" without the noun; "guerras" completes the sense. 4 Gilbert Talbot, 7th Earl of Shrewsbury (1552-1616) was reported to the Privy Council in 1592 as maintaining a household of "notorious papists and dangerous recusants" (CS.P. Dom. 1591-94, p. 174.) 5 William Sterrill, alias Saint Main, had been a frequent correspondent of Thomas Philippes, the "intelligencer" of Lord Burghley. He retained his place in the household of Edward Somerset, 4th Earl of Worcester, during his frequent travels in the Low Countries, as he referred frequently to "my Lord" in his letters (CS.P. Dom. 1591-94, pp. 26,24,225,352,572). The Earl was not a pensioner of Spain after the treaty of 1604. 6 Sir John Fortescue (1531-1607) a distant relative of Queen Elizabeth, held high offices during her reign. His son, Sir Francis Fortescue of Salden married Grace, daughter of Sir John Manners of Haddon (Lord Clermont, A History of the Family of Fortescue, London, 1869, pp. 281-92). In 1603 Father Thomas Wright asserted that Sir John Fortescue was a papist and that he "hath a brother maintained only at his cost at Lyons, that is either a Jesuit or a priest" (H.M.C. Salisbury Mss. vol. 15, p. 217). At the treaty of 1604 John Fortescue received a gift but was not made a Spanish pensioner. 7

See below Doc. 46.

Sir Charles Percy, younger brother of the 9th Earl of Northurriberland, is famous for his role as messenger of the Privy Council to Scotland after the death of Elizabeth. "Of the chamber'. could possibly refer to the office of the Earl as Captain of the Gentlemen Pensioners. Charles undoubtedly had Catholic associations. In 1605 he was designated as Colonel of the English Regiment in the service of the Archduke in the Low Countries but the Earl prevented him from assuming command. See E. B. de Fonblanque, Annals of the House of Percy, London, 1887, vol. 2 pp. 267-8; G. Brenan A History of the House of Percy, London, 1902, vol. 2 pp. 66-67, 87-88. 8

9 George Clifford, 3rd Earl of Cumberland (1558-1605) was succeeded by his brother Francis who became his heir and the 4th Earl at his death. Neither brother was a pensioner after 1604 so that a pro-Spanish attitude, if it existed, was not well established. Francis Clifford, according to his niece was a "retiring person interested in his estates" (J. P. Gilson, ed. Lives of Lady Anne Clifford . . . and her Parents, London, 1916, pp. 12-14,37-38).

John Taylor, Steward of the estates of the Earl (G. G. Williamson, George Third Earl of Cumberland . . . His Life and Voyages, Cambridge, 1920, Pp". 154,246) was a Catholic and brother of Dr. Robert Taylor who was in the service of the Archdukes in 1603. He arranged an interview between Robert Taylor and other members of the Privy Council on the prospects of peace (See Loomie, Toleration and Diplomacy, pp. 18-19.) 10

See Doc. 20 below.

Henry Howard did become an informant to the Spanish embassy later. See Docs. 31,36,65. 11

12 The family of Sir Charles Blount, 8th Lord Mountjoy, had a strong Catholic tradition. For his moderation towards Catholics in Ireland see F. M. Jones, Mountjoy 1563-1606, The Last Elizabethan Deputy, London, 1958, pp. 166-71. He was not a Spanish pensioner.


10

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

13 While there is no doubt about the Catholic beliefs of Lady Mary Browne, the Dowager Countess, the Protestant leanings of her son, the Earl of Southampton are explained in G. P. V. Akrigg, Shakespeare and the Earl of Southampton (Harvard, 1968), pp. 177-81. 14 This role was not assumed by Spiller but by Dr. Robert Taylor at the embassy: See "Sir Robert Cecil and the Spanish Embassy", Bull. Inst. Hist. Res. vol. 42 (1969), p. 36 ff.

2. JUAN DE T ASSIS TO PHILIP III

Brussels, 6 July 1603.

Original decipher, received on 16 July. 3 pages, E 840/119. Don Juan de Tassis, a member of the Spanish branch of the Taxis family, was a chamberlain at the court of Philip III and a knight of the order of Santiago who held, as did other members of his family in the Habsburg service, the post of Correo Mayor. London was his only diplomatic assignment, which he undoubtedly owed to the influence of his more experienced uncle, Juan Bautista de Tassis, who at this time had ended a long diplomatic career by serving from 1599 to 1603 as resident ambassador in France (See article sub nomine in Nationaal Biogra[isch Woordenboek, Brussels, 1966 and 1.. Rlibsam, Johann Baptista von Taxis, 1530-1610, Freiburg, 1889). While in England Juan de Tassis received the title of Count of Villa Mediana in October 1603. Upon his return to Spain he was reported by Cornwallis to be "exceeding bountifully rewarded by his king, and is sayd to live in great necessitie" (B. M. Cotton Mss. Vespasian C IX, f. 571). The office of Correo Mayor was granted to his family for three lifetimes to pay his debts. He died in 1607 and was buried in the family crypt in the Augustinian convent of Valladolid. His son, the second count was a poet, notorious duelist and gambler (See E. Cotarelo y Mori, EI Conde de Villa Mediana, Madrid, 1886). This sequence of Documents 2, 3, 4 is intended to illustrate the initial and shortlived curiosity of the Council about the re'sources 'of the English Catholics and their possible sentiments towards rebellion.

(p.2)

+ Senor

Despues de escritas las que van con esta para Vuestra Magestad he entendido que llego aqui a noche un confidente 1 que viene de orden de los ~atholicos de Inglaterra y por los Teatinos 2 a su Alteza diziendole que los Catholicos hallandose con mas fuerya y voluntad que nunca y temerosos del Rey, los paresce que podrian juntar la suma de doze mil hombres y que si Vuestra Magestad les socorriese a tiempo con otros


JULY 1603

11

tan tos que ell os se offrescerian a echar al Rey de Inglaterra y ser poderosos a elegir el Catholico que Vuestra Magestad quisiesse, la pia tic a es grande si es verdadera y que pide muy mayor consideracion. Dizen tambien otra cosa, a mi parescer mas facil y fatible si fuesse verdad, y es que les paresce que si Vuestra Magestad gastasse con estos ministros assi Ingleses como escoceses hasta quinientos 0 seis cientos mil ducados que seria possible que ellos hiziessen venir al Rey en el punto de libertad de conciencia, y juzgan que si en este se viniesse seria mucho mas facil de venir en el de la paz, a mi me paresce mucha suma para repartida demas de que para la restitucion de las plac;as 3 es fuerc;a querer el Rey la mas parte que pueda auer de la gran suma en que dizen que los olandeses se las tienen empefiada, y aun yo no he vis to (p.3) hasta agora al hombre, y esto es relacion y sera possible que su Alteza la embie a Vuestra Magestad mas cierta,4 con todo esso me ha parescido por ser en el sujeto que es dar quenta dello a Vuestra Magestad para que 10 sepa quanto mas antes y man de auisarme de 10 que en todo conuiene a su Real servicio. Guarde nuestro Sefior, etc. De Bruselas a 6 de Julio 1603 [Translation: ]

+ Sire, After I had written to your J\1ajesty the letters which are accompanying this, I learned of the arrival here at nightfall of an informant! to the Archduke, a person traveling under instructions from the English Catholics and the Theatines. 2 He states that the Catholics, while remaining fearful of the king, are found to have more strength and resolution than ever. They believe themselves capable of mustering a total of 12,000 men and should your Majesty assist them in time with a similar number, they offer to expel the king from England and to have the power to select the Catholic whom your Majesty would prefer. The negotiation is momentous if it is true and demands very deep reflection. They say something else as well which to my thinking is easier and feasible should it be true, namely, they believe that if your Majesty should spend among both the English and Scottish councillors up to 500 or 600 thousands escudos that it would be possible that they might induce the king to come to freedom of conscience. They are of the opinion that should this come to pass'it would be easier by far to negotiate a peace. I believe that this is a large amount to distribute in addition to what might be required for the redemption of the places. 3 The king is obliged to secure as much as he can out of the large sum which the Dutch have already borrowed. Although I have not as yet seen this gentleman, this is his message. Probably the Archduke will send to your Majesty a more accurate one, 4 yet I thought it my duty to inform your Majesty about it so that you might be better aware of it


12

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

beforehand so as to send me instructions concerning the demands of your royal service. May our Lord protect, etc. 1 This confidant, unlike Spiller in Document 1, was never identified. The Archduke did not do so either (see below note 4). A speculation that he is John Baptist Dorkins is offered in my Toleration and Diplomacy, pp. 17-18, note 54.

2

In the Spanish court deciphers, "Theatine" was 'used occasionally for "Jesuit".

Flushing, Brill and the fortress at Rammekens garrisoned by England as surety for loans to the Estates General. 3

4 While not naming this informant the Archduke wrote to Philip III on 4 July (E 622/96 and 97) and 13 July (E 622/82) explaining the mysterious plot. There are other hints in an auiso of 17 July (E 622/214), but while the number of armed Catholics is reduced to 8000 the Archduke had little confidence in the news.

3. PHILIP III TO JUAN DE TASSIS Valladolid, 23 August 1603. Original copy, 3 pages, E 2571/29. This special instruction of the king omits all of his comments made at this date to the Council of State (E 2557/3) on the rest of the reports of Tassis.

(p.2)

+ A don Juan de Tassis De mas de 10 que os aueys entendido y auisandome en materia de tomar las armas los catolicos Ingleses contra el nuevo Rey y las fuer~as que tienen preuenidas han venido de su parte al representarmelo y pedirme ayuda 1 encaresciendome 10 que cado dia cre~en en numero y animo y advirtiendo que mis fuer~as no se mueuan sin auer ellos primero puest'?s sus cosas en buen pun to. 2 Yo les he hecho dezir que se tiemplen y no se precipiten hasta ver 10 que obran los officios que os he mandado que hagays en su beneficio y libertad del exercicio catolico, y porque para 10 que el tiempo offresciere importa mucho saber las fuer~as y fundamento que tienen aquellos Catolicos os encargo 10 apureys muy particularmente y con sumo secretro, porque sabeys del inconueniente que seria que se entendiesse que tratays desto yendo a cosas tan diferentes y melo auisareys en cifra y de vuestro mano sino tuuieredes otro tan confidente. 3


AUGUST 1603

13

(p.3) Si hallando os en Inglaterra se vinieren a reboluer las cosas entre los dichos Catolicos y el Rey 0, los de su partido, hareys officio de medianero endere9andolos al fm del mayor bien de los Catolicos que es mi principal desseo, y hasta ver 10 que hallays y me auisays no se offrece mas que advertir os, etc. [Translation: ]

Don Juan de Tassis, In addition to what you have found out and told me about the question whether the English Catholics are to take up arms against the new king and about the forces which they have gathered, they have come on their own behalf to explain it to me and to implore my help. 1 In the meanwhile they are exaggerating their resources so that each day they increase in numbers and resolution and are advising that my troops are not to move without a previous convenient disposition of their affairs. 2 I have had to tell them that they should be moderate and avoid rashness until the result is known of the instructions about freedom of conscience which I have committed to you. Accordingly in order to profit by what this opportunity might offer, I charge you to investigate with great care and secrecy the basis and resources behind these Catholics, for you are aware of the damage that might ensue should it become known that you are concerned in this question after arriving there with such different intentions. You will inform me in cipher and in your own hand should you have no other reliable informant. 3 While you are in England should the question between the said Catholics and the king reach the point of revolt you should perform the task of mediator, and bring both together for the greater good of the Catholics which is my main concern. Until seeing what you discover and advise me there is nothing further to tell you. etc. 1 This is the visit of Guy Fawkes and his companion, Anthony Dutton, to the Spanish court, which had been the subject of debate in the Council (E 2765 n. fo1. consulta of 3-1 July 1603). See also Addenda. 2 He is aware of the differences in the information given by the Archduke and Tassis as in Doc. 2.

3

See Documents 4 and 12.


14

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

4. JUAN DE T ASSIS TO PHILIP III Southampton, 28 September 1603. Original decipher, received on 26 October. 6 pages, E841/154. A reply to Philip's inquiry in Documen t 3.

+ (p.2)

Senor

Hauiendo cerrado a los 14 en Osfor la que con este correo l yra para Vuestra Magestad me llego a los 15 por el via de Brusselas el despacho de Vuestra Magestad de 23 de Agosto que era bien desseado de mi y aunque creo que esta misma carta que acuso auia satisfecho en algo a algunas cosas de las que en est despacho Vuestra Magestad me manda, 10 voluere a hazer esta con dezir a Vuestra Magestad que en quanto a 10 que en carta de 23 del dicho por mano del Secretario Andres de Prada se me manda auise tocante al punto de dessear saber que fuen;as tienen los Catolicos Ingleses para tomar las armas por decir ellos a Vuestra Magestad que son grandes y muy preuenidas y que cada dia les crecen y que offrecen a Vuestra Magestad que no mueua sus fuer9as para ayudallas hasta tener ellos primero sus cosas a punto y en buen punto. Yo creo que auise a Vuestra Magestad que yuan, 0, yrian a ello desde Brusellas 2 y assi (p.3) 10 que a 10 escrito es 10 que agora embio puedo anadir es decir a Vuestra Magestad que despues que recibi esta carta he oydo a muchos catolicos y confidentes y metidoles mucho la mano y quanto mas para apurar sus fuer9as y quanto mas he querido caminar este mas me he desconsolado de 10 poco que toco por que aunque algunos me han dicho que tienen y ternian mucho numero y particularmente el mismo que digo es correspondiente del Padre Cresul0 3 apurando les yo y apretandoles que tanta parte del Reyno seran Catolicos me han venido a confessar este y otros Jesuytas y c1erigos y otros particulares que no tenian la vein tena parte del Reyno y no creo que la cortan sino que 10 estienden y estos andan tan temerosos y rezelosos unos de otros que yo dudaria mucho que ellos osan poner las armas a las man os sino fuesse a juego ganado y cierto y como negocio tan considerado y de tantos inconuenientes certifico a Vuestra Magestad que aun a los mismos de quien tengo tantas fiancas de ser (pA) Catolicos no oso fiar este punto assi por de la calidad que es como porque si se vertiesse haria dano a esta misera gente, y tambien a 10 restante del negocio sera possible que el tiempo y el 9ielo vaya dando a ellos mas animo y assi mas luz a esto para que yo puedo dar a Vuestra Magestad mas entera noticia y menor dudosas y si para ello la tiene Vuestra Magestad de que yo me puede valer y ayudar tambien 10 esperare de Vuestra Magestad y Ie supplico por ella humilmente. AI otro punto de la misma carta de Vuestra Magestad de 23 que si


SEPTEMBER 1603

15

hallandome yo este Reyno se viniessen a reboluer las cosas entre el Rey y los Catolicos que yo me muestro medianero aunque no estaua desto descuydad) si la occasion llegara ha sido gran merced para mi que Vuestra Magestad melo mandasse advertir sin embargo que a todo los que confidenternente y aun generalmente (mostrandome ser catolicos) me han hablado a todos he dicho 10 que Vuestra Magestad dessea el mayor bien de los catolicos y ser el principal desseo de Vuestra Magestad (p.S) de mas que yo estoy persuadido a que no haran ningun movimiento en quanta no vieren en tierra muchas fuercas de Vuestra Magestad a que agreguen ellos las pocas suyas, y quando no viessen a las de Vuestra Magestad superiores temo que se estarian quedos y assi el zelo de 10 que devo al seruicio de Vuestra Magestad me obliga a suplicalle que quando a estos aya de dar Vuestra Magestad credito y su ayuda sea pensando y creyendo que de solas las fuercas de su grandeza muy despacio preuenidas y vencidas las muchas dificultades de los cierros passados asseguren a Vuestra Magestad con mas certeza este partido pues intentado mas de una vez terna menos disculpa a ojos del mundo y a mi me mande Vuestra Magestad perdonar si esto me he alargado y la materia de confian~a del seruicio de Vuestra Magestad de cuya mana va esta y los demas de cifra es Padre Ximenez que siruio a Vuestra Magestad la embaxada de Saboya en tiempo de don Mendez 4 y del Conde de Lodesa y por quien passaron (p.6) much os negocios y dio della la buena quenta que Don Pedro Franqueza y Andres de Prada tienen noticia y informaran a Vuestra Magestad que es por 10 que pletiase conmigo y que ellos yen la aprovacion y yo tengo del concepto que .es razon. Nuestro Senor guarde a Vuestra Magestad etc. De sudanton a 28 de Septembre 1603. [Translation: ]

Sire, A t Oxford on September 14th after I sealed the letter which will be reaching your Majesty with this post l I received on the 15th via the Brussels route your Majesty's despatch of August 23rd which was most welcome to me. Although I feel that the same letter to which I refer has partially satisfied some of the points of your Majesty's instructions, I will try to respond here to your Majesty's questions of the 23rd of August, through the pen of Secretary de Prada, about the forces upon which the English Catholics might rely. For they are telling your Majesty that they are large, well prepared and increasing daily and are urging your Majesty not to put your forces into action until they are ready first, and completely prepared. I believe there is information from Brussels 2 for your Majesty which has gone, or will be going, into this. Consequently I am now able to add to what I have already written by telling your Majesty that after I received that letter I have listened to many Catholics and confidants and set myself to an earnest sounding of their resources. The more I pursued the inquiry the more disappointed I


16

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

became at the little I uncovered, for while some have told me that they have, or will have, large numbers and particularly that same individual who I say, is the correspondent of Father Creswell,3 after my own close scrutiny into what portion of the realm will be for the Catholics, that man and others, Jesuits, clergy and personages have come to admit that they do not hold a twentieth part of the realm. I do not believe they are reducing the number but inflating it. These people go about so timidly and fearfully of one another that I will be very doubtful that they would dare to take up their weapons unless it would be by the time the game was already won for certain. In this long debated question filled with such dangers I assure your Majesty that although I have been given considerable grounds for confidence that these same people are Catholics I do not dare to trust them on this matter. Because its character is such that if it should ever be known it would damage this unhappy people, as well as endanger the continuation of this negotiation wherein it will be likely that time and heaven will give them both courage and light and enable me to give your Majesty a more complete report with less room for doubt. If on that score your Majesty considers me to be of value and assistance I await word from your Majesty and even beg for it humbly. As to the second point of your Majesty 's letter of the 23rd, that while I am in this kingdom should the Catholics and the king reach the point of a revolt I should show myself the mediator, although I have not been negligent on this question should the occasion arise, it was a great kindness to me on your Majesty's part to require that I should be informed about it. To everyone, however, with whom I have spoken in secret, or even in general, once there were indications that they were Catholics, I have affirmed your Majesty's desire of the greater good of Catholics as your principal aim. Furthermore I have become convinced that they will not make a stir seeing they are aware that there are no large forces of your Majesty on this soil to which they might join their own small ones, and should they see that your Majesty's are not the stronger I am afraid that they would stay quiet. So the devotion to my duty in your Majesty's service forces me to beg that, if ever your Majesty will give credence and support to these people, it should be upon believing and reflecting that it will be only by the rapid mustering of the strength of your own greatness, and that having triumphed over many difficulties, through obstacles that were passed, that faction will inspire confidence in your Majesty with greater certainty, indeed after more than one endeavour the world will hold them in less credit. If this has made me run on, may I beg your Majesty's pardon. This and the rest of the letters in cipher about confidential matters of your Majesty's service proceeds through the hands of Father Ximenez. He has served your Majesty in the embassy at Savoy in the days of Don Mendez 4 and the Count of Lodessa through whom much business was conducted. I am sending this good word about him so that don Pedro de Franqueza and Andres de Prada might notice and relate it


17

JUNE 1604

to your Majesty, since the question was debated with me and thus they see this approval and so I have an opinion about him which is [air. May our Lord guard your Majesty, etc. 1 In the lette'" of 14 September (E 841/141) Tassis reported on Arembergh's efforts in the preliminaries to the peace . negotiations and on secret approaches made by Dr. Robert Taylor to the Privy Council. He noted the inquiries that had been made concerning the amount of bankers' authorizations he had carried. He also gave disparaging impressions of military preparedness observed on his route from Dover to London. 2 On 8 September (E 622/143) the Archduke wrote from Antwerp to Philip that he had already reached an understanding with Tassis that liberty of conscience for English Catholics should not be pressed at the moment but deferred until the treaty itself had been completed. The previous reports of Taylor had been sent on to Philip in July (E 622/83,84 and 224).

3

Possibly Thomas Wintour.

4

Don Mendo Rodriguez de Ledesma was Spanish ambassador to Savoy.

s.

ENGLISH JESUITS TO PHILIP III

ca. June 1604.

Two letters under one carpeta. I.) An original memorandum endorsed "Father Michael Walpole of the Society of Jesus about the English seminary" in the hand of Joseph Creswell, SJ., undated but with an annotation "received on 10 June 1604". 2.) A copy in a different secretarial hand, unsigned, of a supporting letter by Robert Persons, S.J. On the cover don Andres de Prada had written the order "Have a letter to the Archduke given to him". 4 pages, E 1745 n.fol.

(p.l)

+ Senor

EI Padre Miguel Valpolo de la compania de Jesus l dize que el Padre Roberto Personio escriuio a Vuestra Magestad la carta cuya copia va con esta en razon de la falta que tiene de casa de prouacion en flandes para seminario de los Ingleses que van alli y por que va agora alla a tratar desto y de las demas cosas que se pueden offrecer a los Padres Ingleses de la compania con licencia de su General y del dicho Roberto Personio supplica a Vuestra Magestad Ie haga merced de mandar se leve una carta de recomendacion para los Serenissimos Archiduque y Senora Infanta que en ello receuira merced.


18

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLCIS

[Translation: ]

Sire, Father Michael Walpole of the Society of Jesus! states that Father Robert Persons wrote to your Majesty a letter, a copy of which accompanies this one, concerning the need of a house of probation in Flanders for the seminary of the English who keep coming there. Since he is going there at the moment to discuss this question and about other affairs which can involve the English fathers of the Society, with the permission of his General and the aforesaid Robert Persons, he begs your Majesty to do him the kindness of ordering a letter of commendation be sent to their Serene Highnesses, the Archduke and the Lady Infanta, that his case be favourably received. ! Michael Walpole, SJ. (1570-ca.1624), youngest brother of Fr. Henry Walpole, was prefect of Studies and Lecturer in theology at St. Alban's College, Valladolid at this tim~ (A.R.S.l. Castif 15-1, catalogue) . Later he laboured in the Low Countries and U:! London where he was imprisoned but released at the departure of Pedro de Zuniga in 1610. He was a distinguished controversialist in both Latin, as Martinus Becanus, and in English. (c. Sommervogel, Bibliotheque de La Compagnie de Jesus, Ire Partie, Bibliographie; A. Allison & D. Rogers, Catalogue of Recusant Books; Foley, Records vol. 2,265 ff.; vol. 8,808).

(p.2)

+ Senor

Roberto Personio Religioso de la Compania de Jesus besa hurnilmente las manos de Vuestra Magestad y di'Ye que auiendo los anos otros padecido muy graues inconuenientes los de su nacion de la misma compania que se emplean en la mission y conuersion de su patria por falta de alguna casa de probacion ansi para recebir y exercitar sus nouicios, como tambien para que a ella se puedan algunas ve'Yes recojer y 'r ecobrar nueuas fuer'Yas y espiritu los que trabajan dentro de aquel Reyno, aora al presente Dios Nuestro Senor con muy particular prouidencia a mouido el coro'Yon del Reverendissimo Obispo de St. Omer l en flandes de la orden de San Francisco para ofrecer a los dichos Padres Yngleses de la Compania cierta habitacion con alguna renta que fue de un monasterio annexo al obispado de St. Orner en la primera erecion del y quedo la dicha habitacion apartada de la habitacion del obispo por algunos siete 0 ocho monjes de los quales (p.3) quedan al presente viuos dos solamente muy viejos que viuen fuera del monasterio en el siglo en partes diferentes no haciendo vida monastica. Ellugar se llama Waten 2 y esta situada entre St. Orner y Dunquerque pegada a unas casas del dicho obispo el qual juzge ser mayor gloria de su Diuina Magestad que se aplique la dicha habitacion con la dicha renta (que puede llegar a 500 0600 y incierta muertos los dos monjes que quedan) para hacer una casa de probacion para los dichos Padres Yngleses de la Compania.


JUNE 1604

19

Por tanto el dicho Roberto Personio a Vuestra Magestad -humilmente y con toda instancia supplica ansi en nomber suyo como de todos los demas religiosos Yngleses de su orden, y de los Catholicos de Inglaterra que sea Vuestra Magestad seruida de mandar escriuir su Real carta en fauor de los dichos religiosos Yngleses de la Compania en esta parte a los Serenissimos el Archiduque y la Senora Infanta como protectores de las dichas casas 0 monasterio para que en esto concurran con el christiano zelo del dicho obispo (p.4) con 10 qual hara Vuestra Magestad un nueuo y muy sefialado beneficio a toda fa nacion ynglesa poniendo en pie tan singular y efficaz medio para la conuersion della. [Translation: ]

Sire, Robert Persons, a religious of the Society of Jesus, humbly salutes your Majesty and states that his compatriots of the same Society have endured in past years many serious disabilities while serving in their mission and the conversion of their homeland, through the lack of a house of probation both to receive and train their novices, as well as to enable persons who labour in that kingdom from time to time to recoup and revive their strength and morale anew. At the moment God our Lord in his very special providence has moved the heart of the most reverend bishop of St. Omer l in Flanders, a Franciscan, to offer to the aforesaid English fathers of the Society a certain house together with a revenue which belonged to a monastery annexed to the bishopric of St. Omer at its original foundation . The said building remains separated from the demesne of the bishop for the use of seven or eight monks, of whom only two at present remain alive. They are very old and live outside of the monastery in the world in different places withput maintaining a monastic life. The place is called Watten 2 and lies between St. Omer and Dunkirk attached to some houses of the said bishop, who believes that it is to the greater glory of his divine Majesty that the aforesaid revenue (which could amount to 500 or 600 and it is uncertain whether the two surviving monks are dead) in order to create a house of probation for the aforementioned fathers of the Society. Wherefore the aforesaid Robert Persons humbly begs your Majesty in all urgency bo th on his own behalf as well as of all the English religious of his order and of the Catholics of England that your Majesty would be pleased to require that a royal letter be written on behalf of the aforesaid English religious of the Society from this place to their most Serene Highnesses, the Archduke and lady Infanta, as protectors of the aforesaid houses or monastery, that they may become partners to the Christian zeal of the aforesaid bishop. Herein your Majesty will be providing a new and auspicious favour to the entire English nation with the inauguration of such a unique and efficacious means for its conversion.


20 1

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS Jacques Blase, O.S.F., Bishop of St. Orner.

For further details on the Watten foundation see H. Chadwick, St. Orners to Stonyhurst (London, 1962), pp. 49-52; Foley Records, vol. 5, 193-94. 2

6. THE CONSTABLE OF CASTILE TO PHILIP III. Dover, 16 August 1604. Original decipher, received on 28 August. 4 pages, E842/162. Juan Fernandez de Velasco y Tobar, 5thDuke of Frias, 6th Constable of Castile, 4th Marquis of Verianga, 7th Count of Haro, assumed his titles as a Grandee in 1585. He was married to Dona Juana de Cordoba y Aragon, daughter of the Count of Prado. At this time he had completed his first tenure as Governor of Milan (1592-98), and was at court as a member of the Councils of State and War; he returned to Milan as Governor (1610-12) but died in Madrid in March 1613. The Constable had first been instructed by the Council of Philip III to produce by negotiation in the treaty a free exercise of religion in England and Ireland: "either that they maintain public places, or that they be free by proclamation in their own houses, or that, at the least, no investigation be made as to how they live behind their doors... " (A.H.N. Estado, libro 722 n. fo1. consulta of 22 June 1604). However, early in July, he had decided on his own authority , before going to England that these instructions were not feasible. "Concerning the increase and benefit of the Catholics there is nothing to do but wait", he wrote. He had concluded that it was not "ill will" on the part of King J ames which had led to the recent reaffirmation in Parliament of the Elizabethan penal code but only "reason of state". James had seen that "those of his own sect, and the puritans are so powerful that they would not allow him [a change] or he would have to fear a rebellion in the kingdom . . . " (E 841/71 Constable to Philip III, Bruges, 8 July 1604). His later reflections after his sojourn in London are below in Doc. 8.

+ (p.2)

Senor

En el punto de los Catholicos me manda Vuestra Magestad por su real carta de tres de Julio que solamen te venga en uno de los dos partidos primeros de mi Instruccion y que si no se pudiere salir con alguno dellos ordenara Vuestra Magestad enton<;es 10 que mas convenga procurare encaminallo sin ninguna esperan<;a de alcan<;allo por que


AUGUST 1604

21

quando el Rey mismo 10 quisiese hazer es cierto que para saUr con ella sin gran riesgo de su persona y reyno segun e1 estado presen te de sus cossas y la gran autoridad y fuerzas de los Puritanos, habria menester antes executallo preuendra muchas cosas que no podria disponer tan presto!, y en caso que este no se alcange (como creo no se alcangara) tratar de otro partido menos malo sin concluyr nada que no sea conforme a1 orden de Vuestra Magestad pudiendo 10 escusar, bien (p.3) es verdad que si los catholicos que estan ya aqui tratando conmigo me aprietan a que tome algun resolucion y biere que sus partes se auentur,iln dilatandola, que no la suspendere porque seria gran afflicion para ellos y del seruicio de Vuestra Magestad y de 10 que hasta aqui he podido co1egir entiendo que se contentarian con mucho menos sin comparacion de 10 que Vuestra Magestad por su piedad les dessea y aun dudan de que se les congeda, el tiempo es corto por que la Paz se ha de capitular y firmar en llegando yo a Londres sin poderse dilatar y quando se pudiera no conuiniera ni esto de los catholic os, se ha de poder poner por condicion en ella aunque si agora no se apunta algo de bien y consuela para esta pobre gente muy de mala condicion quedarian y no beD su partido tan poderosso ni las armas de flandes prosperas ni las armadas de Vuestra' Magestad tan promptas que podemos hazer fleros, considero tras esto que el mismo Papa aquien esto toca principalmente no solo calla mas aconseja (p.4) que no se dexe de hazer la paz porque no se consiga al presente nada en favor de la Religion, pues peor de 10 que estamos no se puede estar y este es e1 medio verdadero y puerta por donde se ha de entrar a negociar y encaminar 10 de los Catholicos Dios 10 disponga y encamine como mas conuenga a su Yglesia Catholica y Nuestro Senor, etc. 2 La merced que Vuestra Magestad me haze en sus rea1es cartas en agradegimiento de 10 que he procurado seruille en esta negociacion es tan grande que me fa1tan terminos para estimalla y reconoscella guarde Dios a Vuestra Magestad muy largos anos y aun me de ocasion para seruirsela y satisfazer parte deste fauor, hallome ya gragias a nuestro Senor desembarcado en Inglaterra en que me he dado la mayor priesa que he podido assi porque este Rey des.ea desembaragarse y hazer jornada como por que algun mal suceso de los que en Flandes podria auer no altere el buen estado de los negocios, y en presencia con fauor de Dios dar cuenta a Vuestra Magestad de to do que gierto ha menester gran remedio. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, In your royal letter of July 3rd your Majesty advised me to follow only one of the first two parts of my instructions on the question of the English Catholics. Should I not be able to accomplish anyone of them, your Majesty was then to decide what was more suitable do do, to


22

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHODCS

prevent me from attempting to fulfill a task without any hope of success. Indeed should the king himself decide to act, it is certain that in order to succeed he would have to arrange many things in advance before proceeding to do it and avoid a serious risk to his own person and his kingdom in the face of the present situation of affairs and the firm power and strength of the Puritans. This he! is incapable of accomplishing so rapidly. In the event there is no success (and I believe there will be none) in handling the other less harmful faction without securing an agreement, this would not be in keeping with your Majesty's instructions when able to prevent it. It is quite true that if the Catholics, who are now here to talk with me, should urge that I reach a decision, for I should be aware that their resources are placed in jeopardy by a postponement, there should not be a delay for considerable harm to them and to your Majesty's service will ensue. From what I have gathered until now I understand that they would be satisfied with much less by comparison to what your Majesty, in your devotion, wishes to do for them. Indeed they doubt that it would be granted to them. Time is short for the peace has to be completed and signed upon arrival in London without a possibility of postponement, and this point about the Catholics would not be suitable, even should it be possible, for there has to be a likelihood of establishing the condition for it. Even if at present some benefit and consolation for these poor people is not stipulated, they are to remain in a very unhappy state, and I do not see their party so powerfUl, nor the forces of Flanders so successful, nor the fleets of your Majesty so prepared that we can stay adamant. Furthermore, I am mindful that the Pope himself, to whom this is a principal concern, is not only keeping neutral but advising that a peace be concluded even while nothing is accomplished in favour of religion at present. It is not possible to be in a worse condition than we are now. This is the true way, the door where an entry is to be gained to discuss and advance the cause of the Catholics. May God arrange and guide the affair as is fitting for His Catholic Church. May oli,r Lord protect, etc. 2 The favour that your Majesty shows me in your royal letters in expressing gratitude for what I have accomplished in your service in this negotiation is so great that words fail me to express and appraise it. May God give your Majesty many long years and grant me the opportunity to serve you and attain even a partial fulfillment of this favour. Now thanks be to God I have landed in England which I have hurried to do with all possible speed, for this king desires me to land and start my journey lest some mishap that could happen in Flanders might alter the good situation of the negotiation. In your Majesty's presence with God's help I will offer an account of everything that certainly requires strong assistance. 1

i.e. King James


OCTOBER 1604

23

2 The letter originally ended here, but the new section was added on the receipt of a letter from the court.

7. A PETITION FROM THE ENGLISH CONSUL AT SAN LUCAR. ca. October 1604. Two documents within the one carpeta: 1.) An original petition by William Davis, undated, one page, with notation "received on 23 October 1604". 2.) An autograph supporting letter of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, from San Lucar de Barrameda, 28 November 1604. On the cover is the comment by Prada: "Let it be done as the Duke advised". Complete text 3 pages, E 1743 n. fo1. Alonso Perez de Guzman, "el bueno", Duke of Medina Sidonia, the commander of the famous Armada of 1588, was a member of the Council of State as well as Captain General of the Sea and the Coast of Andalucia. A friend of the English exile colony in southern Spain, he had approved in 1591 the alteration in the constitution of the Brotherhood of Saint George during the war as described in the second document. There is a large file of his correspondence with philip III during 1607 chiefly concerning the Moriscos in the Colleccion de Documentos Ineditos, vol. 81. For the previous career of the Duke see 1. Thompson "The Appointment of the Duke of Medina Sidonia to the Command of the Spanish Armada", The Historical Journal (Cambridge), 12 (1969), pp. 197-216.

{p.1)

+ Senor

Guillermo Dauis vezino de la ciudad de San Lucar de Barrameda, Consul y Gouernador de los Yngleses, Escosses y Irlandeses tratantes en la costa del Andaluzia dize que tiene y possea . este su officio por elecion y nombramamiento del Padre Preposito, CapeUanes y oficiales de la Iglesia y cofradia de su Patron el San Jeorge (sic) en la dicha ciudad 1 y confirmado por el Dugue de Medina Cidonia como todo parece por los papeles que presenta. Y para mayor abonamiento y Authoridad suio a Vuestra Magestad humilmente suplica se sirua de confirmar y ratificarla con su grandeza puez su intento es seruirle siempre. EI Duque de Medina Cedonia a escrito a Andres de Prada, secretario de su Real Consejo de Estado algunos razones sobre este caso y en ello reciuiera muy gran merced.


24

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHODCS

[Translation: ]

+ Sire, William Davis, a resident of the city of San Lucar de Barrameda, Consul and Governor of the English, Scots and Irish trading on the coast of Andalucia states that he holds and retains his office by election and nomination of the Father Superior, Chaplains and officers of the Church and Brotherhood of their patron, Saint George, in the aforesaid cityl and by confirrruztion of the Duke of Medina Sidonia as is perfectly clear in the papers he is submitting. For his greater security and authority he humbly requests your Majesty to confirm and ratify it by your power for he proposes to rerruzin as a faithful servant. The Duke of Medina Sidonia has written some comments on this question to Andres de Prada, Secretary of your royal Council. In this regard Davis will receive a very great favour. l ' The history of the Brotherhood during the Anglo-Spanish war is recounted in A. Loomie, "Religion and Elizabethan Commerce with Spain", Catholic Historical Review vol. 50 (1964), pp. 39-44. Its foundation is described in G. Connell-Smith, Forerunners of Drake (London, 1954), pp. 88,92-96. .

+ (p.2)

Senor

Auiendo visto este memorial que Vuestra Magestad me manda rernitir de guillermo dauis consul de la nacion ynglesa yrlandesa y escocessa para que informe a Vuestra Magestad y de mi parecer en la pretension que tiene que Vuestra Magestad Ie mande confirmar el officio de consul de los mercederes de su nacion de que tiene nombramiento digo que antes cesase la con tratacion y prohibicion que Vuestra Magestad 1 mando hazer con Yngleses en estos Reynos los mercaderes desta nacion tenian una confradia assi de los que bibian y asistian en estos puertos de Andalucia y ciudad de Seuilla y costa de Reyno de Granada como de los que vendran de Ynglaterra, la qual confradia tiene y had recibido su fundacion en una yglesia antigua que ay aqui en San Lucar Nuestra, san Jorge, y assi por votos nombrauan y tenian su consul y con la ocassion de la prohibicion del trato con Y ngleses 2 solo se conserua esta confradia con los Yngleses estantes y casados en esta tierra y lugares dichos, los quales juntos con enos admitieron por confrades a los sacerdotes yngleses de los seminarios de los quales ay aqui algunos en fa dicha yglesia donde tienen cassa y acuden a reglar y encaminar los sacerdotes que encubriertamente embian a Inglaterra que sacan de los seminarios de Valladolid y Seuilla y estos sacerdotes que asisten en la cassa y Yglesia que los mercaderes aqui auian, auiendo faltando el consul 3 ultimo que hicieron, nombraron al dicho Guilermo dauis a el


NOVEMBER 1604

25

porque con occasion de las pazes de Inglaterra viniendo mas mercaderes de la nayion nombrasen alguno de aquel Reyno que es de creer no seria Catholico y por que el dicho Guillermo dauis es persona de aprobacion y confidente y ha muchos alios que por tal conozco y muy ynteligente y assi por auer entendido siempre esta nacion consul propi04 y esta confradia parece que es conueniente que Vuestra Magestad auiendole de auer se confirme el nombramiento S hecho en el dicho Guillermo dauis, y es hombre que tiene hazienda y casado con que tanto mas se assiguera su bien proceder en 10 que so ofresca en el seruicio de Vuestra Magestad y assi conforme a 10 que en esto digo a Vuestra Magestad manda aprobar 10 que fuese mas seruido. San Lucar, 28 de Noviembre 1604. (autograph:) El Duque de Medina Sidonia [Translation: ]

+ Sire, Having read this memorial which your Majesty ordered to be sent to me on behalf of William Davis, Consul of the English, Irish and Scottish nations, that I should report to your Majesty with my opinion about his claims to enable your Majesty to ordain that his nomination to the office of consul of the merchants of his nation be confirmed I respond as follows. Before the commerce with the English in this kingdom ended and the embargo began as your Majesty 1 commanded, the merchants of that nation had a Brotherhood among those who lived and traded in the ports of Andalucia and the city of Seville and the coast of the kingdom of Granada, as well as among those who visited from England. This Brotherhood is still preserved, as it was agreed at its foundation, at an ancient church, St. George, which is here in our San Lucar, and accordingly through their votes they have nominated and retained their consul. After the time of the embargo of trade 2 with the English this Brotherhood is continued only among the English living and married in this realm and in the aforesaid places who, in a meeting, admitted as Brothers, the English priests from the seminaries. Some of them stay here in the said church where they have a residence, and provide shelter to advise and send onward those priests who are being sent secretly to England from the seminaries of Valladolid and Seville. After the death of the last consul 3 whom they had elected, those priests who live at the residence and church as well as the merchants of the Brotherhood have nominated the aforesaid William Davis to that office, since with the time of peace with England and the arrival of other merchants of that nation, some one else from that kingdom might be nominated who it is believed might not be a Catholic. However the aforesaid William Davis is a sound and reliable person, known for many


26

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

years as such to me in addition to being very intelligent. Furthermore, as I am aware that this nation had always had its own consul4 and Brotherhood, it seems proper that your Majesty when asked to do so, should confirm the nomination 5 conferred on the aforesaid William Davis. He is a married man with property, some thing which furnishes greater assurance of his good conduct in what your Majesty's service might require. After making my statement to your Majesty in this matter may your Majesty ordain whatever will be more to your service. San Lucar, 29 November 1604. (Autograph) The Duke of Medina Sidonia " Your Majesty" is the deceased Philip II. The embargo is described in F. Braudel, La Mediterranee et Ie Monde Mediterraneen a I 'epoque de Philippe II (Paris, 1949), pp. 492 ff. English efforts to circumvent it with contraband are described in A. Loomie, "Sir William Semple and Bristol's Andalucian Trade, 1597-98", Trans. Bristol and Gloucestershire Archeological Society vol. 82 (1963), pp. 177-87 . 2

3 The former consul, John Dean, died in 1601. The constitution required that the new consul be elected "by the na tion" for a three year term. In this instance Davis was seeking confirmation for his second term. Later a memorandum by unhappy London merchants charged that Davis was given the post "longe before the king of Spaine had peace with England, or that was then Knowen whether it would be peace or not, which election was made without us merchants and contrarie to our privileges accustomed . .. " B.M. Cotton Mss. Vespasian C XIII, ff. 314-314v.

By the treaty of London of August 1604 all former local rights of merchants were confirmed. The Brotherhood therefore protested successfully in 1608 against King James's attempt to nominate his own choice of the English consul in Spain. (E 844/96 consulta of 11 J nuarry 1608.) 4

5 Philip confirmed the nomination of Davis on 3 January 1605, A.H.N. Estado, libro 256 n. fo1.

8. THE CONSTABLE OF CASTILE TO PHILIP III. Bordeaux, 22 November 1604. Memorandum, copy, in early 18th century hand, 21 pages, Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Manuscritos Varios, tomo 6969, ff. 115-25. The original of this document could not be traced at Simancas, nor does it survive in the inventory of the Constable's family papers (M.T. de la Pefia Marazuela and P. Leon Tello, Archivo de los Duques de Frias I, Casa de Velasco, Madrid, 1955, pp. 443-51). This text was clearly made from the original copy once in the Secretariate of State since the writer


NOVEMBER 1604

27

unknowingly used the Council's endorsements on the cover as the title. Further on he copied into the text two obviously marginal comments by a Councillor which are indicated in notes 5 and 7 below. The cover endorsements were: "A Response to his Majesty / As the Constable of Castile returned from England at the conclusion of the Peace / The state in which he left religious affairs of that realm / and the means which can be used to improve them / From Bordeaux on 22 November 1604" . This embassy attracted considerable contemporary attention which occasioned detailed printed descriptions of his itinerary and the pu blic ceremonies in London. These are summarized by the Marques de Villa Drru tia, "La J ornada del Condestable de Castilla a Inglaterra para las Paces de 1604", Ocios Diplomaticos (Madrid, 1927), pp. 2448. There was intensive speculation as to what monies he had carried to London, the most typical being a Venetian estimate of "300,000 crowns" (CS.P. Venetian 1603-7, p. 175). This important question can now be properly traced through the surviving Velasco manuscripts in S.P. Kerr, "The Constable Kept an Account", Notes and Queries voL 202 (1957), pp. 167-70. The Constable had first decided after leaving England to put aside a full report on the Catholic problem until his return to court. A minute of his correspondence by the Secretariate of State reported that he had written a letter refering to the Catholics but that he would wait "until he shall see your Majesty" (E 2584/98 letter of 12 September 1604). Subsequently new diplomatic business in Brussels and at the French court detained him longer, since he was depu ted to sign the protocol ending the severe tariff restrictions which had caused considerable complaints among the merchants of France (Barbiche, Correspondence du Nonce, lnnocenzo del Butalo, Paris, 1964, p. 116). The question of the English Catholics remained on his mind. He was anxious that Pope Clemen t VIII would guide papal policy towards England along his own moderate views. Cardinal Aldobrandino, Secretary of State, informed Frangipani, the Nuncio in Brussels, on October 23rd, that Velasco had sent the Pope "particulars about religion and the Catholics of that kingdom ... " wherein he advised the Pope to urge them "to live quietly and apart from any insurrection ... " (Louant and Van der Essen, Correspondence du Nonce . . .Frangipani, voL 3 (2) pp. 730-31). The effective role of the Constable is clear in Philip's new instructions to the envoy, Zufuga shown in Document 10. , The Constable planned this report in a comprehensive fashion. He restated the place of the English Catholics in Philip's plans, and then described the types of Catholics he encountered and estimated their number followed by an analysis of the divisions among Protestants in England. His main purpose was clearly to explain why previous spiritual and temporal "weapons" were to be discouI\ted as failures. He dwelt at length on the advantages of diplomacy and tne peaceful labours of the clergy. He forsaw obstacles to this new program: the papal deposing


28

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

power, the Spanish ascendancy at Rome, the doubts among some English over their titles to formerly ecclesiastical lands, the animus of extremists and Puritans and the hopes for a general council. He found grounds for optimism in the favourable reports about King James and Queen Anne, the known Catholic sympathies among many aristocrats and the increasing numbers of Catholics.

(f. 116)

+

Senor Siendo el pun to de la religion en tre todos los que se han mouido en este tratado de las pazes el que mas a deseado mejorar a Vuestra Magestad en Inglaterra y dependiendo del santa gloria y honra de Nuestro Senor y aumento de su Iglesia y en gran parte la conseruacion 0 la rotura de 1a paz y hauiendo tocado con la mano que mal fundan sus discursos algunos desconfiados y no bien ynformados que de todo punto quieren que se dexe esta p1atica como desesperada y otros zelosos poco prudentes que se dan a entender 0 quieren que entendemos que con las armas se auran grandes afectos me a parezido de representar a Vuestra Magestad el estado que este tiene agora en aquel rreino se sabe Vuestra Magestad deuerlo y considerarlo asi para aduertir a su Santidad 10 que conuiene que sepa como para ordenar a sus ministros a cuio cargo conbieren estos negocios como se habra de gouernar. Hayen Inglaterra el dia de hoy una Religion y dos sectas la Religion es la catolica apostolica romana, las sectas, una de protestantes fundada en la doctrina de Lutero y otra de Puritanos que siguen la de Caluino mas reformada y para sepan ellos di~en los Catolicos se pueden diuidir en quarto especies unos que llaman recusantes por que no solamente recusan jurar al Rey por caue~a de la Yglesia (f. 116 v) mas tambien ir a los templos y predicacion de los sectarios y estan sujetos pOI esta renitencia a pagar veinte libras cada mes que hacen poco ' mas 0 menos de 70 escudos de oro y si no pueden a un ano de carcel y a perder dos partes de las tres de sus vienes estables y todos los muebles. Los segundos son tambien Catolicos y conocidos por tales mas politicos que juran al primado 1 para tener dignidades, bienes y sueldos del Rey que de otra manera no pueden. Hay otros secretos que no osan declararse recusantes por no perder todo 10 que se ha dicho y por rigor de las penas y persecuciones de las puritanos fierissimos enemigos de 1a religion Catolica. De 1a quarta especie son los Catolicos de coro~on mas que descubiertamente profesan una de las dos sectos por no perder los bienes y descancos que possen por 10 mismo razon en que gran parte de 1a nob1eza y ministros se allan enbustos por tra~o de enrico octauo y de su hija la rreina Isabel que para atraer los y prenderlos en su secta con perversa rra~on de Estado la rreparracion los vienes que auian ocupado la Yglesia.


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29

Tienese por opinion que las tres primeras (f.117) especies de Catolicos llegan a gran numero y algunos Y ngleses dicen que los unos y los otros juntos son las tercera parte del Reino. Los primeros verdaderamente son dignos de compassion pues por declararse Recusantes se sujetan a ynfinitas poenas y persecuciones de manera que parece milagro de la prouidencia de Dios que en tantos anos del rreinado de Y sauel se auian podido conseruar la simiente de la religion catolica entre violencias y trauajos tan notables. De las dos sectas, de la protestante ha declinado y la Puritana creyido mucho si bien por que el Rey professa la primera y aborase la otra, se muestran agora Protestantes muchos que antes no 10 eran ni quizas 10 son. Los protestantes no se apartan tanto de los Catolicos ni son tanto sus enemigos como los Puritanos y estos abracan mas parte de la nobleya y ministros por ser el Rey como se a dicho protestante y tanbien creen mucho que si se declararse Catolico casi toda la nobleya Ie seguiria. La esperanya de rreducir este reino a mejor pasando en las cosas de la religion aumente jusque que no seria mui tlaca si se usase de rremidios oportunos segun las ocassiones, los tiempos, el estado presente de la religion piovera y la experiencia de 10 passado (f. 117v) remedio violento de armas temporales 0 espiritales aunque algunos de espiritos ynquietos y otros zelosos ynprudentes son deparecer que aprouecharian, los quietos y mas bien ynformados los tienen por el grandissimo dana aun para los mismos Catolicos. Las armas temporales de los Catolicos del rreyno solamente son flaquissimos y no podrian ni osarian de poder tener nada y quando se les annimase la fuerya de un forastero, es mui berisimil que se descubriesen luego la embarayion de otros principes vicinos que de ninguna manera quieren que se yntroduzgan alli estranjeros especiaimente espanoles por ~elos de su grandeza. Ha se uisto tambien el poco efecto que an echo las armas espirituales por que ni la censura de Clemente VII contra Enrico VIII ni la de Pio V contra la rreina Isauel su hija an mejorado las cosas antes es voz general que fuera de la opinion de aquellos grandes pocos fien los an estragado muchos y fomentado la persecucion de los Catolicos por que declaran el principe indigno, incapaz del rreyno y asuelos los sudditos del vinculo de su obediencia y armadas contra el hazen. (f. 118) Esta razon es muy poderosa y propuesta por sus consejeros sera de mucho efecto mas para que ellos se dispongan a persuadir solo es necessario tenerlos ser briosos y contnldeyir la traya que se puede dar en 10 que toca a los bienes eclesiasticos que poseen que siendo "cosa tan antigue y que tienen ya conuertida en propria carne y sangre harto se puede dispensar convendria dispensarlo para comenyar a tener algo y esperar tener mucho donde agora no se tiene nada y hallandose medio en esto evento es cierto que allanara grandes dificultades. Y tanto mas se puede creer que hobrara agora esta propuesta quanta la sospecha del Rey contra los Catolicos cessa en gran parte


30

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hecha la paz cesando la causa de los ~elos que antes tendrian de que hauisauan a Vuestra Magestad do todos los movimientos del Reyno y que se allauan apercibidos para leuantarse en qualquiera occasion y esta en rra~on que ~esse cada dia mas confirmandose la amistad y buena correspondencia para que sera de grande efecto la tra~a y prudencia del Embajador ordinario que deue Vuestra Magestad mandar escoxer con gran cuidado aun que se quite de otro maior cargo y que sea querido y Christiano ynformado del mundo y cortes de principes y caualleros (f. 118v) y buen galan con las damas, esparcido y afable, lucido y liberal, que baia a las cassas y los festinos donde suelen ofrecerse en aquella corte ocasiones de negociar mejor que en las audiencias aplazadas. Deste tal podra Vuestra Magestad mandar que consuele y alierte a los Catolicos assi por continuar en su gran piedad como por que no se arrimen a otro que harto an procurado que se echen en los bra~os del Rey de Francia de que se a auisado a Vuestra Magestad y ordenese de que los exorte siempre a la paciencia y obediencia aduirtiendole que se astenga de colloquios secretos y sospechosos de maxinaciones, particularmente con sacerdotes y que muestre en todas sus acciones que procede mas llanamente y con deseo de conseruar la paz rrecusando oyr priuada ni descubiertamente nada que puede ser de perjuicio al Rey y su estado. Sera tambien muy importante que Vuestra Magestad encargue mucho a los que Ie toca que acudan a los seminarios con la limosna que Vuestra Magestad les hace y que se tenga gran cuidado consocorrerlos y allentarlos, pues se have alli tanto seruicio a Nuestro Senor en que se deue alauar (f. 119) y estiman el zelo y prudencia de los Padres de la Compania de Jesus que tienen aquello muy bien cultiuado y cad a dia se pueden esperar maiores frutos de su rramoso especialmente si su General emplea en aqueUos ministerios subiectos de yngenio quietos no demasiado deardientes en su Zelo que se ynclinen a los medios de suauidad y paciencia por que si bien todos ellos usaran de los que se Ie mandaren todauia suelen aplicarse con mas eficacia y calidad quando se conforma la cornision con la condicion y opinion del que ha de ezecutar. Tambien me dicen que an comencado a entrar en Inglaterra fralles de la orden del glorioso san Benito, no se si por agora es 10 que conuiene por el peligro de emu lac ion y dibisiones que podrian ynpedir 10 que se desea en efecto a todos los Religiosos y sacerdotes se les encargue rrigorosamente que heuiten plantas turbulcntes y sediocas de que se quexa mucho el Rey y era ofen dido y que ablen no destramente de su persona llamandole clemente, justo, pacifico y adornado de otras virtudes, y no quebrantador de la fee Ynconstante y ynprudente y sin Religion (f. 119 v) como algunos an echo pareciendoles que tienen licencia en no siendo el principe Catolico desperden la rreverencia que se deue a su dignidad y demandase a hablar del sueltamente exagerando por entrames vicios sus pequenos faltas y aun acusandole de las que no tiene que no a echo ningun prouecho por 10 passado de que ay exemplo


NOVEMBER 1604

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en la Ystoria de Yllescas 1 a y en otros libros que se pudieran escusar auise les tambien que en las conuersaciones digan que los Catolicos an de ser' obediente,) y fieles a su Rey y que deuen su fin las persecuciones por causa de la Religion con pacien~ia sin discurso de leuantamiento ni alborato con la qual no seran tan perseguidos y creceran cada dia sin otra de clara cion de libertad de concien~ia y. aseguran sus bidas y sus haciendas y al Rey toda sospecha y tendran en freno los Puritanos y quando se allen en tal estado sera muy a tiempo pedir el execucion libre de nuestra Religion que agora es fuera de toda sa~on y conuenien~ia por estar aun tan sospechosos de los Catolicos y por que realmente serian apretalle sobre 10 que qui~a non podria hacer si bien 10 desease ni Ie aconsejarian que hi~iesen tan aprisa quando 10 quisiesen los que sauen el peligro a que podrian su persona y estad0 2 y quanta mas desesperados podrian. (f. 120) EI designio que tiene de casar a su hijo el Principe con la Senora Ynfanta es el medio mas poderoso para facilitar esta gran empresa por dos rra~ones, la primera por que tendria justa causa para declararse sin nota de libiandad y con umildad euiden te y la otra por que se aseguraria de qualquier mouimiento de los puritanos los quales viendole unido estrechamente con Vuestra Magestad no osarian ten tar nada antes se irian estinguiendo muy a prisa. Entretanto que Nuestro Senor va disponiendo estas cosas por 10 menos se deue procurar que los Catolicos no sean perseguidos en los vienes ni en la uida como yo 10 commence a tentar y este solo bastaria para que se aumentasen mucho y se conforman en nuestra santa religion y por consiguiente creciendo el numero de los dichos Catolicos no tendrian por que temense de los puritanos y el Rey mismo que los aborrere como se 'a dicho tambien se aseguraria de ellos preualeciendo mas el bra~o de los dichos Catolicos. Mas la forma de tratarlo y persuaderlo tiene mucha dificultad y conuiene que se gouierne el que Ie tubiere a su cargo corriente por que siendo cosa mui sauida que Vuestra Magestad ha faboredo (f. 120 v) siempre a los Catolicos y validose de ellos en las guerras passadas contra Ie Reina ayudado de los sumos Pontifices no se como podremos asegurarles agora que aun no esta seca la tinta de los capitulos de paz nos muebe a hazer este oficio por elios-solo 10 de religion sin mexcla de ynterese de Estado , a 10 menos para que la ynstancia no fuese sospechosa haurian de preceder mucpos anos de buena amistad y rrecipricos beneficios que borren la memoria de cosas privadas y deshagan los discursos de los que por estoruar la paz antes que hiciese y para rromperla despues de fecha diren al Rey que el Papa y Vuestra Magestad quieren ganar el beneficio del tiempo para descuidarle y rrehazerse y harmarse y asaltarle despues con assisten~ia de ¡ los Catolicos que siempre dependeron mas de Espana por ser unos en religion y tambien por que reciuiendo por yntercession de Vuestra Magestad la rreconosceron de Vuestra Magestad y a Vuestra Magestad quedaron obligados y mas aunidos contra su Rey hauiendola alcanzado


32

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con la protecion de Vuestra Magestad y en efecto meta la mana toda uno en suspecho no pueden dejar de aborrecer que otro Principe forastero mas poderoso sustende (f. 121) sea con el pretexto que fuere ynteligencia y afecion de amigos en su Reino y en su casa en este punto estan mui sobre los estremos y ablando yo en el con un ministro del Rey para que Ie ayudasen me toco algo de 10 que se dicho y aun me previno advirtirse a me que su amo me besaua en aquella sustan9ia y no se engafio por que despues de hauerme dicho el Rey que no era amigo de sangre ni de dinero de penas por causa de Religion como se auia visto en el principio de su Reinado y se beria adelante afiadio que su Magestad 3 deseaua su bien y sosiego mandare a sus ministros que no se embarazasen con los Catolicos sus vasallos sino que se dejasen gouernar en la forma que Ie pareciere mas conbeniente que era el mejor rremedio para que se quitasen y defendiesen del y en este discurso me dijo si yo pediera a su Magestad Catolica libertad de con9iencia para los Moriscos de Espaft.a 0 algunos otros de sus vasallos que se juzgara de ello, rrespondile que era muy diferente al Caso por que en los Reinos de Vuestra Magestad no ay rrecusantes ni mas que la Religion Catolica pero que en qualquiera de ellos que se aHara en esta parte en el estado (f. 121 v) que se alia Inglaterra suplicara y a Vuestra Magestad que hiciera alii 10 mismo que a el supplicaua. Siguese de aqui que es necessario para que se aga algun fruto y se Ie quiten estos rregelos que los Catolicos se ayuden por otro camino no de amparo ni protecion que escuso tal ruina como seria echar en el oydo del Rey en buena ocasion y persuadir a sus ministros teniendo los gratos que no es bien que acaue los Catolicos por que viendo tan flaca la secta de los protestantes tendrian quedar senores del campo los Puritanos enemigos mortales de la monarquia y que en todas partes procuraran someter al pueblo la autoridad Real como 10 mostran si bien en el parlamento passado oponiendose a todas las cosas que pidio el Rey y que estos no tanto por odio de la rreligion persiguen a los Catolicos quanta por enflaquecer la ayuda que podrian hazer al Principe contra ellos y que este agora se Ie oponian tan desberguenzadamente con quanta mas Ynsolencia se les pondrian biendole desamparada de otra ayuda de que ay exemplos ebidentes en su misma persona quando era solo Rey de Esc09ia. (f. 122) El temor y sospecha del Rey se funda principalmente en que los Puritanos son muchos tan atreuidos y de tan mala voluntad que se Ie an opuesto publicamente a todas sus pretenciones siendo puestos en tanto numero y mui crue1es enemigos de los Catolicos duda que hauiendo nouedad discubierta en su fauor les dara occasion de tomar este por pretesto de algun leuantamiento. Aumenta su sospecha que aun no estando bien establecido el rreino ni unidos los animos de los Ingleses y Escoceses, es opinion que dec1arandose en la presente sa90n por los Catolicos sauiendolo los Puritanos que conocen que el Rey los aborrese podrian elegir alguna caue9a Y hacer mouimiento de consideracion. Esto Ie atemori~an menos los zelos de la Religion Catolica pero una


NOVEMBER 1604

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falsa opinion muy arrydada en Inglaterra no solo en los hereges mas tambien en mucha de los Catolicos dic;:en que animandose a nuestra verdadera religion Catolica 0 por 10 menos dando liuertad.de concienc;:ia parec;:e que rreconoze 0 permite que se reconoc;:a la potestad del summo Pontifice 4 a (' ia¡authoridad siendo licito priuar (f. 122 v) a los reyes de sus reinos si Ie niegan la obediencia y absoluen los suditos del juramento de fidelidad animandolos contra su principe se bendria el a oponer a este rriesgo y condicion de perderla corona y la uida quando no se pudiere persuadir a dejar la secta en que se ha criado. Este es un beneno que ha con dido mucho introducido de espinosos malignos para peruertir el animo del Principe y ympedir el aumento de nuestra santa religion y los mismo Catolicos conosciendo que es el punto principal que les hara pena desean en estremo que se Ie de algun rremedio y aunque se les rrespondio quando conbino que la conclusion bien entendida no deue darles esos c;:elos pues 10 que los Papas hacen en semejantes casos es subordinamente para el fin espiritual y saluacion de las almas y para quitar el escandalo de la Iglesia de Dios dandoles a entender que no usa la Sede Apostolica de aquelIa authoridad sino a pura fuerc;:a y compran advertencia teniendo consideracion alguna a las personas y a otras circutnstancias con todo este como ha echado (f. 123) mui en las paizes esta opinion y como la mala rrac;:on de estado que tanto se planta no solamente tema los cuerpos sino tambien las sombras no deja lugar para la uerdad y dificulta mucho las cosas de la religion. Tiene tambien zelos de los mismos Catolicos por el mismo rrespecto por que sospecha que en la libertad de conc;:iencia creceran mucho y sera major el numero de sus enemigos y aunque se Ie diga que ningunos vasallos son mas fie1es que elIos por que rreconocen la obedienc;:ia del Principe al contrario de los Puritanos que como Caluinistas son de to do pun to opuestas a la monarquia rresponden que desobligandolos el Papa del juramento y vinculo del vassalaje y queriendo ellos obedec;:er al papa de quien depend en se hacen enemigos suyos que siempre andan maquinando contra su bida y su estado. Otro impedimento nace de los ministros que si bien no son mal afectos a laoreligion, mucho de elIos antes ynterioramente Catolicos, todauia poseiendo vienes eclesiasticos no les deja aquel ynterese descubrirse nian consejar a1 Rey en fauor de la Religion como se presume que 10 arian quando se asegur?sen de poder rretener con (f. 123 v) buena consideracion los otros vienes. 5 Para come ncar a establecer Ie Religion y estirpar los¡ herrores de Inglaterra digo rremitiendolo todo a la prudencia y deliberacion de su Santidad que 10 primero se deviria pensar en esto del concilio que piden ahincadamente por que si bien todas sus opiniones se an disputado y determinado en los passados con to do eso deseando y pidiendo tan de ueras concilio y concurriendo gran parte de los Catolicos de los quales muchos titubean en algunos articulos parece es negocio de consideracion. 6 Es verdad que si se pudiese ganar el Rey y persuadir a


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que se declarase Catolico si la nobleya 0 la mayor parte della hacian 10 mismo siguiendo como se ha dicho comunimente los mas la Religion de su Principe 10 qual se podria esperar mejor por ser tanto el numero de Catolicos ynterioramente con esto parecer que restauran en el Rey las sospechas que tiene del papa y los que reconozen antes podria prometer~e de ellos ayuda y seruicios contra los puritanos mas por agora tengolo por mui dificultoso y no creo que seria acertado tentarlo aprestamente por los rrespectos que e dicho. 7 (f. 124) Y puede se presumir que que ria ya nuestro Sefior a leuar la mana del castigo de la prouincia sacando la de su seguridad por medio de esta paz que berdaderamente es la puerta por donde se a de entrar al trato y comunicacion y confianza con Vuestra Magestad y al desangafio de mil mentiras y ynuenciones que los enemigos de Dios y su Iglesia ban sembrando alii para hazerles odiosos los sumos Pontifices y corte Romana y nuestra nacion y tanto mas creo que ha sido obra del cielo quanta mas considero los contrastes y malos oficios con que an trabajado los mismos por impedirla y muchos Catolicos y aun sacerdotes que unos engafiados y otros por pasion y yntereses particulares quisieran mas la guerra todas estas dificultades ha bencido la prouidencia (f. 124 v) de Dios disponiendo la paz con lleuar de esta uida en tiempo tan oportuna a la Reyna Ysauel yrreconciliabre con Vuestra Magestad y su corona y con darle por succesor sin contradicion fuera de 10 que se esperaua y algun Vuestro8 procuraua al presente Rey, principe, amigo de Siencia quieto, letrado, ocupado en exercicios de Virtud, y bien ynclinado a las cosas de Espafia, y a la Reyna por estremo aficionada a la casa de Austria, y que abla siempre con grande estimacion en la sangre que tiene de ellos,9 que ambos an ayudado con grande eficacia la conclusion del nuebo tratado. Concurre con este buen principio que la provincia pareye agora por grandeza de Dios mas dispuesta a chrecer en la Religion catolica que en ninguna de las dos sectas no solo por auerla conseruada entre tantas persecuciones de carceles, martirios, despojos de vienes y derrarniento de ¡sangre mas tambien porque se ve aumentar cada dia el numero de Catolicos. -: ta secta Prote.stante ~0n:t0 _ y~ qig~ ha . declinado mucho . genera-Imente y la Puritana haulendo llegado a la cumbre puede se esperar que auia de declinar presto. Esfuerya mucho esta opinion serle el Rey (f.125) enemigo declarado por escripto y de palabra yaunque pare cia disfauorere los Catolicos mas de 10 que se penso y prometia en el principio de su reynado y que ha veces se alarga hablando de ellos de q'Je muchos se quejan todo eso si bien se professa ser protestante se Ie descubre inconstanyia y queria saqer en la Religion. Fue criado desde nifio en el Puritanismo dejo aquella secta animose a la otra y aun en ella vacilia llama la religion Catolica la antigua y berdadera madre mas diera que tiene abusos. He leido mas de una bez que se dispondra siempre a entender la verdadera luz del euangelio y que desea un concilio como tambien 10


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desea gran parte de los Catolicos del Reyno. Da officios y dignidades a caualleros que tiene por Catolicos que nunca se permitio en tiempo de la Reyna, celebranse misas en las carceles por los sacerdotes presos y comulgan alIa muchos con tan poco secreto que es ympossible que el Rey y sus ministros no 10 sepan y dissimulen. No se an hecho en su tiempo en los Catholicos aquellas execuciones terribles q~e sole an hacer (f. 125 v) antes, se dolio mucho de que ciertos ministros Puritanos hubiesen ahorcado un clerigo y un lego lOy ordeno que no se ejecutasen mas semjantes castigos sin expressa orden suya. No a cobrado hasta agora las penas pecunarias de los rrecusantes ni rremetido creen algunos que por tener en freno a los Catholicos mas a negado dar a los creedores de la corona asignaciones sobre ellos aunque se las an pedido. Es principe naturalmente misericordioso, enemigo de sangre y que professa mantener su fee y palabra. La Reina ynteriormente se cree que es Catholica y die sse que no a querido ynteruenir en la cena de los secretarios. 1 1 (sic) En el consejo ay ministros Protestantes y ministros Catholicos pocos destos declarados y otros 10 son paliadamente. Dicurrese segun estos que el no declaratse el Rey mas faborable a los catolicos ni concederles la libertad de concien9ia que como dizen les prometio al principio del su reinado no nazce de odio sino de rra90n de estado que Ie hare demorocho y sospechoso y que los consejeros no los ayudan unos por estimaciones en su secta, otros por intereses particulares (f. 126 v) quedan las cosas de religion Catholica si hubiese algun mouimiento gen 'que se desbararanse todas estas tra9as. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, Among all the issues which have been considered in this negotiation of peace that of religion in England is the one which your Majesty has most desired to improve, for it is prompted by the sacred glory and honour of our Lord, the increase of His church and in large part the preservation or the breakup of the peace. Having already tested personally the weak basis of the talk of some suspect and misinformed persons who in every way desire that this negotiation be abandoned as hopeless, and of some other imprudent extremists who are prone to believe, or would like us to believe, that by force of arms great results are to be achieved, I have decided to describe to your Majesty the disposition of affairs at present in that kingdom. Your Majesty has to be aware of this and ought to ponder it, so as to inform his Holiness whatever is proper for him to know, and to advise your officials, in whose charge these matters properly belong as well, as to how they are to be handled. In England today there is one religion and two sects. The religion is the Roman Catholic and Apostolic, one sect is the Protestant based on


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the Lutheran doctrine, and the other is that of the Puritans who follow that of Calvin but reformed. In order to understand them, the Catholics, they say, are to be divided into four types. The first whom they call recusants, are people who not only refuse to take an oath of homage to the king as head of the Church, but even refuse to attend the "temples" and sermons of these sectaries and are liable, because of this refusal, to pay monthly twenty pounds, equal roughly to seventy gold escudos, and if they can not pay, to one year imprisonment and the loss of two thirds of their lands and all of their moveable goods. The second type, which is also Catholic and known to be such, is more political, for they swear to the primacy/ so as to retain their honors, property and fees from the king as they can not do so in any other way. There are still others who remain Catholic in secret who dare not be declared recusants lest they lose what has been mentioned before, as well as because of the severity of the penalties and vexations of the Puritans, the most adamant enemies of the Catholic religion. . In the fourth type are found the Catholics at heart who publicly profess one of the two sects so as not to lose their property and positions for the same reason. Among them are the larger portion of the nobility and officials who are deceived by the devise of Henry VIII and his daughter Queen Elizabeth who, in the hope of luring them away and involving them in their sect with a disreputable reason of state, distributed among them the goods which the church possessed. There is a widespread opinion that the first three types of Catholics are a large number, and certain Englishmen say that by taking one or other together, they are a third of the kingdom. The first type are truly worthy of sympathy for after declaring themselves recusants they submit to countless penalties and vexations to such an extent that it seems a miracle of God's providence, that in so many years of Elizabeth's rule they have been able to retain the seed of the Catholic religion in the midst of such extreme distress and pain. Among the two sects the Protestant has lost in numbers while the Puritan has increased considerably, even though the king professes the former and rejects the latter. A t the moment many profess to be Protestant although previously they have not been and perhaps they are not now. The Protestants are not as distant towards the Catholics nor are they as hostile as the Puritans. They include a greater portion of the nobility and the royal officials since the king, as mentioned above, is Protestant, furthermore there is a strong belief that should he declare himself Catholic nearly all the nobility would imitate him. There is a growing expectation that this realm is moving to a change for the better in religious affairs so much so that it will not be a sign of weakness if there is recourse to expedients according to the opportunities and the times. The present religious situation will be a guide, as well as the experience of previous heavy handed solutions through temporal or spiritual weapons, even if certain impatient minds and other ignorant


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people believe such to be advantageous. Peaceable and well advised persons consider them a serious danger even for the Catholics themselves. The temporal resources of the Catholics of this kingdom alone are very weak and they could not and would not dare to attempt anything. While a foreigner's strength might encourage them it is far more likely upon landing that the concern of other rulers would become apparent. They do not want foreigners, especially the Spanish, to come in here out of fear for their own power. Equally apparent is the slight impact that spiritual weapons have had, since neither Clement VII's censure of Henry VIII nor Pius V's against Queen Elizabeth, his daughter, have improved matters. Rather, there is a common report that, aside from the opinion of a few great personages, they believe they have alienated many and occasioned a persecution of the Catholics, for these censures declare a prince unworthy and unfit to rule and his subjects are released from their bond of obedience and they even prepare fleets against him. This argument is very persuasive, and when put forward by his Councillors, will be of considerable effect. However to make them open to persuasion, it is only necessary to give them assurance and to refute the objection that can be raised concerning the ecclesiastical lands which they possess. For this is a matter long gone and their holdings have now passed along to their own flesh and blood. Assuredly this can be dispensed and it will be advantageous to do so, in order to start making progress and to expect to gain much more where at present there is nothing. Once the step is taken, in this event it is certain that great obstacles will be smoothed away. It can be realized that the more this proposal is put to work at present the more the king's suspicions against Catholics are in large part put to rest since, when the peace is concluded, the reason is removed for the misgivings which they might have had previously that information was being passed to your Majesty about every stir within the kingdom, and they were observed to be ready to rebel at any opportunity. It is reasonable to expect this will decline further day by day as long as friendly good relations are strengthened, so as to have the aims and experience of a resident ambassador achieve large results. Your Majesty must insist that his selection be made with great care even if the person has to be taken from another and higher position. The individual ought to be likeable, Christian, experienced with the wor/cl and the courts of rulers and men, a fine courtier with ladies, sparkling and talkative, frank and generous, a man to dance at the mansions and masques where, at this court, there are bett(!r opportunities for busine~s than at formal audiences. Your Majesty can require of such an individual that he console and encourage the Catholics to continue on in their deep devotion, and not to cast their lot with others who have been strongly advising them to place themselves under the protection of the king of France, as your


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Majesty has already been informed. Let him be advised to counsel them regularly to be patient and loyal, yet he is to be warned to avoid secret conversations which are frought with intrigue, especially with priests. He should demonstrate in his activities that he is conducting himself most sincerely and with a desire to preserve the peace, by refusing the hear anything in private or in secret that could threaten the king and his realm. It will also be of the highest importance that your Majesty strictly oblige those responsible for the maintenance of the seminaries with the funds your Majesty is paying, that great care be taken to continue to support them, for this is a great service to our Lord, to whom the glory is due. The prudent zeal of the fathers of the Society of Jesus is respected as they have been pursuing their goal, and even greater fruit from their vineyard is expected, particularly if their General appoints able subjects to that mission who are meek and not given to extremes in their ardour, prone to practice moderation and patience. For even if each one of them exercised these [virtues] because they are instructed, still people usually devote themselves more effectively when an order is in keeping with the character and conviction of the person who is to perform it. I have also been told that the monks of the order of the glorious Saint Benedict have started to come into England. I am unsure whether this is advantageous at the moment, because of the danger of rivalry and divisions which can hamper what is being sought from every religious and priest. They ought to be required strictly to shun troublesome and seditious schemes, for the king has been offended and complained deeply about this, and they should speak of his person with courtesy styling him just, kind, peace loving and endowed with other virtues, and not a destroyer of the faith, shiftless, unwise and bereft of belief as certain people have done. Since he is not a Catholic prince they are satisfied that they have the liberty to forgo the respect due to his position, and they are driven to speak of him with frequent exaggerations of his slightest fault as extreme vice, and even with charges of some which he does not have. This has served to no advantage in the past. There is an example of this in the History of lliescas l a and other books which could be suppressed. Advise them as well that in their speeches they should say that Catholics should be obedient and loyal to their king, and that religious persecution ought to end through patience and without talk about a rebellion or demonstration. On this score they will not be so persecuted and they will increase daily in numbers without a further statement on liberty of conscience, and they will be assured of their lives and property and [remove] every suspicion of the king as well as keeping the Puritans at bay. When a stage such as this is attained then it will be time to request a free exercise of our religion which at the moment is beyond any fulfillment or likelihood, for they remain so suspicious. On the contrary, Catholics will in fact be pressing for something which


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probably can not be accomplished, if indeed it would ever be desirable, nor would they ever advise that it should be done so rapidly when those who are pressing for it are conscious of a danger which can happen both to his person and his state 2 and how much more desperate they can become. There are two reasons why the plan to marry his son, the Prince, with the Lady Infanta is the most effective way to facilitate this great undertaking. The first is that this will provide a sound reason for making a statement without any touch of insincerity and with simple honesty, the second is that it will be a guarantee against the activities of Puritans who, since they see his close union with your Majesty, will not dare to try something, indeed they will be diminishing very rapidly. Meanwhile, as our Lord continues to direct these ma tters, some attempt at least has to be made to end the persecution of Catholics in their lives and property, which I have already begun to make. Of itself this will suffice to have them increase considerably and to become familiar with our holy religion, and as a consequence while the number of the aforesaid Catholics is growing they will have no reason to be afraid of the Puritans and the king himself, who detests them, as has been said, will be protected against them by availing himself of the strength of the aforesaid Catholics. However the procedure of negotiation and persuasion has considerable difficulties, and it is essential that the individual who would attempt this under a standing order should be restrained, for it is well known that your Majesty has always protected the Catholics and even favored them during the recent wars against the Queen, with the assistance of the Supreme Pontiffs. I am doubtful that we will be able to protect them at present, for even though the ink is hardly dry on the articles of Peace, it is solely religion, without any reason of state, that impels us to attempt this task on their behalf A t least several years of friendship will have to pass first before the suspicions against this intervention are dispelled, while mutual benefits will serve to blot out the recollection of personal injuries and destroy the arguments of those persons who tried formerly to prevent a peace, and after its conclusion to break it by telling the king that the Pope and your Majesty are planning to profit by the time, to render him careless while they are recovering and rearming to attack him later with the help of the Catholics, who will always be more dependant on Spain through unity in religion. Furthermore, having obtained something through your Majesty's intervention it will be acknowledged as such, and they will remain under obligation to your Majesty and have greater solidarity against their king when they have acquired something through your Majesty's patronage. In effect it places every single person under suspicion. They can not avoid disliking it when another prince, a more powerful foreigner, is offering support, even should it be under a pretext that there was an understanding and agreement among friends within his kingdom and his own household. When speaking to a royal


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official in the hope of getting help I was quite struck by what was said, and I was even anticipated in his warnings to me that his master, while respecting the substance, was still not deceived. Furthermore, he said, the king had told him that he did not seek bloodshed or monetary fines for the sake of religion, and this was already to be seen at the inauguration of his reign and will be seen further in the future. He added that his Majesty 3 was solicitous for their welfare and relief and will order his officials not to meddle with his Catholic vassals, except when they refuse to be governed in a fashion he considered proper. This was the best method to becoming free and secure from him. During this conversation he asked me; 'if I were to beg his Catholic Majesty for freedom of conscience for the Moriscos or some others among his vassals, what would be thought of it'. I replied that the case was very different since in your Majesty's dominions there were no recusants nor anything else, only the Catholic Religion. However in whatever region there might emerge the situation which was presently in England I will indeed entreat your Majesty to act there in the same way as I had been asking of him. From now on let this policy be pursued. It is essential for the achievement of results and the termination of these suspicions that Catholics be assisted in some other fashion, no longer by patronage and protection, and herein serious danger should be avoided. Such a step will mean saying in the king's hearing at a suitable occasion, as well as convincing his councilors who will be gratified, that there is nothing to be gained in eliminating the Catholics. Indeed with the Protestant sect so weak, they will be forced to leave the Puritans as masters of the field, although they are mortal enemies of monarchy who at every turn try to subordinate the royal authority to the people, as they showed clearly in the recent parliament by opposing everything the king requested. These Puritans do not persecute Catholics so much from hostility to religion but rather to weaken the assistance they could offer the king against themselves. If at present they confront him so shamelessly, with how much greater insolence can they act when they see him deprived of other assistance? There are clear instances involving his very person when only king of Scotland. The fears and suspicions of the king are based largely on the fact that the Puritans are numerous, very audacious and of such sinister intent that they have placed themselves in opposition to everyone of his objectives publicly. Since they have such strength in numbers and are very cruel enemies to Catholics he wonders whether, once any betterment of their 10 twas noticed, they might not grasp the opportunity as an excuse for some rebellion. His worry mounts from the fact that while his throne is not firmly established and the English and Scots are not of one mind, there is the belief that once he has made a declaration in favour of the Catholics at this time, when the Puritans realize his dislike they are capable of selecting another leader and creating a considerable disturbance . A


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mistrust of the Catholic religion might terrify them less, but there is a misunderstanding firmly rooted in England among both heretics and Catholics. They say that by encouraging our true Catholic religion, or at least offering freedom of conscience he seems to acknowledge, or allow recognition of the power of the supreme pontiff'4, through whose authority it is permissible to depose kings from their thrones, if kings should refuse him obedience, and they may absolve their vassals of their oath of loyalty by inciting them against their prince. He will be forced to withstand this dangerous likelihood of losing his crown and his life, as long as he can not be persuaded to leave the sect in which he has been raised. This is the one poison, flowing from the nettles of malice, that has succeded in corrupting the understanding of the prince and halting the growth of our holy religion. The Catholics themselves, aware that it is the principal point which will damage them, are very anxious to secure some respite. Meanwhile, I keep saying to them when occasion offers, that our well cherished goal ought not to arouse these anxieties, for what the popes are doing in similar cases is subordinate to a spiritual purpose and the salvation of souls and the suppression of a scandal in the house of God, and pointing out that the Apostolic See does not resort to this power unless utterly forced, and they should be mindful to note the particular persons and other circumstances. In spite of everything this opinion is still in wide circulation in the country, together with a deep rooted sinister reason of state which is not only fearful of persons but even of shadows. This leaves no room for the truth and considerably hampers the affairs of religion. Furthermore he has anxieties about the Catholics themselves in the same proportion, because he suspects that with freedom of conscience they will increase considerably and so will the number of his enemies grow. Although it is said that none of his subjects are more faithful than they, for they profess obedience to the prince, contrary to the Puritans who are opposed on that very score to monarchy as Calvinists, they reply that when they are discharged by the Pope of their oath and obligation of loyalty they will seek to obey the pope on whom they rely, and by always proceeding to plot against his life and his throne turn into his enemies. A nother obstacle is to be found among officials who in fact are not hostile towards religion, many of whom previously were inwardly Catholic, yet as the owners of ecclesiastical property, their interests prevent them from being revealed. Thus they are refusing to advise the king favorably towards religion, as it is expected they would begin to do when they are assured of the right to keep their other property in all due respects. 5 That the establishment of religion and the destruction of error in England may be begun I say that, although this question of a Council is to be left to the prudent discretion of his Holiness who ought to be the first to consider it, still since their request is sincere, it appears to be


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important, even if all their beliefs have been already debated and decided in previous councils, they are anxious and sincere in their demand and have the approval of a large part of the Catholics, many of whom are wavering over certain articles. 6 It is true that should the king be won over and persuaded to declare himself a Catholic and if the nobility, or a majority of them would do the same, for as has been said already, many of them usually follow the religion of their Prince, and in this case there is greater hope in that such a number of them are Catholics interiorly, it is hardly to be believed that they would be rekindling the king's suspicions against the Pope and those who acknowledge him, but rather he will be enabled to be confident of their aid and services against the Puritans. However at present I consider this extremely difficult and I do not believe that it will be proper to try it soon, for the reasons I have already mentioned. 7 It can be presumed that our Lord now desires to lift His arm of chastisement from this region and offer His arm 'in support by the Peace which is in truth a portal to negotiations, conversations and confidences with your Majesty. It will serve to unmask the thousand lies and fables which the enemies of God and His church have been spreading about to render odious the supreme pontiffs, the Roman court and our nation. I am convinced that this is the work of heaven the more I contemplate the stubborn and hostile efforts used by these same people to prevent it. There are many Catholics, and even prierts, who either out of self deception or out of personal interests and feelings would rather prefer war, yet the providence of God has conquered all obstacles, by arranging peace and removing from this life at an opportune moment Queen Elizabeth, the implacable foe of your Majesty's throne, and allowing a successor without any opposition aside from what might be expected. Some [prayer} 8 of yours has obtained the present king, a princely friend of learning, gentle, literate, attentive to the practice of virtue and well disposed to the affairs of Spain, and a queen who is extremely devoted to the house of Austria and always mentions with great pride her relationship to it. 9 Both monarchs have helped very effectively in the conclusion of this recent treaty. With this auspicious beginning there is agreement that the region seems to be more disposed at present, through the power of God, to increase in the Catholic religion than in either of the two sects, not merely because it has been preserved in the midst of such persecutions as imprisonments, martyrdoms and loss of property and the shedding of blood, but also because the number of Catholics is seen to be growing daily. The Protestant sect, as has been said, has declined widely, and the Puritans can be expected to decline after the peak has been reached. The fact that the king is a declared enemy both in word and writing greatly strengthens this belief. and while he appears to be hostile to Catholics - more because of his opinions and promises at the start of his reign and his going to some lengths to speak against them at times, as


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many complaints indicate - still if he is professing to be Protestant, there is some slackness evident, and he does desire to learn of the Faith. He was raised from childhood in Puritanism but he left that sect and gave his loyalty to the other, and even there he wavers and calls the Catholic religion the ancient and true mother, but will maintain that it has abuses. I have read on more than one occasion that he will remain willing to grasp the true light of the gospel, and that he keeps seeking a Council along with a large portion of the Catholics of the realm. He confers offices and honours on persons who are held to be Catholics, a thing never permitted in the days of the Queen. Priests in detention celebrate mass and give communion to many with such little secrecy, that it is impossible that the king and his councillors do not know it, but pretend otherwise. During his reign those horrid executions of Catholics have not occurred as formerly happened. He has been distressed that certain Puritan councillors have hung a cleric and a layman 1 0 and he has given orders that similar punishments are not to be carried out without his express command. He has not been collecting the monetary fines until the moment, but he has not remitted them. Some believe that this is done to keep Catholics ' in check, yet he has refused to grant to the crown's creditors consignments of their property, although they have been requested. He is a merciful, prince by nature and opposed to bloodshed with the intention of abiding by his faith and promise. Privately the queen is believed to be a Catholic and is said to have refused to partake of the Protestant communion. 11 In the Council there are Protestants and Catholics, a few of whom have declared it, while others remain secret. It is agreed that the king's failure to show himself favourable to Catholics or allow them liberty of conscience - a thing they say he promised them at the outset of the reign - does not arise from hatred but from reason of state, which keeps him hesitant and suspicious. As the councilors are not assisting them, some from devotion to their beliefs, others from personal interests, the plight of the Catholic religion is remaining the same, even were there to be some stu, all those plans will be reduced to nonsense. i.e. the Oath of Supremacy. 1~ Gonzalo de Illescas: Historia Pontifical y Catholica en la qual se contienen las vldas r hechos de todos los summos Pontifices~omanos , had printed only two of the SIX volumes of his famous work in Barcelona in 1596. A third was not pu.blished until 1?08. It is difficult to see any direct provocation to King James in thIS work at the tIme the Constable was writing. However it is likely the polemical tone of Illescas rather than any printed references was the subject of his warning. 2 The Constable was convinced of James's fear of local opposition even before his arrival, see Document 6. 3 i. e. King James. 4 The Constable envisioned Pope Clement solely as a spiritual mediator: " He can be of great assistance if he accomodates himself to the times with mildness and


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patience and puts aside his reason of state as a temr ¡ oral prince, by looking at this affair merely as the Vicar of Jesus Christ" (E 841 140 letter from Gravelines, 13 September 1604). 5 A marginal comment was interpolated into the text at this point: "The remedies are not hopeless, indeed there are signs that they will improve when properly used within every friendly discourse and with reason of state." 6 Robert Cecil explained later that King James desired "a generall councell lawfully called and where there shall be no such inequalitie of voyces, as must of necessitie bee, considering the multitude of Catholique Prelates, nor yet so partial a Judge, as the Bishop of Rome . . ." (Cecil to Thomas Edmondes, 10 October 1605, B.M. Stowe Mss. vol. 168, ff. 165-67). 7 Another marginal comment was interpolated here: "It will follow that the Catholics, because of their dependence on the supreme pontiff, are considered to be released from their oath of loyalty and become the greatest and most powerful enemies of the King, suspected of plots and conspiracies against his person and throne, and all this has been assisted and supported through forty years of superstition. The expectation of restoring the Catholic religion is to be based on moderate measures and people with peaceable intentions in keeping with the time, the character of the realm, the persons and their own interests." 8 The copyist wrote VRO and left out a noun; 'y a/gun [voto] vuestro... " satisfies the sense. 9 Isabella, sister of Charles V, had married Anne's cousin Christian II of Denmark. The daughter of that marriage, Christina, married later James's cousin, the Duke of Lorraine. 1 0 While the Constable was visiting London it was learned that "near York a Magistrate hanged a priest and another Catholic for no other offense than their religion ... " (es.p. Venetian, 1603-7, p. 172). They were John Sugar and Robert Grissold, see Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests, pp. 275-80. 11 Anne did not receive the sacrament at James's coronation, es.p. Venetian 1603-7, pp. 40, 68, 81. See also Documents 38 and 65. The Duke of Feria wrote shortly after this to his friend Fr. Thomas Fitzherbert, "The Constable has become very convinced of the religion of the queen and that she desires my mother [i.e. Jane Dormer] to come there to be of assistance in it. His Excellency has lost nothing in this and thus he will be able to console himself with this when the king [i.e. James] shall fail in his promises, which are in my opinion nothing but words given from above to an underling .. ." (Archives of the Archbishop of Westminster, Series E, vol. 2, f. 224, letter of 12 September 1605)

9. THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO PHILIP III.

ca. December 1604.

Original unfinished draft of a consuita, undated, 3 pages, E 840/272. This document offers the original information in Document 10, note 2.


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+

Senor En consejo de Estado se ha visto una carta del Duque de Escalona para Vuestra Magestad de 16 de Nouiembre 1 en que escriuo que el Padre Personio Ie ha representado el aprieto grande en que se hallan los Catholicos de Inglaterra, aun despues de las pazes porque aunque no se executa pena de muerte, las demas de destierro, carceles y confiscacion de bienes estan en su misma fuer«a y se despechan los jueces2 acostumbrados por las prouincias a inquirirlos lleuando ordenes muy apretados del mismo Rey para que sin remission ninguna se proceda con tra ellos y que de aqui ha nascido la propuesta que algunos Ingleses que han estado en Paris y agora se hallen Inglaterra han hecho a los Catholicos de aquel Reyno que se pongan debaxo la proteccion del Rey de Francia, 3 en cuyo nombre offrescen que con las armas si fuere necessario les ampararen en caso que el de Inglaterra no se aya con ellos humanamente, pues Vuestra Magestad no tiene mas que hazer auiendo venido en las pazes sin auerse en elIas assentado nada en su fauor aunque confiessan que el Condestable y los demas deputados han hecho el esfuerzo y instancia possible con menos fruto del que esperaua. Tambien Ie dixo el dicho Personio que estos dias (p.2) passados el Rey auia hecho una junta con los de su consejo para tratar desta materia y que huuo en ella muy differentes y encontrados parasceres y se dissoluio sin tomar resolucion diziendo el Rey que queria pensar en ello,4 y que 10 que despues resulto fue auer embiado algunos consejeros afficionados a los Catholicos y al seruicio de Vuestra Magestad a proponer al archipresbitero que es la cabe«a de los ecclesiastic os que de los duzientos mil escudos que el Conde stable dexe depositados, para el medio tratado de que no se executassen las leyes para espacio de veynte un anos, se les diessen dos mil libras anglicanas que son ocho mil escudos nuestros prometiendo boluer los al deposito quando se aya de hazer el dicho assiento, y que en recompensa desta gracia offrecen quatro condiciones, en mucho beneficio de los Catholicos, la primera que aunque sean condemnados los sacerdotes a muerte, no executara la pena, la segunda que a los legos no se les dara de muerte, sino de destierro, carcel, 0, pecunaria, la tercera que aunque hasta aqui al que denunciaria al recusante que no yua a las Iglesias de los hereges, se entregaua en sus bienes y hazia la diusion dando al Rey sus dos partes y una al recusante quedando se con 10 <tue queria, sin que nadie Ie pidiesse quenta, que de aqui adelante haga la particion el , rnismo recusante, la quarta que en los puertos no se tomare juramento a los que entraren (p.3) en e1 Reyno que reconosceran el Rey cabe«a dela Iglesia como hasta aqui se ha hecho. Assimismo dize que el Ar«ipresbitero y el prouincial 5 de la Compania escriuen a Personio que haga Instancia con Vuestra Magestad para que se conceda esta gracia a estos consejeros assi por que offresen tomar el dinero y no es razon disgustarlos en tiempo que tanto pueden


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ayudar para la viuienda libre que se dessea y otras cosas del seruicio de Vuestra Magestad como porque si cumplen 10 que offrescen es en mucho fauor de los Catholicos y el mismo Personio es deste parescer y el Duque de Escalona dize que no se puede esperar que tornaran demas este dinero entrando en su poder no paresce puede ser firme este pacto pues sin orden del Rey ni puede auer seguridad ni esta en su mana el darla, Ie ha parescido dar quenta a Vuestra Magestad de todo paraque 10 mande consultan y resoluir 10 que sera seruido ... 6 [Translation: ]

+ Sire, The Council of State has seen a letter of the Duke of Escalona to your Majesty of November 16th 1 in which he said that Father Persons has described to him the severe straits in which the English Catholics remain even after the conclusion of the peace. For although the death penalty is not enforced, others of exile, imprisonment and confiscation of property are retained with the same rigor, and throughout the shires the usual justices are despatched 2 to search them out with strict orders from the king himself to proceed against them without any exceptions. From this situation some Englishmen who formerly lived in Paris and now in England have formed a plan, which they are placing before the Catholics of that kingdom, that they should place themselves under the protection of the king of France 3 in whose name they pledge that there would be armed support should the necessity arise in the event that the king of England does not proceed in a humane fashion towards them. For your Majesty can go no further since the peace was concluded without any agreement therein for their support, although they acknowledge that the Constable and the other commissioners made every possible effort and plea with less results than were expected. The aforesaid Persons also stated that some days ago the king summoned a meeting of his Councillors to deal with this matter wherein he found many conflicting opinions so that he adjourned it without reaching a decision with the remark that he wanted to think further about it.4 Later it developed that he sent some Councillors who were favourable to Catholics and to your Majesty's service to propose to the Archpriest, who is the leader of the clergy, that from the 200 thousand escudos which the Constable left in deposit as a step then under negotiation for the non enforcement of the laws for a period of twenty one years, they would receive 2000 English pounds - that is 8000 of our escudos - with a promise to leave the amount in deposit until they have fulfilled the aforesaid agreement. In return for this gift they promise four conditions of great benefit to the Catholics. The first is that even when priests are condemned to death the penalty will not be executed; the second is that laymen will not be executed but will only be liable to exile, prison or monetary fine; the third is that although


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until the present the informer who denounced a recusant for failure to attend the heretical church was handed his property and was in charge of the diviUon wherein two parts went to the crown and one to the recusant, while retaining whatever he wished without having to render an account to anyone, henceforth the recusant himself will make the division; the fourth is that the oath acknowledging the king as head of the church will not be required of those entering a port as has been done until the present. Furthermore he stated that the Archpriest and the Provincials [sic} of the Society [of Jesus} wrote to Persons that he ought to urge your Majesty to grant this favour to those Councillors, both because they pledge to return the sum and because it is unreasonable to offend them at a time when they can be of such help in the free exchange which is desired here and in other questions of your Majesty's service. Indeed should they perform as they promise it is a great benefit for the Catholics and Persons himself shares this opinion. The Duke of Escalona advises that there is no hope of their returning this money again when they acquire possession, nor does this agreement appear to be firm, for without a command from the king certainty remains unlikely and they are powerless to confer it. He has decided to make a report about everything to your Majesty so that you might order a consultation and decide what will be your will... 6 1 The letter of the Duke of Escalona has not been traced; however the reply of Philip III of 28 November 1604 referred to an interview of the ambassador with Cardinal Aldobrandino in which the Spaniard defended the commissioners in London against the charge of not having done more on the issue of relief for Catholics (E 1857/403). 2 t, e. Pursuivan ts. 3 For reports of English Catholic support for a French candidacy to the throne see H.M.C. Salisbury Mss. vol. 16, pp. 7-8 and B. Barbiche Correspondence du Nonce... del Butalo, pp. 97-99. 4 Possibly the report of a debate in the Privy Council on Recusancy of 17 Sep tember 1604 (E 841/184, printed in Toleration and Diplomacy , pp. 55-56). 5 Henry Garnet was a Superior not a Provincial. 6 This text ended with one paragraph stating an opinion of a Councilor of State, J uan de Idiaquez.


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10. PHILIP III TO PEDRO DE ZUNIGA. Valladolid, 20 April 1605. Original text with initial at close, 21 pages, E 2863/9. Pedro de Zufiiga Palomeque y Cabeza de Vaca was a Gentleman of the Chamber to Philip III and a soldier who had served as General in the campaign near Rousillon under Philip II. He was married to a daughter of the Count of Corufia, a lady in waiting to the Queen Margarita de Austria, who died while he was in England. A man of great tact but poor health he remarked after three years in the London embassy that "I have always held it more troublesome to die here than to live here" (E 2586/117, letter of 29 June 1608). After John Digby met him in Madrid he reported that "he returned from England with his estate and private fortunes so much impaired that he was fayne to use the force and strength of all his friends for the repayring and settling thereof... " (S.P. 94/18/118, letter of28 June 1611 o.s.). In April 1612 he received the title of Marques of Floresdavila and later that of Commander of the Order of Santiago and Master of the Horse to Philip III. A friend of Olivares, he was a Councilor of State under Philip IV until his death in October 1631. Despite the two year's residence of Tassis in London, ZUfiiga was the first official Resident envoy to King James. It is evident that greater care would be taken in drafting his instructions since the experience of both Tassis and the Constable were now available to the Council. The "other" instruction mentioned in the first paragraph below was a detailed list of 20 points covering his journey northward, a visit to Brussels, protocol in London and the grievances of Spanish and English merchants (E 2863/3). This second instruction was intended to survey problems of a higher priority. In the first half of this text is a detailed narrative of all previous efforts for toleration through diplomacy. In the later section the urgent crisis of the Low Countries is analysed. It is significant that this strategic paper was prepared prior to the visit of the Earl of Nottingham to Spain to secure the ratification of the treaty of peace. (p.1)

+

El Rey Don Pedro de Cuniga de mas de 10 que os ordeno por la Instruccion que se os da para Inglaterra adonde os embio por mi embaxador orainario he querido advertiros en esta presente las cosas de mas consideracion que alli aueys de tratar y procurar que encamineys. 10 Muy sabido es 10 que yo he desseado y procurado fauorescer la causa de los Catolicos de aquel Reyno y encaminarla a su mayor beneficio especialmente en tiempo de la Reyna de Inglaterra difunta que tanto los persiguio y apreto y aunque despues que subcedio el Rey


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presente se ha procurado hazer este 10 possible por medio del Conde stable y del Conde de Villa Medina por la negociacion de la paz, pues por tratarse della no podia ser en otra forma como os dira particularmente el dicho conde no se ha podido sacar de aquel Rey mas de que no seran molestados ni apretados los dichos Catolicos fundandose en que por materia de estado y ser rezien heredado y auer de contemporizar con sus vasallos no ha podido hazer otra cosa y a la verdad se debe atribuyr a los malos officios de los puritanos y protestantes de que ay en su consejo la mayor parte, pero como es materia en que no se ha podido apretar 0 no causar ~elos en el dicho Rey y con este mayor dafio a los dichm; Catolicos quedo en este estado quando se hizo la paz. (p.2) Entonces se entendio por medio de una persona confidente 1 y que tience mana con el dicho Rey (de que se os advertira el Conde de Villa Mediana) que dandole los Catolicos a aquel Rey por una vez 10 que montassen en siete anos los veinte libras esterlinas que cada Catolico recusante pagaua por ano a la Reyna difunta por no yr a las ecc1esias de los herejes vendra en dirimirlos desta subjecion por 21 afios, tras esto por los buenos officios que con secreta se han hecho de mi parte salio un edict0 2 en' fauor de aquellos Catolicos que contiene que no proceda contra c1erigos ni legos que no se tornen los bienes de los Catolicos recusantes que fueron buscados como antes, que a ninguno de los que entraren en los puertos se pida el juramento de suprema cia sino a los sospechosos que los Catolicos recusantes quedaran por arrindadores de sus proprias tierras, y tam bien el dicho Rey suspendio la cobran~a de los 20 libras dichas hasta pascua de flores deste afio por la forma dicha pareciendoles como es assi que en este tiempo y con (p.3) este beneficio ' se abrira gran puerta para su remedio, y por 10 que yo desseo seruir a dios en causa tan suya y hauer ell os offrecido al Conde de Villa Mediana que juntaron para este efecto 30 0, 40 M libras 3 estoy resuelto de ayudarles a cumplir la suma que montara la composicion que se entiende sera de 300 M escudos poco mas 0 menos,4 no obstante que no interuiene en ella cosa espiritual sino un arrendamiento llano que los Catolicos pagan al Rey que como se auia de arrendar a otros se arrienda a ellos por aquel tiempo para socorrer el . Rey [en] su necessidad de manera que no viene a ser libertad por via de religion pero de gran beneficio a los catolicos y esperanza de otro mayor mediante el fauor de dios que se 10 que me ha mouido a hazellos este socorro, mas ay dos cosas de mucha consideracion a que se ha de entender con gran cuydado, la una que por que ha dado a entender el confidente que seran solo esentos los Catolicos que oy pagan y que los que adelante se dec1araren por Catolicos y no fueren a las iglesias de los hereges que paguen dos amendas que serian 40 libras esterlinas por casa, se ha de procurar con gran destreza y cuydado que la dicha (pA) compossicion sea para todos los Catolicos que se dec1araren presentes y futuros, pues este es muy puesto en razon y conueniente para que nuestro Sefior se sirua de encaminar la redencion de aquellos Payses. La


50

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otra que esta platicada es darle el socorro de dinero que queda dicho ha de correr con tal recato que por ninguna via entienda aquel Rey que yo tengo parte en ello por que seria la ruyna del negocio y de los Catolicos y el medio que se me offrece mas a proposito es el del Archipresbitero que alIi reside que segun he entendido es hombre prudente de quien se .puede hazer la misma confianya de los demas Catolicos por cuyo medio se tratan los negocios de todos ellos y que guardaran sumo secreto todauia porque los hombres suelen mudarse y tambien por si para descubrir tierra vieresse algun herege en nombre de Catolico sera conueniente que en todas las platicas que tuuieredes con ellos sobre este particular les digays que yo les hago este medio por 10 que desseo ver los libres del trabajo y opression (p.S) en que les puso la reyna Isabel y que Dios inspire en aquel Rey que se reduzga ala obediencia de la santa iglesia Catolica Romana que ellos procuren obligarle con ser los buenos y obedientes vassal os por 10 temporal y no tratan de ninguna cossa contra su estado de manera que por las obras yea la seguridad que puede tener dellos y la obligacion en que Ie ponen de hazerles merced pues esto no contradize a la oberuancia de la religion Catolica yes medio de proceder debido ala dignidad de su Rey y Senor Natural y por la misma razon deben abstenerse de tratar mal de su persona y actiones como se entiende que algunos 10 an hecho por 10 passado, mayormente que deste no se ha receuido ni pueden sacar ningun fruto y se Ie da justa causa de indignarse S que por este camino yran ganando la volun tad de su Rey la Paz se conserua y con ello se yra poco a poco a1canyando 10 que se dessea. De hazer este officio no se puede seguir ningun inconueniente y viniendo a noticia del Rey como podria ser quedara muy (p.6) obligado a la hermandad y amistad con que yo trato de sus cosas y por el consiguiente muy assegurado de 10 que della puede esperar y conoyera la malicia de los que 10 procuran persuadir 10 contrario y assi aueys de tener gran cuydado de hazer diestramente el dicho officio en su tiempo y sazon y para mayor in teligencia vuestra he querido aduertir os que las personas por cuyo medio se trata de la redencion de los 21 afios han dicho al Conde de Villa Mediana que no conuiene que aquel Rey entienda que yo ayudo a los Catolicos con dinero para aquel efecto y aunque siendo ministros suyos de quien fia mucho es de creer que 10 que tratan es por su orden y que el dar a entender otra cosa debe ser porque no quiere que se sepa, todauia para en caso que este no fuesse assi y que, 0, por no guardarse el secreto, 0, por discurso de que los catolicos no tienen tanto caudal de haziendas que puedan dar de cantidad tan gruessa suma como 10 que se presupone sera menester para el resga te de los 21 anos viniesse aquel Rey a en tender que yo les ayudado para elli, sera bien que si se hablare en ello, digays que (p.7) a mi no me ha movido otra cosa sino compassion y piedad Christiana sin passarme por el pensamiento que aquel Rey se hauia de ofender dello, pues auiendo el desembolzar el dinero antes Ie hazia beneficio que ofensa, pero primero de llegar a este quando se tratare del negocio con


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las personas que Ie han tornado a su cargo sera bien que vos les digays por el discurso de la platica que yo hago esta limosna a los Catolicos sobre entender que aquel Rey no 10 tomara a mala parte y que torno os persuadir a que 10 que ellos hazen es sin su sabidura, y por que 10 que el condestable de Castilla advirtio al Conde de Villa Mediana sobre este negociacion 6 es muy a proposito y os ayudara mucho para ella si os dara con esta, copia de 10 que toca a este pun to. T odo 10 yeo y considerando muy atentamente por ~ser] informado bien del dicho conde que esta enterado de la materia y si quando huuieredes llegado alia faltare algo por hazer en ella 10 continuareys por la forma dicha y con el tiento y prudencia que de vos confio (p.8) sabiendo primero del dicho conde todo 10 que ha passado y se offreciere y 10 que se puede fiar de los que tratan dello y quien es son los mas confidentes para que se acierte negocio en que tan to va y siendo ya passado el plazo que aquel Rey dio para la composicion conuiene no perder tiempo de vuestra parte a 10 que nos tocare hazer por que con la dilacion no mude de proposito. 20 Entre las platicas que tuuo el Conde de Villa Mediana con la Reyna y con el Secretario Cicil pocos dias despues que llego a aquella corte Ie dieron a entender su desseo de que se mouiessen platicas de casamiento de la Infante mi hija 8 con el Principe de Gales y por auer tanto dellas al efecto respeto de la poca edad y otras dificultades y parecer conueniente no dar desengafio en tiempo que se trataua de paz y amistad se Ie permitio al dicho Conde que se hiziesse buen rostro a la propuesta con fm de mejorar con esta platica la de los Catolicos pero dando a entender a la dicha Reyna y a quien Ie hablasse en ello (como el Conde 10 hizo y despues el (p.9) Condestable) que ha de preceder al efecto desto el criarse Catolico el dicho Principe y serlo, y auiendose les representado esta dificultad de la religion a ellos toca satisfacerla y entretanto que no 10 hizieren se ha de poner silencio ala platica como 10 tiene entendido el dicho conde y se os advierte avos demas de dar os copia con esta de 10 que el Condestable encargo por escrito a su buelta al dicho Conde sobre este punto que es de la sustancia que vereys pero si os hablaren en ello les dareys oydos con buena gracia especialmente veniendo a 10 de la religion y me auisareys de 10 que os dixeren. 9 30 Con ocassion de los officios que el dicho conde hazia para que ningun Ingles Escoces ni Irlandes fuesse a seruir en la guerra a los Rebeldes por ninguna via directa ni indirecta pues estaua hecha la paz que 10 prohibira, Ie offrecieran que se harai un edicto publico revocatorio y prohibitorio assi para que no (p.lO) vayan Ingleses ni Escocesses a seruir a los Rebeldes como para hazer boluer a los que ya estan alIa y escusar la salida de los piratas a las Indias y a nuestros mares dandoseles a los que 10 hauian de negociar con aquel Rey X M libras esterlinas y auiendose les acceptado la dicha oferta y assegurandoles que seria cierta la recompensa dicha han puesto despues dificultad en el cumplimiento de su parte diziendo que de la nuestra no se acudio a tiempo con los dichos X M libras 10 qual no fue cierto porque el


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

condestable haliandose en Londres offrecio de darles luego en Arnberes y antes de salir de la dicha Londres entendio que no podrian cumplir 10 que auian offrecido, despues han salido con dezir que se dexe debaxo de su palabra y que esto tendra mas fuer~a que por edicto pu blico y por 10 que conuiene consequir el fin que se pre ten de y paracer que quedan obligados los mouedores desto a sacarlo cierto especialmente reciuiendo (p.ll) por ella suma de dinero he orden ado ul timamen te al Conde de Villa Mediana que no pudiendo salir con el dicho edicto prescrito diga que se consiga por la forma que quiessieren contentandose elios que la paga de las X M libras sea en 4 anos 2500 al fin de cad a uno auiendo precedido el cumplimiento de la promesa por que assi se va aventurando ganar y no perder advirtiendole y por que si el concierto fuesse un tanto por cada ano pretenderian que al cabo de los quatro se huuiesse de con tinuar seria mas conuieniente que se assentasse que por esta negociacion se daran los X M libras y que para pagar los se toma plazo de quatro anos en la forma dicha. Todo 10 qual conuiene que lleueys hasta que se concluya este punto que es de mucha consideracion pues demas de quitar aquel seruicio de gente a los dichos Rebeldes se yria enfriando la comunicacion y amistad entre elios (p.12) y los Yngleses engendiando odio y malevolencia, y en qualquier caso aueys de estar con gran cuydado de saber si vasallos de aquel Rey van a seruir a los dichos Rebeldes para que 10 sepa y remedio con exemplar castigo y si alcan~asseys a entender que fuessen con su sabidura podreys hazer de mi parte muy apretados officios para escusarlo diziendo 10 con sentimiento 10 que este se contravenia a la Paz hecha entre nosotros y a la buena opinion que aquel Rey tiene de cumplir su palabra especialmente en cosa de tanta consideracion y 10 mismo se entiende si saliesse nauios de aquel Reyno a piratear. 40 El ano passado de 1600 se mouieran platicas de paz con la Reyna de Inglaterra difunta y se juntaron nos disputados y los suyos para elio en Bolona y con esta ocassion offrecieran los suyos que tambien concurririan en el tratado los Rebeldes de las Islas de Olanda y Zelanda pero aquello ~eso por algunas (p.13) desconueniencias que se offrecieran y para en caso que huuiera de continuarse la platica y Hegarse al cabo con los dichos Rebeldes Heuo Don Fernando Carillo una instruccion muy cumplida cuya sustancia de 10 que toea a elios se os dara con esta por ser conueniente que 10 tengays entendido despues aca con ocassion de la Paz que se ha assentado con el Rey de Inglaterra 11 y los officios que el ha hecho con los dichos Rebeldes para que se incluyessen en al tratado se ha esperado que 10 harian pero su obstinacion y mala costumbre y la esperan~a de buenos subcessos en la guerra y sobre todo los malos officios que han hecho con elios los enemigos y amigos fingidos de mi corona se han detenido en su dureza sin querer venir en 10 que el dicho Rey los ha pedido de suyo. El intento que se lleua de mi parte este se encaminar los dichos Rebeldes a que se reduzgan a la obediencia de sus principes acomedandose elios a una paz con honestas condiciones 0 por 10 menos a una tregua durante


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la qual (p.14) con el beneficia que sentiesen de la quietud y comercio viniessen mas voluntariament en la paz y por si a persuasion del dicho Rey acudiessen al tra tado desta platica esta preuenido el Conde de Villa Mediana de encaminar la suspension 0 tregua larga por que de tratar la paz y assentarla se siguiria querer los Rebeldes que salgan los estrangeros de aquellos estados y que los castillos se entreguen a los naturales con 10 qual se perderia todo, y de la tregua resultarian entre otros muchos beneficios, estos no tener ellos causa de poder pedir que salgan los estrangeros1 2 de aquellos estados, abrirse puerta para 10 de la religion en los estados rebeldes pues con la communicacion se podrian embiar religiosos y hazer seminarios y usar otros medios suaues para su conuersion mayormente que se sabe que ay entre ellos muchos catolicos que no se usan descubrir agora por la tirania de los que gouiernan y en efecto gustando el pueblo de los beneficios de (p.15) la suspension de armas y el comercio no querian boluer a la guera y los que viuen della y tienen el gouierno viendose despossedosos de sus cargos y desautorizados seran los que mas ayudan los intentos del pueblo, pero por el mismo caso que no es conueniente por 10 dicho la suspension de armas imp6rta que los Rebeldes no conozcan que la desseamos porque no huyan dello sino que quando por medio del dicho Rey de Inglaterra mueran platicas de paz como se espera 10 haran con breuedad, direys oydos a ellos y pidays cosas dificultosas por termino que no se conozca que se dessea mucho sino que el ver ellos que para la conferencia y composicion de tantos y tan graues puntos como se han de assentar para una paz en materia de Religion, obediencia a sus principes, forma de gouierno y 10 de los estrangeros que han de auer en los pressidios, el assiento que se han de tomar con el Rey de Inglaterra sobre las playas que tiene en impeno y otras cosas de mucha consideracion es menester largo tiempo, les haga (p.16) caer en que conuiene venir a una suspension larga de armas y que el mismo Rey de Inglaterra 10 proponga a entrambas partes, y quando llegue la ocassion estareys muy advertido desto para continuar los officios que el Conde de Villa Mediana huuiere hecho con el tiento y consideracion que pide la materia para que se assiente la dicha suspension por el mas largo tiempo que se puede y para que vays mas enterado de 10 que ha passado ayerca deste punto se os advierte que auiendo me ascrito el dicho Conde en carta de Enero deste ano que creya que el Embaxador que alIi auia de yr del Archiduque y Infanta mis Hermanos lleuaria resolucion de sus Voluntades sobre 10 tocante a esto y poder bastante para tratar dello y que tiene por muy conueniente que alli aya a quien tenga poder mio para 10 que se huuiere de tratar y poder hazer una juridica contradicion en mi nombre en caso que por parte de mis Hermanos se quiera tratar y concluyr algo sin mi orden y que aunque este sin el dicho foder si viere la ocasion hara contradicion (p.17) Ie he respondido 1 que por agora no hara falta impoder pues conforme a 10 que se Ie ha escrito no se ha de hablar en esta materia sino es proponiendo la el Rey de Inglaterra y entonces podra dezir que no ay poder mio y que sera necessario embiar por el y


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que aqui entrara bien proponer el dicho Conde come de suyo que pues se viene a tratar de medios no conuiene que en quanto llega el poder y se trata del negocio se mueven las armas por que no servira sino del excitar los animos, y que con este color podria procurar introduzir la suspension de armas como medio proporcionado al trato de la paz, pero con tal destreza que se entienda que no se huyo della ni se dessea la suspension sino es como medio enderecado a aquel fin porque siendo tantos y tan ymportantes los puntos que se han de tratar y en que no dexara de auer dificultades que causaran dilacion de tiempo conuiene y aun es forcoso usar del medio que siempre se ha usado en semejantes tratados de paz para que cessando la hostilidad se ablanden (p.l8) y adulzen los animos desta manera procurando que aquel Rey cumpla 10 capitulado y sacando de su autoridad y color el mayor beneficio que se pudiere se vaya desmenu9ando y apurando la materia, y dandome cuenta de 10 que se fuere haziendo dexando to do 10 que se acordare a mi beneplacito y esperando para 10 que se huuiere de conduyr y efectuar mi orden, y por ser esta la ultima que he embiado al Conde de Villa Mediana y la mejor tra9a para guiar el negocio he querido advertiroslo y que llegado alii la sigays puntualmente con la destreza que conuiene, y aun que es de creer que mis Hermanos no trataron ni conduyran cosa ninguna sin darme primero quenta de 10 que se offrece he escrito sobre ello al Archiduque como 10 verays por la copia que se os dara con esta, y de todo 10 que se offreciere de consideracion agerca deste punto me auisareys en diligencia por que siendo aquella gente tan mudable respecto del gouiemo que tiene sera bien que si llega la ocassion no se pierda ningun tiempo de nuestra parte (p.l9). _ 50 Del dicho Conde de Villa Mediana entendereys las pensiones que se han sefialado a algunos ministro de aquel Rey y a otras personas, conuendra que os entereys muy bien de todo 10 que a esto toca y los condiciones para valer mas dellas 0 las ocassiones que puedan ser de mas fruto para la buena direcion de los negocios que quedan apuntados y los demas que se offrescan de consideracion, pues con este fin se les han sefialado las dichas pensiones, 10 que se les deuieredes dellas 10 ha de pagar con vuestra interuencion el dicho Conde de Villa Mediana y porque 10 que adelante corriere diziendo a cada uno 10 que es por la mano por donde passare no se puede quedar con nada y dandosele a los plazos que se huuieren assentados de suerte que la buena paga les obligue a perseuerar y seruir con mas puntualidad para 10 qual se os proueera del recado necessario y tendreys particular cuydado de auisarme como proceden aquellas personas en 10 que se offrece y los comunicareys discifrando sus nombres (p.20) en la forma que 10 haze el dicho Conde. 60 Haueys de tener muy gran cuydado de yr penetrando el estado de las cosas del dicho Rey, como el va de haziendo y estimacion de sus vassalos, la correspondencia que Ie hazen y sus intentos y los que Ingleses Escoses y Irlandeses tuuieren entre si y con sus vezinos contra el bien comun y particular de mis Reynos y por donde tratan sus


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55

inteligencias y en particular la amistad y correspondencia que el dicho Rey va tratando con el de Francia y las causas en que se funda y 10 que entre ellos se tratare , 10 qual es muy necessario saberlo y para esto os advertira de algunos caminos el Conde de Villa Mediana y aquellos y los demas que descubriesedes tales podreys seguir y auisarme particularmente de todo 10 que entendieredes y apuraredes gouemando os en quanta se offrecre con el tiento y consideracion que promete y asseguira vuestro mucho zelo de mi seruicio. Dat. etc. (Initial) [Translation]

+

The king Don Pedro de Zuniga. In addition to what I have required you to do in an instruction which will be given to you about England where I am sending you as my Ambassador Ordinary, I have desired by this letter to tell you things of greater urgency which you may have to handle there and must try to advance. 1° It is well known that I have hoped and tried to further and assist the cause of the Catholics in the realm to their greater advantage, especially during the days of the late queen of England who persecuted and oppressed them so much. Even after the accession of the present king everything possible was tried through the Constable and the Count of Villa Mediana in the peace negotiations, for there is no other means of handling this matter as the aforesaid count will tell you in detail. It was not possible to secure from that king more than [a pledge] that the Catholics will neither be harassed nor oppressed, for he justified his conduct in reasons of state, his recent accession and his need of placating his subjects and he has been powerless to do anything else. In tru th this ought to be blamed on the hostile efforts of the Puritans and Protestants who are a majority in his council, but since it is a subject about which the aforesaid king must not be aroused and excited to jealousy and thereby greater damage come to the aforesaid Catholics af ter peace was concluded the question was left in this state. A t the same time it was learned through an informer l who has influence with the aforesaid king (about whom the Count of Villa Mediana will advise you) that should the Catholics give to that king at one time whatever was the total of seven years of payments of twenty pounds sterling that every Catholic recusant paid annually to the late queen for not attending the churches of the heretics, he would proceed to cancel for twenty one years their obligation [to the laws] . Furthermore because of successful efforts made secretly on my behalf a proclamation has been issued concerning these Catholics 2 which requires that there be no proceedings against clergy or laity, that the properties of Catholic recusants who had been caught are not to be turned over as they were before, that the oath of supremacy is not to be required of all who arrive in ports but only of those who are suspect,


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and that Catholic recusants remain as proprietors of their own lands. Furthermore the 4foresaid king has suspended the collection of the aforesaid twenty pounds until Easter of this year, so that they have been encouraged to plan to compound with that king during the . suspension about the twenty one years in the fashion described before, because they believe that as matters stand, that suspension and with that advantage the door will open wide for their relief In keeping with my hope to serve God in a cause so much His own and since they have told the Count of Villa Mediana they might collect for this plan 30 or 40 thousand pounds 3 , I have decided to help them to complete the total which the composition will reach which is understood to be more or less 300 thousand escudos. 4 Despite this, it is not a question of spiritual matters, but only an open transaction which the Catholics are to pay to the king, just as one is obliged to another, so are they under obligation for that period to assist the king in his necessities in such a fashion that while the point of freedom on the road of religion is not reached, still there is a great advantage to Catholics and the expectation of other greater ones with the help of God's providence, who understands what has prompted me to give this aid. Furthermore there are two things of high importance which have to be grasped with great care. The first is that, while the informer has made it clear that only those Catholics who are presently paying will be exempt and those who subsequently revealed themselves as Catholics by not going to the churches of heretics are to be pay a double fine, which will be 40 pounds sterling per household, an effort has to be made with considerable adroitness and caution that the aforesaid composition be made on behalf of all Catholics who are revealed both now and in the future. For it is most reasonable and fitting that our Lord be pleased to further the redemption of those regions. The point which has been mentioned is that the monetary assistance which has been already discussed, has to be managed with such secrecy that the king should not be able to learn of it in any way, for that would be the ruination of both the plan and the Catholics as well. The most suitable intermediary who occurs to me is the Archpriest who lives there and according to my information is a prudent person to whom much can be entrusted. But, although even with him one can have the same confidence as with the other Catholics through whom the negotiations are conducted on behalf of all the rest this should be kept secret with the utmost care, for nevertheless mankind is changeable. Furthermore in case of an investigation one might discover some heretic pretending to be a Catholic so that it will be necessary in every conversation that you might have with them on this particular matter that you tell them that I am resorting to this means since I aim to s~e them free from the toil and suffering imposed by Queen Elizabeth, and that God may inspire that king so submit to the Holy Roman Catholic Church and that they may successfully put him in their debt by acting as good and obedient subjects in temporal affairs, and that they are not engaged in any practice against his state,


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so that he may see by their activities that he can rest secure with them and be forced to show them kindness. For this does not conflict with fidelity to the Catholic religion and is a manner of behaviour worthy of the dignity of their king and natural lord and for the same reason they ought to avoid mocking his person and activities as some have been understood to do in the past. Especially so since they have not received nor can they derive any advantage from it, while he is being offered a solid reason for anger.5 However through this procedure they will be earning their king's good will, while the peace is being preserved and with it, little by little, what is being hoped for will be achieved. In performing this task no difficulty ought to occur and were the king to become aware of it, as perhaps he will, he will be deeply indebted to the brotherly friendship that I am showing in his affairs and consequently very confident of the outcome. He will also recognize the illwill of those who are trying to convince him of the opposite. Thus you have to be extremely careful to play your part prudently in its proper time and place. For your greater information I have sought to advise that the persons through whom the redemption of twenty one years [of fines} is being negotiated have told the Count of Villa Mediana that there is no advantage in having the king become aware of my assistance to the Catholics with money for this negotiation. Since they are his ministers, in whom he has considerable trust, it is credible that what they are offering may be by his order and his pretending otherwise must be because he does not want it known. Still in case this might not be so, or of some failure to preserve secrecy, or a report that the Catholics do not have such resources in property that they are able to afford an amount so large as what is estimated to be required for the redemption of 21 years, the king might discover that I have helped them therein. It will be better, should he speak about it that you should say that only compassion and Christian piety moved me without foreseeing that that king might take offense at it. Indeed by being forced to pay the money first one does him a favour rather than a hurt. However on first coming to this point, and when the persons in charge will be negotiating it, you will best tell them during a discussion of terms that I am performing this charity on behalf of the Catholics with the understanding that that king will not take it in bad part and I am relying on you to be persuasive so that their actions are without his knowledge. Since what the Constable of Castile told the Count of Villa Mediana 6 about this discussion is very relevant, it will be of considerable help to you it, along with this instruction, a copy of what pertains to this question is also given to you. I have knowledge of all this and have considered it attentively after being fully informed by the' aforesaid count who is engaged in this affair. 7 If when you should have reached there something else will still be needed to make progress in this, you are to continue in the aforesaid fashion and with the prudent care that I expect of you. Upon first learning from the aforesaid count everything that has already occurred and might still be suggested and


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how much reliance can be placed upon the negotiators and who are the most trustworthy I:iJ accomplish the plan wherein so much is at stake, since the date set by the king for the composition has already passed, it is important that you lose no time over what is incumbent upon us to do. Indee.d with delay the change will have no purpose. 2° During conversations which the Count of Villa Mediana had with the Queen .and Secretary Cecil a few days after his arrival at that court he was made aware of their wish that talks should be held about a ma"iage of the Infanta, my daughter,8 and the Prince of Wales. Subsequently a number of discussion were held for that purpose pertaining to her tender age and other questions and it appeared better not to disillusion them during a time when a peace of friendship was being concluded. The aforesaid count was permitted to view favourably their offer in the hope of improving the lot of the Catholics in the midst of such conversations, meanwhile letting the aforesaid queen become aware, as well as whoever else to whom he might speak (as the Count and the Constable did do) that to accomplish this design the aforesaid prince had to be brought up a Catholic and had to stay one. Since this difficulty over religion has been brought out, it becomes incumbent upon them to afford satisfaction, if they have not done so the discussion is to be closed as the aforesaid count is now informed. This is now brought to your attention, in addition to giving you a copy with this instruction of what the Constable upon his return set down in writing for the said count about this point, which is the substance of what you will read, but should they speak to you about it, you should listen with good humour, especially if they touch on something concerning religion. You should then inform me about what they say to you. 9 JO At the time of the attempts of the aforesaid count to prevent any Englishman, Scot, or Irishman from serving either directly or indirectly with the rebels in the war - indeed the peace was concluded to stop this - they offered him a proclamation of recall and prohibition whereby no Englishman or Scot might go to serve the rebels, and those who are there are obliged to return, and the departure of pirates for the Indies and our seas is prohibited as well. To those who had to handle this business with the king ten thousand pounds sterling were given and after they agreed upon the aforesaid gift and were fully assured of the certainty of the said payments they later made obstacles in accomplishing their bargain by claiming that the payment of the aforesaid ten thousand pounds on our part had not been on time. This was not true, for while the Constable was staying in London he offered to pay them at once in Antwerp but before he left London he learned that they would not be capable of fulfilling their promises. Later they have come forward to request that the execution of the bargain be left to their word which would have more effect than a public proclamation. So far as this helps to serve our stated purpose and it appears that they who undertook this are to remain under an obligation


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to accomplish it for certain especially after receiving a sum of money, I recently instructed the Count of Villa Mediana that, since they were unable to issue the aforesaid proclamation as they were bound, he might tell them to do it in any way they wished if they are satisfied that the payment of the ten thousand pounds would be over four years, with 2500 at the end of each, as long as the fulfillment of their word had preceded. In this fashion he is cautiously going to risk a win and not a loss. Should there be an agreement about each year they might claim at the end of four that there should be a commitment to continue to do it, and so it will be better that there be an agreement that they will be paid ten thousand pounds for this bargain and that the assigned date of four years in payments is to be obeyed in the aforesaid manner. It is important that you should reach a conclusion about everything mentioned above on this matter, for after the termination of the supply of men to the aforesaid rebels, there will develop a coolness in the exchanges and friendship between them and the English all the while breeding dislike and illwill. In any case you have to move very cautiously to learn whether the king's subjects are going over to serve with the aforesaid rebels so that he might be informed and enforce an exemplary punishment. Should you learn "that they were going with his approval you will have the power to make a very strong protest on my behalf to stop it, while pointing out1 0 regretfully that there is a violation of the peace concluded between us, as well as the king's good reputation for keeping his word in a matter of such importance. The same procedure is to be used should the ships of that kingdom set out for pir.acy. 4U Some years ago, in 1600, peace talks were begun with the late queen of England when our commissioners and hers met together in Boulogne. A t that time her commissioners suggested that the rebels from Holland and Zealand participate in the treaty but this was ended when some difficulties were encountered. In the event that talks with the rebels might be continued and come to a head don Fernando Carillo ca"ied a very detailed instruction, a summary of which, in so far as it concerns them, is being handed to you along with this instruction to have you informed. Later, at the time of the conclusion of the peace with the king1! of England, with his own efforts to have the aforesaid rebels included in the treaty there was hope that they would do so. However their stubbornness and bad behaviour, as well as their good expectations of success in the war, and'l2bove all the hostile efforts of the enemies and pseudo-friends of my crown, have strengthened them in their obstinacy against participating in what the aforesaid king on his own had requested of them. For my part the goal to be sought is this: to prod the aforesaid rebels to submit to obey their princes with honorable conditions, or at the least to a truce during which they might experience the quiet and prosperity to reach a peace more willingly. Indeed, if at the behest of the aforesaid king, they agree to negotiate about this issue, the count of


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Villa Mediana is empowered to approve a ceasefire, or a lengthy truce, for from outofa discussion and agreement about peace there will follow the desire among the Rebels that foreigners depart from their states and that fortresses be returned to their proper guardians upon which everything will be abandoned. Among many other advantages from a treaty these will follow: the loss of the reason for which they can require foreigners! 2 to depart those states, the opening of the door to the religious question in the rebel states, for during a discussion they would be able to send religious there and build seminaries and to resort to gentle methods towards their conversion, mainly because it is known that there are many Catholics among them who are not accustomed to reveal themselves at the moment because of the oppression of those who govern. Consequently when the people start enjoying the advantages of the cease-fire and of commerce they will no~ want to resume the war, and those who make their living out of it and have retained power will be most solicitous to the desires of the populace after seeing themselves deprived of their authority and offices. However, in the event that a cease-fire is unlikely as has been said, it is essential that the rebels do not realize that we are seeking one, for when they can not escape it save with the help of the aforesaid king of England they will turn to peace discussions, as it is expected they will be doing shortly. Then you should listen to them and require awkward matters in an article so that our strong wish is not realized but rather . they believe that a long time is needed for the discussion and agreement about such weighty questions in a peace such as the issue of religion, obedience to their princes, the procedures of government and the presence of foreigners whom they need to retain in their fortresses, and the consent they must secure from the King of England about the places he holds as surety, and other points of serious importance. Make them share the belief that that it is advantageous to agree upon a lengthy cease-fire and that the King of England in person will propose it to both sides. When that moment comes you are to be very alert about it so as to continue the efforts which the Count of Villa Mediana will have been making with the care anfl reflection that the point demands, to the end that the cease-fire is concluded for the longest period possible. In order to have you fully aware of what has already occurred in this matter you must know that the aforesaid count wrote to me in a despatch of January of this year that he had understood that the envoy of my brothers, the Archduke and the Infanta, who was arriving in London, would carry their decision about this as well as sufficient authorization to negotiate about it. He thought it proper that whoever is now going there should bear my authorization for what might have to be discussed and the power to conclude a legal agreement in my name in the event that it would be desirable on my brothers' part to reach some conclusion without my orders. Although to leave this person without the aforesaid authorization should the apportunity arise might seem contradictory, I replied to him 13 that at present there was really


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not a lilck of authorization, for as I wrote him there is no need to mention this point before the King of Englilnd has introduced it, then he can say that he does not have my authorization and that he will have to send for it. At this point the aforesaid count will best arrive with the suggestion, as if on.his own, that a discussion of procedures is underway and that it is improper for warfare to be continued in so far as an authorization is coming and the issue is being negotiated. Under this pretext he will be able to bring up the cease-fire as a measure aimed toward a treaty of peace, but this with such dexterity, that it is understood that war is not being abandoned nor is the cease-fire being sought except as a procedure closely linked to that goal. For since there are so many important points that have to be negotiated wherein time-consuming difficulties can not fail to emerge it is proper, even obligatory, to turn to the procedures which have always been used in similar negotiations for peace so that with the fighting ended tempers are soothed and become agreeable. In this procedure, whereby that king is induced to fulfill his agreement and resort to his authority and prestige to the greatest possible advantage, there will be a separation and clilrification of t~e problem, whereupon you are to send me an account of what has transpired and leave everything that has been negotiated for my decision and await my instruction about what might have to be concluded and be put into effect. Since this is the most recent word that I have sent to the Count of Villa Mediana and the best pliln to pursue the negotiation I have wanted to alert you about it. Upon arrival there you should follow it faithfully with all due attention, and while it is conceivable that my brothers will neither negotiate nor conclude anything without previous notice of what is being offered, I have written to the Archduke about it as you will see by the copy which will be handed to you together with this. You should inform me at once about any important development on this point since it will be well not to lose any time on our part when the opportunity arrives for those people are so changeable with regard to who is in control. SO You should learn from the aforesaid Count of Villil Mediana about the pensions which have been granted to some of the aforesaid royal councilors as well as to other personages. It will be better for you to be fully aware of everything that pertains to this and every situation, to take greater advantage for the happy outcome of the negotiations which have been described and of all <other important matters which might occur, for these pensions have been allotted for this. purpose. Whatever you might owe from the pensions has to be paid under y our control by the Count of Villa Mediana, together with whatever will fall due subsequently while informing each one of the amount, since the hand of the donor can not pause for any reason in presenting gifts on an agreed date. In this fashion a ready payment keeps them under bond to remain faithful and serve with more loyalty. For this reason you will be provided with necessary resources and you should take particular care


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to inform me about the behaviour of those people as opportunity offers and you should send this intelligence with their names in cipher as the aforesaid Count is doing. 6° You must pay special attention to secure a complete knowledge about the aforesaid king's state of affairs, about the condition of his purse and his reputation among his subjects, about their relations with him and his purposes, and the plans which Englishmen, Scotsmen and Irishmen will be making among themselves and with their neighbors against the general and particular well-being of my domains, and about the sources from whom they derive their knowledge, and especially about the friendly relations which the said king is cultivating with the king of France and the reasons upon which that is based and what will be discussed between them. To know all this is most essential, and for that reason the Count of Villa Mediana will explain some leads to you. These and the other things you might discover you should be able to follow up to report to me in detail about everything which you might uncover and sift out, while conducting yourself as the situation demands with the watchful intelligence which your deep zeal for my service both promises and guarantees. Given at, etc. (Initial) 1 In a letter from Dunkirk to Philip on 30 Ju ly 1604 the Constable identified the informant of Tassis as "la condesa de Sufolc que es aquel/a dama su confidente... " (E 841/112). The plan, according to the Countess involved 192,000 escudos or £48,000, as the equivalent of the fines for "seven or eight years" . 2 The proclamation, although demanded by Tassis, was never issued. The Constable reminded him of this: "I see they give no assurance for our expense except their word" (E 841/191 Constable to Tassis, Arras, 23 October 1604). See Document 9 for the original four points. 3 This had been stated by Tassis to Philip in a letter of 17 March 1605 (E 2584/4). 4 As the equivalent of £75,000 it is a higher amount than that first mentioned by the Countess in note 1. S This warning will be verified several times, see especially Document 38. 6 This reflects the views of the Constable expressed in Document 8. 7 These recent efforts of Tassis in London are traced in Toleration and Diplomacy, pp. 34-41. 8 This was approved by the Constable who informed Lerma in a letter from Gravelines in September that Queen Anne had spoken to him about it, "and I listened with great pleasure although pointing out that the door by which an entry had to be made was Religion ... " (E 634/55). 9 Zuniga reached London on 10 July 1605, but the marriage does not appear in his letter (E 2584/14). His first impressions are best summarized below in Document 12. Progress of the idea of an alliance is evident in Documents 30, 31, 43. 10 This was a delicate problem. The Habsburg court had hoped to recruit 2000 troops in England, with 1500 more from Scotland and 500 from Ireland. "Wherein they did not insist to have an underhand permission, as before the States had done, but sought to engage us further by drawing us to approve in public and countenance the levy in the manner as they proposed it, which was


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that it might by done by stryking of drummes and displaying ensignes. Which kind of leavye being unusual in these partes and little sorting with his Maiesties subiects peaceable disposition, besydes very subiect !o many inconveniences of state, which are depending thereon, especially in suffering or countenancing publicq leavies to be made for places where it is like that none should be received but those that are of another religion with us ... " (Cecil to Edmondes, 4 May 1605, B.M: Stowe Mss vol. 168, f. 17). An Auiso from London of February 1605 had indicated that many Englishmen were still being allowed to serve the Dutch (E 843/83 y 84). 11 James's initial efforts to have the Dutch negotiate are reported in Loomie, art. cit. , in Bull. Inst. Hist. Res. vol. 42, pp. 30-31; M. Lee, James I and Henri IV (Urbana, 1970),pp.42ff. 12 In this instance Philip recalls a sentiment against the Spanish dating back at least to the Pacification of Ghent in 1576. See for example P. Geyl, Revolt of the Netherlands, p. 150. 13 i.e. Juan de Tassis, Count of Villa Mediana.

11. ENGLISH JESUITS TO PHILIP III.

ca. May 1605.

Original copy in a secretarial hand, undated, with the annotation "received 16 May 1605" and "for Secretary Prada". On the cover is a comment by Prada " for consultation". 4 pages, E 843/12.

+

(p.2)

Senor Personio 1

Roberto de la Compania de Jesus besa humilmente las manos de Vuestra Magestad y dize que auiendo recebido algunos auisos de los Catholicos principales de Inglaterra acerca del estado en que se hallan al presente , y de 10 que pueden esperar en adelante yauiendole los dichos Catholicos hecho instancia que, 0, por si 0 por otro, fuesse representado a Vuestra Magestad el todo. El por su grande falta de salud no 10 pudiendo hazer en persona ha juzgado ser necessario embiar desde Roma el Padre Ricardo Valpol02 Ingles de la misma Compania para que juntamente con el Padre Joseph Cresuelv 3 que reside en essa corte, 10 hagan en su lugar, y los puntos principales que a de representar a Vuestra Magestad son los siguientes. Primeramente que siendo cosa cierta como de alia escriuen los mas platicos que el numero de los dichos Catholicos con esta poco coniuencia y toleracion que en alguna manera an gozado despues de la muerte de la Reyna, aya sido en tanto aumento que son casi duplicados; afirman por cosa no menos cierta que el auerse sabido esto y que todos elios que dependian de Vuestra Magestad aya sido un principal motiuo al Rey y sus Consejeros para dessear realmente las


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paces con Vuestra Magestad y que sera siempre muy poderoso para obligarles a continuar y mantener las mientras efttendieren que este numero de Catholicos se va conseruando y creciendo, y perseuerando como 10 haran siempre en la devocion y dependencia de Vuestra Magestad. Lo segundo escriuen que aunque en el tratado de las pazes no se aya podido por via de capitulacion entablar alguna toleracion publica para los Catholicos como se desseaua, todavia reconocen con deuido agradecimiento la pia voluntad y desseo de Vuestra Magestad en esto, y las diligencias hechas por su orden de sus embaxadores, y esperan que algun aliuio les vendra por 10 que ya se a hecho, y tambien que en la prosecucion de las pazes sucederan muchas ocasiones en las quales Vuestra Magestad tendra comodidad de tiempo en tiempo para hazer nueba intercession por medio de su Embaxador residente en Inglaterra, particularmente ubiere algun aprieto extraordinario contra los dichos Catholicos. Demas dessean que sepa Vuestra Magestad que estos dias no an faltado algunas difficultades en el sosiegar algunos que estauan exasperados del miedo y expectacion de nuebas persecusiones amenazadas por algunas nuebas y rigorasas leyes que deste ultimo Parlamento an salido contra nuestra sagrada religion, y fue la dificultad tanto mayor respecto de las esperan~as que les fueron dad as por algunos de alguna ayuda y socorro en tal caso de otro principe. Pero con las diligencias que an (p.3) usado parte de aca y parte de por alla 4 se a quitado el negocio en tal modo que se espera que sin gusto y consintimiento de Vuestra Magestad no se moueran. Para esto y para todo 10 demas, 10 que juzgan ser de mayor importancia, y 10 que suplican humilmente y con todo encarecimiento a Vuestra Magestad es que los medios que hasta agora an sido los mas eficaces para acrecentar los Catholicos se conseruen con algunos otros que aqui se apuntaran. Pues esto sera mucho seruicio de nuestro Senor y de Vuestra Magestad siendo cosa manifiesta que quanto mas crecieron los Catholicos tanto mayor mano tendra Vuestra Magestad en aquellos Reynos, y los medios son tales que no podran prejudicar a las pazes ya concluydos y son los siguientes. 1. Lo primero, que el Embaxador que Vuestra Magestad senalare para residir en Inglaterra sea hombre inteligente, y platico de aquellas partes, y que no se dexe enganar facilmente de las lisonjas y embustes de herejes y politicos, que sea Espanol de nacion, para que los Catholicos puedan con toda confian~a descubrirle sus secretos que sea hombre de l"uen zelo en 10 de la religion, y que tenga particular orden de Vuestra Magestad para que se fie de los Catholicos y que tenga a pecho sus cosas y principalment de aquellos de los quales se sabe que son confidentes y seguros en la deuocion y seruicio de Vuestra Magestad. 2. Que a las dos cabe~as ecc1esiasticas que pueden mas con los principales Catholicos, que son el Archipresbitero, y el Prouincial de los Padres de la Compania sea seruido Vuestra Magestad de sen alar y situar


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algun sustento conueniente para si, y para los que estan a su cargo,S como seria alguna pension al Archiprebitero paraque ayude tambien con ella a las necessidades de sus doze Assistentes, y al Superior de la Compania que tiene hasta quarenta Religiosos a su cargo algun entretenimiento cada mes el qual se puede pagar en secreto por mana del Embaxador residente en Londres de la prouision de su Embaxada y esto parece que basteria para tener los Catholicos contentos dentro de la Isla, sin abrir la puerta a dar tembien a legos, sino fuere en caso muy extraordinario, por que en abriendola de mas de que concurririan muchos a pedir entretenirnientos nacerian emulaciones, quesax, disgustos y otros incouenientes. 3. Para los que saldran del Reyno para seruir a Vuestra Magestad y sus Altezas en las guerras de Flandes escriuen irnportara tambien mucho (pues serian muchos y muy principales) que aya orden de Vuestra Magestad para que se traten bien y con particular respecto conforme a la condicion y estado de soldados. Pero sobre todo que mande Vuesta Magestad sefialar entretenirniento para seis 0 ocho Padres y clerigos Ingleses en flandes, los quales seran ne'cessarios para instruyr y ensefiar estos que siguieran la g\lerra en seruicio de Vuestra Magestad. 6 Pues voluiendo Catholicos a su Patria haran grandissirno fruto para con otros. 4. El otro medio y principalissirno para este efecto, eS'el de los quatros seminarios en Espafia y flandes, los quales hasta agora se an conseruado con la lirnosna y liberalidad de Vuestra Magestad y dellos a salido casi todo el bien espiritual de Inglaterra, y dependera de la conseruacion de los mismos. Destos quatro, el de St. Orner que tiene mas de cien hijos pequefios de caualleros muy principales de Inglaterra, (p.4) y es seminario de los demas seminarios, fue instituydo en nombre de Vuestra Magestad siendo Principe,7 y a hecho grandissirnos bienes por esto rnismo de ser cosa de Vuestra Magestad muy estirnada en Inglaterra. Tiene' al presente muchas deudas por las quales a sido for~oso no admirir por alumnos en el a muchos y de muy buenas partes que los meses passados 10 an pedido con grande instancia. 5. Los otros tres seminarios de Duay, Valladolid y Seuilla tienen tambien sus necessiadades. El de Duay tiene dos mil ducados cado afio de la limosna de Vuestra Magestad pero no estan librados en parte cierta, y ansi algunos afios quedan atrasados. El de Valladolid aunque tiene alguna renta, todavia tiene mas de tres mil ducados de deudas. El de Seuilla no tiene renta alguna 8 y ansi todos en fin an menester de algun socorro de Vuestra Magestad para poder continuar y passar adelante, y pues se a de comen~ar ya en nuebo curso de las cosas con este nuebo Reynado de Inglaterra, recorren los Catholicos con todo confian~a despues de Dios al Real amparo de Vuestra Magestad para assiento y establecirniento destos medios de todo su bien.


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[Translation: ]

+ Sire, Robert Persons l of the Society of Jesus with humble greetings to your Majesty affirms that after reading some messages from the principal Catholics of England about conditions under which they presently live and about their expectations for the future, the aforesaid Catholics have appealed that either through himself or some one else everything should be laid before your Majesty. Because of a serious bout of illness he has been unable to do this personally but he has felt obliged to send from Rome Father Richard Walpole,2 an Englishman of the same Society, who together with Joseph Creswelz3 who resides at this court, might perform this task in. his place. The following important points have to be brought before your Majesty's attention. First, according to letters from those best informed it is certain that even with the minimal collusion and toleration which they have experienced since the death of the queen the number of the aforesaid Catholics has grown so much as to be nearly doubled. They state with no less certainty that the realization of this, along with the fact that all of them respect your Majesty, have been an important reason why the king and his councillors actually seek peace with your Majesty, and it will always be a powerful motive forcing them to continue preserving it as long as they are aware that this number of Catholics is being kept up and increasing and that they are remaining firm in their affectionate devotion to your Majesty as they indeed will do. Second, they rep~rt thai eve,n though it was not possible through an article in the treaty of peace to stipulate some manner of public toleration for the Catholics as was desired, nevertheless they acknowledge with fitting gratitude your Majesty's devout intention and desires in this direction as well as the ambassador's efforts undertaken at your request. They hope that relief for them will come through what has been done already and with the prolongation of peace many occasions will appear wherein your Majesty will have the chance from time to time to begin a new intervention through your resident ambassador in England, especially should there be some unusual outbreak against the aforesaid Catholics. Furthermore they wish your Majesty to realize that these present days have not failed to produce some problems in mollifying certain persons who were distraught with the fear and the prospect of new persecutions which were threatened through the recent severe laws pussed during the last parliament against our holy religion. The difficulties mounted because of the hope held out by certain individuals for some form of assistance in that eventuality from another prince. However through efforts that have been employed, partly there and , partly here 4 , the crisis has been dampened in such a fashion that they are not expected to move without your Majesty's permission and approval.


MAY 1605

67

In this, as in everything else, the problem they view with the greatest urgency, the thing they beg humbly and with the utmost respect of your Majesty, is that the methods which have been most effective until the moment in augmenting the numbers of Catholics should be continued along with others which shall here be described. Indeed this will be of great service to our Lord and your Majesty as it is an obvious fact that the more the Catholics increase the greater will be your Majesty's position in those lands. The methods, which are such as can not damage the peace already concluded, are the following: 1. Firstly, the ambassador whom your Majesty will designate to reside in England should be a person of intelligence and experience of those regions, the sort who does not allow himself to be easily deceived by the flatteries and snares of heretics and politicians. He should be a Spaniard by birth so that Catholics can trust him with their secrets with full confidence, and a person of strong zeal in religion. He should have a special instruction from your Majesty that he has to rely upon Catholics and keep their interests close to his heart, primarily upon those who are . known to be reliable and proven in their devoted service to your Majesty. 2. To the two ecclesiastical leaders who have the greater role with important Catholics, the Archpriest and the Provincial of the Fathers of the Society, your Majesty should be pleased to apportion some maintenance and for those over whom they have charge. 5 This would be some form of pension for the Archpriest and his twelve assistants, and for the superior of the Society, who has up to forty religious under his care; some pension each month that could be paid in private by the resident ambassador in London from the payroll of his embassy. This seems to be sufficient to satisfy the Catholics within the isle, without opening the door to donations for the laity unless it were an exceptional case, since once that door were to be opened, aside from the numbers who would arrive to beg a pension, rivalries, complaints, disappointments and other unhappy consequences would develop. 3. They have written concerning those leaving the country to serve your Majesty and the Archduke in the fighting in Flanders who will be numerous and of a high station that it will be equally important that a royal instruction be issued requiring that they be well treated with the proper courtesy suitable to the character and condition of the military. Above all your Majesty should order an allotment for a pension for six or eight priests and English clergy in Flanders who will be needed for advising and instructing those who are about to enter the war in your Majesty's service. 6 Indeed, they will do the greatest good among others by returning as Catholics to their homeland. 4. The other most significant way to achieve this goal is the four seminaries in Spain and Flanders that have been supported through the generosity of your Majesty until the present. From them has flowed nearly the entire spiritual good of England, and it will continue to


68

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHODCS

depend on their preservation. Of the four, the College of St. Omer, which holds more than one hundred young men from the leading gentry of England while serving as a seminary for the other seminaries, was founded in your Majesty's name while still a prince. 7 For the very same reason that it is a work of your Majesty which is highly respected in England, it has achieved the greatest good. A t present it has numerous debts as a consequence of which it has been forced to deny admittance to many gifted students who have sought it with great insistence. 5. The other three seminaries at Douai, Valladolid and Seville also suffer from their needs. The college at Douai receives a gift of two thousand ducats a year from your majesty, but they are not paid from a reliable account so that they are being cancelled in some years. While the college at Valladolid has a private revenue, still it has debts of more than three thousand ducats. The college at Seville does not have any revenue. 8 Thus each one of them has need of some support from your Majesty in order to be able to continue to make progress. Indeed concerning the problems pertaining to the new regime in England a start in a new direction has to be made. After God the Catholics will be turning in complete confidence to the royal protection of your Majesty for the establishment and approval of these designs for their total good. 1 See also Documents 5 and 28. In his first letter to Philip III as king, Persons had reminded him of the devotion of the English Catholics to the crown of Spain (E 182 n. fol. letter of 10 November 1598). 2 Richard Walpole, S.J. (1564-1607) , brother of Michael in Document 5 , was a writer and lecturer in theology in Seville and later Prefect of Studies of St. Alban's, Valladolid where he died. He is famous as the victim of false charges by Edward Squire in 1598 of encouraging a "plot" to poison the Queen. See Foley, Records vol. 2, pp. 235 ff; A. Allison and D. Rogers, Catalogue of Catholic Books , no.35. 3 For the career of Creswell see A. Loomie, Spanish Elizabethans, chapter 5 . 4 "partly there [England] and partly here [Rome]." 5 George Blackwell, the Archpriest, and Henry Garnet, Superior of the Jesuits in England. Neither is to be found on any list of regular pensioners, but this does not bar the likelihood of an occasional gift of money by the embassy. Owing to tardy disbursements from the Spanish treasury there was considerable irregularity of pay even to English courtiers (see Document 32). Aid offered to needy priests and recusants is evident later in the report of Velasco's chaplain in Document 55. 6 This regiment of Englishmen in the Archduke's service was short lived. Its commander, Baron Thomas ArundeU of Wardour, deeply offended King James in August 1605 by violating his instructions in leaving England in company with the Count of Villa Mediana. It was first estimated by Edmondes to muster 1500 men, but many of its officers were cashiered in the following Spring because of the feuds that had developed (see Win wood, Memorials vol. 2, pp. 111, 135, 141 , 233). Meanwhile an Act of Parliament curtailed its manpower by requiring those who went to serve under a foreign prince to take the oath of Allegiance at the port of embarkation (3 Jac. I, cap. 4, para 12, and H.M.C. Downshire Mss vol. 2, p. 8). There were English priests already in the service of the Archduke's forces, e.g. Cesar Clement, John Bridgewater and George Chamberlain with pensions of 25 escudos a month, who were reinstated after the "reform" of 1599 (A.G.R., S.E.G. vol. 20, f. 85, entry of 1 April 1600).


AUGUST 1605

69

7 See L. Hicks, "The Foundation of the College of St. Omers", Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, vol. 19, pp. 146-80; H. Chadwick, St. Omers to Stonyhurst (London, 1962), pp. 11-18. 8 Current details on the financing by the Spanish crown of Douai are available in Spanish Elizabethans, p. 199, of Seville, pp. 201 -2, of Valladolid, pp. 203-4.

12. PHILIP III TO PEDRO DE ZUNIGA.

Burgos, 6 August 1605.

Original copy, 2 pages, E 2571/140. This special despatch reflects the advice offered in the preceding document (punta 1). Apparently Juan de Tassis had moved with such reserve that some English Catholics thought him to be hostile . Tassis had explained to Philip on 23 December 1604 that to avoid suspicion he had kept his distance from everyone "even from the Catholic friends, and at fust I was misjudged by them after not comprehending well this procedure. In truth, as I have written to your Majesty, this na tion maintains very }jttle secrecy in general, even the Catholics themselves and the Jesuits are somewhat imprudent, for they do not know how to keep silent, even if it were the better thing. Wherefore they impede progress in their own affairs and hold back those who have to negotiate ... " (E 841/197). See also Document 52 where Velasco expresses a similar misgiving.

(p.2)

+ Don Pedro de Cuniga Aunque fuistes advertido de la buena correspondencia que haueys de tener con los Catholicos deste Reyno y del modo que os aueys de gouernar con ellos os he querido encargar de nueuo que les hagays muy buena acogida y mostreys en todas ocassiones los que desseo su bien y los ayudeys en 10 que pudieredes pero con tal prudencia y descrecion que no cause alteracion ni escandalo advirtiendo que porque ay algunos turbulentos y demasiado arrojados sera bien les digays que sepan que si tratan contra el estado no se les ha de consentir por ser la cosa de que mayor dafio se les puede seguir a ellos y a la religion catolica y auisareys me de 10 que en e'ste fueredes haziendo.


70

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOUCS

[Translation: ]

+

Don Pedro de Zuniga, While you have been warned about the good relations which you should preserve with the Catholics of that realm and of the way to conduct yourself among them, I desire to charge you anew to offer them a very warm reception and at every opportunity show them that I am seeking their good. You should help them as far as you shall be able but with such prudence and discretion that neither a disturbance nor a scandal ensues, but still aware that since there are some restless and extremely rash individuals, it will be better for you to tell them that they must realize that they are not to approve when there are practices against the state for it is the thing from which greater harm can follow for both the Catholic religion and themselves. You are to inform me about your activities in this direction.

13. THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO PHILIP III.

ca. December 1605.

Incomplete draft consulta on letters of November 10th from London,5 pages, E 843/31.

(p.l) Dize que Ie persecucion de los Catolicos nunca ha estado tan fuerte como agora y las carceles estan llenas y muchos dexassen a Flandes y en Londres han commencado a recatarse y dessear les cerrar la puerta a que no passen mas y aun han dicho sera bien mandar boluer los que estan alla por que si dura un afio seran 8, 0,10 M hombres yen Flandes les hazen fuerya para que viuan Catolicamente y don Pedro! ha escrito al Sefior Archiduque en razon desto por parecerle debe de yr en algun clerigo zeloso de seruicio de dios que los aprietan pero Cecil ha embiado a dezir a don Pedro que si Su Santi dad gustasse de escriuir a aquel rey una carta muy dulze assegurandole que Ie seran buenos vasallos y muy leales todos (p .2) los Catolicos destos Reynos y que el los obligar a esto con excomunicacion y a que toman las armas en su defensa contra los que Ie quissiessen inquietar y hazer guerra a que ellos Reyes y les quitara el Rey las multas y todas las vexaciones y les consentira tener clergos en sus casas para que viuan a su gusto. A que Ie respondio don Pedro con palabras generales de agradecemiento y que la materia es tan grande que no puede responder alla sin tomar mucho acuerdo no sabiendo 10 que que ria hazer su Santidad. Despues desto Ie pedio muy encarecademente la conde sa de suffolk a don Pedro que


DECEMBER 1605

71

tomase muy a pechos este negocio para que Vuestra Magestad hiziesse officio con su Santidad, por que ella tenia puesta la proa en hazer este servicio aDios y que traeria a SiciI2 a 10 que quisiesse asegurando que su intento es acauar en la fee Catolica y don Pedro respondio agradeciendola mucho sus buenos propositos y 10 demas casi 10 mismo que a Sicil que tambien Ie dixo dessearia que 10 que se les daua una vez se les die sse en dos pagas la una a1 (p.3) principio del ano y la otra al fin. 3 Que ha sabido que el Rey de Francia haze alIi esfuerzo para que Ie conozcan por protector de los Catolicos no para hazerlos beneficio sin para conuertirlo todo en posi~ion contra los aficionados al seruicio de Vuestra Magestad, y que por su orden el Embaxador 4 que alli tierie ha sacado un c1erigo Ingles que se llama Campeni s para embiarle aRoma que es tal persona que Ie han tenido alIi los del consejo para que acusase a los de la Compania que estan en aquel Reyno y han pedid0 6 al dicho Embaxador que este c1erigo vaya a Roma para que su Santidad quite el Archpresbitero y Ie ponga en su lugar de que ha auisado don Pedro al Duque de Escalona 7 y que sera el mayor mal que podrian tener los Catolicos verdaderos ... 8 [Translation: ] He states that the persecution of Catholics has never been as severe as at the moment. Prisons are full and many have left for Flanders. In London they have become watchful and wish to close the door so that more do not leave. Indeed they have even said it will be good to order the return of those already there, since if this goes on for a year, they. will number eight or ten thousand men and set up in Flanders a force to enable them to live as Catholics. Don Pedro 1 has written to the Lord Archduke on this account and he thinks it ought to go through a certain cleric zealous of God's service whom they have arrested. However Cecil has sent a message to don Pedro that if his Holiness would be pleased to write a very moderate letter to that king pledging that all the Catholics of this kingdom will be good, loyal subjects, and that he will require this of them under excommunication, and even to take up arms in the king's defence against those who might want to agitate and wage war against this crown, then the king will remit the fines and all penalties and allow them to have clergy within their residences so that they might live as they please. Don Pedro responded to this with general words of gratitude in that the subject is of such importance that he could not speak further without taking considerable advice since he was unaware what his Holiness wished to do. Later the Countess of Suffolk urged don Pedro very strongly to take this point to heart in order that your Majesty might make representations to his Holiness. She is completely committed to doing this service to God and she shall influence Cecil 2 to whatever she desires, while offering an assurance that she plans to die within the Catholic faith. Don Pedro expressed deep gratitude for her goodly proposals and said practically


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

the same to Cecil as well. He also told him that he would like to give in two payments what he had been giving at one time, one at the beginning of the year and the other at the end. 3 He has discovered that the king of France is trying there to be considered as protector of the Catholics, not so much to do them a kindness as to turn them into total opposition against those devoted to your Majesty's service. Under his orders the ambassador4 whom he keeps there has obtained an English cleric nam.ed Champney 5 to send to Rome. He is a person who has been detained by members of the Council there to lodge a complaint against members of the Society who stay in that kingdom. Th ey 6 have informed the aforesaid ambassador that this cleric is going to Rome to have his Holiness depose the Archpriest and put himself in place. Don Pedro has told the Duke of Escalona 7 {or this will be the greatest mishap that true Catholics could encounter ... 1

i. e. Don Pedro de Zuniga.

This advice of Cecil to secure a papal intervention on behalf of James's policy is further traced in Documents 16, 18, 19,29. 3 From subsequent references to the "two" payments, the "beginning of the year" was apparently mid-summer's day, the feast of St. John the Baptist. 4 Comte de Beaumont, French envoy, had left England. 5 This is the planned third visit to Rome by representatives of the Appellant faction, Anthoney Champny and John Ce.cil. The significant loss of French support for this campaign (See J. Bossy, "Henry IV, the Appellants and the Jesuits", Recusant History vol. 8 (1965), pp. 103-106) was not known at the Spanish court. 6 i. e. probably the Councillors. 7 The Spanish ambassador to Rome. 8 The remainder of the document dealt with the mounting complaints of Spanish merchants over piracy along the English coastline and the efforts of Tassis to raise a levy of English troops for service in Flanders. The original letters for this summary are in E 2584/69 and 76. 2

14. PHILIP III TO THE DUKE OF ESCALONA. Tordesillas, 17 November 1605. Original copy, deciphered in Rome, 2 pages. Madrid, Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Archivo de la Embajada cerca la Santa Sede, Legajo 54/255. Don Juan Fernandez-Pacheco, Marquis of Villena and Duke of Escalona, had been a soldier in the campaigns of the league in France and served at the Papal court as envoy from 1602 to 1606. He then became Viceroy of Sicily, on the death \)f the Duke of Feria, from 1606 to 1610.


NOVEMBER 1605

73

For several weeks the Spanish council had been waiting for news of the new pope's reactions to the reports of a possible conversion of King James. This despatch is a reply to Escalona's first report. See also Document 18 below.

(p.l) Duque de Escalona, Primo. Ha se receuido vuestra carta de 18 de Augusto} en respuesta de la que os mando escriuir en 15 de Julio sobre aueriguar si el Papa auia embiado algunos religiosos 0 otra persona a Inglaterra a tratar de la conuersion de aquel Rey y 10 que os respondio su Santidad auiendole dada quenta dello, que esta bien. Y assi os encargo y mando que en mi nombre Ie de is gracias que se Ie deb en de tan santa fee de aquel Rey y juntamente Ie direis que por agora no se vee camino por donde se pueda eritrar a hazer diligencia por no estar dispuesta la materia y assi estar atento para entender si con el tiempo se disponen mejor las cosas y sin ocasion seria auenturar la reputacion y entretanto pidireis a su Santidad que tenga la mano en que los que escriben libros traten modestamente de sus cosas por no irritarle. 2 de Tordesillas, 17 de Nouiembre. Yo el Rey, don Pedro de Franquesa. [Translation: ]

+ Duke of Escalona, Cousin. Your letter of August 18th} has been received in response to what J ordered written to you on July 15th asking confirmation of whether the Pope has sent a religious or some other person to England to discuss the conversion of that king and what his Holiness replied when you reported the matter to him. This is good. Thus J enjoin and require you to offer on my behalf an appropriate gratitude for such holy zeal for the well being of that king and his conversion to our holy faith. A t the same time you say that there is no visible method at present whereby one could begin to act, for the affair has not been settled and so one has to stay alert to notice when matters might be better arranged in time. Unless the moment is auspicious it will be risking one's good name. Meanwhile you should ask his Holiness to be concerned that whoever is to write a book should speak of his activities with restraint so as to avoid annoying him. 2 From Tordesillas, November 17th, J, The King don Pedro de Franquesa } On 15 July Philip has inquired of Escalona if Paul V has sent to King James "two Barnabite Friars, together with an English knight, Pompey Star, as has been


SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

74

heard in Turin," (E 843/80 consulta of October 1605). 2 This again reflects the Constable's warning in Document 8.

15. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III. London, 27 November 1605. Original decipher received on 7 January 1606. 2 pages, E 2584/84.

(p.2)

+ Senor Yo ha tres dias que pedi audienc;ia a su Magestad de la Reyna, y por no auer estado buena de un corrimiento no pudo hasta oy que me embio a mandar que fuese ha me dicho mucho de 10 que Ie ha dolido el mal estado en que se han puesto los Catolicos y 10 que piensa ayudarles en quanta pueda. Tambien me dixo auia pedido a Vuestra Magestad por el Conde de Villa Mediana hiziese merced a un obispo escoces que esta en Abignon llamase Guillermo Chisolmo 1 obispo de Vasona. Dize que cree se oluido el Conde delIo, pues Vuestra Magestad no Ie ha hecho merced. Yo Ia respondi que el Conde no se oluidaria pero podria ser no auer auido cosa vaca en que hazerse Ia Vuestra Magestad y que yo tendria cuydado de acordarle a Vuestra Magestad por seruirle. Dios guarde Vuestra Magestad etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, ,Three days ago I sought an audience with her Majesty the queen, but as she was indisposed with a fever I could not be with her until today when they sent to tell me that I should come. She spoke to me at length of how she grieved at the unfortunate plight of the Catholics and that she planned to help them as far as she could. Furthermore she stated that she had asked your Majesty, through the Count of Villa Mediana, to bestow a gift upon a Scottish bishop in Avignon named William Chisholm,l bishop of Vaison. She said she felt the count had forgotten the matter for your Majesty has not made a gift. I replied that the count had not forgotten but perhaps there was nothing vacant for your Majesty to confer upon him, however I would be careful to inform your Majesty so as to serve her. May God protect your Majesty, etc.


JANUARY 1606

75

1 William Chisholm, Bishop of Vaison, was the subject of the famous letter supposedly never signed by the. king in Scotland in 1599 which requested of the pope a cardinal's hat for his friend and was signed "most dutiful son". See Gardiner, S.R., History of England from the Accession of James I vol. I, pp. 80-82 .

16. PHILIP III TO PEDRO DE ZUNIGA. Valladolid, 12 January 1606. Original copy, 4 pages, E 2571/155. Excerpt.

(p.l)

+ A don Pedro de Cuniga He reciuido vuestias cartas de X de Noviembre 1 yaqui se satisfaraa 10 mas sustancial dellas. . Tengo me por muy seruido de 10 bien que os gouiernays en las platicas que ahi se offrecen particularmente tocantes a los Catholicos y segun la proposicion de Sicil parece que ay materia para mouer y encaminar en alguna manera el sosiego y aliuio de los dichos Catholicos pues dize que escriuiendo e1 Papa al Rey de la Gran Bretana en la forma que apunte les quitara las multas y permitira que tengan clerigos en sus casas. He advertido dello al duque de Escalona para que 10 represente a su San tidad pues es negocio que Ie toea como a cabe~a de la iglesia y de tanta considera~ion y beneficio de los Catholicos pues no solo se conseruaran los que se han dec1arado y perseuerando en la fee catolica en este Reyno pero se declaria gran numero que ay scismaticos que por temor de las penas no osan (p.2) declararse y que yo no hare nada hasta sauer la voluntad de su Santidad pero por que no se sabe si el auer mouido Sicil aquella platica con diuerso intente del que muestra y podria ser que quando su Santidad viniesse en 10 que piden no Ie aceptassen y es justo asegurar Ie que se debe a la autoridad de su Santidad y de la santa sede apostolica si Ie pareciere bien 10 propuesto y quissiere que se passe con la p1atica adelante, sera bien que vos respondays a Sicil que assegurando the del cumplirniento de 10 que offresce tomare a mi cargo no solo procurar que su Santidad haga el officio que pretende pero que interviendre mi autoridad y fuer~as en el cumplimiento de manera que de ningunos subditos suyos puede fiar tanta este Rey y auisareys me luego de 10 que respondiere para que se yea 10 que se puede esperar dessa platica y esta advertido de todo el duque de Escalona. Pues ahi han mostrado desseo de que las pensiones que se les dan en una paga se les den en dos, y este no tiene


76

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

inconueniente antes conuenient;ia en que caya ocassion de encontrarles mas veces la obligacion que tienen de seruir bien con ocassion de las pagas 10 podreys hazer de qui adelante en dos, la una en principio del ano y la otra al fin del como ahi 10 han apuntado ... 2 [Translation: ] Don Pedro de Zuniga, I have received your letters of November 10th 1 and herein those of greatest import will be answered. I considered myself well served with the good which you derive in the discussions now taking place there, particularly those concerning the Catholics. According to Cecil's plan it is evident that there is reason to move now and make progress somehow toward the solace and relief of the aforesaid Catholics, for he says that should the Pope write to the king of Great Britain in the form indicated he will suppress the fines and permit them to have clerics in their households. I informed the Duke of Escalona about it so that he could refer it to his Holiness since it is a question that concerns him as head of the Church as well as something of such importance and advantage to the Catholics. Indeed not only will those who have already declared themselves and persevered in the Catholic faith be protected in that kingdom, but a great number will be declaring themselves for they are schismatics who dare not do so through fear of penalties. Until I learn the decision of his Holiness I will do nothing. However, since it is unknown whether Cecil has moved this discussion with some other reason than he states, perhaps when his Holiness came to acquiesce to their request it would not be found acceptable. It is proper to safeguard what belongs to the authority of his Holiness and the Apostolic See. If the plan should appear satisfactory and he should want to progress farther in the discussion it will be better for you to answer Cecil that after I am convinced that the promises have been kept I shall consider it my duty not only to see that his Holiness shall fulfill the obligation to which he is committed, but I shall also exert my authority and strength for its accomplishment to such a degree that there will be no other vassals upon whom this king can so much rely. You should then inform me of whatever the reply may be so that the future of this negotiation can be weighed and the Duke of Escalona informed in due course. Futhermore they have expressed a wish that the pensions being awarded them in one payment should be given to them in two. This presents no difficUlty, rather there is an advantage in that, with a chance to see them more frequently, there will be an obligation to provide better service at the time of the payments. From henceforth you can make two payments, one at the beginning, the other at the end as has been indicated there ... 2 1

This is a response to Document 13.


JANUARY 1606

77

2 The document concludes with a statement that the King is pleased with his efforts concerning piracy against Spanish merchants and the difficulties in the levy of troops for Flanders.

17. PHILIP III TO PEDRO DE ZUNIGA. Valladolid, 12 January 1606. Original copy, 3 pages, E 2571/158.

+ (p.2) A don Pedro de Cuniga Por ser tan del seruicio de dios ayudar en 10 que se pueda a los Catolicos desse Reyn0 os encargo esteys muy atento a 10 que se platicasse en el parlamento 1 tocante elIos y que si se offreciere ocassion en que poder tratar de la redencion de los 21 afios por medio de los confidentes 0 que se mitigue el rigor no Ie perdays valiendo os de las causas y razones de su mismo beneficio de que estays largamente advertido pero aueys de yr con Ie tiento que obliga el nueuo subcesso de la traycion que se an auia, fundando siempre el officio que por los dichos catolicos hizieredes para las occasiones que se offrecieren a proposito y en la seguridad y beneficio desse Rey y por otra parte cargareys la mana a los Catholicos para que no precipiten antes obliguen al dicho Rey con mostrarse quietos y obedientes vasalIos pues por este camino llegaran mas presto al fin que dessean y mi intercession les sera de mas afeto. (p.3) He visto 10 que me aueys escrito en el particular de Juan UaF y pues os paresce que estara mejor en Flandes sera bien passarle alli el entretenimiento que ahi he juzgado y assi escriuio al Archiduque rni hermano en esta carta que va con su copia que se Ie haga ¡assentar desde el dia que vos se Ie huuieredes dexado de pagar vos se Ie dad0 3 y Ie embiado a Flandes quando os pareciere. + [Translation:] Don Pedro de Zuniga As it is so much a matter of God's service to help the Catholics of that realm wherever possible I ask you to be very alert to whatever is being discussed in Parliament l concerning them. Should a chance be presented wherein the negotiation for the payments of twenty one y ears, through the assistance of the confidants, become likely you should not fail to resort to the reasons and inducements on behalf of such an advance about which you are¡already fully informed. However,


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

you have to proceed cautiously, as the recent occurance of the treason has made it mandatory, yet you always hiLve to base your efforts on behalf of the aforesaid Catholics on whatever opportunities seem promising and are consonant with that king's security and advancement. On the other hand you might give a warning to the Catholics that they are not to be rash but rather by indications that they are quiet and loyal subjects to place the aforesaid king in their debt. Indeed by such a procedure they will arrive more quickly at their goal and my intervention on their behalf will be more effective. I have seen your report on the case of John Ba1l 2 and as you appear to believe that he will be better off in Flanders it will be best to transfer the pension there that I have assigned. Accordingly I have written to the Archduke, my brother, in a letter - a copy of which is going to you - that he should enroll him from the day on which you shall have stopped paying what you are now giving him. 3 You may send him to Flanders whenever it seems best to you. Parliament was in session 5 November 1605 to 27 May 1606. John Ball, or Wall, was a member of Zuniga's staff in London. He explained in a letter to Philip on 10 August 1606: "There is no thing against John Ball (Juan Val) other than that he carried a letter from Colonel Franceschi from Flanders to this Captain [Nuse] and that he crossed the channel with Thomas [Franceschi] and that in his room Thomas and Nuse spoke together". He added that both of the others under accusation denied that Ball was present at their conversation. (E 2585/55). 3 See Doc. 21 for Philip's further comment. 1

2

18. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.

London, 15 May 1606.

Original decipher, received on 24 June. 6 pages, E 2585/33. This report of James's antipathy to a: private overture from Paul V was not known to either the Venetian or French courts.

(p.2)

+

Senor A los 24 de Abril lIe go 1 a esta corte un baron lorenes que se llama poryelate 2 dixo venia a congratularse con este Rey por parte del Duque de Lorena 3 de la conjura pasada. EI qual Ie dio audiencia a los 28 y sauiendo que partia a Roster a caya donde auia de estar algunos dias Ie embio a pedir audiencia para despedirse el mismo dia que auia de partir estando todo a punto para hazerlo a las diez del dia. Ellorenes Ie dixo Senor aunque yo traygo carta del Duque de Lorena,. la verdad es que


MAY 1606

79

soy embaxador de su Santidad y he venido solo a esto. El Rey se desasosego y se puso en grandissima furia pero el estubo constante y cuerdo diziendole de deuia tenerla para un recaudo tan dulye como Ie traya quiso mostrarle sus instruyiones y el Rey no las quiso ver dixole quan indifiado estaua su Santidad de que Catholicos huuiesen querido subvertir este. Reyno que el queria asegurarIe de manera que no pudiesen elIos tomar a intentar cosa tan inorme que sea como el tambien no las apretasse y yritarse de la manera que 10 hazia. Hizo nos mirar en esto quan larga auia sido 10 audiencia y que las vozes del Rey auian sido tan grandes estubo despues mas tratable y manso, apretole el (p.3) Embaxador a que escriuiese a su Santidad 10 que queria hazer el Rey se defendio diziendo no tenia a escriuirle pero que si se huuiese de tratar algo seria por la mana del Duque de Lorena y que por ningun caso entendiese nadie a 10 que venia por que hera destruyrse y destruyrle. 4 Pidiole licenyia para vesar la mana de la Reyna, y Ie respondio que diablo quereys vos hablar con la Reyna, y dixole que su Santidad se 10 auia mandado pero que tambien Ie auia dicho fuese pidiendole a el liyenyia y assi se la dio, el primero a quien el Rey descubrio este secreto, fue el Conde de Salzberi que estubo hecho un leon de que sus espias no huuiesen entendido venir este hombre aqui para no dexarle entrar en el Reyno acordaron de que se juntasen algunos del consejo no he podido entender 10 que en el paso mas de que duro de manera que el Rey se fue aquella noche a las nueue a donnir quatro millas de qui, aunque entendi esta platica desde el dia de la audiencia no he querido hablar con los confidentes en ella hasta ver si ellos me 10 dezian por que no entendiesen que Vuestra Magestad Ie auia malvisto. s Ayer me 10 embio a dezir Roldan que se 10 auia dicho Beltenbras yo le ,respondi me holgaua se huuiese cumplido 10 que tanto desseaua y que me pare cia hera cosa en que deuia mostrar todo su poder pues tantas vezes me ha dicho desseaua hiziese su Santidad 10 que esta hech0 6 y para empefiarle mas Ie dixe que por tantas persuasiones como auia hecho para (pA) este negocio se auia escrito a Vuestra Magestad ultimamente y yo no asseguraria su honra con menos de hazer una gran cosa, ha salido de aqui al Pays pero ha me dicho que Ie viemes boluera para que hablemos en estas cosas y con eso podre entender mejor si se ha de hazer algo que esta bien a este pobre gente , la salsa de Roldan es dinero y como dize auimos de andar a daca y toma. Si en este negocio haze alguna cosa con que se pueda tomar pie para otras mayores hera falta el estar yo tan desproueydo del, Beltenbras ha hablado mucho con este hombre endezirle quan contento esta el Rey de su persona no Ie hablando en otra cossa que en la embaxada de Lorena dessea sa carle de aqui y ha Ie embiado el despacho para el Duque el ha respondido quiere vesar la mana al rey primero que salir de aqui, ha tornado el Conde a pedir que Ie yea y ha 10 hecho, estan de acuerdo que aguarde y assi habia mas tiempo para ver como se dispone esta platica que ha abierto una puerta que yo pense que con desacato Ie quisieran yerrar.


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

Ahorcaron al Padre Superior de la¡Compania? que murio como vibio y entiendo que no les ha muerto gran agrio por el general sentimiento que huuo en este lugar de su muerte quisieron Ie costar la soga en hechandole de la escalera para decuartizarle (p.S) vibo como a los demas y no 10 consentio el pueblo sino que por tres vezes se 10 defendieron dando todos un alarido y cerando muchos con el que atirarle para que se ahogase, dixo antes de subir que para el paso en que estaua que el no auia sauido desta conjura mas de 10 que auia confesado el Padre Granvel y que entonces Ie auia parecido una cosa muy fuera de camino y razon la que querian hazer los Catholicos y deseo y procuro con grande estremo impedirla y pedia a los que Ie oyran nunca hiziesen tal maldad y que assiguraua que todas las intenciones de religiones que ay en este Reyno es falsedad y velaqueria y que no auia otra para salbarse que 10 que el profesaua y por la qual daua de buena gana su vida y diera otras 100 si las tuuiera, quando Ie sacaron el coro~on que 10 muestran al pueblo con la cabe~a y es costumbre a pellidar todos con grandes voces viba el Rey no se oyo ninguna que tal dixese. Mostrando el deste sancto hombre, ha hecho un lastirna general en toda esta nacion y pienso que mas bien alIa religion Catholica en su muerte que hizo en su vida, con que elIos se hallan malcontentos los dos proclamados 8 estan fuera deste Reyno y otro agente suyo que con esto espero pasaran las tra~as y invenciones de buscarlos, aqui se hazen las mas extraordinarias diligencias del mundo contra los Catholicos van los tomando por memoria a todos aueriguando al hazienda (p.6) que tienen para ver si pueden pagar las multas y si no quitarles las tres partes de la hazienda. Inbentariandoles los menajes y 10 que tienen en sus casas y tratandolos tan asperamente de palabras que yo no se cora~on que pueda 10 que estos intentan. Las car~eles de aqui y las de la tierra estan todas lienas de sa~erdotes y Catholicos no dexandoles un pan que comen. Los puertos estan tan cerrados que no dexan salir un hombre al seruicio de Vuestra Magestad que muchos dessean dexarlo todo y yrse por la seguridad de su con~iencia pareceles yrritan para otras tales cosas como las passadas Dios vence por elios, la merced que Vuestra Magestad ha sido seruido hazer al Doctor Roberto Teller 9 esta muy bien empleada y el tan es for~ado como deue de acudir al seruicio de Vuestra Magestad. Nuestro Senor etc. [Translation:] + Sire, On April 24th! a count from Lorraine named Porzelate 2 arrived at this court saying that he came on behalf of the Duke of Lorraine 3 to felicitate this king after the recent conspiracy. This gentleman was granted an audience on the 28th but when it was learned that [the king] would be leaving for the hunt at Royston where he intended to stay some days he sent a request for an audience in order to say farewell on the same day that he was leaving. When everything was


MAY 1606

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prepared for ten in the morning the gentleman from Lorraine spoke as follows: 'Sire, even though I carry the letter of the Duke of Lorraine, the truth is that I am an envoy of his Holiness and have come for this only'. The king became disturbed and extremely angry, yet the man was firm and tactful saying there was no need to stay angry over such a peaceable assurance as he carried. He desired to show him his instructions. When the king refused to see them he announced how disturbed his Holiness had been that Catholics should have sought to overthrow this realm and that he desired to offer him a pledge to the utmost that they were incapable of moving to contemplate such a horrendous thing were he not suppressing and harassing them in the way he had been doing. We were starting to wonder why the interview had been so prolonged as the voice of the king had become so loud, but later he turned more affable and moderate. The envoy pressed him to write to his holiness what he sought to do but the king protected himself by saying he had no need to write to him and that if there were anything to discuss it would be the concern of the Duke of Lorraine. For no reason would he listen to a thing about the purpose for his visit for it would be the destruction of both of them. 4 He asked leave to pay his respects to the queen at which the king replied 'why the devil do you wish to speak with the Queen?'. He explained that his Holiness had asked him to do so but only after seeking permission. Whereupon it was granted. The first one to hear the king report this secret was the Earl of Salisbury who was berated for the failure of his spies to learn of this person's arrival here so as to prevent his entry into the kingdom. Some of the Council were then asked to gather for a meeting but I have not been able to learn what passed there beyond the fact that it lasted so long that the king left at nine a 'clock that night to sleep four miles from here. Although I was aware of this business since the day of the interview I have not tried to speak to the confidants about it in the hope that they might talk to me without becoming aware of your Majesty's disappointment. 5 Yesterday Roldan sent me a report of what Beltenbras said to her. I answered that I was pleased that something had taken place which had been so long desired, and that I thought it to be a case where he ought to show all his influence since on many occasions he had told me that he wished his Holiness to do what had just been done. 6 To involve him even further I mentioned that it was after his urging me several times in this direction that I had finally written to your Majesty. I had no less confidence in his honour to fulfill a great commitment. He has left here for the country but he has told me that he will return on Thursday so that we may speak further on these things. After that I will be in a better position to know whether something good for these unhappy people is to be done. The sauce for Roldan is money, as she told me, we have to proceed according to "Give me" and she takes it. If she does something in this affair by which a beginning is possible, it will be my fault if I am ill prepared for it. Beltenbras has spoken often with this gentleman, while telling him


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

how pleased the King is with him, personally he has not spoken about another thing save the embassy of Lorraine. He wants to get him away from here and has handed him a message for the Duke. He replied that he first wished to pay his respects to the king before departing and the Earl has gone back to ask [James} to see him as he has already done. There is agreement that he might be lingering to have more time to see where there will be a decision about this matter which has opened a door which, in may opinion, they would prefer to close firmly. They have hung the Father Superior of the Jesuits who died as he lived. I understand they have not quieted a strong resentment from a widespread grief over his passing that was felt in this city. They wanted to cut the rope after pushing him from the ladder to quarter him while alive as was done to the others. However the people did not approve and to a man they prevented it three times amidst loud shouting, while a number of them held back the executioner so that he be left to hang. Before his execution he spoke of the situation in which he had been in that he knew nothing more about the conspiracy than what Father Greenway had confessed and that at that time- what the Catholics were hoping to do seemed to him something without rhyme or reason and that he wanted to and tried to prevent it in every way. He begged his listeners never to do such an evil thing and he offered assurances that all the innovations in religion in England at present were an error and a villainy for he had no other means for his salvation save that which he now believed and for which he gladly gave his life and would give a hundred if he had them. When they cut out his heart, which they show to the people with the head, where it is the custom for everyone to shout loudly 'God save the king', there was not a sound to be heard when they held out those of this holy man. He has brought a widespread sadness to this whole nation and I believe he has done more good for the Catholic religion in his death than in his lifetime. At this they are become displeased. The two named in the proclamation 8 are beyond the realm as well as another of his workers, who by this time has eluded the plans and snares of the hunt. The most exceptional efforts ever are being made here against the Catholics. They are going about arresting everyone tlJey can recall, investigating the estate they possess so as to see if they can pay the fines and, if not, to deprive them of three parts of it. They are making an inventory of furniture and household possessions and uttering such coarse words to them that I do not comprehend the heart which is capable of doing what they plan. The prisons here and in the country are filled with priests and Catholics who are not given a crust to eat. The harbours are closed off as they are not permitting a single person to leave for your Majesty's service, which many desire to enter for the security of their conscience after abandoning everything. Apparently they are harassing them for other reasons as well as the events just passed. May God triumph on their behalf. The favour that your Majesty was pleased to confer on Doctor Robert Taylor 9 is very


JUNE 1606

83

well expended and he remains under a deeper obligation to be devoted to your Majesty's service. 14 April o.s. This is a mistake in the cipher. The Count from Lorraine was also mistakenly called by the Venetian envoy~'Baron de Molart [sic], Gentleman of the Duke of Lorraine" (C.S.P. Venetian 1603-7, p. 350). The response of James is recorded in the "Memorial of his Majesty's answer to the gentleman of Lorraine" of 26 May 1606 ~hich stated : "It is well known to all the world that his Majesty can not have any particular correspondence with the Pope in regard to the religion which he professes ... " but that he would act civilly "as Christian princes should do to each other.." (H.M.C. Salisbury Mss . vol. 18, pp. 144-45). The Venetian ambassador did discover at least that Jean de Mallaine was somehow a papal emissary in September (ibid., pp. 400, 411). 3 Charles III, Duke of Lorraine (1543-1608) was second cousin once removed from King James. 4 This cipher changes from direct quotation to an indirect summary without any indication in the script. S The "disappointment" of Philip was in terms of his efforts over toleration as stated in Document 14. 6 Beltenbras is Robert Ce~il, Roldan is the Countess of Suffolk. The letter to the Pope is cited in Documents 13 and 16. 7 This significant original narrative of Henry Garnet's execution confirms other private observers at the event. William Baldwin SJ. on the authority of an English interpreter of the embassy, John Powell, who was also present at St. Paul's reported to Rome that Garnet: protestatus est se esse innocentem respectu huius conspirationis neque scivisse quidquam de ilia etiam in confessione nisi quatriduo antequam esset detecta ..." (A.R.S.J. Anglia vol. 38-1, f. 226, letter of27 May 1606. See also Foley, Records vol. 3, p. 514). 8 The proclamation of 15 January 1605/6 mentions John Gerard and Oswald Tesimond. Steele, Tudor and Stuart Proclamations, vol. 1, no. 1027. 9 Robert Taylor's pension was increased by 200 escudos in addition to the 500 per annum which the Constable .had assigned to him in 1604. Philip had been pleased that "he has and continues to serve well and he toiled hard in the affair of the release of the [Spanish] troops at Dover" (E 2571/167, letter of 27 March 1606). 1

2

19. PHILIP III TO PEDRO DE ZUNIGA.

Madrid, 14 June 1606.

Original copy, 2 pages, E 2571/174. The plan of Robert Cecil that the Pope should write a letter to the English Catholics enjoining obedience to King James (Doc. 13) was reported to the Council by Zuniga on 10 November 1605. In January 1606 Philip sent a copy of Zuniga's letter to Escalona in Rome with the comment that it was important; but "despite what Secretary Cecil proposes" Spain intended merely to indicate what was being requested to the Pope and leave the


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

decision entirely to Rome (E 1859, n. fo1., letter of 12 January 1606), Escalona replied that the Pope accepted the letter of Zuniga and then after a short interval had given a negative reply. This papal rejection when reported to Philip (E 984, n. fo1., Escalona to the King, 11 March 1606) occasioned the document below.

(p.2)

+ A don Pedro de Cuniga En conformidad de 10 que vos me aueys escrito se ha pedido al Papa que con censuras ordene a los Catolicos de Inglaterra obedezcan y sean fieles a este Rey y su Santidad ha respondido que no puede mandarles que sean fieles a quien no los es de Dios pero no obstante esto podeys assegurar en mi nombre al dicho Rey que por otros medios eficazes dare orden 1 que Ie obdezcan y guarden fidelidad 10 qual no 10 declareys especificamente sino dando a entender que yo procurare que por medios conuenientes ordene su Santidad que 10 hagan cumpliendo este Rey 10 que ha prometido de los dexara viuir catolicamente en sus casas y quitara las multas y auisareys me de 10 que a~erca desto se hiziese y fuera ofreciendo. [Translation: ]

+ Don Pedro de Zuniga In keeping with what you wrote me, the Pope was asked to order the Catholics of England under pain of censures to be obedient and faithful to this king. His Holiness has responded that he is not capable of ordering fidelity to what is not of God. Nevertheless you should be able to assure the aforesaid king in my name that he l will require through other more effective procedures that they should be obedient and remain faithful. You should not state this exactly but rather let it be understood that in a suitable way I will see to it that his Holiness will insist that they do this while this king is fulfilling his promise that he would let them live as Catholics in their households and will terminate the fines. You should inform me what is being done and what might be suggested about it. 1 "he" indicates Paul V. Later the Spanish envoys, the Marquis of Aytona and the Count of Castro made further efforts. See Documents 37 and 47.


AUGUST 1606

85

20. SUMMARY OF ZUNIGA'S LETTERS.

August 1606.

Excerpt from a summary "de officio" of letters from London of 2 and 15 August, prepared 3 October 1606. 3 pages, E 843/135. William Howard of Naworth was described in the Auiso (Doc. 1) as being a possible Catholic influence on his brother, the Earl of Suffolk. His sudden rise in ZllIliga's estimation is difficult to explain since it is not pursued subsequently in his letters.

tp.2) 2. apunta los grandes progresos que se esperan en la fee catolica mediante la buena manera del Uaron Guillermo 1 que es el mas honrado Catolico cauallero que ay en aquel reyno y el que gouierna a sus parientes con grandissimo imperio, que Salzberi ha hablado al dicho Varon en que si su Santidad haze diligencia con los Catholicos para que al Rey Ie sean buenos vasallos mudara el camino que lleba con ellos,2 que el dicho Varon ha ofrecido de yr a Roma a tratar desto y don Pedro se Ie ha aprouado. Apunta assi mismo la mucha gana que alli se ha descubierto de conseruar las pazes y gran cuydado de que Vuestra Magestad las quiera quebrar. (p.3) 3. Y que los ministros que no quieren bien a Salzberi que es la mayor parte y los mas poderosos 3 los de la casa Uvart y el dicho varon Guillermo tratauan de juramentarse contra el dicho Sa1zberi si el no quisiesse sujetarse en 10 que fuese razon a 10 que ellos quisieren ... 4 [Translation: ]

2. He indicates the great progress that is awaited for the Catholic faith through the intervention of the good offices of Lord William 1 who is the foremost Catholic of that realm. a person who maintains his relatives under a very full control. .[He writes] that Salisbury has spoken to the aforesaid Lord to the effect that should his Holiness urge the Catholics to be good subjects of the king he will change his manner of acting towards them. 2 [He writes] that the said Lord has offered to go to Rome to discuss this matter and don Pedro has approved of it. Furthermore he indicates the considerable good will that has been discerned to preserve the peace and the great anxiety that your Majesty might want to break it of! 3. [He writes] that the officials who do not favour Salisbury, and they are the majority. and the most influential of them,3 who are of the house of Howard together with the aforesaid Lord William, have been planning to form an association against the aforesaid Salisbury, should he not be willing to submit to what would be reasonable for what they desire ... 4


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

1 A useful biography is found.in G. Ormsby, Selections from the Household Books of the Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle (Surtees Society, vol. 68. 1878. introd.) 2 Confidence in Cecil's cooperation was not shared by Hoboken, the envoy of the Archdukes, who wrote pointedly at this time; "Many of the Council are indignant against Secretary Cecil because of the severe laws recently enacted against Catholics, considering him indeed to be their principal author and most hostile towards Spain and ourselves .. . " (A.G.R., P.E.A. vol. 365, f. 125 , letter of 29 June 1606). 3 In -the original letter of 2 August Zuniga wrote: "They are very powerful people such as Malgesi [Earl of Suffolk] , El Cid [Earl of Northampton] , Worcester, the Admiral [Earl of Nottingham], the Treasurer [Earl of Dorset] and Shrewsbury, who as he has wed his daughter to the Earl of Arundel is now considered one with the house of Howard, and Wotton who is most eager for it and for the Peace, and the Lord William [Howard] , who is such a great gentleman and so Catholic ... " (E 2585/55). 4 The summary also included the case of John Ball, a visit of the King of Denmark, and a report on the movements of a Dutch fleet.

21. PHILIP III TO PEDRO DE ZUNIGA. Ventosillia, 27 October 1606. Original copy, 3 pages, E 2571/181.

(p.2)

+ A don Pedro de Cuniga Por Vuestra carta de 26 de Julio he visto 10 que se auia hecho en la protecion de Juan UaI,l 10 que los ministros deste Rey os embiaron a dezir agerca desto y 10 vos respondistes que fue muy agertado como tambien la fue el no responder a 10 que el Conde de Salzberi dixo a Doctor Teller de que se juntasen las quexas de una parte u de otra y se tratase de componerlas pues no pueden dar ninguna justifacion y 10 que conuiene es insistir en que se os hag a justicia. La proposicion que ayi se os ha hecho de no executar algunas de las leyes que se han dado contra los Catholicos es deferente de 10 que por 10 passado se auia tratado por que entonces se hablo de libertarlos por 21 alios y aquello hera bueno por 10 que en el discurso de los se podia yr ganado en 10 de la religion,2 y el otro es yr veniendo la suspension de las leyes que han hecho contra los Catholicos poco a poco para sacar mas dinero con peligro de executarlas quando les pareciere para que se les buelba a pagar el boluerlas a suspender y esto seria proceder en infinito y gastar la hazienda desreputadamente y sin que della se siga nada de 10 que se pretende en beneficio de (p.3) los Catholicos y de la


OCTOBER 1606

87

religion y assi sera bien que les acordeys 10 que antes se auia tratado y quan diferente es esto de aquello que pues a este Rey y su estado Ie importa tanto asegurarse de los Catholicos y que elios Ie sean buenos vasalios y esto no puede ser sino dejando los viuir en paz conuiene que se buelba a la platica pasada pues es cierto que por este medio conseguira este Rey el fin que pretende asegurar su reyno por que no tendra vasallos tan fieles ni que tanto Ie sirben como los Catholicos, y .. no obstante esto os remito que hagays y conc1udays 10 que bieredes estar les bien con que os asegureys de que se cumplira 10 que se prometiere y no escuchareys ni tratareys de cosa de poco momento ni de que otro dia se puedan arrepentir pues se vee que la principal mira que lleuan es a sacar dinero y porque no os falte para 10 que se puede offrecer estan negociodos 20 M escudos 3 de que yran lasletras con esta, o con correo que partira presto.

Don Pedro de Z iihiga In your letter of July 26th I saw what has been done to protect John Ball,l what message the officials of this king have sent to you about that case and what your responses have been, which were proper, as also was your omission of a reply to what the Earl of Salisbury told Doctor Taylor about bringing together the complaints of one side and the other to arrange an agreement about them. Indeed they can offer no justification for that and what must be done is to insist that justice be rendered to you. The plan presented to you there of not enforcing some of the laws passed against Catholics is different from one which has been mentioned previously. For there was talk in the past of freeing them for twenty one years, which was good, because during the span of years there could be advances in the religious question. 2 The other plan is to proceed little by little to a suspension of laws passed against Catholics so as to exact more money under the threat of enforcing them whenever they want, so that the payment is repeated and the suspension is repeated, and this will mean continuing forever in addition to a disreputable allocation of treasure without accomplishing therein any of our hopes for the Catholics and religion. Therefore it is proper for you to recall the former discussions and how different this is from the former, for surely it is important for the king and his realm to be assured of the Catholics so that they would be good subjects. This can not come to pass except by leaving them to live in peace. It is essential to return to the previous discussion because it is certain that in this fashion this king will achieve the aim he pursues of becoming secure within his realm, since he will not have subjects as faithful nor as willing to serve him as the Catholics. Nevertheless, I give you permission to proceed to an agreement over whatever you might view as good for them, but you should be certain that whatever is promised will be fulfilled. You are not to listen to, or participate in something of little


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

significance, nor in something which could be regretted. Indeed it is evident that their principal concern is to extract money, and to make sure that you lack nothing for whatever could be suggested, 20 thousand escudos 3 have been arranged. The letters about it will be accompanying this or go with a courier who will depart shortly. For John Ball see Doc. 17 note 2. This was described in Document 10, punto 1. 3 This is acknowledged in the opening of the next Document 22. 1

2

22. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP Ill. London, 24 December 1606. Original decipher received on 7 February, 5 pages, E 2585/76.

(p.2)

+ Con las cartas que Vuestra Magestad me mando escriuir a 27 y 29 de Octobre y 8 de Nouiembre procurare encaminar los negocios con el buen zelo que debo de que fio mucho mas que de la prudencia y tiento que para los ministros es menester yo los temi poco quando suplique a Vuestra Magestad me mandase 10 que auia de hazer en ellos. Y agora espero en Dios me ha de ayudar a que cumpla con mi obligacion pues Vuestra Magestad se sirue fiar della. Con estas receui el credito de 20 M escudos con que Vuestra Magestad me manda pague las pensiones, acuda a la causa de los Catholicos y cumpla con los gastos de la Embaxada. Vuestra Magestad vera quanto mas es menester para pagar el ano y medio de las pensiones que se cum pie a 18 de Hebrero y ya he escrito a Vuestra Magestad las quexas que me han dado de no auerselas cumplido las pensiones al medio ano como yo les dixe que se haria el Conde de Villa Mediana dexo notado aqui un papel que la pension de Jorge Hum 1 de dos mil felipes, que es gran tesorero de Esc09ia, se suspendiesse (p.3) como se ha hecho porque estaua ausente y todavia Ie esta y la del Senor de fuynlos [sic] para la misma causa que es de 1500, 2 pero este esta aqui y es de los mas bien aficionados que ay en el consejo y assi me ha parecido que es razon pagarle como 10 he hecho. El Cauallero Leq tam bien me dexo notado el conde se suspendiesse su pension de mil felipes, este hombre como he escrito a Vuestra Magestad es de mucho seruicio quando Begue aqui no fue de los que el conde me senalo por de su correspondencia 3 ni yo soy de parecer que a nadie se senale de nuebo pension sino yr los gratificando segun siruen y a este


DECEMBER 1606

89

pienso dar esta pascua 400 escudos y yrle dando mas si fuere seruiendo que no llegara ser todo los mil felipes y me pare~e han de ser bien empleados y en estas pasquas es costumbre de todos los embaxadores que estan aqui de dar a los ministros el buenano que ellos toman sabiendolo el Rey y gustando della yo 10 di" el ano passado, y 10 dare a gana por que me pare~e conuiene continuarlo con esto pienso cumplir 10 que se puede no acordandome de la deuda que se tiene con esta Vizcayna4 por la paga de las (p.4) 4 M libras sterlinas que, con aprouacion de Vuestra Magestad, se dieron a Roldan. Yo la he dicho el poco dinero con que me hallo y rogadola que por los 12 M escudos que presto de su hazienda tome mi plata pues quando me los dio prometi poner la en su poder, 10 que ella no consentio ni ha consentido agora con que me pare~e mas estrecha la obligacion de satisfa~er1a pues los demas hasta cumplimiento desta partida ella los tomo a cambio los gastos de la embaxada son muchos y los pleytos en este reyno para todos muy costosos y para los forasteros mucho mas de rnanera que se gasta en esto una gran partida, yo he socorrido tambien a todos los vasallos robados de Vuestra Magestad que hechan los piratas en estas costas por parecerme la obra de mucha caridad y por que la necessidad no los oblique a hazer 10 que han hecho otros que es casarse y trocar la religion. Para todo desseo se sirua Vuestra Magestad de mandar 10 que tengo de hazer. Lo que Vuestra Magestad manda que yo no procure po cas cosas ni que se puedan deshazer luego en la causa catolica cumplire siendo de parecer que es necessario hablar en algunas pequenas que no sean de calidad (p.5) que se puedan rebocar por que el Rey y sus rninistros estan tan sensibles en esta materia que es menester buscar caminos para hablar sin que la despene mas y con esto poder llegar a platicar en cosas mayores si el parlamento se acaba, no digo yo que se haro 10 de los 21 anos pero se podria hazer algo que conuenga mucho a la santa madre iglesia y a la quietud destos Catolicos y esto 10 ha de encarninar la codi~ia de los ministros y su pobreza que sino se va ganando assi yo desespero delIo, al conde de Salisberi Ie he regalado con algunas cosas y pienso que de 10 mal gastado que aqui se gasta es 10 mejor pues Ie enfrenan a no hazer todas las vellaquerias que el dessea. Vuestra Magestad no me dize 10 que es seruido se haga en 10 de los nauios para limpiar la mar. Vuestra Magestad mandara en esto 10 que conuenga a su real seruicio. Dios Guarde etc. [Translation: ]

+

Sire, In the letters which your Majesty ordered to be written to me on the 27th and 29th of October and the 8th of November I am to try to advance the discussions with fitting earnest zeal. I have far more confidence in my zeal than in the prudence and tact which are essential


90

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

among these officials. I was somewhat afraid of them when I requested your Majesty to advise me what must be done about them. At present I trust in God who might help me to complete my assignment as your Majesty is pleased to entrust it to me. With these letters I received the credit for the 20 thousand escudos with which your Majesty has ordered me to pay the pensions, to assist the Catholic cause, and to underwrite the expenses of the embassy. Your Majesty should be aware how much more is needed to pay the pensions for the year and half that comes due by February 18th. I have already written to your Majesty about the complaints which they made to me over the failure to compensate them at the mid-year as I said would be done. The Count of Villa Mediana left here an annotated list to the effect that the pension of George Home l for two thousand felipes - he is Lord Treasurer of Scotland - should be withheld. This has been done as he was, and still is absent, and for the same reason the [pension] of Lord Kinloss for 1500, but he is present and is among the most favourable councillors,2 consequently I thought it proper to pay him, as I have. The count also left a note to me that the pension of one thousand felipes of the gentleman, Lake, should be withheld. As I wrote to your Majesty, he is becoming of considerable service, although when I arrived here he was not among those listed by the count in his correspondence. 3 Further, I do not believe that anyone should be assigned a pension anew if they are not continuing to give satisfaction in their services. This Christmas I am thinking of giving him 400 escudos and am going to give him more if he shall have been of service, but it will not go beyond a thousand felipes. My concern is that they be well earned. It is the custom this Christmas season for all the envoys who reside here to give a New Year's gift to officials, which they accept with the king's knowledge and approval. Last year I was a donor and will be one gladly because I believe it proper to continue. With this credit I am thinking of paying what is possible without being mindful of the debt that I still have to this Biscayan 4 for the payment of the four thousand pounds sterling which were given to Roldan with your Majesty's consent. I told her of the little money I possess and asked her that in place of the twelve thousand ducats which she loaned from her estate she should take my own plate for when she gave me the money I promised to leave the plate in her possession but she did not allow this nor is she permitting it at the moment, for which I believe I have a stricter obligation to satisfy her. In fact she is taking what is still unpaid at a rate of exchange until the account is settled. The expenses of this embassy are numerous. Legal proceedings are very costly in every instance and especially for foreigners, to such an extent that a large amount is to be expended. I have also given help to everyone of your Majesty's subjects who has been robbed by pirates along this coast, as I thought it was a work of deep charity. For necessity should not force these, as others have been, to marry and change their religion. For all of this I implore your Majesty to send orders as to what I am to do. In the


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JANUARY 1607

Catholic cause your Majesty's command will be obeyed as to avoiding trivial things and anything they are capable of disavowing quickly. However I believe it necessary to discuss some small matters which may not be of importance and which could be annulled because the king and his officials are so sensitive about this question that it is obligatory to discover ways to talk without new frustrations and thus to be able to come to a discussion of greater issues once parliament is concluded. I am not saying that the plan of 21 years will come to pass but to accomplish something very proper for holy mother Church and the peace of these Catholics will be more likely. It has to be prompted by the greed of the officials and their penury has to be exploited, otherwise I despair of the question. I have given some things to the Earl of Salisbury and I believe that, among the illspent monies that are expended here, this is the best, as it restrains him from doing all the villainous things he wants. Your Majesty has not told me what is your pleasure in the question of the ships to purge the seas, May your Majesty command in this matter whatever is convenient for your royal service. May God protect you, etc. 1 George Home was assigned a pension of 2000 felipes in July 1604.

Lord Kinloss was assigned a pension of 1500 felipes in July 1604. Sir Thomas Lake was not pensioner on the original list of Villa Mediana and the Constable in July 1604. 4 Possibly the wife of a merchant in London.

2

3

23. PHILIP III TO PEDRO DE ZUNIGA.

Madrid, 30 January 1607

Original copy, 2 pages, E 2571/193. After the accession of James the interest of the Spanish Court in Lady Arbella Stuart had been slight, in fact Spiller's Auiso had passed over her (Doc. 1). In his portfolio of letters of introduction before his arrival Tassis carried a letter of Philip to Arbella which offered his friendship in general terms : " I am sending don Juan de Tassis so that you might learn of the deep good will which I bear towards you and the respect and esteem I hold for your person". He urged her to speaJe to his envoy on the common good of the realm. This was one of many such letters which were provided for Tassis and it is not clear that it was actually used (E 2571/9, copy, 5 May 1603). In the ceremonial presentation of gifts at the conclusion of the Peace of 1604 Tassis and the Constable decided to give her "a jewel of some importance", but should it appear impolitic to offer it in the name of the King or Queen of Spain, it was to be done in the name of the Duchess of Frias (E 841/118, Report of 28 June 1604).


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(p.2)

+ A don Pedro de Cuniga Aqui se me ha aduertido por persona que muestra zelo a mi seruicio que conuendra casar a la dama Arbela con principe Catolico de la casa de Austria y que seria a proposito el Archiduque Mathias rni tio por que aunque en 10 publico ella es protestante en 10 secreto es Catolica y tiene un million de dote y como prima hermana de este Reyes comun opinion que tenia mejor derecho a 1a corona que el y tiene gran seguito y parcialidad con que se tendria siempre gran mano en Inglaterra y aunque esto se tiene por ymaginacion y parege que se puede hazer poco caso dello todauia os 10 he querido auisar y encargar os como 10 hago 10 considereys con atencion y me auiseys de 10 que os pareciere y entendieredes desta materia 1 y si en caso que huuiese causas para poner los ojos en ella se podria encaminar que se mouiese por esta parte 1a platica con 10 demas que os ocurriere que ho1gare de entenderle. [Translation: ]

+ Don Pedro de Zuniga I have been informed by an individual here who shows devotion to my service that it would be advantageous to have the Lady Arbella married to a Catholic Habsburg prince, and that the Archduke Mathias, my uncle, will be appropriate. The reason is that even though she is Protestant in public, she is a Catholic in secret and the possessor of a dowry of a million. Furthermore as first cousin of the king it is the common belief that she retains a stronger right to the crown than he. She has a large following and support through which she maintains constantly a strong influence in England. Although this is produced by speculation, and it is best to pay very little attention to it, nevertheless I wanted to advise you and to request, as I now do, that you should look into it carefully and tell me what is your opinion and reflection about this matter. 1 If perchance you find reasons to probe the idea it will be possible to take steps to start a discussion on this side. I will be pleased to learn anything else that might occur to you. 1 Zuniga repled that after investigation: "in no case do I judge her a schismatic but rather a very sound heretic. She has at the most a dowry of 4000 escudos in rents. Her jewels are of little value, and she is without any following ... ". He was surprised that a lady of such importance had so small a role at court and that she passed her days "enclosed with her books". (E 2586/18, letter of 12 May 1607). At her death Sarmiento reported only her strong claims to the throne (Duque de Alba, ed. Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos, vol. 2, pp 36-38).


MARCH 1607 24. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.

93 London, 15 March 1607.

An excerpt from an origianl decipher, received on 30 April, 1607, 7 pages, E 2586/16.

(p .2)

+ Senor En mi an'tecedente dixe a Vuestra Magestad 10 mucho que aqui se abiua la persecucion y tambien que temia mucho a los clerigos presos, a los 14 del pasado estuuo el Rey en el consejo y el primer Justiciaro 1 Ie dixo desseauan todos saber la mente que se auia de tener con los clerigos presos agora que son aqui los terminos (que elios Haman) para exercer la justicia, el respondio que quando vino a esta corona fue con intencion de no hazer sangre en los clerigos2 pero que visto 10 que elios y los Catolicos dessea\lan la suya queria se ahorcasen todos y que con esta respuesta no tenia mas que dezirles sino que executasen las leyes pues las ay contra elios con que estos iniquos ministros quedaron contentissimos a esta tiempo estauan presos en este lugar tres clerigos3 el uno tuuo medios para escaparse .de la carcel y hasta agora no Ie han hallado aunque han hecho muchas diligencias, a los ocho hizieron pareger delante la gesion que Haman de los 12 para prouarles ser traydores, el primero que lleuaron fue Druri hombre letrado principal y de buena resolucion hera del semina rio de Valiadolid 4 y liamandole muchas vezes (p.3) traydor aquelios Jueces les dixo con que razon 10 hazian pues ni aun por Imaginacion se Ie prouaria que contra e1 Rey ni contra su consejo tuuiese hecho cossa que pudiesse parecer a esto preguntaronle si hera clerigo y auiendo dicho que si Ie dixeron que por las leyes del Reyno hera traydor entonges respondio bendita sea la hora en que fuy clerigo que me ha traydo a oyr esto aqui segun 10 qual todos los que han auido en este Reyno y los que fueron sanctos siendolo eran tembien traydores, y yo no tengo mas culpa de la que elios tuuieron con esto Ie dieron por traydor y truxeron a su companero Dauis que es un hombre muy deboto y de muy buenas costumbres pero no letrado y como no se defendia Ie trataron asperamente de palabra a que el estuuo con mucha humildad offrecieron Ie el juramento de la supremacia y que si Ie tomaua Ie darian por libre, respondia que en este Reyno auian pareceres encontrados en esto pero en que en el estado en que se hallaua el queria acogerse a 10 mas seguro y no tomarle con que tambien Ie dieron por traydor en este tiempo, yo comence a hazer diligencias con los confidentes para que se estoruasse la execu9ion Y hauiendome embiado a dezir Roldan s un noche a las onze que para que la tuuiese buena me hazia saber que en aquelia hora Ie (p.4) auia dado la pa1abra Beltenbras 6 que no se executaria la sentencia y que al mismo tiempo


94

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

escriuia un papel al Justiciario para no hazerlos apareger a receuir la ultima senten9ia de muerte, otro dia el embaxador de Francia 7 se fue al Rey y Ie pidio por merced la vida destos dos sacerdotes el qual se puso muy ayrado y Ie pregunto si se los pedia por parte de su amo, respondiole que no sino Ie la suya mouido de caridad dixole entonces que juraua que si por parte de su amo hiziera aquel officio que en su vida perdiera la quexa del por que el no se metia en el gouierno de Francia ni se quexaua de que estuuiese en mana de los Padres de la Compania sus mayores enemigos y que un Coton fuese el que mandaua al Rey8 y que el no se empachase en estas cosas por que pediria a su amo Ie sacase deste reyno y que por hazerle pesadumbre los hauia de hazer a horcar, aqui descubrio el Frances su zelo diziendole bueno es se enoje Vuestra Magestad comigo tanto por auerle yo venido a suplicar esto y no sienta que el Embaxador de Espana ha embiado sotanas a estos clerigos y a persuadirles que no tomen el juramento y viueran constantes por la fee, con esto el Rey se Ie leuanto y dixo a Malgesi 9 10 que el Embaxador Ie auia dicho y que supiese 10 que auia passado el me 10 embio a preguntar y yo respondi que (p.S) no auia embiado sotanas por no sauer que estos padres las huuiesen menester que a sauerlo me huuiera dexado de hazer les esta limosna por que la caridad no la pensaua perder por estar en Inglaterra y que en quanta a animarles que mueran constantemente tampoco 10 auia hecho por sauer que anima a ella bastantemente nuestra santa religion. Este recaudo deuio de parecer al Rey diferentamente que el del Frances pues dixo que no auia hombre de aquella nacion que no mentiesse y mostro quedar satisfecho, otro dia sentenciaron a ahorcar estos dos religiosos lO y en el siguiente ocho deste 11 sacaron el Druri con 32 ladrones y omicidas ellos en carro yel en un rastro truuxeron al compafiero hasta la puerta de la carcel por ver si flaqueaua alli Ie dixeron que no auia rastro para el que se boluiese, rincose de rodillas y pidio Ie lleuasen en aquel con su compafiero .sin estoruarle la corona del martirio pero no aprouecho, porque vea Vuestra Magestad que Dios no se descuyda de embiar aqui quien defienda su causa. El mismo dia entro otro Padre del mismo seminario que Ie via martirizar y vino luego a °mi a dezirme la resolucion que traya de ocupar el puesto deste dichoso clerigo. El Druri murio constantissimamente ahorcado y hecho quartos como suelen y ha hecho (p.6) tal edificacion en los Catholicos y en los que no 10 son que me asseguro haura hecho mas bien con su muerte que pudiera con la vida, de Dauis haran 10 proprio y en la tierra pienso yo ahorcar quantos tuuieren presos que me dizen ay much os, es muy mala sefial de la obstinacion deste Rey auer comen9ado a derramar sangre de inn0gentes. Dizen ha querido a horcar este por complazer a1 Parlamento que esta descompuestissimo despues que se prendio al caualler Pigot 12 han dicho que 10 han de sacar de la Torre por que el Rey no puede prender a ninguno del Parlamento mientras dura por esto tomaron color de que se Ie pidiessen al Rey con dezirle estaua enfermo y assi Ie ha soltado, esta terrible con que no quieran congederle esta union 13 que


MARCH 1607

95

tanto dessea y por mucho que 10 esta enos hablan ani con mucha libertad contra los escoceses y con malas palabras y por mas que los estreche cr,!o no ha de sacar cossa que importe, hazenle detener aqui hauiendo estado tres vezes para salir a la caza. Dizen me que dize estos vellacos no solamente no quieren hazer la union pero quieren me matar no se puede creer quan mal quisto esta de los Ingleses y 10 mal que el los quiere ... l 4 [Translation: ]

+ Sire, In my preceding letter I told your Majesty how great the persecution had become here, and further how much I feared for the clergy in prison. On the 14th of last month the King was in his Council and the Chief Justice l informed him that everyone desired to know what scrutiny was to be paid to the clergy then in prison as the terms as they call them - were at hand for rendering justice. He replied that when he came to the throne it was his intention to avoid bloodshed with the clergy2 but, as he had seen that both they and the Catholics were seeking his, he wanted everyone of them hung, and beyond this response he had nothing further to tell them except to enforce the laws, for they were against them. With this reply these ungodly officials were most satisfied. At this time there were three clerics 3 in prison in this city, but one managed to escape from gaol and until now they have not found him even though they have made great efforts. On the 8th they demanded their appearance before the court which they call "of the 12" to charge them with treason. The first whom they brought in was Drury, an important person of high intelligence and character who was from the seminary of Valladolid. 4 After the judges had named him a traitor several times he asked them for what reason they did so, for not even by dreaming will the proof appear that he had done a thing against the king or his council which would appear traitorous. They inquired if he was a cleric, and when he replied yes, they told him that according to the laws of the realm he was a traitor. To this he responded 'blessed be the hour when I became a cleric, it has brought me to this place to hear such words according to which every person who has ever been a cleric in this land, even those who were saints and clerics were traitors as well. My fault is no greater than theirs '. After this they pronounced him a traitor and then brought in his companion, Davis, who is a very devout person of good character but less education. When he did not defend himself they abused him with words which he endured with deep humility. They presented the oath of supremacy to him [saying] that if he took it he would be granted his freedom. He responded that in this realm there were conflicting opinions about it but in the situation in which he found himself he wished to hold the more certain and not take it, at which time they also declared him a traitor. I made


96

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

an earnest endi:!avour among the confidants to prevent the executions, and one evening at eleven a 'clock Roldan s sent a message to me that she was happy to let me know that Beltenbras 6 had given her his word that the sentence would not be passed and that at the very moment he had written an order to the judge not to have them appear to receive the death sentence. A day later the French ambassador7 went to beg for the lives of these two priests as a favour from the king, which made him very angry so that he asked if this request was made on his master's behalf. He denied that it was so, .but that charity prompted it. Thereupon he declared that as God was his witness if he had been acting on his master's behalf then by his life let him shed his hostility to him, for he did not concern himself with the governance of France nor did he complain that he was in the hands of the Jesuits, his greatest enemies, and that a certain Caton was the person who gave orders to the king,8 and he was not to be humiliated over these matters, because he was going to ask his master to have him removed from this realm for punishment, and that he was going to have them executed. At this point the Frenchman showed his mettle by asking: 'is it proper that your Majesty be so distraught with me at my coming to beg for this, yet you resent not the ambassador of Spain when he sends soutanes to these clerics and encourages them against taking the oath and to remain faithful to their religion '. Hereupon the king was provoked to tell Malgesi 9 about the accusation from the Frenchman so that he investigate what had happened. He sent me an inquiry to which I replied that I had not sent the soutanes since I was unaware that the fathers needed them but had I known I would not have failed to do this kindness since I did not contemplate abandoning charity merely by staying in England, and as for encouraging them to die steadfastly, I had not done that either as I appreciated that our holy faith was encouragement enough. This assertion of mine must have appeared differently to the king than the Frenchman's for he announced that there was not a person from that nation who was not a liar and then declared that he had become satisfied. A day later they passed the sentence of hanging against these two religious I 0 and on the next day, the eighth of MarchI I they carried Drury away together with thirty two thieves and murderers, they in a cart, but he in a sled. They then brought his companion over by the prison gate to test if he had weakened. For they said that there was no sled and he might return, yet he fell to his knees and begged them to take him along with his companion and not hold off the martyr's crown. This was of no avail fa ." your Majesty should percieve that God failed not to produce some one to defend His cause. On the same day another priest from the same seminary, who saw him martyred, came to tell me his decision to take the place of this excellent priest. Drury died on the scaffold with great constancy after which they quartered him as is their custom. He has 'excited such edification among the Catholics as well as among those who are not, that I am convinced that he will do more good in his death


MARCH 1607

97

than he could have done in his lifetime. With Davis they will do the same. In the country they are hanging as many as they have arrested, according to my understanding, and they tell me there are numerous cases. To have begun to shed the blood of the innocent is a sinister sign of this king's stubbornness. They' say he wanted this one to hang in order to satisfy Parliament which has become most intemperate after the arrest of that man Pigot. 1 2 They contend that he must be released from the Tower since the king can not arrest anyone from Parliament while in session. For this reason they will have recourse to pretext to move the king with a plea of ill health, and so he has released him. He is disturbed over the fact that they do not want to allow this union 13 which he desires so badly, and despite the strength of his intention they keep speaking out freely and hostilely against the Scots. I believe that he has failed to gain a thing of importance as a consequence of his very urgent pressures. They are requiring him to linger here even though he has been ready for the chase on three occasions. They tell me that he is saying 'those wretches not only do not want to_enact the union but they would like to kill me'. It is unbelievable how much ill will the English have for him an~ the harm he would like to do them... 14 Sir John Popham. i. e. priests 3 Only Drury and Davis are mentioned below. 4 Robert Drury's indictment is explained accurately in H. Bowler, London Sessions Records (CR .s' vol. 34), pp. xxiv, xl, xli, 24-26 , 381. A former student of St. Alban's in Valladolid he gave the address of welcome to English to Philip II in 1592 (See CR.s' vol. 30, p. 9; Challoner, Memoirs pp. 291-3). Hoboken prepared a similar narrative of the examination and death of Robert Drury for the Archduke, "Sommaire Receuil del 'imprisonment... " A.G.P., P.E.A., vol. 365, ff. 185-87v. There is an interesting contemporary narrative in "A True Report of the Arraignment...of...Robert Drewrie", The Harldan Miscellany (ed. 1809), vol. 3, pp. 46-52. William Davis's indictment is in Bowler, op. cit. , p. 25. 5 Countess of Suffolk 6 Robert Cecil. 7 Antoine Le Fevre de la Boderie. 8 Pierre Coton, S.J. (1564-1626) was to become an increasing object of James' animus upon the publication of the Jesuit's Lettre Declaratoire in defense of the French Jesuits after the assassination of Henry IV , which provoked the Hellish and horrible Councell (London, 1610, STC 5862) and the anti-Coton (London, 1611 , STC 5861). In the summer of 1606 James, picqued at the Papal condemnation of the Oath of Allegiance, had hoped that the Venetian-Papal quarrel would mount in importance. Through Sir Henry Wotton he had promised assistance to Venice; however Pierre Coton had created for the French court a uniquely effective role as mediator for the crisis. It is evident that this at least would also provoke James' resentment. (See P.1 .M. Prat, La Compagnie de Jesus en France du Temps du P. Coton (Paris, 1876), vol. 2, p. 491 ff.). 9 Suffolk, the Lord Chamberlain. 10 The decipher could mean priest. 11 i.e. 26 February o.s. 1

2


SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

98

12 On 16 February 1606/7 Sir Christopher Pigott (Knight of the Shire, Bucks.) was dismissed from his seat and sent to the Tower "during the pleasure of the House" because of a "bitter and a scandalous invective against the nation of the Scots and Scottishmen". (Journals a/the House a/Commons. vol. 1, p. 336.) 13 The union with Scotland. 14 The letter concluded with news of shipping on the Portuguese coasts and in the Caribbean.

25. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.

London, 30 April 1607.

Original decipher, 4 pages, E 2586/19.

(p.2)

+ Senor La justicia que temiamos se auia de hazer en la tierra de los clerigos presos yaqui deste buen Dauis companero del Santo Druri se ha suspendido 1 y parece prouidencia de Dios que los del consejo que tan indignados estan contra los de nuestra santa religion se yean confusos con que la misma va cresciendo con menos miedo que hasta aqui con que han detenido el corriente de su voluntad y a mi me ha dicho un consejero que 10 entienden todos assi y que el ha hablado al Rey en esta materia. He. muerto en este tiempo el obispo desta ciudad 2 y verdaderamente que a mi me ha hecho la mayor edificacion que puedo significar a Vuestra Magestad el concurso que ha acudido esta semana santa 3 a rni capilla desde Juebes Santo a misa se quedaron con el santissimo sacramento mucha gente y mas de 20 personas principales entre hombres y mugeres con tan deuocion que es el mayor consuelo que aqui puede auer comulgaron aquel dia mas de 400 personas estas se boluieron a su cassa las mayores pero de la gente principal que digo se quedauan sin comer y assi hize que en la sacristia les pusiesen recado y se diese a la gente ordinaria en otra parte estuuieron este tiempo hasta que se desencerro el santissimo sacramento y el biemes por la manana caudio tanta gente en coches y tan publicamente como 10 pudieran hazer si estuuieran en Espana. Vi tanto numero de gente (p.3) (que sin uuda heran mas de 600 los que estauan en la misa) que les embie a dezir no saliesen todos por la puerta principal sino por las puertas falsas que tengo en un jardin, respondieronme con gracias del cuydado que tenia dellos que no auia ya que reparar en nada sino acauar de morir una vez por la fe de Dios sin morir cada dia y assi quisieron salir por la puerta principal hasta agora no me han dicho nada el Rey ni los del consejo


APRIL 1607

99

que si 10 hisieren respondere 10 que suelo que ni los llamo ni los estoruare que vengan. En las ultimas leyes contra Catolicos como auise a Vuestra Magestad ay una ley Parlemental que declara los conuencidos por tales ser inabiles a todos las cosas deste reyno,4 los dos partes de la hazienda confiscan y descomulgados pero la necessidad en que este Rey esta y la que generalmente tienen todos sus criados en particular los escoceses haze que se busquen medios para aprouecharse della en esta forma que sin llegar a ser conuencidos por un tanto que se de una vez proporcionadamente cada ano de sus haziendas se puedan conyertar y que den auiles a la administracion de sus cosas particulares y de las publicas, es de manera la aficion que generalmente ay aqui a nuestra santa religion que los cismaticos tratan de componerse desta manera para que los dejen viuir catolicamente algunos se han ya concertado y 10 hazen sen declarar sus nombres hasta tener el placet del Rey el qual alcanyan los escoceses con su codicia ha preguntado al primer Justiciario s si es cosa que se deua continuar y Ie (p.4) han respondido es camino muy peligrosso por que todos se bolueran Catholicos, y en este estado queda e&te negocio, espero en Dios que acauado el pariament0 6 se ha de tomar este camino porque no ay otro que no tiene el Rey un pan que dar y es grandissima la gana de complazer a los escoceses. Dios guarde etc.

[Translation: ]

+ Sire, They have suspended the penalty which we were afraid was to be imposed throughout the land against clerics in prison and against the good Davis here, the companion of the saintly Drury.l In God's providence it is apparent that the Councillors who are so hostile towards those of our religion seem to be baffled that it grows even more fearless than up until now. For this reason they have halted the direction of their policy. A councillor has told me that everyone realizes as much and that he has brought the question to the attention of the king. The bishop of this city died recently. 2 Truly for me the most edifying thing by far that I can report to your Majesty is the assemblage that came to my chapel during Ho(" Week. 3 After the mass on Holy Thursday numbers of people stayed with the Blessed Sacrament and more than twenty persons, both men and women, remained with such piety that it is the greatest comfort to be had here. On that day more than 400 individuals received communion upon which the greater portion returned to their houses; but some important people, as I said, stayed on without supping and so I provided a repast for them in the sacristy and it was offered in another place for the commoners. They stayed here . for the duration until the Blessed Sacrament was taken from its place of


100

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reservation. On Friday morning a great crowd lined up in coaches and if they were in Spain they could not be acting more publicly. I saw such a throng (it is without question that more than 600 were at mass) that I sent a message saying that not everyone should leave by the main entrance but some by the secret doors I have in the garden. Thankful for the concern that I had for them they replied that there was nothing left for them except to die once for the faith of God rather than to suffer a daily death, and so they cho!ie to depart by the main entrance. Until now neither the king nor those of his council have said a thing to me, and if they wish to do so I will answer as usual that I do not invite those who might arrive nor do I exclude them. A s I informed your Majesty there is among the most recent laws against Catholics one from Parliament which declares that those convicted as offenders are ineligible for anything in this realm,4 they confiscate two parts of their property and leave them excommunicated. However the straits which this king feels at present, as well as his officials in general, and especially the Scots, forces them to find a means to take advantage of the law in the following manner. In order to avoid conviction as such, one may give each year some of his property either at one time or piecemeal. They are enabled to reach an agreement and remain free to control their own property both publicly and privately. In general there is a leaning towards our holy religion to such an extent that the schismatics negotiate a composition in this way so as to be allowed to live as Catholics. Some have already made their agreements but without mentioning their names before the approval of the king is secured, and this the Scots strive greedily to gain. He has inquired of the Chief JusticeS if this is something which should be continued and there has been a response that it is a very dangerous path lest everyone become Catholic. The matter remains in this position. I hope in God that once Parliament is over 6 this procedure is to be followed because there is no other, since the king does not have a loaf of bread to give away, and his ambition to gratify the Scots is enormous. May God protect your Majesty, etc. Davis was not executed as sentenced acording to Doc. 24 . Richard Vaughan died on 30 March 1607 o.s. 3 Easter in the embassy calendar was 15 April 1607 n.s. 4 This is not an exact summary of 3 & 4 Jac. I cap. 4 "An Act for the better Discovery and Repressing of the Popish recusants" . However the varied methods of compositions make the information of Zuniga possible. See also Document 34 and Recusant History, vol. 1 0 (1969), pp. 263-6. S Sir Thomas Fleming was Chief Justice (1607-1613). 6 This session was 18 November to 4 July 1607. 1

2


JUNE 1607 26. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.

101 London, 4 June 1607.

Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2586/29. The rivalry of ZUfiiga and Le Fevre de la Boderie found expression in quarrels over precedence at court which the Spaniard usually won. The French envoy was consoled by the Secretary Puisieux: "It is no miracle that Spanish have the advantage, it is the fruit of their gifts and presents ... " (Boderie vol. 3, p. 117). Here however Zufiiga introduces two serious charges against the Frenchman: that he maintained that the Pope's condemnation of the Oath did not come from his personal views, and that he gave scandal by attending Protestant services in company with the king. This was, for the English Catholic, the sumbol of conformity. To counter this French notion a second breve "Renuntiatum est nobis .. " of 23 August 1607 was issued (Tierny-Dodd, Church History vol. 4, p. cxlvi). It was a false impression of the envoys of both Habsburg courts that the French had no concern for the recusants. Hoboken, for example, reported to the Archduke that an English Catholic had been told by Henry IV in Paris that "as long as he was a friend of that king [James] he could not attempt anything against his state without challenging the peace. However should the king of Great Britain be excommunicated by the Pope, then he would see what ought to be done". (A.G.R., P.E.A., vol. 365, f. 127, letter of 29 June 1606). However the instructions given to Boderie in April 1606 urged him "to favour prudently the cause of the Catholics with the said king of Great Britain while taking care at all times not to give him reason to see that his Majesty [Henry] is devoted to them ... " (Boderie, vol. 1, pp. 22-24). Nearly a year later he was told "to abandon entirely the cause of the Catholics would be hard ... " (Ibid. vol. 2, p. 124).

(p.2)

+

Sefior El ruyn estado en que estan los Catolicos e dicho a Vuestra Magestad y en la confusion que los tyene, ay una opinion del Embaxador de Francia de qu pueden tomar el juramento ppr hauerle escrito el de su Rey residente 1 en Roma que su Santidad Ie auia dicho hauer dado el breue para 10 contrario contra su voluntad y a instancia del Santo Oficio. Con esto un dia desta Pascua a acompafiado el Rey a la Iglesia y estado con el todo el tiempo que duraron alli sus preces que no puedo significar a Vuestra Magestad el dolor y sentimiento desta buena gente. No e podido penetrar si assi de liuiandad Francessa 0 por algun enbuste que todo se puede temer dellos, este es un hombre muy ordinario y como tal pros;ede en quanto se Ie offresce. El Rey estando cenando aquella noche se reYQ mucho de los Franceses de como entraban en su iglesia y que Ie parescia no tenian ninguna religion pues


102

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

el por nada del mundo entrara en la nostra y tras esto dexo Ie parescia que solo los espanoles ser los supersticiosos pues no querian burlando ni deueran mirar sus Iglesias. En esta yession an sentenciado a horcar dos clerigos el uno aqui y el otro en la tyerra donde Ie prendieron no se a executato (a 10 que yo entyendo) por estar todauia aqui Mos. de J onbil. 2 Hago quanto puedo por 10 secreto para ayudarles, no se 10 que aprouechara. Dios guarde, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, The perilous condition of the Catholics I have mentioned to your Majesty. In the midst of the confusion that has overcome them there is an opinion of the French ambassador according to which they can take the oath since the envoy of his king residing in Rome 1 has written that his Holiness has stated to him that he issued the brief opposing it unwillingly and only at the request of the Holy Office. Later one day during this Eastertide he accompanied the king to church and stayed with him for the entire time that their services lasted. I am incapable of telling your Majesty of the pain and embarrassment of these good people. I have not been able to learn if he acted thus from French giddiness or as a result of some plan, as anything can be feared from these people. This man is a very vulgar person and as such he conducts himself whenever he is given a chance. That evening when the king was at table he railed at length against the French and how they come to his church and how it seemed that they did not have any religion, for he will not enter ours for anything in the world. Besides this he stated that he thought that only the Spaniards were superstitious for they did not want to view his churches even as a jest, nor ought they to do so. In this last session they passed sentences of hanging against two clerics, one here and another in the country where he was captured. It has not been carried out - according to what I understand - because M. de Joinville is still present here. 2 I am doing as much as I can in secret to assist them, I do not know what will be accomplished. May God protect your Majesty, etc. Francois de Savary , Sieur de Breves. At the end of his visit, Charles de Lorraine, Prince of Joinville and Duke of Guise received as a present "the pardon for a cleric who had been condemned." (C.S.P. Venetian 1607-10, p. 5.) 1

2


JUNE 1607

103

27. COUNT OF VILLA MEDIANA TO PEDRO DE ZUNIGA. Madrid, 11 June 1607. Original, 1 page, London, Public Record Office, S.P. 94/14/41.

+

El que esta dara a Vuestra Excellencia es Francisco Telletsono 1 sacerdote Yngles que a estado 22 afios en prison en ese Reyno padesciendo por la fee catolica por cuya razon fue desterrado de su patria y abiendose resuelto de boluer a ella a acauar su uida arrisgandola por ber si puede hazer algun seruicio a Nuestro Sefior Ie he querido acompafiar con estos ringlones para supplicaros Ie tengas por encomendado para hazelle merced y caridad y 10 que ayi se Ie ofreciere asegurando os que es persona que 10 merece muy bien y que resciuiese yo en ello muy particular merced. Nuestro Sefior os guarde como deseamos vuestros Seruidores. de Madrid, a 11 de Junio 1?07. [autograph:] Villa Mediana [Translation: ]

+ The person who will give this to your Excellency is an English priest, Francis Tilletson,l who lived for 22 years in prison in that kingdom because of the Catholic faith, for which reason he was exiled from his homeland. Having determined to return to finish his life amid perils to see if he can accomplish some service for our Lord I have sought to accompany him with but these lines to entreat you to consider him commended to your kindness and charity and for whatever else might occur, while assuring you that he is a deserving person, and that herein I would be receiving a very special kindness. Our Lord protect you, as we your servants indeed desire, from Madrid, 11 June 1607. [autograph] Villa Mediana 1 This is an exaggeration by over four years of the prison term of Tilletson. This introduction was not used for an English apostolate for he proceeded immediately to Ireland, where he spread reports of a Jesuit "plot" against King James. For the actual career of Tilletson see P. Renold, The Wisbech Stirs (CR.S. vol. 51), p. 183n.


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

28. THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO PHILIP III. Madrid, 25 September 1607. Original consulta endorsed: "Have the letters written on his behalf as is advised". 2 pages, E 1859, n. fo1. Resentment of the French party at the papal court against Robert Persons had dated back to the Appellant controversy. At this moment the Spanish council was seriously concerned however because of the high recommendation of Persons by the Duke of Escalona who had advised recently his successor that "he is a person of high intelligence in English affairs and his Majesty has commanded that the envoys rely upon him and protect him since the French have insisted with his Holiness that he be removed from Rome. I have always listened to him and sought his opinion as well as information to send to Spain ... " (E 1859, n. fo1., Relacion de las Personas ... )

(p.2)

+

Senor El Padre Personio de la Compania de Jesus escriue a Vuestra Magestad en carta de 6 de Julio proximo passado deste ano los malos officios que los Franceses han hecho por el en tiempo del Papa Clemente 8° por conocerle tan apasionado a la corona de Vuestra Magestad que agora los bueluen a continuar con este Papal y embia copia de una carta que el Embaxador de Francia 2 que reside en Venecia scriue a un amigo suyo a Alemana en esta conformidad y supplica a Vuestra Magestad Ie ampare con su Santidad por medio del marques de Aytona escriuiendole que haga por el oficios que convenga para que no Ie hechen de Roma pues tampoco se hechan los que son devotos de Francia. El Consejo consulta a Vuestra Magestad quan digna cossa seria de la c1emencia de Vuestra Magestad fauorescer y amparar al Padre Personio y assi Ie parege que Vuestra Magestad deue mandar que se escriuan las cartas que pide muy favorables. Vuestra Magestad mandara 10 que mas fuese seruido, en Madrid 25 de Septiembre. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, On last July 6th Father Robert Persons of the Society of Jesus wrote to your Majesty a letter about the malice of the French against him during the days of Pope Clement VIII, because of his known devotion to your Majesty's crown. A t the moment they are starting this anew with the present popel and he has sent a copy of the letter


SEPTEMBER 1607

105

written by the French ambassador to Venice 2 to his friend in Germany to this effect. He begs on his own behalf your Majesty's protection through the efforts of the Marquis of Aytona with his Holiness by enjoining him to take every suitable convenient step to stop them from forcing him out of Rome, indeed rather that they expel the devotees of France. The Council commends to your Majesty, as a thing extremely deserving of your Majesty's kindness, the protection and assistance of Father Persons. Thus it believes that your Majesty ought to require that strongly favourable letters be prepared as he requests. May your Majesty ordain according to what may be your pleasure. Madrid, 25 September. 1 2

i.e. Paul V. Phillipe de Canaye, Sieur de Fresne.

29. PHILIP III TO THE MARQUIS OF A YTONA. Madrid, 28 September 1607. Original copy, 3 pages, E 1859, n. fo1. Gast6n de Moncada 2nd Marquis of Aytona, was head of a powerful landed family in Aragon, which held the hereditary office of Mestre Racional, or collector of crown rents fo(the Treasury of Aragon.

(p.2)

+ Al Marques de Aytona Por una de vuestras cartas de los 24 de Julio he visto como auiades dado quenta al Papa de 10 que don Pedro de Cuniga os auia escrito que el Embaxador de Francia que reside en Inglaterra dezia que el breue que su Santidad auia embiado a los Catholicos en 10 del Juramento 1 no Ie dio de su voluntad sino a la instancia del santo officio, y el dafio que esto hazia para encaminarse 10 que su Santidad desseaua 10 que os respondio a ello y la orden que os dio que me escriuieses 10 que holgaria que se hiziese instancia con el Rey de la gran Bretafia para que no persiga tanto los Catholicos, sobre 10 qual Ie podreys responder en la ocasion que os pareciese a proposito que yo tengo mucho cuydado de procurar su aliuio y assi he mandado a don Ped1l0 de Cuniga haga todos los officios que biere combenir por ellos en ocasion que les pueda ser de


106

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

prouecho y no abire mas la persecucion como escriue 10 haria si se Ie apretase, por estar aquel Rey tan sospechoso y sus ministros tan mal affectos a los Catholicos que interpretan (p.3) en su dafio todos los buenos officios que se hazen por ellos, que assi sera obra muy digna de m sancto zelo interponerse con e1 Rey de Francia para que gesen los ma10s officios que su ministros hazen contra 1a verdad y autoridad de su Santidad pues es de creer que 10 que hazen es con su orden de que resu1tan los inconvenientes que se dexan considerar y por que auiendose embiado a don Pedro de Cuniga e1 breue de su Santi dad para e1 Rey de 1a Gran Bretaiia 2 responde que no ha hallado forma conbeniente para ponerle en sus manos y e1 cauallero Lorenes 3 no ha buelto alli hasta agora y de sean que 10 haga, os cncargo y mando procureys diestramente que su santidad Ie mande que bue1ba a Londres y de el breue a aque1 Rey pues hallandose agora en Lorena 1a podra hazer con facilidad y si es bien sauer e1 fruto que podra hazer auisareys me de 10 que en cumplimiento desto hizieredes. [Translation: ]

+ Marquis of Aytona, In one of your letters dated July 24th I saw that you had reported to the Pope, as don Pedro de ZUfiiga informed you, what the resident French ambassador in England had announced to the effect that the brief about the oath 1 which his Holiness had sent to the Catholics was not willingly given but only at the insistence of the Holy Office, and about the harm done against the desires of his Holiness, and what was his response to you about it and the order he gave you to write me that it was his pleasure that a protest be made to the king of Great Britain against the heavy persecution of Catholics. A t an occasion which seems proper to you, you should respond to all this that I have been deeply concerned about achieving their relief, and consequently have ordered don Pedro de ZUfiiga to make every convenient endeavour on their behalf at a time which could be advantageous and not be a provocation to further persecution. According to his letter he will do this if he is forced to do so, but that king is so suspicious and his officials so ill disposed towards the Catholics that they may interpret harmfully every kind gesture made on their behalf Therefore it will be a duty very consonant with his holy zeal to exhort the king of France to end the harmful activities of his officials against the truth and the authority of his Holiness. Indeed it is being said that their actions are prompted by his orders and consequently difficulties have arisen which are to be kept in mind. When the briep from his Holiness to the king of Great Britain was sent to don Pedro de ZUfiiga he replied that he had not found a convenient procedure to place it in his hands, and as the gentleman from Lorraine has not returned there as yet, 3 and they want it done, I charge and in~truct you to make an earnest endeavour to have his


JANUARY 1608

107

Holiness command him to return to London to hand the brief to the king. Indeed he can do this easily since he is at the moment in Lorraine. If the results that follow are worth knowing, you should inform me what you are doing in accomplishing this command. 1 He is apparently referring to both breves, of 22 September 1606 and 23 August 1607, available in translation in King James's Workes (London, 1618, STC 14344), pp. 250-52,258. Contemporary copies in P.R.O.,S.P. 94/13/15 to 17. 2 This is the letter brought by Jean de Mallaine to London in May 1606 (See Doc. 18) but still awaiting a reply. The Spanish Council had also seen the text since Paul V had sent a copy to Philip on June 15, 1606. In its debate the Council found two disparate themes which should have been treated separately. The first was that of congratulations on his escape from the Gunpowder Plot and a condemnation of those who favoured it. The second was the papal plea for fair treatment of those who were loyal subjects and the exposition of reasons for James' favourable outlook towards Catholics. A text is also available in B. Nat., Fonds Francais 3455, ff. 102-3. 3 It is not certain that Mallaine did return to London although there were other visits from members of the ducal house of Lorraine.

30. PHILIP III TO PEDRO DE ZUNIGA.

El Pardo, 20 January 1608.

Original copy, 2 pages, E 2571/226. In a letter of 6 December 1607, Zuniga had told Philip that his court confidants believed that James would be best appeased by renewing the talks of a marriage with the Infanta Ana, .his daughter, or even about a link with the house of Savoy: "and when the negotiation has begun, the persecution will cease here completely" (E 2586/80, Zuniga to Philip, London, 6 December 1607). The document below is Philip's response; through this the later ' negotiations for a Savoy match will be undertaken.

(p.2)

+ A don Pedro de Cuniga Por vuestras cartas de los 6 del pasado he visto los pIa ticos que aueys tenido con Veltenbras,l el Cid,2 y Malgesi, 3 y despues con Roldan 4 en materia de casamientos y 10 que sobre todo os ocurre, que esta tan bien considerado como se esperaua de vuestra prudencia y por agora no se ofreye que aduertir os sino que digays a Beltenbras que este negocio se ha de comunicar con el Duque de Saboya y que es muy bien que el galan busque a la dama, 10 qualles seruira de exempl0 para que el


108

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

Principe de Gales busque tambien a la infanta mi hija, en que no les cerrarays la puerta, pues.de aqui a que ella tenga hedad para concluyr el negocio ay tantas cosas que digeren que daran lugar a que se escoja 10 que mas pareciere conuenir, y sera bien sustentarlos como vos dezis con esta esperanza. [Translation: ]

+ Don Pedro de ZUfiiga In your letters of the 6th of last month I read of the conversations which you have been having with Beltenbras,l El Cid,2 Malgesi 3 and later with Roldan 4 on the problem of the marriages and what is your opinion about each point. This has been so well thought through, as was to be expected of one with your discretion, that at the moment nothing occurs to advise you except that you should tell Beltenbras that this question has to be discussed with the Duke of Savoy, and that it is 'far better that the lad is to seek the lass '. This will serve as the example for the Prince of Wales to seek the Infanta, my daughter, against which you are not to close the door. Indeed from this moment until she reaches the age for the completion of the negotiation there are so many things which they will be discussing that they will provide a chance to select what seems proper. It will be better to nurture them, as you say, with this hope. Robert Cecil. The Earl of Northampton . 3 The Earl of Suffolk. 4 The Countess of Suffolk. 1

2

31. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III. London, 27 Februray 1608. Original decipher received on 23 March, 5 pages, E 2586/89.

(p.2)

+ Senor Despues que llego Riuas 1 no auia po dido hablar con los confidentes por Ia ocassion que he dicho a Vuestra Magestad, el Domingo a 23 cons:ertamos de vernos Roldan? el Cid 3 y yo y no pudo venir el Cid porque estando para hazerlo Ie llama el Rey que se ardia en yra de


FEBRUARY 1608

109

auerle dado el Dean de Guismeter unas coplas que se hizieron en Seuilla con un retrato de la paja del Padre Garnet,4 al punto mando a Luys Lucanor s que me las traxesse contenia el recado que en sus reynos no consentiria hazer tales cop las como se hazian en los de Vuestra Magestad contra el y su Justicia de que estaua con muy gran quexa y que assi 10 escriuisse a Vuestra Magestad diziendome esto saco las coplas y yo las ley y comenge a reyrme mucho y Ie dixe que no obstante que me pesaua de que se huuiese su amo enojado no podia dexarme de reyr de que 10 estubiese de una cosa tan sin pies ni caue9a Y que por 10 que estimaua su autoridad y no escriuir minerias de su parte a tan buen hermano como Vuestra Magestad queria aduertirle de quien hazia aquellas cosas y que si despues de auerlo entendido gustase de que yo escriuiese 10 haria con esto Ie di a entender como los ciegos cantan en Espana estos romanges y los forjan otros pobres hombres (p.3) como ellos como bien se ve en los buenos bersos aquella tarde vertio pon90na de que el esta bien lIeno por ser el hombre del mundo mayor perseguidor de la iglesia, llamo a los del consejo y estuuo con ellos mas de quatro oras dixoles muchas quemazones y que auia entre ell os quien hazia buenos officios . por los Catholicos que juraua con gradissimos juramentos que no les auian de valer porque el manadaua que a los c1erigos presos y a los Catolicos les presentasen el Juramento en todo el reyno y que si Ie rehusasen los ahorcasen. Dixo tambien queria Ie tomasen Condes, Barones, y Senores y sus mugeres que con personas desta calidad no se ha hablado hasta agora ni en su tiempo ni en el de la reyna. Vuestra Magestad juzgara qual estara todo esto pues otro dia por la manana salio de aqui el Rey para Rosten donde dizen estar hasta la pascua. Yo hauia hablado a Roldan en la merced que Vuestra Magestad les quiere hazer (y aprouechara mucho)6 y estauamos muy descuydados deste negocio, el qual entendi la rnisma noche embiele a dezir que desseaua tornarla a hablar y al Cid, y assi hauemos estado esta tarde juntos. EI Cid es hombre de bien y siente la persecucion como tal, preguntome si auia algo de casamiento porque hera la medi9ina con que esta llaga se ha de mejorar pues tan (p.4) mala intencion como la del Rey y todo el estado no podia curarse en dos horas, respondi me pare cia que dezia muy bien pero que yo no me atreueria de hablar por ningun caso en nada en tiempo que se estaua aqui deramando sangre por sola religion y que no 10 dezia por los que au ian de morir sino por que no conuenia a la autoridad de Vuestra Magestad tratar en tal tiempo de ninguna cosa dixome que no,tenia razon pues con aquello se templara todo y yo Ie replique como auia scrito a Vuestra Magestad que no hera mayor la persecucion y que el camino derribarla me parecia el estrecharnos mas con elIos, pero que no biendo ser esto assi no hera justo hablar en nada y que biese era menester atajar este estoruo estan resueltos a hazer quantas ¡diligencias les fuere possible para embargar la execu9ion desta crueldad del Rey y entiendo que han de aprouechar por que me dizen ~ue Beltenbras ha desseado hablandar deste negocio y habladole en ella aunque Ie respondi0 algo sacudidamente han


110

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

mandado a los juezes que salen a los distritos del Reyno 8 se detengan no obstante la orden que arriua digo que me haze creer 10 procuran de veras y que no mueran estos quatro sacerdotes 9 que estan aqui y algunos otros tambien presos en la tierra que con la yra del Rey quedan a gran peligro, tome Lucanor a responderme de parte del Rey se auia (p.S) holgado mucho de que yo Ie aduirtiesse como tan su seruidor y que assi mi pedie no hablase a Vuestra Magestad en ello, es cosa estrana qual quedan todos los Catolicos, Dios los consuele que pienso ha de tener Vuestra Magestad muy gran premio de tales obras. Ya he dicho a Vuestra Magestad como este Rey ha hecho un libro que 10 han sentido los del consejo brauamente, prirnero salio en Ingles y luego Ie mando poner en latin y embio uno al embaxador de Vencia, el con su buena verguenya Ie reciuio y el atreuerse a esto el Rey naye de las buenas partes que ~e ha descubierto aqui. Dizenme que su capellanl 0 defiende mucho que es muy bueno el libro y que se puede tomar el J uramento con todo 10 demas que el Rey dize en el, pero no me espanto si es verdad que Ie ha pedido un libro que hizo el rey enrico octauo ll que depuso las religiones y religiosos deste Reyno, ellibro se esta irnprimiendo muy a priesa que es con 10 que vengo a creer 10 que me han dicho, escriuo aRoma 10 que passa can cado ordinario. Dios mire por su causa y guarde a Vuestra Magestad etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, Since Ribas l arrived I have been unable to have a chance to speak to the confidants as I already mentioned to your Majesty. Roldan,2 EI Cid 3 and I agreed to see one another on Sunday the 23rd, but EI Cid could not come for when he was on the point of leaving the king summoned him in a burning rage since the Dean of Westminster had given him some verses which were printed in Seville under a picture of Father Garnet's straw. 4 Immediately he ordered Lewis Lewkenors to bring them to me. He added a reminder that he would not permit within his realm the publication of such verses attacking his person and his justice as had been done in your Majesty's lands, wherein he was deeply wounded and insistent that they be reported to your Majesty accordingly. After telling me this he produced the verses which I read while starting to laugh heartily. I told him that while I regretted that his master had been offended I could no avoid laughing at the fact that it was based on something without head or feet. Respecting, as I did, his authority and hoping to avoid transmitting threats to so fine a brother as your Majesty, I had to inform him about the basis of such things. If. once it was grasped, it was still his pleasure that I should write, I would do so. Then I pointed out to him that in Spain blind men sing these _ stories and other simple people make up fables such as this as even in good verses is to be noticed. That afternoon the venom which he has in


FEBRUARY 1608

III

full measure turned his mind, for he is the man of the world, the greatest persecutor of the church. He summoned his council and remained more than four hours with them. He uttered many spitefUl things and said that there were some among them who favoured Catholics but swore with strong curses that they would be of no avail, for he was about to give orders that the oath was to be presented to every cleric in prison and to the Catholics of the entire realm and if they refused they would hang. He said as well that he wished earls, barons, and lords and their wives to .take it, but persons of this station have not been mentioned until now either in his reign or in that of the queen. Your Majesty may decide what all this may come to, indeed the following morning the king left here for Royston where they say he will stay until Easter. I have spoken to Roldan about the favour your Majesty would like to show (and she will find it of great use 6 ). We have been very disturbed over this affair, as I learned on the same evening when she sent word that she wished to come back with El Cid to speak. We have been together this afternoon. El Cid is a man of good will who regrets the persecution as such. He asked me if there would be any hope for a marriage, be,cause that was the medicine to cure this ulcer, as the dire intention of the king and even the entire situation cannot be cured in two hours. I responded that I thought he had spoken very well but I would not dare to negotiate on anything for any reason whatsoever with a time such as this at hand, where blood would be shed solely for religion, and that I did not speak thus on behalf of those who had to die, but only because it did not befit the authority of your Majesty to negotiate about anything in such a time. He told me that I was wrong for with a gesture such as this everything will be moderated. I replied, as I wrote to your Majesty, that the persecution was not stronger and yet it appeared to me that the way to end it was to link ourselves more closely to them, but when one failed to see this, to discuss anything was improper and he had to see that the removal of this obstacle was essential. They are determined to use all possible endeavours to stay the execution of the king's cruelty. I believe they have succeeded because they tell me that Beltenbras has wanted to moderate this affair and has spoken to him7 about it. Although he responded somewhat negatively they have ordered a delay for the judges who are to travel through the shires of the realm, 8 notwithstanding the order which I mentioned above. This leads me to believe that they are sincerely trying and that these four priests here will not die, 9 nor will some others in gaol in the country who stand in great peril because of the king's rage. Lewkenor has returned to offer a reply on the king's behalf that he was greatly pleased that I had proved how much I was his servant and thus he asked me not to speak to your Majesty about this business. It is a marvellous thing how all the Catholics survive. May God comfort them as I believe your Majesty as well deserves a great reward for such labours. I have already mentioned to your Majesty that this king has written a book which members of the Council have deeply regretted. First it


112

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

appeared in English and then he ordered it to be put in Latin. He sent a copy to the Venetian ambassador who accepted it with his fine lack of decency, and his daring to do this is attributed by the king to the fine passages whJch he has there discovered. They say that his chaplainl 0 is stoutly defending the book as good and that the oath may be taken along with everything else the king says therein. However it does not surprise me, if it is true that he has asked about a book written by King Henry VIllI 1 who suppressed the religious and their houses in this realm. The book is being rushed into print according to what they told me and this I am starting to believe as well. By every regular post I have been writing about what happens to Rome. May God watch over His cause and protect your Majesty, etc. 1 This could be either Pedro de Ribas, or his son, Ribas de Ribalta, both offical couriers to the Crown. 2 Countess of Suffolk. 3 Earl of Northampton . 4 Richard Neale was Dean of Westminster (1605-10). The "straw" is described in P. Caraman, Henry Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot (London, 1964), pp. 443-7 and other biographies of Garnet. These Spanish printed verses on Garnet do not survive in the lists of F. Escudero y Perosso, Typografia Hispalense (Madrid, 1894) or in A. Palau y Dulcet, Manual del Librero Hispano-Americano (Barcelona, 1923-27). However in a summary of his achievement as envoy in Spain Cornwallis later recalled that he: "complayned to the King of Spayne of libels and pictures that were published in and about the court about the execution of Garnet the Jesuit in England as guilty of the Powder Plot and obteyned of his Majesty of Spayne an order for the suppressing of the aforesaid thinges ... " (P.R.O., S.P. 94/15/205). It is possible that these engravings or "paintings" were sent to England by Cornwallis (See Winwood, Memorials vol. 2, p. 300). 5 Sir Lewis Lewkenor received a formal appointment as Master of Ceremonies "by patent with a salary of ÂŁ200 on 7 November 1605 but had in fact been exercising the functions since 1603", E.K. Chambers, The Elizabethan Stage, Oxford, 1923, p. 53 . 6 i. e. an extraordinary gift. 7 Cecil will see the king. 8 i. e. the Assizes on circuit~ 9 It is likely that there were more priests than this in prison in London. 10 Zorzi Guistiniano reported to Venice that he took it "with the object of assuring him that your Serenity held a high opinion of his wisdom and authority ... " (CS.P. Venetian 1607-10, p. 97). 11 If he meant a work in circulation during the reign of Henry VIII , the Two Short Treatises against the Orders of Begging Friares by John Wiclif was printed at Oxford in 1'08, STC 25589.


APRIL 1608

113

32. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.

London, 8 April 1608.

Original decipher received on 3 May, 4 pages, E 2586/95.

(p.2)

+

Senor Embio a Vuestra Magestad la audiencia que tiene con este Rey 1 por las mas puntuales palabras que la e podido Ie representar por donde uera Vuestra Magestad el desseo que tyenen aqui de casamientos,2 querrian mucho que el duque de Saboya comenerase las platicas del10s con embiar persona a que pidiese la Infanta, 3 para con esto yr disponiendo al Parlamento y al pueblo que esta cad a dia mas mal yntencioado, quexandose a boeres de que ayi no se haze nada ni se despacha ningun negocio y que en las cosas de la Papisteria se van aqui descuydando desto, se a quexado Salsberi al doctor 4 diciendo que el no puede resistyr si de aY1 no se haze 10 que se a offrecido por que no se a pagado segun dize el Embaxador a ningun Ingles a quien se deua, s y por estas palabras, que el se huelga de dejar eso por que no se a pagado ni se pagara, y dixole Salsberi con grandes juramentos, que Ie parecia se Ie hauian de yr a las baruas por entender que los resistya y que esto Ie hazia erizar y que el se obliga por una cosa que ayi se haga de justicia 0 de gracia hazer el aca dos y tres. 6 Tambien se quexa de que dejaron de soltarse cinco 0 seys Ingleses que se tengan en las galeras de Seuilla, estas cosas no las haze el mayores por que yo 10 veo en la manera que aqui se habla y lb que a mi me han dicho del1as y como este es tan rechinado y de tan mala satisfacion de su coneriencia Ie paresce que Ie enganamos y assi 10 dize que pues no se hazen en este principio cosas tan chicas que que sera de las grandes dase al diablo de que yo Ie digo se puede creer muy diferentemente una palabra al descuydo de un espanol que quan tos juramen tos (p.3) el haze que este [sic] cierto de que Vuestra Magestad no manda que enganemos a nadie y que assi uera cumplido to do 10 que Ie e dicho mejor que se -10 e sauido offrescer, parascele por la conuenieneria deste estado hechanse en los brazos-ue Vuestra Magestad y sino en los de Francia y haze grandes juramentos que no pasara un ano sin que sea 10 uno:) 10 otro. Todos dessean mas 10 p"rimero, a-tratauo estos dias de que se moderarse el juramento y que no se llegase a sangre con los c1erigos presos, y estando esto harto adelante, an entendido a llegado aqui breue de su Santidad 7 para deponer al Archipresbitero,8 y que no pueda celebrar el ni usar de su funcion qualquier religioso que tuuiere opinion de que se puede tomar el juramento y que el Archipresbitero que agora a nombrado su Santidad no puede tener por acompanado a ninguno de tal opinion a que Uego este aqui un mes, y yo me holgara que no 10 entendieran hasta que pasaran estas yessiones,9 pero supieron 10 el Biernes Sancto 1 0 y no


114

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

se puede creer quales estan detemerosos de 10 que a de hazer el Rey que aun no 10 saue, ni e podido hablar con ninguno, per temo que esto a de boluer a dar por los tejados con la condicion del Rey pero esta 10 de aqui en estado que spero a de boluer a un corriente mejor que el que tyene agora, por que les mata el parecelles que Tyron va aRoma, y que si Su Santidad Ie embia a Irlanda an deperder aquel Reyno,11 y assi dicho a Vuestra Magestad quan conueniente me paresce ese hombre esta siempre satisfecho para que les de zelos y tuenen los tan grandes que an sacado fuerzas de flaqueza para embiar dos nauios y dos galeras a las costas de Irlanda y hasta mil Infantes es tal su miedo que les pareye que el Tercio de Irlandeses que estaua en Flandes se van muchos a Irlanda y que es para que aya alii soldados viejos (p.4) que sepan como se an de menear las armas. 12 Mucho conuendria que Vuestra Magestad mandase satisfazer a esos hombres, por que sobre esta quexa la de el Embaxador de que tyene audienyias tarde y con dificultad y exageralo con tales palabras que no me espanto hagan aqui sentimiento y es bien acauar con eso para que veamos como obra aca este hombrecillo. 13 La semana sancta se a pasado hayiendo nos confussion a los Spanoles esta buena gente, por que tal deuocion y resoluyion no se a uisto jamas y sin duda que en la capilla a hauido cada dia mas de 500 personas de manera que siendo bien grande a sido menester alargarla buen pedazo. EI embaxador de Francia 14 y su muger vinieron a uisitar el santissimo sacramento y se espantaron mucho, y aunque el concurso es el que digo, y no gente muy menuda, no se les abla en ella que es cosa para tener grandissimo contento como yo Ie tengo, espero que estas orayiones an de ser para 10 que yo desseo que es Nuestro Senor guarde etc.

[Translation: ]

+ Sire, I ~m sending your Majesty [an account ofl an audience held with the king 1 here in as precise words as I can use to describe it, wherein your Majesty may learn their plan about the marriages here. 2 They are very anxious that the Duke of Savoy begin negotiating about them after sending someone to request the hand of the princess. 3 Then they can set about preparing Parliament and the public who are becoming more ill-disposed every day with loud complaints about nothing being done and that no business is being conducted and that they are continuing to ignore Papist affairs. Salisbury has protested to the Doctor4 that he is powerless to prevent this if nothing is forthcoming from over there to fulfill what was being offered. Not a single Englishman has been paid what was due him according to the ambassador's pledge. s He was using these words, 'he would be happy to stop, because he has not been paid, nor will he be paid'. With strong oaths Salisbury stated that it


APRIL 1608

115

seemed as if they had to be face to face to start rea liz inK "that now he was in opposition to them. It made him bristle to have to do two or three things here for every favour or act of justice there. 6 Besides this he complained that they failed to release five or six Englishmen who are being detained in the galleys in Seville. As I am viewing these things according to the manner of speech here and what they have been telling me, he is not making a loud complaint. Still this man keeps grinding his teeth and is very ill at ease in his conscience when he thinks we are deceiving him. He says that if little things are not to be done on this principle, then what will be done with important ones, 'so go to the devil'. At which I reply to him that trust is given in a different way to one casual word from a Spaniard than any number of oaths that he utters. It is certain that there is no order on your Majesty's behalf that we are to deceive anyone, and that he shall be seeing a better accomplishment of everything that has been said than anything he has been known to offer. He believes that for the advancement of the realm they have to place themselves near the protection of your Majesty or otherwise close to that of France, and he has sworn his determination that before the year iS,over, it will be the one or the other. Everyone is anxious for the former. These days there is talk of toning down the oath and of avoiding bloodshed with the clerics in prison. When this talk was well advanced they learned that a brief from his Holiness 7 had arrived wherein the Archpriest 8 is deposed and that any religious who holds the view that the oath is permissible may not celebrate [mass] nor perform his duties, and that the archpriest who is currently nominated by his Holiness can not consult with anyone of views similar to what was reached here a month ago. I am happy that they did not find this out before these present sessions 9 were finished. However they discovered something by Holy ThursdaylO and it is unbelievable how fearful they are about what the king is going to do. Although it is not known, nor have I been able to speak with anyone, still I am afraid, given the character of the king, there is going to be a loud outcry again. At this point however it is a situation which I hope will have to turn better than what it is at the moment because it kills them to think that Tyrone is going to Rome. If his Holines~sends him to Ireland they are to lose that kingdom.l 1 Thus I have told your Majesty how proper it seems to me to keep that man always satisfied so as to make them apprehensive. They have become so deeply alarmed, they have derived strength from weakness by sending two ships and two galleys to the shores of Ireland and up to a thousand men. Such is their alarm they think that the tercio which has been in Flanders is going mainly to Ireland so that there be veteran soldiers on hand who know how to handle weapons. l2 It is most important that your Majesty command that satisfaction be given to these men. Concerning that complaint which the ambassador there keeps making about tardiness and difficulties in having audiences, his words exaggerate, and I am not surprised that they cause resentment here and it is better to be finished


116

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

with that matter so that we might see how that little man is working there. 1 3 Holy Week has passed and these good people have left us Spaniards confounded, for never has such piety and courage been seen. It is beyond question that there were more than 500 people a day in the chapel to such a degree that to handle the crowd it was necessary to enlarge it a good bit. The ambassador 14 of France and his wife came to visit the most holy Sacrament and were quite astonished. Although the crowding is such as I mentioned, and not by any means with insignificant people, not a word is being said about it, which is something to give deep satisfaction, as indeed I have. I trust that these prayers will be for what I desire which is that our Lord may protect etc. Members of the Privy Council are also present. Since Zuniga did not speak English, the dialogue must be recorded by Robert Taylor. Again the decipher alternates between direct discourse and a paraphrase. 3 Princess Elizabeth. 4 Robert Taylor. 5 Pensions pledged during the treaty of 1604. 6 "here" in London, "there" in Spain. 7 The letter of deposition for George Blackwell and the appointment of George Birkhead was 1 February 1608 (text in Tierney Dodd, Church History, vol. 4, pp. clvii-clix.) . 8 The identity of the new appointment was still unknown, and a change of advice to Catholics was uncertain, see C.S.P. Venetian 1607-10 , p.126 . 9 These Quarter Sessions began 22 February 1607/8. 10 In the embassy calendar, 3 April 1608. 11 The courts of Brussels and Madrid offered little encouragement to Hugh O'Neil, Earl of Tyrone, nor did the Pope assist him out of fear of the consequences for the English Catholics (C.S.P. Venetian 1607-10, pp. 89, 110, 125 , 302). 12 This belief in the movement of troops from Flanders to Ireland to support the insurrection of O'Dogherty was prevalent in London, See B. Jennings, Wild Geese in Spanish Flanders 1582-1700 (Dublin, 1964), pp . 107-8 . However both Edmondes and Trumbull denied it strongly in letters from Brussels, H.M. C. Downshire Mss. vol. 2, pp. 59-60. 13 Cornwallis had reported his representations at the Spanish court over English prisoners in the galleys, Winwood, Memorials, vol. 2, p. 381 ff. 14 Antoine Le Fevre de la Boderie. 1

2


APRIL 1608 33. PEDRO DE ZONIGA TO PHILIP III.

London, 21 April 1608.

Original decipher received on 14 May, 3 pages, E 2586/99.

(p.2)

+ Senor Entre los religiosos 1 que estan presos en las carceles hera una fardenar tan pusilanirno y tan ruyn que antes que Ie apremiasen al Juramento se combido a tomarle de que estos han receuido el contentamiento que se dexa considerar, parecioles que un Padre de la compania que se llama luquit2 haria 10 propio y lleuaronle ante el obispo el qual Ie presento el Jurament0 3 y el no quiso tomar diziendo hera con tra su conc;iencia preguntole que como hablaua de aquella manera pues Ie auia tornado Blacuel que es hombre tan docto y auia sido su Archipresbitero ÂĽ fardenar tambien, respondio que el no tenia el temor de la muerte que a ellos se 10 auia hecho hazer bieron Ie con tanta resolucion que Ie boluieron a la carcel, y mandaron traer a las cesiones a Jorge Geruas 4 Monje Benito pareciendoles que como hombre de menos estudio y encogido Ie auian de guiar por donde quisiesen y este santo monje tan sobre los estriuos que les dixo que el no auia de tomar aquel juramento por que era heretico sin que fuese necessario disputarlo y que quanta a la fidelidad al Rey ella tenia quanta qualquier vassalo, (p.3) pr~guntaronle que si hera de parecer que su Santidad podia descomulgar y deponer al Rey Jacobo respondio que si y que despues della hera lic;ito tomar las armas S contra el los vasallos, condendaronle a ahorcar y murio ayer con la misma constancia que los hablo que sin duda de n~die han oydo la verdad tan desnuda ni la determinacion tan firme, ~l presente de la horca Ie hizieron grandes exortac;iones de la c1emenc;ia del Rey y de 10 que Ie combenia mudar el parecer, pero el siempre estubo en que alli auia venido a padec;er por Ia verdad de su religion y que &ssi no auia que hablar en otra cosa con el breue que aqui tienen de su Santidad queda c;errada Ia puerta a tomar el juramento. Yo entiendo que muchos seguiran este camino si Ie aprietan 6 en Ie espero en Ia misericordia de Dios que han de disirnular algo por que ay gran num~ro de gente que ahorcar y aun que ellos temen poco la infamia, t~men el Papa con Tiron de suerte que se mueren de miedo y cierto par~ce conueniente alirnentarle paraque aqui no se desenfrenen mas, no he podido hablar con ninguno de los confidentes ni aun 10 he querido hazer en haziendolo dire mas en t!stas y otras platicas a Vuestra Magestad, cuya Catolica y Real .persona guarde Nuestro Senor, etc.


118

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

[Translation: ]

+ Sire, Among the religious l who are in prison there was one, a good-for-nothing so feeble and so despicable, that before they forced him to take the oath, he was persuaded to take it and therein they have derived a pleasure which is left to be imagined. They trusted that a father of the Society called Luquitt 2 [sic] would do his duty and accordingly brought him before the bishop who offered him the oath. 3 He refused to take it saying it was against his conscience. He asked him why he spoke in that fashion when indeed it was taken by Blackwell, a learned man who had been the archpriest and the good for nothing as well. He replied that he did not have a fear of death which had forced them to do that. Seeing such resolution in him they brought him back to prison and they ordered George Gervaise,4 a Benedictine monk, to be brought before the assizes for, trusting him to be timid also and of Jess progress in learning, they were to lead him about as they might want. This saintly monk was so firm in the stirrup that he told them that he did not take the oath because it was heretical, even without holding a debate about it, and that his loyalty to the king was as firm as any other subject's. They asked him if it was his opinion that his Holiness could excommunicate and depose King James. He replied that was so,. and after that it was permissible for his subjects to take up arms. 5 They condemned him to death and yesterday he died with the same intrepidity as he had spoken wherein undoubtedly such unabashed truths and deep constancy have not been heard before from anyone. A t the moment of the hanging they made strong appeals about the royal clemency and how he ought to change his belie/, but he was always the same about his suffering for the truth of his religion and that thus he did not have a thing to say but that after the brief had come from his Holiness the door remained closed to taking the oath. I understand that many will be following this path if they press them about it. I trust in God's mercy that they6 are going to pretend somewhat, because there is a great number of people to hang and although they have slight fear of dishonour, they are alarmed at Tyrone being with the Pope to such a degree that they are dying of fear. Certainly it seems advantageous to nurture this so that they do not become more outrageous here. I have not been able to speak with any of the confidants nor have I even been wanting to do so, but when I have finished that I will say more to your Majesty about these and other questions. May God protect your Catholic royal person, etc. 1 On April 23 Giustinian reported: "The Archpriest and another priest also a prisoner, both of them men of proved learning and virtue, have taken the oath and maintain that all may do so without injury to the Catholic faith". (CS.P. Venetian, 1607-10, p. 125) 2 i. e. Thomas Garnet, SJ.


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JULY 1608

Thomas Ravis, Bishop of London, May 1607 - December 1609. George Gervaise, O.S.B., executed on 11 April 1608 o.s. His indictment is in Middlesex County Records (1892), vol. 2, pp. 202-3. The Venetian envoy felt that Gervaise would have been spared except for James' anger at the papal dismissal of Blackwell (Ibid. p. 124). See also Challoner, Memoirs, pp. 294-6. 5 - This was not the Catholic objection to the oath. 6 i.e. the Privy Council. 3

4

34. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.

Highgate,9 July 1608.

Original decipher received on '18 August, 4 pages, E 2586/124.

(p.2)

+ Senor Despues que escriui a Vuestra Magestad con Ribas me embio a pedir Roldan que la biese respondila creya ser a 10 que otras vezes me auia llamado para disculpar a Beltenebras de la sangre que aqui se bierte de religiosos y que a1 tiempo que me embiaua a pedir esto quedaua yo muy contento de la constan~ia con que auia muerto el Padre Garnet y lastimado de que a ellos les huuiese de llebar el diabolo por ello,l con esto llamo al doctor Teller y Ie dixo la poca culpa que Beltenebras tenia cargandola al Recorder2 y a otros ministros, tornole a pedir que yo la biese y porque bea Vuestra Magestad quales estan me ha pare~ido dar quenta de 10 que pasa, han despachado correo tras las jueces que iban a la tierra con cartas del Rey en que manda que de ninguna namera no ahorguen a ningun clerigo ni a ningun Catholico y una orden que a los Catholicos presos que no pueden pagar las multas conforme a las ultimas leyes del Parlamento,3 los suelten y no les buelban a prender a ellos ni a otros sino se compongan de manera que cada uno pague en propor~ion de su hazienda aun que no sea (p.3) mas de dos reales 4 que sera grande alibio para ellos. Dimos y tornamos en que este juramento hera la cosa mas vergon~esa que aqui auia y que ya podrian estar desengafiados que no Ie auia de tomar nadie pues tan constantemente auian muerto un clerigo y un monje venita y un padre de la compania, a me embiado oy otra forma de juramento que es la que aqui van, no me ha dado por contento por que no se si es 10 que se puede hazer en concien~ia y assi escribo a Vuestra Magestad y escribire a Roma en esta razon paresceme conbendria que el Cardinal Belarmino y el Padre Personi0 5 que estan respondiendo (segun entiendo) a1 libro que hizo este Rey 6 10 hiziesen declarandole mucho sus herrores pero no


¡ 120

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

yrritandole con palabras asperas por . q~e es el mas furioso hombre del mundo y aun que esto no se 10 haze hazer virtud sino miedo me pareye sera bien no sa carle deste camino por ver hasta donde podremos llegar con el. Dessea Roldan en desconfianya diziendo la que Beltenebras la enganaba y que nunca se haria nada en Espana desta buena gente ella se 10 deuio de dezir y luego embio a llamar a Teller el mismo Beltenebras y Ie mostro las ordenes como se despachaban y cop gran dolor Ie pregunto si estaua desesperado el poder se (p.4) arrimar a Vuestra Magestad por casamiento, el Doctor Ie respondio que el no sauia nada de aquella platica pero que Ie parecia 10 auia de estoruar la religion a esto, Ie dio que el haria en ello 10 que nadie pensaua con que se puede bien inferir el mal recaudo que ellos tienen pues no ay beneno para este hombre como toleracion de Religion y bese que murieren de miedo, con esto podra encaminar Vuestra Magestad 10 que mas conbenga a su real seruicio. Nuestro Senor etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, After I had written to your Majesty by Ribas, Roldan sent a request to me to see her. I replied that I presumed it to be for that for which on other occasions she had summoned me, namely to exonerate Beltenbras for the bloodshed of religious and that at the time she sent her request I remained gratified at the constancy shown by Father Garnet at his death, yet saddened that Satan would possess them on account of it. 1 After that she sent for Doctor Taylor and maintained that Beltenbras had little guilt while the Recorder 2 and other officals should be blamed. I then decided to ask to see her, so that your Majesty might learn what sort of people they are. I have resolved to send a report of what happened. They have sent a courier after the justices who were travelling about the country bearing letters from the king. Here he commands that under no. circumstance may they hang any cleric or a Catholic and there is an order for the release of the Catholics imprisoned who can not pay the fines enjoined by the recent laws of Parliament,3 nor can they arrest them or any others, but rather they are to compound in a fashion that each one pays a portion of his property even if it be no more than one "shilling", 4 which will be a great relief for them. We keep saying again and again that this oath was the most disgraceful thing there was here and that they ought to have learned by now that no one should have to take it. Indeed so resolutely did a cleric, a Benedictine monk, and a father of the Society die, that they have sent me today another formula for the oath, which is going with this letter. I did not indicate my approval because I do not know if it be permissible in conscience. On this question I am writing to your Majesty and I will write to Rome. I feel that Cardinal Bellarmine and Father Persons s will be more suitable to do this as they are now responding - as far as I


JULY 1608

121

know - to the book which the king has written, 6 by indicating his mistakes fully but without offending him in sharp words, since he has the world's biggest temper. Even if this does not make him virtuous but only fearful I think it will be better not to abandon this approach until we see how far we have gotten with him. Roldan wants to appear dispirited by claiming that Beltenbras was deceiving her and that nothing will ever be done on behalf of these good people through Spain. I think she had to say this and now Beltebras himself has sent for Taylor and shown him the instructions which were being sent and to ask with deep regret if the chance of gaining your Majesty's support for a marriage was hopeless. The doctor replied that he knows nothing about the discussion, but that he believed religion would be an obstacle for it. He remarked to him that he would act on that as no one had expected, for there is no poison like toleration of religion for that person, and it is evident that they would die of fear. Herein your Majesty shall be capable of directing whatever is most suitable for your royal service. May our Lord, etc. 1 Beltenbras is Robert Cecil, Roldan is the countess of Suffolk. For the indictment of Thomas Garnet see Middlesex County Records, vol. 2, pp. 210-4 and Challoner, Memoirs , pp. 296-99. 2 Sir Henry Montagu was Recorder from 1603-16. 3 The mitigation of the laws of 1606 (3 Jac. I cap. 4 and cap. 5) was in fact promised for early 1608. (Usher, Reconstruction of the English Church vol. 2, p. 186.) 4 The real, computed at 34 maravedis was equivalent to 6 pence. 5 Robert Bellarmine's Responsio ad Librum and Robert Persons' Judgement of a Catholicke Englishman both appeared in 1608. Healy, T. S., John Donne, Ignatius His Conclave (Oxford, 1969) pp. xx-xxviii, offers background on the English court's activities concerning Bellarmine. 6 Bellarmine's letter to the Archpriest of 28 September 1607 had been used in James' Triplici Nodo Trip/ex Cuneus (STC 144(0)' printed In 1601 -i nd 1608.


122

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

35. AN OATH OF LOYALTY OF 1608. Original decipher, enclosed in Document 34, E 2586/125.

+

Si algun Principe, Perlado 0 Potentado, for~ara a priuar 0 deponer a su Magestad de algunos Reynos temporales y dominios suyos que no obstante ellos juraran al dicho su Rey verdadera fee fidelidad y obediencia y pellearan y moriran contra el tal que Ie depusiere. l [Translation: ]

+ If any prince, prelate or potentate shall require the deprivation or deposition of his Majesty from any of his temporal realms and dominions they will swear nevertheless to their aforesaid king true faith, fidelity and obedience and they will fight to the death against such as would depose him. 1 1 This is obviously a summary from a draft in the possession of Zufiiga. The actual legal formula was not present in the message.

36. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.

Highgate, 28 August 1608.

Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2586/134. Although the letter is written from his residence outside the city, he is describing his chapel in the house in Seething Lane in London.

(p.2)

+

Sefior Yo he tratado con este Rey 10 que Vuestra Magestad me mando por su carta de 20 de Julio l tocante al inconueniente de los exenciones de las casas de los embaxadores por tener por muy cierto seria cosa que aqui diese gran gusto, he escrito a Vuestra Magestad 10 que pase con el Rey y su consejo bien que no querian que entrasen ingleses en mi casa y han entrado tambien que es el consuelo de todos estos Catholicos y


AUGUST 1608

123

auiendo procurado hazer buena capilla en mi posada y roto un pared en una cuadra antes della que es una sala grande tampoco caben y he hecho benir de flandes otro sacerdote para que cada dia tengan tre~ missas, esta esto al parecer tan asentado que entran y salen publicamente con ser tan defendido por sus leyes que es pena de traycion el oyr missa y el dia que se hable en esto me parece se acabara todo y ademas que se haze tan gran bien para las almas desta buene gente se adquieren por criados de Vuestra Magestad pues en siendo Catholicos es cosa estrana de la manera que quieren su real servicio. Auiendo dicho en esto 10 que entiendo, cumplire la orden que fuere seruido de mandarme dar Vuestra Magestad. Nuestro Senor guarde etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, In accordance with the command of your letter of July 20th l I have been negotiating with the king concerning the troubles about the immunity of the residence of ambassadors, as it is a thing most likely to afford great pleasure here. I have written to your Majesty what is transpiring with the king and his Council. Although the entry of Englishmen into my residence is disliked, still they have been coming, since it is a comfort to each one of these Catholics. Through my efforts to establish a good chapel in my residence I have had to break down a wall in a room in front of it which created a large chamber which they still manage to fill up. I have had another priest come from Flanders so that there are three masses daily. Apparently this is so settled that they come and go publicly in the face of the heavy legal prohibition, for hearing a mass is under the penalty of treason. The day this is negotiated everything, in my opinion, will be finished, for beyond the great good being done for the souls of these people, they are being brought to become your Majesty's servants. It is a marvelous thing how solicitous they are of the royal service. Having stated what I understand about this question I will fulfill the orders which your Majesty will be pleased to give me. May our Lord protect, etc. 1 This letter of July 20th has not been traced, however its sense may be inferred here from Zuniga's response.


124

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

37. MARQUIS OF AYTONA TO PHILIP III. . Rome, 23 February 1609. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 990/6. The Spanish effort to secure Pope Paul's letter about the English Catholics (see Doc. 19) is renewed. In the autumn of 1608 Zufiiga favoured a possible match of Princess Elizabeth with the house of Savoy even though Paul V had told Aytona that unless the princess became a Catholic, as well as any members of her retinue who came to Italy,. there would ' be no papal approval (E 1860 consulta of 8 October 1608). Consequently Zui'iiga described his activities on the marriage as "surveying the land". He only could offer generalities about "good will" until a marriage treaty would be completed, after which he expected Elizabeth might be "converted", while her retinue could be easily selected from English Catholic nobility. (E 2571/257, Zufiiga to Philip, 24 October 1608). In December the Council of State reviewed a memorandum prepared by Andres de Prada and Lerma after conversations with Cornwallis (see Winwood Memorials vol. 2, pp. 457-65). Disappointed that Spanish efforts had availed so little with the persecution the Council voted that Aytona raise the question again with the papal court (E¡2513, n. fo1. , consulta of 20 December 1608). .

(p.2)

+

Sefior E receuido la carta de Vuestra Magestad de 22 Deciembre y copia de la que Vuestra Magestad he scrito al Pedro de Cuniga acerca de la diligencia que ha de hazer con el Rey de Inglaterra por los Catholicos de aquel Reyno, yo hare los officios que fueren necessarios segun 10 que me auisare don Pedro en esta materia, a hauido ocassiones estos dias antes de reciuir esta carta de Vuestra Magestad de platicar sobre ella con el papa y diciendole yo que podria ser que el Rey de Inglaterra cesase de perseguir a los Catholicos si Su Santidad les mandare que no conspirasen contra su Rey, porque con esta seguirdad estaria quieto que agora no 10 esta sino muy sospechoso de los Catholicos y dixo me a esto due no tenfendo los Catholicos obligacion de obede~er al Rey herege no puede espressamente mandarles que 10 obedezcan pero que holgaria que no conspirasen contra el, yo Ie replique que si el Rey no tyene alguna seguridad con alguna orden de su Santidad quedare el mismo inconueniente quando don Pedro de Cuniga me scribiese y podre con mas particularidad hazer el officio que conuiene con su Santidad 10 hare con mucho cuydado y como Vuestra Magestad me 10 manda. Nuestro Sefior guarde etc.


MARCH 1609

125

[Translation: ]

+ Sire, I have received your Majesty's letter of December 22nd as well as the copy of what you wrote to Pedro de Zuniga about the efforts that have to be .initiated with the king of England on behalf of the Catholics of that realm. I will undertake the necessary steps after don Pedro has sent me information on this question. Some days previous to receiving your Majesty's letter there were opportunities to discuss it with the pope, at which I said that perhaps the king of England is going to be induced to stop the persecution of the Catholics if his Holiness will require them not to conspire against the king, since with that assurance he will be at peace, whereas at present he is not, and instead very suspicious of Catholics. To this point he replied that since Catholics did not have an obligation to obey a king as a heretic, he cannot command them directly to obey him, however he would be pleased if they did not conspire against him. I responded that if the king had no assurance by a command from his Holiness the same trouble will continue. Whenever don Pedro de Zuniga shall write to me I will be enabled to discharge my duty suitably with his Holiness and with greater exactitude. This I will do with great care as your Majesty requests. May our Lord protect, etc:.

38. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.

London, 5 March 1609.

Original decipher, 3 pages, E 2587/16.

(p.1)

+

Senor Lo que Vuestra Magestad me manda que haga officios con este Rey por los Catolicos por auer tenido un discutso el embaxador 1 que ayi reside con e1 secretario Andres de PraAa en que Ie dize que su amo persigue a los catolicos por no asigurarse dellos y que si se 10 'pregunta dira esto, tengo1e por mal ynformado 0 por hombre que no dize 10 que siente, porque este Reyes muy herege y por conuenien9ias de su estado los persigue y todo su desseo y 1a fuerza que pone es porque no tenga e1 pontifice a1gun poder en sus reynos y como he dicho a Vuestra Magestad 1a mayor causa porque los persigue es 1a instigacion que hazen sus vassallos en que los catolicos dependan de su Santidad aunque esto importa poco porque no Ie tienen por tan poderoso como ellos son,


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

pero 10 que se recatan es de que Vuestra Magestad 10 es tanto mas y que los Catolicos a quien siendolo son criados de Vuestra Magestad 2 y de su misma boca dellos me han dicho a mi que la persecucion no ~essara de todo punto hasta que tengan prendas de verdadera amistad con Vuestra Magestad y agora no estan carni~eros como han estado si bien persiguen el rey no consentira en que su Santidad ordene a los Catolicos que Ie sean leales vassallos y que no conspiren contra el y si 10 hiziese conspirarian los Puritanos y esto y 'su heregia Ie son al Rey causa de esta persecucion y hablando un dia yo con la (p.2) reyna en materia de religion por la poca que ella tiene es catolica 3 y cargandole de que hera poco poderosa con su marido pues no endere~aua en cosa tan justa me dixo que no hera tiem.po porque auia de otras religiones que los hazia temer, este rey ha estado quebrandose la caueza to do este verano y este inbiemo por hazer un libro contra su Beatitud y creo que esta ya impreso y para salir. 4 Embio a Vuestra Magestad con esta carta las leyes que han hecho contra la religion catolica en Escocia que son peores que las de aqui. 5 El Cid 6 me vino aver el otro dia y luego habla en religion porque Ie debe ya de apretar su concien~ia de manera que me dixo que desseaua que el Rey por 10 que Ie auia seruido Ie diese licen~ia para retirarse en una parte donde pudiese viuir catholicamente, y a esto yo Ie dixe quan buena determinacion me pare cia , y que yo siempre desseaua antes que partiese de aqui hazer un seruicio a Dio y a su amo. Preguntome que hera y dixile que me pare cia que el Rey auia de viuir for~osamente con cuydado mientras persiguiese la religion cattolica y que en todo el mundo se espantarian de que un Rey de tantas partes y tan cuerdo la persiguiese assi y que si temia las conspiraciones de los catolicos su Santidad me parecia a mi que ordenaria Ie fuesen buenos vassallos y obedientes, el me dixo Senor don Pedro no hagais mal a los Catholicos hablando al Rey porque por el mismo caso caera en una zelosia terrible, pues con la carta que el Rey de Francia escriuio al Pontifice 7 y con 10 que a ella Ie respondio esta queda por las paredes (p.3) no teniendo .de fran cia ninguna zelosia en materia' de religion como la tiene de espana cosa que tanto importa al seruicio de dios e desseado no arriscarla y tratando este con los padres de la Com pallia con la misma capa que con el Cid me han dicho que tiene incoueniente de que se yrrita este herege tan obstinado. El conde de OnateS me escriue que ha oydo alli se trata aqui cassamiento entre aquel Principe y esta Princesa y que no a podido penetrar el fundameno que este tiene yo Ie respondi que 10 he oydo como el. Este Principe Ie tienen aqui por hombre entendido y que se hara estimar mas que su padre, timenle que a de ser cruel,9 entienden que su padre se retirara de los negocios y se dejara correr en sus plazeres de caza y otras cosas y no yeo contento a los poderosos. Es muy herege y mal aficionado a esta nacion, e hablado dias ha con un cauallero bien entendido y persona que trata con todos y a me dicho affirmatiuamente muchos vezes que este Rey dessea que se alteran estos vassallos por las


MARCH 1609

127

muchas gabelas que les pone y por cortarlas agora generalmente todas las seluas y por 10 que intento de romper las leyes antiguas de Inglaterra y del Parlamento queriendo que fuese en todo absoluta su voluntad y que endere~en estos Ingleses viendo que toda la riqu.:.'Za que auia en Inglaterra la ha sacado a Escocia y que miserablemente pueden aqui viuir agora los que antes heran ricos y temen que 10 que el Rey quiere es que se leuanten para conquistarlos con los mismos escoceses (p.4) y hazerlos duefios de todo y e visto otros temerosos en esta misma razon pero acardada cerrada tomaria ya ver esta rebolucion. He dicho a Vuestra Magestad el inconueniente que se offreze en habIar a este Rey en materia de Religion para que si con todo fuese Vuestra Magestad seruido de que Ie hable 10 hare pues no se pierde tiempo. Nuestro Senor, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, In keeping with Y<:Jur Majesty's command that I remonstrate with this king on behalf of the Catholics after the resident ambassador l had had a conversation there with Secretary Andres de Prada, wherein he states that his master persecutes the Catholics because he is insecure about them, should the point arise, I will say that I consider him misinformed or a person who does not speak what he knows. This king is a heretic indeed, and he persecutes them for the advantage to this throne and all his desires and strength are employed to prevent the pope from having any influence in his realm. As I told your Majesty the principal reason for his persecution of them is the furor created by his subjects against the dependence of Catholics upon his Holiness. Even if this signifies little, because they do not consider him as powerful as they are, what they are sensitive about is that your Majesty is much more so, as well as about the Catholics, in that they are your Majesty 's followers.2 In their own words they have told me that the persecution will not end completely until they have guarantees of sincere friendship with your Majesty. At the moment they are not as blood-thirsty as they have been although they continue to persecute. The king will not approve that his Holiness should oblige the Catholics to be loyal subjects and that they should not conspire against him, and should this be done, the Puritans would conspire and this and their heresy are the king's reason for this persecution. One day when speaking to the queen on questions of religion, as the little that she has is Catholic,3 and after charging her with being of slight influence because she was not dedicated to a thing of such justice, she told me that it was not the time, for there were other religions which made him fearful. This king has been racking his brains all this summer and winter to compose a book against his Holiness and I believe that it is now printed and ready to publish. 4 Along with this letter I am sending the laws which have


128

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHODCS

been passed against the Catholic religion in Scotland, which are worse than those here. s The other day El Cid6 came to see me to speak about religion since his conscience has been pressing him to an extent that in return for his services, he wanted the king to allow him to retire to some place where he could live as a Catholic. I told him what a good resolution that was to my thinking and that for my part I had always wished to render a service to God and his master before my departure from here. He asked me what that was and I replied that it seemed that the king had to live cautiously by necessity as long as he was so much the persecutor of the Catholic religion, and that they are aghast all over the world that a king of such resources and judgement should so attack it, and that in my opinion his Holiness should require that Catholics be good and obedient subjects if he feared their conspiracies. He said to me, 'Sir Peter, my lord, you should not be inflicting harm on the Catholics by speaking to the king, because he will fall into a fearful jealousy at the very effort itself After the letter which the king of France wrote to the pope, 7 and the reply sent to him, this jealousy stays confined since he is not afraid of France on the religious question, as he is of Spain.' As this is so significant for God's service, I have wanted to avoid taking a risk, and after discussing it with the fathers of the Society under the same cover as with El Cid, they told me that it is undesirable that such a stubborn heretic be offended. The Count of Offatl' has written to me that he heard there that a marriage is being discussed between that Prince and the princess here, and he has not been able to ascertain the basis for this. I replied that I had heard it as well as he. Here they judge the prince to be an intelligent person who will earn more respect than his father but they are afraid that he is going to be cruel. 9 They believe that his father would retire from affairs and abandon himself to run after the pleasures of the chase and other things. I do not see him placating the powerful; very much the heretic, he is poorly disposed towards this nation. I spoke some days ago with a very prudent individual, one who has dealings with everyone and he repeated strongly several times that this king prefers his subjects to be restless under the many taxes he has imposed upon them and to cut down all the trees, and to break all the venerable laws of England and of Parliament, according to what I hear, in his determination that his will be absolute. These English are being prepared, after all the wealth that was England's has been carried off to Scotland, to see that they who once were rich have to live miserably here. They are afraid that the king wants them to rise up so as to overwhelm them with the Socts themselves and make them masters of everything. I have seen others who were afraid for the same reason that it will take 'playing all the cards' to see this revolution. I have told your Majesty of the trouble that speaking to this king about the religious question presents, so that if after all your Majesty would be pleased in having me speak, I will do it so as not to lose time. May our Lord, etc.


OCTOBER 1609

129

Charles Cornwallis. See Document 11, first paragraph. 3 See also Documents 15 and 65. 4 The ApologiiJ pro Juramenta Fidelitatis (London, -1609) STC 14405. 5 Boderie wrote to Villeroy on 11 October 1608: "The Catholics in Scotland are in a still worse state than in England, for aside from the small love the king bears towards them there is such an ambition to establish the English rer ion and to be accepted there as Head as well as he is here, that to win over the Puritans who alone might prevent it, he allows them full rein for all sorts of repression against the Catholics". (Bod erie vol. 4, p. 23.) James had required at the "Convention of the Estates" of Scotland severe penalties of forfeiture of goods, imprisonment or banishment against Catholics. (See The Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, vol. 7, 1607-10, pp. xvi-xxxv, 231-32, 550-52.) 6 The Earl of Northampton. 7 This letter has not been traced. 8 Inigo Velez de Guevara, Count of Onate. This letter apparently concerned Savoy. 9 The anti-Habsburg sentiments of Prince Henry became evident shortly when he remarked after the death of Henry IV that he had hoped to serve with him at Cleves. (C.S.P. Venetian, 16.07-10, p. 506.) 1

2

39. THE COUNCIL OF STATE TO PHILIP III.

27 October 1609.

Original text, ,consulta, 12 pages, E 626/89. This special review of the English pensioners of the Spanish crown in the Low Countries was prepared by the Count of Afiover. Pensioners in other territories are not included, nor does it contain those receiving alms directly from the Archduke's treasury, nor from the local authorities within any of the Catholic provinces. The fIrst review of this character had been attempted in March 1596 (E 612/125-127) and was followed by others at intervals in an effort to remove those who were unnecessary or undesirable (see Spanish Elizabethans, pp. 32 ff.). In 1609 there were three pressing considerations for such a review: the recently concluded "12 Years Truce" made a reduction in the Spanish expenses in the Low Countries feasible; secondly a fInancial crisis of the crown made sharper reductions of subsidies mandatory; finally the English regiment had been under severe restrictions of manpower since 1606 (see Win wood, Memorials, vol. 2, p. 233). Don Rodrigo Nino y Lasso, Count of Afiover, was Maitre de Chambre to 'the Archduke Albert in Brussels. The fmal decision of Philip IlIon this report's recommendations is given in Document 40. The Count of Afiover urged the following procedures. No one already in the pay of the Archduke should continue to receive a Spanish pension as well (see below Anthony Chambers, no. 2). No pension


130

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

could be increased for any reason (see the English Nuns, no. 6). The "reform", or dismissal, was to be in stages. The "third.stage" being the last and the least urgent for immediate action (see William Ward, no. 8). In a "Census of the King's Pensioners Attached to the Regiment, 1587-1603", Spanish Elizabethans, Appendix III, pp. 240-64, the data about each known pension prior to 1609 has already been printed. In the footnotes below only information relevant to this consulta has been placed.

(p.2)

+

Senor Con carta de los 28 de Setiembre embia el Conde de Anober relacion de los ingleses entretenidos en el exercito de Flandes y las causas por que gozan de sus entretenimientos para que auiendola visto Vuestra Magestad se sirba de ordenar 10 que se hara con ellos y por auerla uisto Vuestra Magestad se tocara aqui sumariamente 10 que contiene con 10 que parece al dicho Conde y a la margen dira el consejo 10 que sobre cada uno se 10 offrece. 1. El coronel Guillermo estanley dize que tiene 200 escudos al mes por mandato de Vuestra Magestad en consideracion de los muchos y particulares seruicios que ha hecho en Flandes y a que allandose sin el regimiento con que solia seruir, es justo que tenga con que sustentarse. El Conde dize que por .sus muchos seruicios y orden de su Altezza se Ie dexa su sueldo. 1 Council: El consejo dize que este cauallero ha seruido tanto de mas de auer entregado la villa de Deuenter que pasadose al seruicio de Vuestra Magestad con un regimiento que tenia a su cargo y es tan exemplar que parece al consejo sera obra muy digna de la grandeza de Vuestra Magestad mandar que no se entienda con ella reformacion por que dernas de 10 dicho a perdido la hazienda que tenia en Ynglaterra que el entiende son de 5 a 6 M escudos de renta. 2. Antonio Chambre tiene 35 escudos por mandato de Vuestra Magestad (p.3) y cinco mas por otro de su AItezza que los 25 [sic] se Ie pasaron de la Armada a Flandes, y el Conde de Anober dize que por estar en seruicio de su Altezza se Ie borro el sueldo. 2 Council: en quanto a esto el consejo se remitte a 10 que tiene consultado sobre criados del Senor Archiduque. 2. El Coronel cauallero Grefin Marcham tiene 80 escudos por mandato de su Altezza en que dize que por sus buenas partes y auerse reformado el regimiento de Y ngleses con que seruio se los senala. Parece al Conde que se Ie pueden borrar por no ser de seruicio ni tenerse mucha satisfacion del. 3 Council: que a este se Ie borre el sueldo como parece al Conde de Anober.


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4. Hugo Oen cauallero Ingles tiene 80 escudos cerca la persona de su Altezza en consideracion de su calidad y la satisfacion con que ha seruido y sirbe como se sabe que demas desto se Ie pagan alli 500 escudos de renta que tenia en Si9ilia por bia de gastos secretos y en quanto a esto Ie remite el conde a 10 que escriue en carta a parte. 4 Council: dize el consejo que este cauallero ha muchos anos que sirbe con gran fidelidad y por este es muy perseguido del Rey de Inglaterra y sus ministros y porque no Ie sucede alguna de gracia parege al consejo que se Ie podria pasar su entretenimiento aRoma. 5. El capitan y sargento mayor Thomas Estuder 105 escudos al mes por mandato de su Altezza en consideracion de auerse reformado el Tercio de Ingleses del conde de Arondel de donde 10 hera. El Conde dize que se puede reformar porque si quedare alIi se ocupara en cargo por tenerse del buena satisfacion. s Council: que se reforma como parece al Conde de Anober. (p.4) 6. La Monjas ingleses de benIto de Bruselas tienan 50 escudos por cedula de Buestra Magestad atento la necessidad que pasan y el buen exemplo que dan. EI Conde dize que son damas principales y es buena limosna por que tiene necessidad. 6 Council: Por ser obra tan pia parece al consejo se deue conseruar enteramente con que no se reciuian mas de las que ay. 7. Los cartuxos ingleses tienen 100 escudos de oro al mes por cedula del Rey nuestro senor que aya gloria del ano de 1587 en consideracion de su grande necessidad y no tener de que vibir y para que no desamparasen por esto el conbento por ¡que la necessidad los obligara a ello. El Conde dize que no tienen otro sustento que esta merced y sin ella no se podrian sustentar y assi es muy buena limosna. 7 Council: parece cosa muy digna de vuestra Magestad que esta limosna pase adelante con que no se recibian en aquella casa mas religiosos de los que agora ay. 8. Guillermo Wart tiene 40 escudos por cedula de Vuestra Magestad a tento 10 que haze mucho en el regimiento del coronel estanley y allarse viejo y impedido. E1 Conde dize que es muy viejo y que vino a seruir con el dicho coronel. 8 Council: que este puede yr con la reformacion general de la baxa de la tercia parte. 9. Raphael Aresquins tiene 15 escudos (p.5) por mandato del Duque de Parma atento 10 que ha padecido en su persona y hazienda por el seruicio d¡e vuestra magestad y allarse pobre. 9 Council: que se Ie borre como parece al conde de Anober. 10. Juan Barselay tiene 30 escudos por mandato del duque de Parma en consideracion de sus seruicios y necessidad. El conde dize que es hombre viejo y fue alli con muger y hijos en tiempo del dicho duque. 1 0 Council: que puede yr con la reformacion general. 11. Walter Alchoche tiene 15 escudos por mandato del duque de parma en consideracion de los muchos anos que ha seruido y el zelo y


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voluntad con que 10 ha hecho y por auer seruido bien no puede boluer a

y nglaterra. 11 Council: que tambien este baya con la reformacion general. 12. Jorge chamberlayn tiene 20 escudos por mandato del Duque de Parma en consideracion de los seruicios de su Padre, el Conde dize que es canonigo de Gante y se Ie puede borrar su sueldo. 1 2 Council: que se Ie borre el sueldo como 10 dize el Conde. 13. Thomas Cort tiene ocho escudos por mandato del Duque de Parma atento a que ha seruido algunos arros y que por ser catolico dexo su patria y sueldo y allarse con muger y hija y necessitades y el Conde dize que es muy viejo necessitado y a muchos arros que sirbe. I 3 Council: que este baya con la reformacion general. (p.6) 14. Henrique Butlero tiene 20 escudos por mandato de Duque de Alba atento a que dexo su patria y hazienda por yr a seruir en flandes. EI Conde dize que es muy viejo y ha que sirbe desde el tiempo del dicho duque. 14 Council: Parece al consejo a este y los demas que huuieren sido proueydos antes el duque de parma escusen de la reformacion general y assi por ser tan antiguos en el seruicio como porque en aquel tiempo se procedia con mucha limitacion. 15. Juan Reynaldo tiene 20 escudos del entretenimiento por mandato del Duque de Parma atento a que seruio a su costa y su calidad. El conde dize que tiene 75 arros y se Ie dio el sueldo por intercession del cardinal Farnesio. 1 5 Council: y'ue este vaya con la reformacion general. 16. Ricardo Grin tiene 25 escudos por cedula de Vuestra Magestad por auer sido ayudante de sargento mayor y auer quedado reformado, el conde dize que deste se tiene poca satisfacion y que se Ie puede vorrar el sueldo. 16 Council: que se Ie borre a este como parece al conde de Arrover. 17. Juan de Torres tiene 30 escudos por mandato de su Altezza por auer sido Auditor del Tercio de Infanteria inglesa dize el Conde que no ha seruido mas que en esto y que se Ie puede borrar el sueldo. 1 7 Council: que se Ie borre a este. 18. Nicolas Lighe tiene 25 escudos por mandato de su Altezza atento sus partes y desseo de seruir. EI Conde dize que es muy viejo y necessitado. Council: que este baya con la reformacion general. (p.7) 19. Rudolphe Ligon tiene 35 escudos los 20 desde el tiempo del Comendador Mayor y los demas por mandato del duque de Parma por sus meritos buenas partes y seruicios. EI Conde dize que ha muchos arros que sirbe que es persona muy noble y de mucha edad y esta casado con una deuda de la Duquesa de Feria. 18 Council: Parece al consejo que este por' su antiguidad y seruicios deue ser reseruado de la reformacion general. 20. Lorenyo Momparson tiene 40 escudos por auer seruido 15 arros en


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Flandes. El Conde dize que es cauallero noble y sirbe aqui desde el ano de 1590 y tiene muger y muchos hijos. Council: que este vaya con la reformacion general. 21. Gabriel nenis tie"ne 40 escudos por diferentes mandatos del Duque de Parma atento la calidad y alos muchos anos que auia seruido en Flandes y otras partes y por la satisfacion que del tenia. Dize el Conde que es muy viejo y esta alli desde el tiempo del Senor don Juan de que dize hara fee el Sefior Andres de Prada. 1 9 Council: por las causas que el Conde dize parece que deue ser reseruado de la reformacion general. 22. Ricardo Stanihurst tiene 60 escudos por cedula de Vuestra Magestad po auer seruido muchos afios y estar desterrado de su Patria por el seruicio de Vuestra Magestad. Dize el Conde que (p.8) se ha hecho c1erigo y sirbe a su Altezza de capellan de oratorio y por este se Ie borra el sueldo. 2o Council: que vaya con la reformacion general. 23. Eduardo Ventelay tiene 60 escudos por dos mandatos de Vuestra Magestad en consideracion de 10 que ha padeyido en su tierra por la causa catholica y allarse con muchos hijos. El Conde dize que ha entendido es cauallero principal y ha padecido grandes prisiones y perdidas por el seruicio de Vuestra Magestad. 2 1 Council: que tambien baya este con la reformacion general. 24. Federico Ventelay hijo del susodicho tiene 25 escudos por mandato de Vuestra Magestad por los seruicios y meritos del Padre. Council: 10 mismo este. 25. Clemente Trogmorton tiene 20 escudos por mandato de su Altezza el Conde dize que ha muchos anos que sirbe de soldado y que agora no 10 puede hazer, es viejo. Council: este tambien. 26. Samuel Farnsley tiene 20 escudos por mandato de Duque de Parma el Conde dize que es viejo muy pobre si que se sepan ningunos seruicios suyos. Council: tambien con la reformacion general. (p .9) 27. Ricardo Slifort tiene 15 escudos por mandato del Duque de Parma por auer desamparado su pat ria y desear serbir catholicamente que despues ha seruido bien en las ocasiones. Dize el Conde que ha perdido un ojo siruiendo y es muy viejo y con hijos. Council: con la reformacion general. 28. Gabrield Colfort tiene 20 escudos por mandato de su Altezza atento a que ha venido de su patria a seruir a su Magestad. Dize el Conde que se Ie dio este sueldo por auer seruido con su hazienda en cosas del exercito auerse arruynado y perdido por la poca satisfacion que se Ie ha dado. 2 Council: que vaya con la reformacion general. 29. Jorge Personio tiene 40 escudos por tres mandatos los dos de Vuestra Magestad y uno de su Altezza atento los seruicios de Roberto Personio su Hermano y los suyos. El Conde dize como es hermano de

l.


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Roberto Personio. Council: Parece que este por ser hermano de un hombre tan exemplar y afi~ionado al seruicio de Vuestra Magestad como el Padre Personio podra ser reseruado de la reformacion general. 30. Juan Stonor tiene 30 escudos por mandato del Duque de Parma atento a que dexo su patria y hazienda por ser Christiano. EI conde dize que es principal y biejo y deudo de la Duqueza de Feria. 23 Council: que tambien este se reserbe de la reformacion general. (p.10) 31. Richard Vaste tiene 30 escudos por ~edula atento 10 que ha seruido y el buen zelo que muestra de hazerlo. EI Conde dize que has seruido en correspondencias y tratos secretos y no en la guerra. 24 Council: con la reformacion general. 32. Jorge Coniers tiene 25 escudos por mandato del Duque de Parma por su calidad y partes. EI Conde dize que es muy viejo y pobre y deudo del Cardinal Alano a cuya instancia se Ie dio el sueldo. Council: por ser este cauallero tan viejo y deudo del Cardinal Alano se podria reseruar de la reformation general. 33. Francisco Rougelay tiene 30 escudos por tres mandatos del Duque de Parma atento 10 que auia seruido en la caualleria. Dize el Conde que aunque ha sido soldado esta viejo y casado en el pays y por esto no assiste y assi se Ie puede barrar el sueldo. Council: por este se Ie borre como parece al Conde de Afiober. 34. Ruger Cofm tiene 15 escudos por mandato del Duque de Parma atento a que por bivir Catholicamente desamparo su casa y hazienda. El Conde dize que ha entendido es hombre de 80 afios y muy pobre. 2S Council: Parece al consejo que sera obra muy digna de la c1emencia de Vuestra Magestad de mandarle reseruar de la reformacion general. 35. Iago Chambre tiene 20 escudos por mandatos (p.11) del Duque de Parma atento a que auia seruido en Flandes 10 afios. EI Conde dize que es viejo y pobre y fue soldado en la caualleria. Council: que baya con la reformacion general. 36. Thomas Laq tiene 15 escudos por mandato de su Altezza por 10 que has seruido y auer sido majordomo de los seminarios de Duay.26 El Conde dize que tambien fue soldado y agora esta muy viejo y pobre. Council: que tambien vaya con la reformacion general. 37. Jorge - Stoquer tiene 30 escudos por dos- mandatos de Duque de Parma atento a auer seruido en cosas particulares de importancia. El Conde dize que es muy viejo y esta estropeado de tormentos que Ie dieron en Inglaterra teniendole preso por auerle embiado desde Flandes a negocios particulares. 2 7 Council: por las causas que el Conde dize se podria reseruar de la reformacion general. 38. Charles Brun tiene 40 escudos los 30 por mandato del Sefior don Juan y los 10 por otro del Duque de Parma, atenta su calidad y ser hermano del conde de Monteagudo. EI Conde dize ha ent~ndido que es hombre muy principal y ha seruido desde el tiempo del Comendador May<?r y pasa necessidad.


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Council: que este se podra reseruar de la reformacion general por las causas que se arriba se han dicho. (p.l2) 39. Ricardo Gage, 20 escudos por orden de Buestra Magestad. El Conde dize que es hombre muy viejo pero no ha sido soldado y dieronle este sueldo por auer muerto alli un hermano suyo que Ie tenia. Council: que este vaya con la reformacion general. 40. Guillermo Josepho tiene 15 escudos y por orden de Vuestra Magestad se Ie han pasado al castillo de Amberes. El Conde dize que ha vente anos que sirbe y es muy viejo y enfermo. 28 Council: que tambien baya con la reformacion general. 41. Juan Fen, sacerdote, tiene 25 escudos por mandato del Duque de Parma. El Conde dize que ha muchos anos que esta alli y tan viejo que no puede seruir de nada. Council: 10 mismo este. 42. El capitan Enrique Cheyn tiene 40 escudos con que sirbe en la infante ria espanola. El Conde dize que vino alli con una compania de Infanteria del Tercio que se reformo y por no tener mas seruicios parece se Ie puede reformar el sueldo. 2 9 Council: que se Ie borre como parege al Conde de Anober. Vuestra Magestad mandara ver y proueer 10 que mas fuesse seruido. [Translation]

+ Sire, The Count of Anover sent a report, accompanied by a letter of September 28th, about the English pensioners in the army of Flanders and the reasons why they enjoy their pensions, so that after your Majesty has viewed it you may be pleased to order what is to be done about them. As your Majesty has already seen the report its contents will be set out here in summary together with the opinion of the aforesaid Count, and in the margin the Council will state what is relevant to each individual. 1. Colonel William Stanley states that he has 200 escudos a month by order of your Majesty out of consideration for his many special services performed in Flanders, and seeing that he is presently without the regiment with which he usually serves, it is proper that he have something to support himself The Count states that because of his many services and the order of his Highness his pay is to be continued. 1 Council: The Council states that this gentleman has been of considerable service since his surrender of the town of Deventer when he entered into the service of your Majesty with the regiment under his command. He is so exemplary that the council believes it will be a deed fu lly deserving of your Majesty's generosity to command that he not be included in the reform, since in addition to what has been said, he has lost the fortune which he possessed in England, which it is believed to have been between five to six thousand escudos in rents.


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2. Anthony Chambers has 35 escudos by your Majesty's order and five more by that of his Highness, the 25 [sic] were transferred from the fleet to Flanders. The Count of Afiover remarks that since he is in the service of his Highness, this payment is to be cancelled. 2 Council: As far as this case is concerned the Council recommends what was previously advised about the servants of the Lord Archduke. 3. The Colonel, Sir Griffin Markham, has 80 escudos by order of his Highness, he says they were assigned because of his good qualities and the reform of the English regiment with which he served. The count is of the opinion that the payment can be cancelled as he is not of service, nor is the count very satisfied with him. 3 Council: Let this be cancelled according to the opinion of the Count of Afiover. 4. Hugh Owen, an English ¡ gentleman, has eighty escudos in the personal service of his Highness because of the quality and merit of his known services. In addition to this he is paid separately 500 escudos in rents which are taken from Sicily in the procedure of secret payments, and the Count refers to his separate letter on this case. 4 Council: The council states that this gentleman has served many years with great loyalty and as he has been severely persecuted by the king of England and his officials and as there is no chance of a pardon being granted the Council is of the opinion that his pension could be transferred to Rome. S. The Captain and Sergeant-Malor, Thomas Studder, has 105 escudos a month by order of his Highness in view of the reform of the English tercio under the Count of Arundel where he has been serving. The Count states that he can be reformed because if he will stay there he will still be employed in a post as he is very satisfied with him 5 Council: Let him be reformed as the Count of Afiover thinks. 6. The English Benedictine nuns of Brussels have 50 escudos by your Majesty's written order out of concern for the wants they suffer and the good example they afford. The Count states that they are ladies of quality and it is a worthy charity, for they are in need. 6 Council: As a labour of such devotion the Council believes it must be continued untouched since they are not receiving more than they are now. 7. The English Carthusians have 100 golden escudos a month by a written order of the late king since the year 1587 because of their great need and their having nothing else to support them lest they abandon their convent because their wants compel them to do so. The Count says that they have no other maintenance than this charity and without it they can not support themselves and thus it remains a worthy charity. 7 Council: It appears to be something well worth your Majesty's concern that this charity continue as they are not to receive more religious in that house than there are there now. 8. William Ward has 40 escudos by a written order of your Majesty


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out of concern for.. his diligence in the regiment of Colonel Stanley and now is old and crippled. The Count states that he is very old and that he entered service with the aforesaid colonel. 8 Council: This man can go in the general reform at the third stage. 9. Raphael Hoskins has 15 escudos by command of the Duke of Parma in his concern for his sufferings in body and fortune in your Majesty's service and his present poverty. 9 Council: Let it be cancelled as the Count of Afiover thinks fit. 10. John Worseley has 30 escudos by command of the Duke of Parma because of his services and needs. The Count says that he is an old man who fled there With his wife and children in the time of the aforesaid Duke. 10 Council: He can go in the general reform. 11. Walter Alcock has 15 escudos by command of the Duke of Parma because of his many years of service and the devotion and good will with which he has performed them and because of his good service he cannot return to England. 11 Council: This one also may go in the general reform. 12. George Chamberlain has 20 escudos by command of the Duke of Parma because of the services of his father. The Count says that he is a Canon in Ghent and his payment can be cancelled. 1 2 Council: He is to be cancelled as the Count says. 13. Thomas Cort has eight escudos by command of the Duke of Panna in his concern for his service for some years and that he left his native land and livelihood and at present he has a wife and daughter in addition to suffering want. The Count says that he is very old and needy and has served many years. 13 Council: Let him go with the general reform. 14. Henry Butler has 20 escudos by order of the Duke ofAlba out of concern for his departure from his native land and fortune to go to serve in Flanders. The Count says that he is very old and that he has served since the time of the aforesaid Duke. 14 Council: It is the opinion of the Council that he and the others for whom provision will have been made before the Duke of Panna should be exempted from the general reform since he is very old ¡in the service and since in those days they acted within considerable restraints. 15. John Reynold has 20 escudos in pension by order of the Duke of Parma out of concern for his services begun at his own expense as well as his quality. The Count states that he is 75 years old and his pay was given at the behest of Cardinal Farnese. IS Council: This one should go in the general reform. 16. Richard Green has 25 escudos by a written order of your Majesty after having been an aide to the Sergeant-Major who continued after the reform. The Count states that he has slight satisfaction with him and that his pay can be cancelled. 16 Council: It is to be cancelled according to the opinion of the Count of A fiov er.


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17. Juan de Torres has 30 escudos by order of his Highness for his service as auditor of the tercio of English infantry. The Count states that beyond this post he has not served and that his pay can be cancelled. 17 Council: This one is to be cancelled. 18. Nicholas Ligh [Lee?] has 25 escudos by order of his Highness and because of his qualities' and his desire to serve. The Count states that he is very old and in need. Council: This one may go in the general reform 19. Ralph Ligon h{ls 35 escudos, 20 from the time of the Commendador Mayor, and the rest by command of the Duke of Parma out of consideration for his merits, good character and services. The Count states that he has served many years and that he is a personage of high birth and advanced years who is married to a relative of the Duchess of Feria. 18 Council: The Council is of the opinion that this person because of his advanced age and services ought to be exempted from the general reform. 20. Lawrence Mompesson has 40 escudos after 15 years of service in Flanders. The Count states that he is a gentleman of high birth who served since 1590 and has a wife and several sons. Council: Let this one go in the general reform. 21. Gabriel Denis has 40 escudos through divers orders of the Duke of Parma because of his quality and the many years of service in Flanders and elsewhere, as well as through his satisfaction with him The Count states that he is very old and has been there since the days of Don Juan for which Andres de Prada might give assurance. 19 Council: For the reasons offered by the Count it seems that this one ought to be exempted from the general reform. 22. Richard Stanihurst has 60 escudos by a written order of your Majesty after many years of service for your Majesty and exile from his native land. The Count states that he has become a cleric and serves his Highness as chaplain and thus his pay should be cancelled. 20 Council: Let him go in the general reform 23. Edward Bentley has 60 escudos through two orders of your Majesty because of his sufferings in his native land for the Catholic faith and he has many sons. The Count states that he has understood him to be a gentleman of importance who has endured considerable imprisonment and losses for your Majesty's service. 21 Council: Let this one go in the general reform. 24. Frederick Bentley, son of the person named above, has 25 escudos by command of his Majesty out of respect for his father's meritorious service. Council: The same for this one. 25. Clement Throckmorton has 20 escudos by command of his Highness. The Count states that he has served many years as a soldier and at present he can not do so, he is very old.


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Council: This one as well. 26. Samuel Farnsley has 20 escudos by command of the Duke of Parma, the Count states that he is very old and very poor even if none of his services are known. Council: With the reform as well. 27. Richard Sliford has 15 escudos by command of the Duke of Parma for having left his native land and sought service as a Catholic wherein he served well later on occasion. The Count states that he has lost an eye in service and is old and has children. Council: With the general reform. 28. Gabriel Colfort has 20 escudos by command of his Highness because he came from his native land to serve his Majesty. The Count states that this pay was given to him after he had used his own fortune in army service and he was ruined and lost his estate because of the slight satisfaction that was afforded him. 22 Council: He should go in the general reform. 29. George Persons has 40 escudos through three orders, one from your Majesty and one from his Highness because of his services and those of Robert Persons, his brother. The Count states that he is the brother of Robert Persons. Council: As he is the brother of a man so exemplary and devoted to your Majesty's service as Father Persons it seems that he can be exempted from the general reform: 30. John Stonor has 30 escl:dos by command of the Duke of Parma because he left his native land and fortune to remain a Christian. The Count states that he is a person of importance, old and a relative of the Duchess of Feria. 2 3 Council: This one also is to be exempted from the general reform. 31. Richard Boste has 30 escudos by a written order out of consideration for his service and the high devotion he has shown in performing it. The Count states that he has served in secret assignments and correspondence and not in the war. 24 Council: In the general reform. 32. George Coniers has 25 escudos by command of the Duke of Parma because of his quality and character. The Count states that he is very old and poor and a relative of Cardinal Allen at whose request the pay was given. Council: As this gentleman is so elderly and .a relative of Cardinal Allen he can be exempted from the general reftJrm 33. Francis Rougeley has 30 escudos by three orders of th~ Duke of Parma because of his service in the cavalry. The Count says that although he has been a soldier he is now old and married in Flanders and for this reason he is not attending, and thus his pay can be cancelled. Council: Let this one be cancelled according to the opinion of the Count of Afiover.


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34. Roger Coffyn .has 15 escudos by command of the Duke of Parma because he abandoned his home and fortune to live as a Catholic. The Count states that he has learned that he is a poor man of 80 years.2S Council: In the opinion of the council it will be a work most deserving of your Majesty's kindness to order that he be exempted from the general reform. _ 35. James Chambers has 20 escudos by orders of the Duke of Parma because of his service in Flanders for 10 years. The Count states that he is old and poor and has been a soldier in the cavalry. Council: Let him go in the general reform 36. Thomas Law has 15 escudos by orders of his Highness because he has seen service and been the porter of the seminary of Douai. The Count states that he also has been a soldier and at present is very old and poor. 26 Council: Let him go with the general reform 37. George Stocker has 30 escudos by two orders of the Duke of Parma because of his services in special assignments of importance. The Count states that he is very old and is crippled from the tortures which they inflicted in England when he was captured after being sent from France on special business. 27 Council: For the reasons offered by the Count he can be exempted from the general reform. 38. Charles Brown has 40 escudos, 30 by an order of my Lord, Don Juan, and 10 by another of the Duke of Parma, ou t of consideration for his quality and that he was a brother of Lord Montague. The Count states that he has learned he is a person of considerable importance and has been in service since the days of the Cornmendador Mayor and suffers privation. Council: This one can be exempted from the general reform for the reasons that are stated before. 39. Richard Gage has 20 escudos by order of your Majesty. The Count states that he is a very old man but has not been a soldier and they gave him this payment becquse of the death of his brother who held it. Council: Let this one go in the general reform 40 William Joseph has 15 escudos and by order of your Majesty these were transferred to the Citadel at Antwerp. The Count states that it has been twenty years since he has served and he is very old and infirm. 28 Council: He is also to go in the general reform. 41. John Fenn, priest, has 25 escudos by order of the Duke of Parma. The Count states that it is many years since he was there, he is so aged that he can not be of any service. Council: The same for this one. 42. Captain Henry Cheney has 40 escudos with which he serves in , the Spanish infantry. The Count states that he came there together with


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a company of infantry in the Tercio which is reformed and has no further services, it seems that his pay can be reformed. 2 9 Council: Let him be cancelled as the Count of Anover thinks. May your Majesty order this to be seen and then provide what your pleasure may be. 1 In February 1603 Stanley had become a member of the Archduke's Council of War; his previous difficulties in collecting his pension payments are noted in Spanish Elizabethans, Chap. 5. 2 Chambers had already been tn,m sferred to the Archduke's payroll in 1600 (E 617/24). 3 Sir Griffin Markham was at this time under constant scrutiny by both Sir Thomas Edmondes in Brussels and Charles Cornwallis in Spain because of charges arising from the "Main Plot" of 1603, see D.N.B. 4 The decision to send Owen to Rome had already been reached, see Spanish Elizabethans, Chap. 3. 5 In June 1606 the English Regiment of the Archduke was disrupted by the dismissal of many officers, "The causes thereof are pretended to be the Disagreement which are between the Colonell [Baron Arundell of Wardour] and the Serjeant Major Sir Thomas Studder. .. " (Edmondes to Cornwallis, 22 June 1606, Win wood, Memorials vol. 2, p. 233). It is .evident that Afiover still favoured Studder, since four years later he is mentioned as "Captain of the English who survived from the Tercio of that nation in the army," in a letter of Boisschot from London. At that time there was suspicion that Studder "is corresponding with certain officials here [London] in matters contrary to the obligation of fidelity to his post ... " He was also charged with trying to return to England. (PC 46, n. fo1., Boisschot to Archduke, 2 May 1613.) 6 The founders of the convent were already living in Brussels in 1.597 when they were reported to the Archduke in a special "Relacion de algunas damas Ynglesas, las quales estan en esta villa de Brusselas . .. " (A.G.R., P.E.A. 1398/7). The Register of the Convent at the time of this pension reform is in CR.S. Miscellanea IX, pp. 174-204; see also P. Guilday, English Catholic Refugees, PE. 256-262. They first appeared on the pension list of 1604 for 50 escudos (E 623/75). 7 See Guilday, op. cit., pp. 41-55. In 1596, despite the recommendations of Brussels, the Council of State had kept their pension at 100 escudos (E 612/125), and in 1604 had raised it to 120 escudos (E 623/75). 8 He had handled the business affairs of the Regiment of Stanley in Brussels (A.G.R., P.E.A. 1398/7). 9 In 1596 the Archduke was told he had other means of support (E 624/125). 10 He had left England 25 years before, see Spanish Elizabethans, p. 263. 11 In a spy's report of 1574 is found: "There i~ one Walter Alcocke that was also bound unto hir Majesty not to depart England, who is at Antwerppe nowe and serveth the Kinge on the ship pes there, his bond is in the Recorder's handes of London ... " .(P.R.O., S.P. 12/98/138). 12 Later to be the Bishop of Ypres (1626-34), see Foley, Records vol. 6, p. 213; Gillow, Bibliographical Dictionary vol. 1, pp. 457-8. 13 In 1596 he had been listed among a group of the aged who were being supported "only as an alms for having come out of England ... " since "no service can be required of them save their prayers ... " (E 612/125). 14 Butler was described by Anne Hungerford in 1602 as "of a very honorable house that served the Duchess [of Feria] at her coming out of England and


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remained with her in Spain... " (P.R.O. S.P. 12/284/53). 15 The pension was given after he h~d lived in Rome for 3 years (A.G.R.,P.E.A. 1398/7). 16 The Sergeant Major is Studder, see note 5. 17 Auditor is the Judge Advocate of the Regiment. 18 The Commendador Mayor de Castilla at that time was don Luis de Requesens, Governor of the Low Countries, 1573-76. Customarily the title meant he was a deputy to the Grand Master of a Military order. Ligons was a servant of Anne Hungerford, sister of the Duchess of Feria. See Spanish Elizabethans, pp. 35-36,253. 19 He was 73 years old at this time. A 1600 pension list had noted: "He is acquainted with Secretary Prada, of the 40 escudos he retains, he gave him 25 ... " (E 617/23). 20 For his previous services see Loomie, "Richard Stanyhurst in Spain: two unknown Letters of August 1593", Huntington Library Quarterly vol. 28 (1965), pp. 145-55. 21 On 15 March 1614 Sarmiento wrote from London to ask Philip's approval of an allowance on behalf of Bentley's wife who came to the chapel of his embassy every day while trying to support 13 children, since her husband was forced to remain in Flanders (Duque de Alba, ed. Documentos Ineditos vol. 3, p. 298). Later in October 1616 Bentley wrote to Sarmiento (E 2596/117) begging the reinstatement of the pensions lost in 1609. He recalled that he had been imprisoned and condemned to death in 1587, "only because the Queen's attorney alleged that one of those who had plotted to free the Queen of Scots had told him that he had given the secret to a Bentley without specifying him or another. The Queen had then granted his property to one Michael Stanhope ... " (see also Acts of Privy Council 1586-87, p. 272). It had been Pedro de Zuniga who had secured his release from King James in 1605 so that Bentley could retire to the Low Countries. With Philip's approval Sarmiento began to pay through the embassy accounts 1100 reales a year to "Mrs. Catherine Bentley, niece of Thomas More" Documentos Ineditos vol. 1, p. 190.. 22 Colford had left England in 1595 (Meyer, England and the Catholic Church, pp. 357, n.2; 371, n.1). A close friend of William Byrd and Richard Verstegan (CR.S , vol. 52, p. 157n) Colford was also related by marriage to both Lord Burghley and Edward Coke (Foley, Records, vol. 1, p. 185n). In Calais Colford assisted in the correspondence between English Catholics and Rome, together with the transit of students towards St. Orner (A. de La Houssaye, ed. , Lettres du Cardinal d'Ossat, Amsterdam, 1732, vol. 5, pp. 58-59). 23 Stonor was 49 years old and his service with the Spanish army dated from 1596. When he had first asked Bernardino de Mendoza for a recommendation in 1582 in England he stated that one of his brothers has already died with the Spanish forces at a seige at Maastricht. (A.G.R., P.E.A. 1398/7 Deposition of 7 August 1597.) 24 Possibly a relation of Fr. John Boste executed in 1594 (CR.S, vol. 1), Richard has not been traced. 25 The "Provider of the sicke schollers and Master of Musick" at Douai College (CR.S, vol. 11, p. 569). 26 The Steward ofDouai College (CR.S., vol. 10, p. 336). 27 In an affadavit given to the Archduke in 1597 Stocker states that he was _ tortured twice in the Tower and once in the Bridewell. (A.G.R., P.E.A. 1398/7.) 28 He has not been identified. 29 A Captain Cheney served in Baron Arundell's own company in 1605 ("Names of Gentlemen that serve in Flanders", P.R.O. S.P. 77/7/329).


NOVEMBER 1609

143

40. PHILIP III TO THE COUNT OF AN-OVER. Madrid,S November 1609. Original copy,S pages, E 2227 n. fo1. In the text and translation the numbers of the. preceding lists have been added to assist identification. The decision of the court at Madrid can be summed up in the following pattern: one pension is to be transferred to the accounts of the Archduke's household, 8 are to be dismissed in the reform immediately, 20 are to be left to the reform at the third stage and 13 are to be retained but inevitably transferred to another account. It may be reasonably doubted that the Spanish court intended to terminate every pension. Cottington reported six months later: "By an edict of the Councell of State - published by putting a paper on the walle - all men are forbidden to pretend any pensions in Flaunders", yet he had learned of a recommendation sent to the Archduke on behalf of an English visitor in Madrid (P.R.O., S.P. 94/ 17/47, Cottington to Cecil, 4/14 March 1609/10).

(p.S)

+ AI conde de Afiober Hauiendo visto y considerado 10 que la relacion que me embiastes con vuestra carta de los 28 de Septiembre de los entretenidos Ingleses que ay en los estados y las causas por que sefialaron he resuelto que se hag a con ella 10 que se sigue. Que el entretenimiento de 200 escudos al mes que tiene el Coronel Estanley [no.1] no entre en la reformacion general de la tercera parte sino que se Ie quede enteramente por 10 mucho y .bien que h_,!: seruido la entrega que hi.z-o de la villa de Deuenter y la hazienda que ha pe-rdido en su tierra juntamente con otras causas que para ello ay. A Hugo Oen [no.4] he ordenado que se Ie pase aRoma su entretenimiento y Ie corra alli desde el dia que ayi se Ie huuiere borrado de que a de constar por certificacion de los officiales del sueldo del exercito y assi se 10 podreys dezir para que use esta gracia quando quisierre y a mi Embaxador en aquella corte se dara para esto la orden necessaria. Que a las monjas ingleses de san benito [no.6] de Bruselas se les continue enteramente el entretenimiento de 50 escudos el mes que tienen con que no se reciban mas de las que ay. Que 10 mismo se haga con los cartujos ingleses [no.7] con que tampoco se [no] reciban mas de los que ay. Que a enrique Butlero [no.14] que goza 20 escudos al mes desde el tiempo del duque de Alua se Ie continuen enteramente y 10 mismo se hara con los (p.6) demas que huuieren sido proveyedos antes el tiempo


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del duque de Parma y assi 10 ordenareys por ser tan antiguos en el seruicio porque en aquel tiempo se procedra con mucha limitacion en materia de entretenimiento. Que por las causas referidas en el capitulo antecedente se reserue de la reformacion general Rodolpho Ligon [no.19] . Que tambien se reserue de la dicha reformacion general Gabriel Denis [no.21] por su vejez y auer tantas cosas en que assiste. Tambien tengo por bien de reseruar de la reformacion general a Jorge Personio [no.29] por ser hermano del Padre Personio de cuya virtud y zelo de mi seruicio tengo entera satisfacion. Assi mismo quedara reseruado de la dicha reformacion general Juan Estonor [no.30] por su vejez y ser deudo de la duqueza de Feria como dezis. Jorge Coniers [no.32] quedara tambien reseruado de la reformacion general por las causas que dezis de ser viejo y deudo de Cardenal Alano. Y tambien sera reseruado de la dicha reformacion general Ruger Cofm [no.34] pues dezis es de 80 afios. Jorge Stoquer [no.37] se reseruara assi mismo de la reformacion general y ni mas ni menos Charles Brun (p.7) pues este tiene su sueldo [no.38] desde el tiempo del Comendador Mayor de Castilla y es tan viejo como referis. En la reformacion general y baxa de la tercera parte se han de comprehender los entretenimientos de las personas siguien tes. El de Guillermo Yard [no.8] el de Juan Beselay [no. 10] el de Walter Alcoque [no.lI] el de Thomas Cort [no.13] el de Juan Reynaldo [no. IS] el de Nicolas Lighe [no.I8] el de Loren90 Momperson [no.20] el de Ricardo Stanihurst [no.22] el de Eduardo Venteley [no.23] el de Federico Venteley (no.24] el de Clemente Tromorton [no.2S] el de Samuel Farnesley [no.26] el de Ricardo Slifort [no.27] el de Gabriel Colfort [no.28] el de Ricardo Vast [no.3I] el de Jago Chambre [no.3S] el de Thomas Laq [no.36] el de Ricardo Gage [no.39] el de Guillermo Josepho [noAO] y el de Juan Fen [noAI] y assi se dara para ello la orden necessaria (p.8) Hanse de borrar y reformar de todo punto los entretenimientos de las personas que abaxo yran nombrados por que parege que se pueden escusar y son los siguientes.


NOVEMBER 1609

145

el coronel cauallero Grefin Marchan [no.3] el capitan y sargento mayor Thomas Estuder [no.5] Raphael Aresquin [no.9] Jorge Chamberlayn [no.12] Ricardo Grin [~0.16] Juan de Torres [no.17] Francisco Rougelay [no.33] y el Capitan Enrique Chein [no.42] En 10 que toca al entretenimiento de Antonio de chambre [no.2] me rem ito a 10 que en otra carta digo sobre los criados de mis hermanos y pues este 10 es se podra guardar con el aquella orden. Esto es 10 que he resuelto sobre la relacion de los Ingleses y sere seruido de que Ie execute puntualmente y con breuedad y auisareys me de auerlo hecho. [Translation: ]

+ Count of Anover, . After reading and reflecting on the contents of the report you sent me with your letter of September 28th concerning the English pensioners who are in the states and the reasons for which they were assigned, I have decided that the following should be done. The pension of 200 escudos a month which Colonel Stanley {no.l J possesses shall not be placed in the general reform at the third stage but instead it is to remain untouched because of his many fine services, the surrender of the town of Deventer and the loss of his fortune at home together with the pther proper reasons there are for this. As for Hugh Owen {no.4J I have ordered that his pension be moved to Rome and it is to be valid in that place from the day it will have been cancelled in your place; concerning this there is to be a report by certificate from the paymasters of the army. Accordingly your should state this so that he may use this courtesy whenever he wishes and the necessary instructions to that effect will be sent to my ambassador at that court. . As for the English Benedictine nuns {no.6J their pension of 50 escudos a month is to be continued untouched as they are not to receive more than they now have. The same is to be done with the English Carthusians {no. 7J as they are not to receive more than there are there now. As for Henry Butler {no.l4J who enjoys a pension of20 escudos a month since the days of the Duke of Alba the money is to continue untouched and the same is to be done with the rest for whom provision was made before the Duke of Parma. You should give orders accordingly since they are so senior in the service from the time when they acted with considerable restraint in the question of pensions. For the reasons stated in the preceding paragraph Ralph Ligons


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[no.I9 J is to be exempted from the general reform. Gabriel Denis [no.2IJ as well is to be exempted from the general reform because of his advanced age and his having been of assistance in so many affairs. I also consider it proper to exempt George Persons [no.29J from the general reform since he is the brother of Father Persons of whose worth and devotion to my service I have total satisfaction. A the same time John Stonor [no.30J shall remain free from the general reform because of his advanced age and his relationship to the Duchess of Feria as you state. George Coniers [no.32J will also remain exempt from the general reform for the reasons you give: advanced age and a relationship to Cardinal Allen. Roger Coffin [no.34J as well shall be exempted from the general reform for you say that he is 80 years of age. George Stocker [no.37J is to be exempted as well from the general reform and Charles Brown [no.38J as well, for he holds his payment from the days of the Commendador Mayor of Castile and he is so aged as you state. In the general reform at the third stage there are to be included the pensions of the following persons; The pension of William Ward [no.8J John Worsely [ no. 1OJ Walter Alcock [no.IIJ Thomas Cort [no.I3J John Reynold [no.I5J Nicholas Lee [no.I8J Lawrence Mompesson [no.20J Richard Stanihurst [no.22J Edward Benteley [no.23J Frederick Benteley [no.24J Clement Throckmorton [no.25J Samuel Farnesly [no.26J Richard SUfort [no.27J Gabriel Colfort [no.28J Richard Boste [no.3IJ James Chambers [no.35J Thomas Law [no.36J Richard Gage [no.39J William Joseph [no.40J John Fenn [no.4IJ Accordingly the necessary orders are to be given to that effect. The pensions of the persons who will be named below are to be cancelled and completely reformed because apparently they can be dismissed. They are the following: Colonel Sir Griffin Markham [no.3J Captain and Sargeant Major Thomas Studder [no.5 J


DECEMBER 1609

147

Ralph Hoskins [no.9} George Chamberlain [ no .12} Richard Green [no.16} Juan de Torres [no.17} Francis Rougeley [no.33} Captain Henry Cheney [no.42} As to what concerns the pension of Anthony Chambers [no.2} I confine myself to what I said in another letter about the servants of my brothers. Indeed this is what can be observed concerning that order. This is my decision on the report about the English and j will be pleased with its faithful and prompt execution and you should inform me of what has been done.

41. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.

Highgate, 31 December 1609. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2587/56. In the autumn of 1609 Robert Taylor, the intermediary between the embassy and the "confidants" at court, died in the Low Countries. Meanwhile, expecting the arrival of Alonso de Velasco and his retinue much earlier, Zuniga had sent most of his household furnishings and servants back to Spain, and had to remain in Highgate. The embassy had diminished funds available for its debts and the payment of pensions but Zuruga still managed to . send reports on English affairs. He reported on 2 September 1609 that he had arranged a payment of 24,000 escudos to the Countess of Suffolk and Robert Cecil for past services (E 2571/295). He also wrote of an amicable interview with King James where a promise of cooperation against piracy was made (E 2587/46 and 50, letters of 23 November 1609). In this document he estimates the value of his friends at court.

+ Senor Desde e1 mes de Julio que es el tiempo en que suelen pagarse las pensiones entretengo con la venida de don Alonso de Velasco al Cid 1 que siempre tiene necessidad y tambien a Madama Drumon 2 y al Vi~e Almirante Guillermo Mon~on3 y a los demas hubiera dado estas pasquas alguna cosa si tubiera con que puedo, pero Ie dicho a Ro1dan 4 que Don Alonso 10 hare y tendra con elios muy buena correspondencia mas la codi~ia que tienen 1es haze pensar que no ha de acauar de llegar a


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sus manos cosa que esperen aunque tienen tantas causas para juzgar diferentemente. Nuestro Senor guarde a Vuestra Magestad, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire Since the month of July, which is the period when it is customary that pensions be paid, until the arrival of don Alonso de Velasco I am making payments to El Cid,l who is always in want, and to Lady Drummond 2 as well, and also to Vice Admiral William Monson. 3 I would have given something to the others this Christmas if I had the wherewithal to do it. However I told Roldan 4 that don Alonso would do so and would continue a very good relationship with them, but the greediness which possesses them makes them believe that what they are awaiting is not coming unless finally within their grasp, even though they have so many reasons to think differently. May our Lord protect your Majesty, etc. 1 Northampton's pension was 3000 [elipes in 1604. 2 Lady Drummond received 2000 [elipes in pension in 1604. 3 Monson's pension was 1000 [e/ipes in 1604. 4 Although her husband was assigned a pension, the Countess of Suffolk

received very large gifts from the embassy.

42. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III. Highgate, 31 December 1609.

An original text with autograph signature, 4 pages, E 2587/55. On 3 April 1610 a copy of this letter was sent by Philip to the new envoy, Velasco, as a precaution against expected troubles with the Privy Council. Velasco responded that he would follow the procedures which are described below (E 2587/86,.Velasco to Philip, London, 24 June 1610).


DECEMBER 1609

149

(p.2)

+ Sefior La semana antes de pasqua vino el Exbaxador Cornuales de dezirme de parte del Rey y del consejo que era gran escandalo para todo este reyno el concurso de gente que en Londres se iuntaua a oyr misa en mi casa y que siempre estaua llena de Padres de la Compania y otros sacerdotes que alli decian muchas misas y que ansi me pedian que en todo caso en Londres no se dixese ninguna porque el pueblo estaua tan alterado que tenian no hiziese alguna demasia queriendo entrar en mi casa, juntamente me dixo que era gran cortesia la que el Rey y el consejo me ha~ia auisandome desto con tanto amor. Yo Ie respondi que 10 estimaua en mucho y que como a persona que no hauia estado aqui Ie aduertia que seys 0 siete vezes me hauia juntado con el consejo y tenido otros tantos recados sobre este punto a que aora Ie daua la respuesta que siempre he dado que era assegurarle de que jamas en mi capilla hauia dicho missa algun vasallo del Rey de Inglaterra y que en mi casa no hauia la junta que decian de padres de la compania ni de otros sacerdotes pero que yo no podia dexar de dezir missa en ella, gozando de la libertad que para ello tengo por que hauia muchos vassalos de Vuestra Magestad, espafioles, portugueses, flamencos y ytalianos y no queria tener culpa en que dexasen de oyr misa, y que assi los que (p.3) quisiesen venir a ella auian de hallar abierta mi puerta. Replico que esto seria bien mas que no dexase entrar los ingleses. Respondi que yo no conuidara a los vassallos del Rey de ynglaterra a que viniesen a oyr misa pero que tampoco queria andar escrudinando si los que entrauan a ella eran Ingleses 0 no y que en 10 que me dezia que se atreueria el pueblo a entrar en mi casa creya que no haria tal y que quando 10 quisiese ha~er ellos 10 estorbasen pues saben el respeto que se deue a la casa de un ambassador de un tan gran Rey. Dixome que Vuestra Magestad hauia mandado a don Blasco de Aragon 1 que Ie dixese a eF quando ayi residio que cerrase sus puertas y no hi~iese escandal0 con sus predicas y psalm os y que el 10 hauia hecho assi y no hauia consen tid 0 que algun vassalo de Vuestra Magestad entrase en su casa. Yo Ie respondi que 10 creya por que por la gra~ia de dios no hauia ninguno aqui en el pudiera admitir aunque 10 lleuaran arrastrando en esto Ie aprete un poco la mana porque a escrito y dicho aqui que ay muchos vassallos de Vuestra Magestad en su corte que son protesta~tes y no 10 ossan dezir por la Inquisicion de que estuuo bien atajado. Ultimamente me dixo que los embaxadores no tenian priuilegio para de~ir misa mas que en una casa y que yo la dezia 4 en la de yguet donde biuo y en la de Londres, respondile que si -al Rey y a los del consejo les parescia que era hazerme gran (p.4) merced dexarme decir misa en yguet y no se estrendria mas el preuillegio la diria solamente en Londres y alli la yda a oyr cada dia, s en esta pasquas se ha hecho 10 que se suele y no me an buel to a hablar. Sospecho que an querido comen~ar conmigo esta platica para procurar acabarla con don Alonso de Velasco sino' les ha~e esta misma


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOliCS

resisten9ia por la cual haura mas de dos afios que no hablauan en esto con auer auido en la capilla muy gran concurso. Asseguro a Vuestra Magestad que el conseruar esto sera hazer gran serui9io aDios y que las oraciones que alli se hacen por Vuestra Magestad son muchos y an de ser muy aceptas por ser destos pobres affligidos. Con esta ocassion y con la de hagerse buelto los Reyes a Londres me pesa mucho de no poder boluer alli porque como he dicho a Vuestra Magestad don Alonso de Velasco me aseguro que estaria aqui por setiembre 0 mediado Octubre, y con esto embie toda mi ropa y la mayor parte de mi gente, con que me e imposibilitado de biuir en Londres por no poder tener mi casa de manera que pueda ningun hombre entrar en ella, y en esta paso con grandissima incomodidad. Guarde Dios la Catholica Vuestra Magestad como la christian dad ha menester. de Yguet, 31 de Deziembre 1609. don Pedro de Cuniga (autograph)

[Translation: ]

+ Sire, The week before Christmas Cornwallis, the ambassador, came to tell me on behalf of the king and the council that the crowd of people who gathered to attend mass in my residence was a great scandal throughout the entire kingdom, and that the house was regularly full of fathers of the Society and other priests who said mass there many times. Consequently, they asked me not to have a mass said in London for any reason because the populace was so alienated they were forced to prevent some outrage by breaking into my house. At the same time he told me that it was a great courtesy afforded me by the king and council by telling me of this with such affection. I responded that I appreciated it highly and as he was an individual who had not been here before, I explained that I had met the council on six or seven occasions and had as many reminders on this point, to which I was replying as before with an assurance for him, that no subject of the king of England had ever said mass in my chapel and that there was not a group of fathers of the Society, nor of other priests, in my house as they kept saying, but that I could not stop having mass said here, as I enjoyed the freedom to have it because there were here many subjects of your Majesty, Spaniards, Portuguese, Flemings and Italians and I did not desire the reproach of having prevented them from hearing ma ss, and so whoever might want to come for it, would find my door open. He replied: 'that would be fine, but Englishmen are not being stopped from entering'. I responded that I offered no invitation to the subjects of the king of England to come to hear mass, but at the same time I had no intention of going about scrutinizing those who came to see whether they were English or not and, in so far as he had advised me that a


DECEMBER 1609

151

crowd might be emboldened to force an entry into my house I hesitated to think it would be doing so, and should it wish to do so, it would be prevented by awareness of the respect due to the residence of an ambassador of so great a monarch. He told me that don Blasco de Aragon 1 was ordered by your Majesty to advise him,2 when he resided there, that he was to close his doors and not give scandal with sermons and psalms and he had complied and not permitted any of your Majesty's subjects to enter his residence. I replied that I believed it because by God's grace there was no one around whom he could receive even if he dragged him in. At this he raised his hand slightly, since he has written and stated here that there are many of your Majesty's subjects at court who are Protestants and do not dare to say so out of fear of the Inquisition, at which I was quite astonished. 3 Finally he told me that ambassadors did not have the privilege of 'saying ' mass in more than one residence and that I 'said' it both in the house at Highgate where I lived and in the one in London. I replied that if it was a great favour to allow me to 'say' 4 mass in Highgate and that the privilege would not be extended further I would 'say' it only in London and would come there daily to hear mass. s This Christmas everything was done as usual and he has not come back to speak to me. I suspect that they wanted to open this up with me so as to try to finish it with don Alonso de Velasco, unless he offers a similar resistence to them, as a result of which [firmness] it will be more than two years since they have mentioned this point although there was a great crowd in the chapel. I assure your Majesty that insistence upon this will be rendering a great service to God and that the prayers there on your Majesty's behalf are frequent and most acceptable, coming as they do from these poor afflicted ones. A t this time of the return of the king and queen to London it pains me considerably that I can not return there because, as I already told your Majesty don Alonso.de Velasco assured me tlJ,at he would be here in September or mid-October and accordingly I sent off all of my household goods and a greater part of my retinue, because of which it is impossible for me to live in London since I can not maintain my house in a fashion suitable for an individual to enter. Therefore I endure great inconvenience. May God protect your Catholic Majesty as Christianity has need. From Highgate, 31 December 1609. (autograph) Don Pedro de Zuniga 1 Don Blasco de Aragon , nephew of the Duke of Terra Nova, was at this time a Chamberlain of the Court. He had previously visited England in the suite of the Constable of Castile and he had been the first court official to greet the Earl of Nottingham and Cornwallis at Corunna in the spring of 1605 . His subsequent services towards that embassy are mentioned in R. Treswell, "A Relation of such things ... observed . . . in the Journey of the Earl of Nottingham .. . " , Somers' Tracts, v_~l. 2, p. 78 ff. 2 Cornwallis. 3 The statement about Protestants at Philip's court is hard to appraise since his


152

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

own services had to be conducted in such a private manner that only his own family and at times "three or four gentlemen of mine owne countrie" were present. See Win wood, Memorials vol. 2, pp. 102-4 where his conversation with don Blasco is recorded. 4 Here "saying" mass is an obvious sarcasm on Zuniga's part. S Although the residence in London was not being used, the chapel was kept open as well as that in Highgate.

43. PEDRO DE ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III. Highgate, 22 February 1610. Original decipher received 28 March, 3 pages, E 2587/69. Here, in one of his last letters from London, Zuniga mentions a verbal commitment made to him by Cecil and the Earl of Suffolk from which he found encouragement on the Catholic question. It is this which might have prompted his defence of Cecil later in Document 65. However the assassination of Henry IV provoked a new proclamation against Catholics and a new policy as Velasco learned in Document 44.

(p.2)

+ Senor El Parlamento se ha comenyado 1 dos dias ha y tern en los Catholicos que en el se han de hazer aun mas rigurosas leyes contra eilos, por quanto este Rey fuera de su ruyn intenyion a de conyeder todo 10 que los de parlamento quisieren porque Ie den dinero por su muy grande necessidad. Yo Ie dixe a noche a Roldan 2 y me respondio que aunque el Parlamento se junta para sacar dinero, no se vendria a aquel medio porque los Puritanos que 10 son todos los de el no estauan tan mal inc1inados como suelen y que antes deseauan todos los hereges ingleses ganar la gracia de Vuestra Magestad por que esto les pareye se asiguran en sus casas y que si huuiesen hecho una buena amistad sigura con Vuestra Magestad tornarian a juntar parlamento y desterrarian los escoceses deste reyno, prejuntome 10 que me pareyia que haria Vuestra Magestad en esto dixele que ya sauian con que Haue au ian de abrir la voluntad de Vuestra Magestad que hera conplantar aqui la religion catholica y que si bien esto no podria hazerse en un dia hera menester desde luego aberse blandamente con los catholicos y encominar mas y mas su bien. Dixo me que yo be ria 10 que Beltenbras 3 y su marido me deyian en esta razon antes de mi partida y que no querian tratar esto por medio de otra persona que la mia, respondi que pluguiese aDios


FEBRUARY 1610

153

hiziesen cosa que tambien les estaua, pero que creyele que yo no auia de ablar en Espana (p.3) en negocio que no fuese obras y no palabras. Juro que yo tendria muy gran satisfacion.4 Dios guarde, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, Parliament began two days ago 1 and the Catholics are afraid that even more rigorous laws against them are to be passed in it, in so far as this king, aside from his own hostile purposes, hlzs to grant everything requested by the members of parliament in order that they might concede him money for his urgent needs. In the evening I told this to Roldan 2 and she replied that even though Parliament was summoned to acqu{re money it will not reach that point because all the Puritans who are members have not been as ill-disposed as usual. On the contrary, all the English heretics hoped to gain your Majesty's goodwill because with this they believe themselves secure in their houses, and had they concluded a fully reliable peace with your Majesty they would have turned to summon a parliament and have driven the Scots out of this kingdom. She inquired what I thought your Majesty might do about this. I told her that they already knew the key to unlock your Majesty's goodwill, which was to establish the Catholic religion here. Even if it could not be done in a day it was essential from henceforth to treat the Catholics moderately and promote their well-being more and more. She told me that I will have to see what Beltenbras 3 and her husband would have to say in this regard before my departure, a thing they would want to discuss with me alone and not with any person's help. I answered, please God they accomplish something which was [satisfying] to them as well, but she had to understand that I was not going to talk in Spain about something that would be unsupported in both word and deed. I swear that I will derive considerable pleasure . .. 4 May God protect your Majesty, etc. 1 Zuniga was following the new calendar; the session was from 9 F ebruary to 23 . July 1610 o.s. 2 The Countess of Suffolk. 3 Robert Cecil. 4 The decipher was left incomplete, "in hearing more" would complete the sense.


154

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHODCS

44. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III.

London, 7 July 16~0.

Original decipher received on 6 August, 3 pages, E 2587/100. Alonso de Velasco, later the Count of Revilla, was a nephew of the Constable, with family estates in the Asturias. He had served as Majordomo to Prince Philibert of Savoy and held the rank of Veedor General of the Galleys and Fleets of Spain. In 1596 he had organized the forces for the relief of Cadiz after the sack by the English. Aside from his link to the powerful Velasco family, the Council selected him for the embassy because "he had once visited London and knows that king and his ministers ... " (E 2513 n. fo1. consulta of 18 April 1609). Always short of personal funds he was allowed to pass the .post of Veedor to his son "since he has spent in this office the fortune of his wife and at present he is using that of his niece ... " (A.H.N. Estado, libro 722 n. fo1. consulta of 18 June 1611). According to Tomas Ramirez, a correspondent of Gondomar, Velasco died in Madrid in 1620 of a throat ailment "which did not last more than five - or six days... " (B. Nac. Manuscritos Varios vol. 18422, f. 161).

(p.2)

+ Senor Entre los edictos 1 que an salido estos dias contra Catholicos ha mandado este Rey2 que todos sus subditos de qualquiera calidad 0 religion que sean sobre pena de perdimiento de bienes juren que el Papa no tyene auctoridad para deponer Reynos 3 ny librar a los vasallos del juramento que les hazen de obediencia y fidelidad, declarando despues que no querian obligarlos en esto a que Ie diesen cosa espiritual sino 10 temporal que Ie tacaua como necessaria a tomar por los del consejo titulados y Barones y se a ydo prosiguiendo con mucho rigor en los demas. Los Theologos se an diuidido en dos opiniones unos dizen que se puede hazer con ciertas protestas y otros que de ninguna manera y assi algunos Catholic os 10 an hecho afiadiendo que 10 entyenden como el Rey 10 tyene declarado y otros se an escusado y escusan con mucho valor. Las causas que an mouido al Rey a esto segun 10 que yo e podido penetrar son quatro, primera dar satisfacion al parlamento para que Ie con~eda may ores ayudas de dinero, la segunda querer con esta ocassion a prouecharse de las haziendas de muchos que no los juraran, la tercera umillar con esta persecu~ion a los Catholicos en tien:!Po que pareye pudieran tomar animo de uer mejorado el estado de sus cosas y la ultima entender que assi estara mas seguro de alguna desgracia de que anda con mucho recato despues del su~esso de Francia,4 yo andado con mucha cuydado discurriendo si conuendria (p.3) hazer algun officio


JULY 1610

ISS

descubiertamente en fabor de los c~tholicos, y e resuelto estar a la mira por no dar zelos a1 Rey ni auenturar reputa~ion aunque en buenas occasiones e dado a entender a algunos confidentes que no conuiene apretar tanto los catholicos pues podria ser causa de alguna desesperacion y por donde se piensa assegurar tener mas peligro considerando el estado de las cosas, dando siempre a entender que no me mueue a esto sino el deseo de la quietud y conserua~ion deste Reyno y el seruicio del Rey y no se si esto a sido causa de que se ayan respirado en el calor con que comencaron a tomar el juramen to y assi soy de parezer que acauado el parlamento sea de mejorar todo. Nuestro Senor, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, Among the proclamations l that have been issued these days against Catholics this king 2 has ordered all of his subjects of no matter what rank or religion they may be, under pain of loss of property, to take an oath that the pope does not have authority to depose kingdoms 3 {sic! nor to free subjects from their sworn oath of obedience and loyalty. There was a later explanation that they seek not to impose an obligation to render something -spiritual but the temporal, which belongs to him. It was required of members of the council and peers and lords and the rest he was going to prosecute with great severity. Theologians have split into two opinions. Some say the oath can be taken with some limitations, others say not under any circumstances. Consequently some Catholics have done so with an addition that they understand it according to the king's statement and others have declined, and they do this with considerable courage. According to what I have been able to discover the reasons that have moved the king to do this are four. The first is to offer satisfaction to Parliament in the hope that they might concede a greater subsidy in money. The second is to use this opportunity to profit by the estates of many who do not take the oath. The third is to humiliate the Catholics through this persecution at a time when it seems they might be able to be encouraged upon seeing an improvement in the state of their affairs. The last is his opinion that thus he will be more secure from some attack as he labours under considerable qnxiety after what happened in France. 4 I have been moving very carefully to explore whether some covert action on behalf of the Catholics will be suitable and I am determined to be vigilant against annoying the king and jeopardizing my position. Even if a worthy opportunity still remains to be found, I have been letting certain confidants understand that there is no advantage in so harassing the Catholics. Indeed it could become the motive for some desperate act in which a greater danger is certainly to be forseen considering the state of affairs. Meanwhile I always let it be


156

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

known that nothing prompts this activity of mine except a desire to maintain this realm and the king's service in peace. I am not sure whether this has been the reason for the decline in the fervour with which they began to take the oath, as a result I believe that once parliament is ended everything should improve. May our Lord, etc. See Steele, Tudor and Stuart Proclamations vol. 1, no. 1093. Louis de Gi:oote reported to the Archduke that James had thanked a deputation from the Commons for their solicitude in their recent enactments against Catholics "but as to political measures they should leave them to his choice and the vigilance of his Council" (A.G.R., P.E.A. voL 365, f. 304v, letter of 12 June 1610). 3 "kingdom" is an error in the cipher. 4 The assassination of Henry IV. 1 2

45. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 21 July 1610. Original decipher received 22 August, 3 pages, E 2587/101.

(p.2)

+ Senor Por otras he dado quenta a Vuestra Magestad de las instancias que el parlamento ha hecho con el Rey para que ¡se procede mas rigurosamente con los catolicos y 10 que se offreze que anadir es que el Arcobispo de Cantarberi l primado deste reyno .en un consejo que se hizo a los 11 del presente 2 apreto tan a esta platica que vino a dezir al Rey que no hauia a que fiarse de algunos de su consejo pues no los beyan jama~ acudir a la ceremonia de la comunion de su ~ena, senalando con esto a los condes de Nortanton y Sufo1ck y de Uster que estan en opinion de Catolicos, con que elios y los demas salieron confusos remitiendo el Rey la resolucion de aquel punto al consejo seguiente que se junto a los 15 3 en el qual el Conde de Salsberi no obstante que es dec1arado protestante hizo una larga platica cuya sustancia fue decir que despues que seruia al Rey no se auia desvelado tanto en ningun negocio como en aquel, y que si bien Ie parecia conbeniente se guardasen las leyes (p.3) hechas contra Catolicos par la reputacion deli as que no haliaua razon para pretarlos tanto en esta occasion, antes muchos y muy efficaces que Ie persuadian que no combenia a la quietud y conseruacion desta corona


JULY 1610

157

el usar de tan apretado rigor, a 10 qual respondio el Rey que pues Ie parecia assi despues de hauerlo mirado tambien, creya deuia ser 10 que mas conbenia, pero que se boluiese a pensar en ella mas despacio todo 10 qual se puede atribuyr a los offici os de la condesa de sufo1ck4 a quien yo hauia procurado persuadir esto, y como he dicho a Vuestra Magestad es quien gouierna a Salsberi. Nuestro Senor guarde etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, In other letters I informed your Majesty about Parliament's insistence with the king that he proceed more rigorously against the Catholics. It can now be added that the Archbishop of Canterbury, 1 primate of this kingdom, during a meeting of the council on the 11 th of this month 2 was so vexed over the question that he dared to tell the king that he should not trust some councillors since they were never seen to assist at the service of the Communion Supper, and to point out the Earls of Northampton, Suffolk and Worcester as reputed to be among the Catholics. They and the rest were astounded at this and the king postponed deciding the point until the following meeting, which gathered on the 15th. 3 There the Earl of Salisbury, notwithstanding that he is a declared Protestant, delivered a long discourse whose substance was a statement that no question during his service to the king had caused him more loss of sleep as this one. If, indeed, he judged it best to retain the laws against Catholics because they inspired fear, still he did not see a reason for enforcing them strictly at this time, but rather there were many very urgent reasons which convinced him that resorting to such distressing severity did not contribute to the peace and stability of the crown. To this the king replied that, on reflection, he thought the same as well and believed it to be the more judicious course. However he would return to ponder upon it more carefully. All this can be attributed to the efforts of the Countess of Suffolk, 4 whom I had managed to convince about this and, as I told your Majesty, she is the one who manages Salisbury. May our Lord protect, etc.

!

Archbishop Richard Bancroft.

3

i.e. 1 July o.s. i.e. 5 July O.s.

4

She is his informant.


158

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOliCS

46. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 3 August 1610. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2587/108. This message, which reveals the Catholic inclinations of Edward Lord Wotton, led to a debate in the Council of State on 18 September in which Philip was urged to assist Wotton with the Pope (E)513,n. fol.,consulta). Philip sent letters to Rome on Wotton's behalf on 19 November 1610 (E 1863,n. fo1., Philip to the Count of Castro). After considerable delay papal approval was in fact given which Philip acknowledged with the remark: "I am pleased that his Holiness has granted the Bull which was desired on behalf of Baron Wotton, which remains awaiting the first opportunity" (E 1863 n. fo1., Philip to Castro, 11 April 1612). The background of this career is discussed in A. Loomie, "A Jacobean Crypto-Catholic: Lord Wotton", Catholic Historical Review, vol. 53 (1967), pp. 328-45.

+ Senor Este rey embia por embaxador extraordinario a Francia al Varon Oton cauallero muy illustre de su consejo de Estado,l gran Catolico de secreto y el mas afficionado al seruiccio de Vuestra Magestad que ay en el reyno y asi creo que todo 10 que passare por su mano yra caminado al seruiyio de Vuestra Magestad, a me visitado para declararse con migo pidiendome con lagrimas procure que su Santidad Ie conceda bula con que pueden absoluer en el articulo de " la muerte sin espressar su nombre 2 porque en el estado que se halla de hazienda, muger, hijos y officios no se atreue a descubrir por no perder 10 todo. Supplico a Vuestra Magestad se sirua de mandar ver si conuendria escriuir sobre ello al Embaxador de Roma. 3 Nuestro Senor guarde etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, This king is sending to France as Ambassador Extraordinary Lord Wotton, a most distinguished gentleman of his Council of State. 1 He is an eminent secret Catholic and one most devoted to your Majesty's service in the kingdom. Thus I feel that every thing that will pass through his hands will be directed at the advancement of your Majesty's service. He has visited me to declare himself and to request with tears in his eyes that I should endeavour that his Holiness concede him a Bull in which they can grant him absolution at the moment of death without inserting his name, 2 because in the state wherein his fortune, wife and children and offices are placed, he dared not risk a declaration lest all be lost. I entreat your Majesty to please order an inquiry whethe.r it be "expedient to write to the ambassador 3 in Rome about this.


OCTOBER 1610

159

the Privy Cu~:ncil "using his name", means an explicit reference in the text. 3 Don Fran::isco de Castro. 1 i.e.

2

47. COUNT OF CASTRO TO PHILIP III. Rome, 7 October 1610. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 993 n. fo1. Shortly after his departure from England Zuniga urged Philip anew to secure the papal approval of the Savoy match (E 2587/85, letter of 14 June 1610). The king serit the letter to Castro with the remark that while he was aware of the Pope's reluctance "this might open some path by which that kingdom would be returned to the bosom of the apostolic see as it was before" (E 1862, n. fo1., lette~ of 4 July 1610). Paul V however was deeply disturbed over news of the persecution in England and had turned instead to Marie de Medici to urge her to intercede with King James "in any possible way" (A.S.V. Fondo Borghese, Series I, vol. 907 , f.210, instructions to the Nuncio 4 August 1610). When Castro first approached the Pope anew he was given "the same reply", but he was determined to urge reconsideration (E 993, n. fol., Castro to the king, 18 August 1610). The document below reports the subsequent lack of progress. Don Francisco, de Castro, younger brother of the Count of Lemos, was later to be Viceroy of Sicily. By virtue of his marriage with the Duchess Lucretia Gatinano, he later assumed the title of Duke of Taurisano.

+ Senor Mandome Vuestra Magestad que comunique a su San tidad 10 que don Pedro de cuniga escriue de la buena disposicion que halla en Ynglaterra 1 para abracar el casamiento entre la hija de aquel Rey y el Principe de Piamonte y los buenos efectos que se podrian esperar deste casamiento, este senor 10 tengo hecho antes de agora asi por via de discurso, 10 que puedo dezir a Vuestra Magestad es que de ninguna manera assistera el Papa esta dispensacion porque tiene mucho mal de que entre en Italia Princesa herege y esto much as vezes me 10 ha repetido, pues veo que la real voluntad de Vuestra Magestad es solo de saber la intencion del Papa en esta parte, y desta tengo yo tan bastante noticia como la que escriuo aqui, dejare de hablar de nueuo al Papa sobre la materia, 2 juzgando que se tendra Vuestra Magestad por seruido


160

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

de que no se trabe en su nombre de casamiento para el principe del Piamonte, a tiempo que en Roma 10 tienen por concertado de casar en otra parte. Dios guarde etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, Your Majesty ordered me to communicate to his Holiness the report of don Pedro de Ziihiga concerning the present favourable attitude in England} towards pursuing a marriage between that king's daughter and the Prince of Piedmont, as well as about the admirable consequences that can be expected from this match. This, Sire, I consider already concluded before now as far as discussions are concerned. What I can now indicate to your Majesty is that under no circumstances will the Pope favour this dispensation because he considers it very dangerous that a heretic princess should receive an entry into Italy and he has repeated this several times to me. I am indeed aware that the sovereign will of your Majesty is simply to know the Pope 's intentions in this regard and the fullest information about it I possess I have set down here. I will cease to mention this question anew to the Pope 2 as I consider your Majesty will be better served in not being linked by name to a marriage of the Prince of Piedmont at a time when in Rome they are pondering arrangements for a match in another direction. May God protect, etc. 1

2

See Document 43 See Document 51

48. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 17 November 1610. Original decipher received on 24 December, 3 pages, E 2587/135.

(p.2)

+ Senor En la presente persecucion de Catolicos deste Reyno es cosa cierta has crecido una tercera parte mas y es de manera el concurso que la ge;1te que acude a mi capilla que me ha obliagdo a ensancharla y con ser


NOVEMBER . 1610

161

capaz de mas de 500 personas y tener en casa tres sacerdotes que celeb ran todas las fiestas muchas vezes 1 no pueden pasar de la sacristia al altar por la grande apresura. Tambien ha sido de consideracion que a la misma hora que entro aqui preso el padre Baldouyn0 2 se publicasse la muerte del Palatino que Ie prendio, 3 hallaronse los catolicos afligidos con su venida y los hereges muy hufanos, iuntose el consejo para examinarle y respondio con tanta justificacion que los que tienen luz de la verdad quedaron edificados y los. demas confusos labando sus manos de aquel juycio y el boto mas rigorosos fue que Ie boluiesen a embiar a donde Ie prendieron. (p.3) Y conociendo esta buena disposicion en los animos de los ministros y teniendo para otra parte gustoso al Rey y a su consejo con la platica del casamiento desta Infanta en Saboya y con la demostracion que hize de los libros4 se les ha hechado en los oydos que junten a estas consideraciones la muerte del Rey de Francia por un pobre y la del palatino de repente y en materia de estado que miren tambien que no ay religion mas fiel a sus principios que la de los Catolicos, que no siendo posible poder los hechar deste reyno por ser tan grande el numero, seria mas seguro tenerlos bien tratados dexandolos gozar de sus haziendas sin molestarlos en sus casas porque byendose perseguidos no seria marauilla hazer algun sentimiento, a 10 qual respondio el Rey que 10 encomendassen adios, y el de Salsberi que nunca seria de parezer los apretasen tanto S ni se deramase sangre de Catolicos. Guarde nuestro Senor etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, Even in the midst of the current persecution it is certain that the Catholics of this kingdom are growing by one third more. Such is the crowd of people who come to my chapel that I have been forced .to enlarge it by making it sufficient for more than 500 people and keeping three priests in residence who celebrate masS. Many times; on every feast day,l they" cannot move from the sacristy to the altar because of the heavy crush. Furthermore it was significant that at the very moment when Father Baldwin arrived here under arrest 2 there was news of the death of the Palatine who captured him. 3 His arrival has left the Catholics distressed and the heretics quite elated; the Council gathered to examine him and he responded with such an able defence that those who grasped the light of the truth were edified and the rest were embarrassed while ,washing their hands of such an opinion and the most severe judgement was for having him returned to the place of his arrest. While aware of this favourable outlook in the minds of officials and while, on the other hand, the king and his council are acting pleased over the negotiations for a match of this princess in Savoy, and while


162

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

proof is to be had in books, 4 they are being forced to pay attention [to advice that they should add to these reflections the death of a king of France by a ruffian and the unexpected one of the Palatine. As to a question of state they should see as well that there is no religion more faithful to its principles than that of the Catholics and while it is not possible to expel them from the kingdom because their number is too large it will be wiser to continue to treat them well and to iet them enjoy their property without troubling them in their houses, because when they find themselves persecuted it will not be a surprise that some resentment occurs. To this the king replied that they should commend it to God and the [Earl] of Salisbury [said] that he will never hold the opinion that there should be excessive harassment,S nor that the blood of Catholics should be shed. May our Lord protect, etc. Velasco echoes the arguments of Zuniga, see Documents 32, 34, 36, 42. He was arrested in mid-August in Dusseldorf, Win wood, Memorials vol. 3, p. 31l. 3 Frederick IV, Elector Palatine died in September; however the architect of his aggressive policy, Christian, Prince of Anhalt, Chanct:llor of the Palatinate, should have been mentioned. 4 In the final portions of this letter the decipher is defective. It is likely that "proof had from books" meant respectful reference to King James. 5 This is a paraphrase of statements ~de by Velasco. 1 2

49. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 31 December 1610. Original, with autograph signature, 3 pages, E 2587/144.

(p.2)

+ Senor Assi como me parecio conueniente por los respetos que signifique a Vuestra Magestad en mi ultima de 26 del presente,l el no dec1ararme a hazer officios descubiertamente con este Rey para librar al Padre Fray Juan Roberto de su felice muerte considero despues de executada que seria bien representarle por medio del Conde de Salsberi como dueno de toda la disposicion de los negocios que me auia admirado de la resolucion que se auia tornado de tan cruel nombre de Justicia y que fuese en ocassion que andaua yo con tanto desbelo de seruirle


DECEMBER 1610

163

procurando y encaminando (la platica del casamiento de su hija con' el principe del Piamonte que el tanto deseaua pues en lugar de obligacion a Vuestra Magestad y a su Santidadj2 con demonstraciones de buenas esperancas se escandali9arian de nueuo con semejante caso el qual me hazia temer el ser tambien testigo de algun exemplar castigo de los que podia Dios embiar, y que no me estendia ¡mas que solo manifestarle mi sen timien to como Ie deuer tener los que amasen su seruicio, El conde dize con juramento solenne a su modo que puntualmente Ie refirio 10 dicho a que Ie mando me asigurase que no Ie auia sido posible escusar 10 hecho por respeto del parlamento, pero que me diese palabra de que no se haria mas semejante manera (p.3) de castigo . y yo creo que me la cumplira (y no por fiar della sino) por que an vIsta el fru to que ha resultado para mayor confusion suya que por recatarme de encarecimientos dexo de dezir los efectos de la sangre deste martir, mas todauia bueluo a acordar a Vuestra Magestad que el unico y eficaz remedio de mejorar el estado de los (af/igidos Catolicos deste Reyno es el casamiento del Principe del Piamonte y el camino con que se puede esperar su verdadero remedio) y nuestro senor guarde de la cqtolica persona de Vuestra Magestad como es menester. de Londres a 31 de Diziembre de 1610. don Alonso de Velasco [Translation: ]

+ Sire, In my recent letter of the 26th of this month I I explained to your Majesty my reasons why I was not going to be revealed as the one to labour secretly with this king to wrest the friar, Father John Robert, from his happy death, but once it was accomplished, as soon as I found it suitable, I decided to lodge a protest through the Earl of Salisbury as the person who manages the entire direction of affairs. I stated that I stood aghast at their reaching such a heartless decision in the name of justice and furthermore that it should come at a time when I was attempting so anxiously to be of service to him by advancing (the negotiation of that match of his daughter with thePrince or-Piedmont, which he sought so earnestly, yet instead of deference to your Majesty and his Holinessj2 as the evidence for fair expectations, they were being scandalized anew by another incident of such a calibre that I was now fearful of becoming the witness of some condign punishment which God might send upon them. I said I would not expatiate further save to declare my sorrow which was that of a person who would love to serve him. With his familiar solemn oath the earl stated that he would relate exactly what had been said. Upon which he advised me to rest assured that out of regard for Parliament it had not been possible to avoid the


164

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

deed but that he would give me his word that there would not be a similar case of punishment again. I believe that he will keep his promise (and not because I have trust in it but) because they have viewed the highly embarassing. consequences that have occured which, to avoid exaggeration, I forbear to call the fruits of the blood of this martyr. Nevertheless I still remind your Majesty again that the only effective way to improve the lot of these (afflicted Catholics in this kingdom is the marriage of the Prince of Piedmont. It is a method through which their true improvement can be expected.) May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty as is fitting. From London on December 31,1610. (autograph) Alonso de Velasco 1 2

See the introduction to Document 50. In the italic portions the decipher was written over the original code.

50. A REPORT ON THE DEATH OF JOHN ROBERTS, O.S.B. ca. January 1611. Original, undated, 3 pages, E 2587/140. In a letter of 24 December 16 10 Velasco had already sent descriptions of the same events (E 2587/141 , 142). This report was written early in the next year since its author wrote: ano passado 1610 in his text.

(p.l) Re1acion 1 de 10 que passo en e1 Martirio que dieron en Ing1aterra [al] Fray Juan Roberto Monje Benito.

+ (p.2) Hauiendose hecho apretadas diligencias en Londres por que del ano passado de 610 por orden del parlament0 2 de alIi enuiando espias 3 por todas partes para descubrir los catholicos que ay alii y en particular los sacerdotes y juntandose ocho de los dichos sacerdotes el primer domingo de advient0 4 en una casa particular donde auia concurrido numero de gente a oyr misa confesarse y reciuir el santissimo sacramento fueron presos los seys y entre ellos el padre Juan Roberto monge benito que auia sido preso otras cinco vezes desterrado deste reyno tres y una condenado a muerte de que se escapo huiendo por una ven tana de la carce1, lleuaron1e e1 dia siguien te de se prision ante


JANUARY 1611

165

un obispo y los juezes S los quales Ie pidieron hiziese el juramento que han inuentado para acauar de conozer los catholic os a que respondio que ni quieria ni podia jurar que el rey fuese caueza de la Inglesia ni 10 demas contenido en el porque era contra la verdad que la Iglesia catholica tenia. Este mismo dia Ie escriuio Agustin Perez sacerdote y secretario del embaxador Don Alonso de Velasco consolandole quien respondio que se hallaua vien dispuesto para morir y con desseo desellar con su sangre la doctrina que auia predicado en vida, pidiendo al dicho . don Alonso de Velasco por amor de dios que no Ie estoruase el camino que lleuaua por donde pensaua llegar tan presto a la corona del martirio, boluieronle a lleuar segunda vez a los juezes para tomarle su confesion y comencando por algunas preguntas dixo que pareciesen los que Ie calumniauan para responder de una vez a todo 10 que Ie podian irnputar y preguntar y 10 se assi y hizieronle cargo que era sacerdote catolico traidor al Rey y que andaua engafido y alterando sus vasallos con doctrinas falsas, respondio que confesaba ser sacerdote y monje benito que avia procurado en el dicurso de nueve afios desengafiar y traer al conocirniento de la verdad las almas de aquel reino movido del z~lo de la omra de dios y vien de su patria y que si por sacerdote illamaran traidor advertiesen que Christo era el sumo de quien tenia la autoridad que faltaua al obispo y a sus ministros para administrar los sacramentos y consagrar su sanctissirno cuerpo. Lo qual dixo con tanta eficacia y valor que los Juezes quedaron mudos y el obispo voluio las espaldas condenandole a muerte con que Ie volvieron a Ia carcel donde estaua alegre tratando de su martirio con desprecio (p.3) de los tormentos y muerte que esperaua. Bolvieronle tercera vezl> ante los juezes para notificarle Ia sentencia que fue de muerte de horca y auiendola oydo con demostracion de alegria respondio con mucho sosiego que a los J uezes que Ia hauian dado perdonava teniendo gran lastirna a su eguedad y que si el obispo fuera verdadero ministro de Dios y de su iglesia no ensangrentara sus manos en sangre de inocentes y ataxandole porque no dixese mas Ie bolvieron a Ia prison. Llego finalmente el dia de Ia execucion de la sentencia que fue los 20 de diziembre 7 lleuaronle a rastrando desde la carcel a Ia horca en compania de otro sacerdote que tam bien murio con mucho valor 8 mostro grande alegria en aquel espacio de la mino dando Ia bendicion a los catholicos conocidos que acudieron a uer este acto en que concurrio gran numero de gente, llegando a Ia orca pidio licencia para ablar un poco y se la dieron hizo una ureue platica al pueblo en que declaro que sola la fee catolica era Ia verdadera y que en ella deuia viuir y morir como el 10 hazia dando infinitas gracias aDios por tan grande misericordia como con el viua acabandode decir esto Ie dexo caer el verdugo y antes que acabarse de morir Ie corto el cordel y saco todos los in teriores los quales quemaron en un fuego que estaua alli encendido para este efecto y poco despues Ie arco la cabeza que se puso en un palo en la puerta de Londres y el cuerpo diuidio en quatro quartos que


166

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOliCS

enterraron aquella tarde devaxo de los cuerpos de diez y seis ladrones que aJusti~iaron al mismo tiempo para que con esta circunstancia se conOClese mas claramente la muerte del just0 9 con que los Catholicos an quedado muy edificados y generalmente se habla deste su~esso como del caso pordigioso y es cosa cierta que hizo mas fru to y convirtio mas almas este religioso a la ora de su muerte que en nueue anos que auia asistido predicando confessando y administrando los demas sacramentos a los catholicos de aquel reyno. [Translation: ]

A Reportl about what happened in the Martyrdom which they inflicted on Dom John Roberts, Benedictine monk. Feverish efforts were underway in London following the parliamentary order2 of the past year 1610 which sent spies 3 everywhere in search of Catholics, particularly priests. When eight of the aforesaid priests met together on the first Sunday4 of Advent in a private house where a number of people had gathered. to hear mass, confess and receive the holy Sacrament, six were a"ested and among them Father John Roberts, a Benedictine monk. He had five previous a"ests, in addition to being exiled from the kingdom on three. occasions and condemned once to death, although he had escaped through a window in the gaol. On the following day they brought him before the bishop and the justices S who demanded that he swear the oath which they have recently devised to discover Catholics. He replied that he had neither the desire nor the ability to swear that the king was the head of the church nor anything else contained therein because it was contrary to the truth which the Catholic Church maintained. On the same day a priest, Augustin Perez, secretary of the ambassador don Alonso de Velasco, sent him a message of encouragement. To this he replied that he felt himself well prepared to die and desirous to bear witness in his own blood to the doctrine that he had preached throughout his life, and thus he begged the aforesaid don Alonso de Velasco that for the love of God he should not stand in the path he now trod wherein he hoped to gain shortly a crown of martyrdom. They brought him a second time before the judges to receive his statement, and after starting with a few questions he said that they seemed to have slandered him deliberately by having him reply at one time to everything with which they would charge and question him, and he knew it for such. Then they charged that he was a Catholic priest and a traitor to the king and that he went about ensnaring and subverting his subjects with false doctrines. He responded that he admitted that he was a priest, a Benedictine monk, who had tried in the span of nine years to free souls of this realm from e"or and to bring them to the knowledge of the truth; he was moved by a love of God's honour and the good of his native land, and if they called him a traitor for being a priest they should understand that Christ was the high priest from whom he held


JANUARY 1611

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(luzt authority - which both the bishop and his ministers lacked - to confer the sacraments and to consecrate His most holy Body. He said this with such telling spirit tluzt the judges remained silent and the bishop shrugged his shoulders as they condemned him to death. After this they brought him back to the prison where he was speaking with joy of his martyrdom and with scorn of the tortures and death he awaited. They brought him back a third time 6 when the judges pronounced his sentence which was of death by hanging. After listening with evident luzppiness he replied with complete serenity that he forgave the judges who luzd sentenced him while regretting their blindness, and tluzt if the bishop was truly a minister of God and the church he would not be reddening his hands with the blood of innocents. After preventing him from speaking further they brought him back to prison. Finally the day arrived for the execution of the sentence which was the 20th of December, 7 when he was dragged from the prison to the luznging in company with another priest who also died with great constancy.8 He showed great luzppiness during the period when he was being pulled [on the $ledJ while giving his blessing to the Catholics whom he recognized. They flocked to see ¡this event for which a great crowd was gathering. When he reached the gallows he asked permission to speak briefly and this was allowed him. He gave a short speech to the people in which he declared tluzt only the Catholic faith was the true one and one must live and die in it as he was doing while offering unending tluznks to God for such a great mercy as to live in it. After he finished speaking the luzngman let him fall and before death had come he slit the rope and cut out his inner parts which are burned in a fire there alight for tluzt purpose. Shortly afterwards he cut off his head which was to be set upon a stave at the gate of London, while he divided the body into four quarters which they buried tluzt afternoon under the corpses of sixteen criminals whom they executed at the same time so tluzt with this gesture the death of this just man might be recognized more clearly.9 The Catholics have remained deeply edified at this, and this occurence is commonly spoken of as if it were a prodigious event. It is certain tluzt this religious luzs achieved more good and converted more souls than in the nine years he luzs assisted the Catholics of this realm by preaching, hearing confessions and conferring the other sacraments. 1 The secretary of the embassy, Fr. Agustin Perez, was an eyewitness of-many of the events and is probably the author of this account. See also CR.S... voL 30, p.49; and vol. 34, p.59, 383; Challoner, Memoirs, pp.317-21; B.Camm, The Life of John Roberts. 2 The proclamation of 2 June 1610 mentions the initiative of parliament. 3 i.e. pursuivants. 4 28 November in the embassy calendar, 2 December in the English. 5 A trial before the High Commission. 6 Sentencing was done apart from the Court's verdict.


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7 ie. 10 December. 8 Thomas Somers alias Wilson. 9 "gesture" is meant in irony.

51. PHILIP III TO THE COUNT OF CASTRO. Madrid, 17 February 161l. Original decipher, 2 pages, Madrid, Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Archivo de la Embajada cerca la Santa Sede, legajo 56, f. 186. On 4 November 1610 Velasco wrote a strong appeal to Philip for the Savoy marriage as "the remedy which the zealous for the service of our Lord demand" (E 2587/133). He made it clear that the approval of King James and Queen Anne was at hand. In late November the Council received reports from London that offers of marriage were being made on behalf of Sweden and a German prince, which prompted it to advise Philip to appeal to Rome once again (E2S13, n. fo1., consulta of 23 November 1610). Philip decided to have Castro carry a copy of Velasco's letter directly to the Pope, "in effect the negotiation is of a character that no further efforts can be done unless the authority and approval of His Holiness as universal father is forthcoming . .. " (EI862, n. fol, letter of 23 December 1610). In the document below new instructions were given to Castro, but the king enclosed a special letter to the Pope begging a hearing since the persecution of Catholics was continuing yet "this business requires a speedy decision". (E 1863, n. fo1. c9PY, 17 February 1611).

+ Illustrissime Conde de Castro. Cada dia va creciendo la persecucion contra los Catolicos de Inglaterra como se vee por los martirios que algunos padecen de que ha auisado el Embaxador Don Alonso de Velasco y ultimamente el que se had dado al Padre fray Juan Roberto,l y como yo deseo tanto su bien y consuelo y el remedio que hallan los zelosos del seruicio de nuestro Senor es el casamiento del Principe de Piamonte con Infanta mayor de aquel Rey, no puedo dexar de representar al Papa to do 10 que en esta materia se offrece y assi os encargo y mando que con ocasion de mostrarle la copia que va con este de una carta que estos dias ha recibido del dicho don Alonso,2 Ie refirays todo 10 que en ello os tengo escrito, que como no toma resolucion en ello es forcoso procurarla y solicitarla poniendole en manos de que cada dia se me va auisando, y las conueniencias que


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parece se podrian seguir de lleuar al caoo esta platica, y Ie dareys a entender que a mi no me mueue otra cosa que el seruicio de Dios y beneficio de los Catholicos de aquel Reyno, que es causa de tanta consideracion que debe su Beatitud mirarla y considerarla con el cuydado y atencion que espero du su santa intencion pues viene a ser la sede apostolica la mas interesada en los buenos efectos que se prometen y esperan deste matrimonio y finalmente poneys particular cuydado en acordarla y solicitar lil resolucion que su Santidad toma y me auisareys luego della y del demas que se ofreciere que para que el oficio sea mas eficaz escriuo a su Beatitud la carta que va con esta con su copia, de que usareys como mejor pareciere demas de 10 qual os ayudareys del Cardinal Burguese y de 10 demas que pueden facilitar 10 que se desea. de Madrid a 17 de Hebrero, 1611. Yo el Rey Secretario Prada [Translation: ]

+ Most illustrious Count of Castro, The persecution of the English Catholics keeps mounting daily as is to be seen by the martyrdoms that some are suffering according to the report of don Alonso de Velasco, the ambassador, and most recently was inflicted upon the friar, Father John Roberts. 1 Since I am so solicitious for their wellbeing and relief, and since those who are devoted to the Lord's service are convinced that a solution is offered in the marriage between the prince of Piedmont and the eldest daughter of that king I can not refrain from indicating to the pope everything that is suggested on this matter. Wherefore I strictly command you to show him at a convenient opportunity, the copy which goes with this, of the letter which I recently received from the aforesaid don Alonso. 2 You should relate everything which I have written to you, since a decision is still pending, and you are forced to make an appeal by setting this problem into his hands. On this you are to report to me daily and about any advantages which can apparently follow the conclusion of this negotiation. You should also inform him that nothing is prompting me in this save the service of God and the advancement of the Catholics of that kingdom, which is a cause of such deep importance that his Holiness should ponder and reflect upon it with the careful attention which I expect of his holy designs. Indeed the Apostolic See is on the verge of being the party most responsible for the happy outcome which is being promised and awaited from this match. Finally you should pay particular care to show'deference in urging his Holiness to come to a decision. You should then inform me of it and of the rest that happens. In order that this assignment shall be more likely of success I am writing to his Holiness the letter which accompanies this, together with a copy which you may use as seems best. Furthermore you should


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receive help from Cardinal Borghese 3 and from the others who can smooth the path for what is being sought. From Madrid, 17 February 1611 . I, The King Secretary Prada See Document 50. This would be the Velasco letters of 24 December 1610 concerning the trial of Father Roberts (E 2587/141). 3 Scipione Caffarelli, Cardinal Borghese, nephew of Paul V. 1

2

52. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 22 March 1611. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2588/19. The appointment of a new Archbishop of Canterbury was viewed with greaO t interest by the envoys of the Habsburg courts. Louis de Groote wrote to the Archduke that George Abbot was "one of the most ardent followers of his own religion and the most hostile to that of the Catholics". There was fear that he would urge the king to drive out every priest from England "but the natural goodness of his Majesty would not be found capable of such inhumane advice"(P C 46, n. fo1., letter of 16 March 1611).

+ Senor Estos dias se an hecho aqui las sessiones,l que es el tiempo sefialado para hazer justicia particularmente de Catholicos y sacerdotes, y aun que el obispo desta ciudad 2 quiso sacar algunos no Ie dio lugar el Rey, ha Ie nombrado por Arcobispo de Canterberi el que los Catholicos han ganado pues tendra menos ocasion de perseguirlos, aunque mas autoridad para otros negocios, siempre los procuro ayudar en sus trabajos, y no es el menor de los que aqui se pasan el contemplar tantos hum ores, por que cada afio quieren gouernar al ambaxador a su modo, y en no haziendolo asi les pareye que va todo errado, su zelo es bueno pero es muy desalumbrado en algunas cosas, y no conuiene hazer los capayes de la razon que me mueue a tomar diferente resolucion de la que ell os querrian que es 10 que mas se siente. Nuestro Sefior etc.


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[Translation: ]

+

Sire, At present the sessions have begun here,l which are the appointed period for conducting trials especially concerning Catholics and priests. Despite the fact that the bishop of this city2 was anxious to produce some persons, the king did not give him the opportunity for he nominated him Archbishop of Canterbury. The Catholics derive some advantage from this for he will have less chance to persecute them, although more authority over other questions. I am constantly trying to be of assistance in their trials and not the least of those they endure here is the interpretation of such great turns of events. For every year they seek to influence the ambassador according to their thinking and when they are not successful it seems to them that everything has gone awry. Their zeal is admirable but quite without sound judgement in certain respects and it is not proper to inform them of the reason which moves me to make a decision different from what they would like, which is the more to be regretted. May our Lord, etc. 1 1.

The sessions of Oyer and Terminer beginning 14 February 1610/1l. George Abbot was nominated on 4 March 1611 o.s.

53. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 27 April 1611. Original decipher received 31 May, 5 pages, E 2588/28.

(p.2)

+ Senor Con ocasion de los oficios de la semana santa y Pasquas, l concurrio tanta gente a mi capilla que el Obispo de Londres 2 y el Mayre 3 acudieron al Rey y en presencia del consejo 10 propusieron que si no ponia remedio en el exceso que pasaua en mi casa seria principio de notable perjuicio a su religion, por el gran escandalo que hauia en su corte de que tal se permitiese con semejante publicidad. El Rey ordeno al consejo que confiriesen conmigo el caso encargandome de su parte atajanse estos inconbenientes pues el preuilegio de embaxador no se estendia a mas que para permitirles en su


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casa y familia poder obserbar su religion sin admitir en ella basallo suyo que no yncurriese en perdimiento de vida y hazienda 10 qual se execu taria cojiendolos al salir de mi casa de 10 qual Ie pesaria, por 10 que yo 10 auia de sentir pero que seria fuer~a usar de este rigor y exemplo (p.3) si yo no 10 remediaua con quitarles la entrada en ella absolutamente. El consejo en conformidad desta horden del Rey me ymbio un recado pidiendome que para cierta conferencia de Importancia me juntose con ellos en el Palacio. Fui otro dia y me esperaron en la pie~a donde el Rey suele assistir a sus consejos y me dieron su silla y el conde de Salsberi comen~o a proponerme de parte del Rey la horden que los hauia dejado a su partida a sus ca~as con toda la cortesia y buen termino que !ue possible: Yo le~dize que antes de comen~ar a responder a su recado deseaua saber si hauira hecho alguna nobidad en mi cas a de 10 que hauian acostumbrado a hazer, el Conde de Villa Mediana y Don Pedro de ~uniga, mis antecessores. (p.4) Respondieron que no pero que no hauia sido menester pedir el remedio que aora. Dize que yo tenia mi capilla para los basallos del Rey mi Senor que hauia aqui Portugueses y I talianos y Flamencos y que si a bueltas dellos benian algunos Yngleses que ni yo los conocia ni los combidaba. Pero que cerrarles mis puertas no 10 podia hazer ni con mi conciencia ni con mi reputacion y que todo 10 que no fuese contra 10 uno y 10 otro haria por seruir dar satisfacion al Rey. Pues era a 10 que Vuestra Magestad me hauia mandado a benir a su corte conserbando toda buena correspondencia y amistad en quanto fuese possible de rni parte, como 10 procuraba mostrar en mi proceder por todos caminos y que asi fiaba de su prudencia (p.5) satisfacian al Rey con rni justificacion de manera que no fuese necessario tratar mas de hazer demonstracion ni nobedad en nada sino en yr anadiendo a mi persona y casa las honras que yo deseaua y procuraba mereQ~r a su seruicio, con que me lebanto de la platica y e entendido que aunque no respondi a su disignio que Ie parezia fue con justi.ficacion y modestia que era. Pero si bolbieren a apretarla mas doy quenta a Vuestra Magestad para que se sirba a mandarme 10 que debo hazer a quien quiero la divina assistencia como es menester. de Londres a 27 de Abril 1611 Alonso de Velasco [Translation: ]

+

Sire, At the time of the Holy Week and Easter services 1 so many people flocked into my chapel that the Bishop of London 2 and the Mayor3 protested to the king in the presence of the council that unless he placed a restraint to the affront which was happening in my residence serious damage would result to their religion in view of the grave


APRIL 1611

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scandal rampant at court that such a thing would be permitted so publicly. The king commanded the council to discuss the case with me while requesting me on his behalf that such annoyances should cease, since an ambassador's privilege did not extend beyond a permission to practice his religion together with his household in his residence without allowing any of his subjects to enter lest they be liable to the loss of life and property which could be incurred if arrested after leaving my residence. In this he regretted that I might find a cause for pain but he would be reduced to using this exemplary severity if I did not prevent it by denying them completely any access to my house. In obedience to the king's command the council sent me a message that I should meet with them in the Palace for a particularly important conference. On the next day I went where they awaited me in the room where the king usually attends his councils and they gave me his chair. In the name of the king the Earl of Salisbury began to explain to me with all possible courtesy and good manners, the instruction he had left with them before his departure for the chase. I said to them that before I began to reply to their message I wanted to know if r had done anything in my residence that was an innovation over what the Count of Villa Mediana and don Pedro de Zufiiga had been accustomed to do. They replied that such was not the case but there had not been any need to find a remedy until the present. I said that I maintained my chapel for the subjects of the king, my master, as he had here the Portuguese, Italians and Flemish, and if some Englishmen came as well, these I neither knew nor invited. However I was unable to shut my doors to them, to do so was against my conscience and my good name, yet everything that was not against the one or the other had been done to serve the king's pleasure. Indeed your Majesty had ordered me to go to this court for the purpose of maintaining as complete a harmony and friendship as possible on my part, as I attempted to show in every way in my behaviour. I relied, therefore, upon their prudence to satisfy the king in my defence to such an extent that it would be unnecessary to speak further about 'making an example' or about any 'innovation', but only of planning to afford to my person and residence the courtesy which I had always desired and sought to merit in their service. After this I stood up from the discussion and I was aware that, even though I had not answered according to their thinking, it seemed I had been acting with a propriety and a modesty which were becoming..However if they should again press the matter further I will send your Majesty a report so that you might be pleased to advise me what I ought to be doing for him for whom I beg the divine help as is needed.. From London, 27 April 1611 Alonso de Velasco


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

Easter was 3 April 1611 n.s. for the embassy. George Abbot was transferred to Canterbury on 9/19 April 1611. 3 Sir James Pemberton.

1 2

54. COUNCIL OF STATE TO PHILIP III. 23 July 1611. Original text of a consulta with initials of Councillors. 2 pages, E 2513 n. fol. This document and the next concerri the enforcement of penal laws in England. Why this private report was needed by the Council, however, was not clear. Bishop Diego de Yepez had published fuller information on the Elizabethan code in his HistoriaParticularde la Persecucion de Inglaterra (Madrid, 1599), which was readily available. The report of the Constable of Castile (Doc. 8) had given other details as well. Later in 1606 there had been a very full debate at the court in Madrid between Charles Cornwallis and Joseph Creswell, S. J, when the English ambassador had protested at the printing in Spanish of the recent Recusancy laws as tendentious and misinformed (E 2512, ff. 128, 129), which Creswell, while not the translator, had strongly defended in a long rebuttal. Pedro de Zungia had been reprimanded by Robert Cecil for this Spanish publication in February 1607 (Boderie, vol. 2, p. 77). After the proclamation of 2 June 1610 reinforcing the recusancy laws, Joseph Creswell published in Madrid his Vando y Leyes del Rey Jacobo de Inglaterra contra la Ie Catolica which offered a Spanish audience the full text of the proclamation with a commentary and all the recent recusancy legislation. Perhaps the reason for this special report, which was read at the highest level of the Council, was the mounting misgiving among the English Catholics of Madrid over the failures of Velasco. For example, a year later John Digby reported: "Our English priests and Jesuits both in England and those that reside here haue much complayned and found fault with don Alonso his remiseness and slowness, in fauoring and helping the Catholicks and their cause .. " (P.R.O.,S.P. 94/19/143v, Digby to James I, 1 September 1612 o.s.). Possibly this report was in response to a special inquiry from the Council. It should also be noted that Paul V told the Spanish envoy in Rome and the Nuncio in Madrid that nothing had been accomplished by the Catholic princes of Europe on behalf of the English Catholics. Although Philip 's Council viewed the Savoy marriage as an important diplomatic advance it had been rebuffed by the papal warning: "it is clearly proved that it is not the time to think of a marriage with that king [James]." (A.S .Y., Nunziatura de Spagna, tom. 337, ff. 289-289v, Instructions for the


JULY 1611

175

Nunzio, 21 June 1611). The report has high value in terms of where it was debated, but it should be noted that only some of the recusancy laws are described, and not accurately in several instances. Furthe~ore little reference was made to the vital question of the varying degrees of enforcemen t and eva"Sions, circumstances of which Velasco was aware, but this .author here was not.

+ Senor Hauiendo visto el consejo como Vuestra Magestad 10 mando el papel irtc1uso del secretario ¡ de don Alonso de Velasco tocante a las cosas de la religion catolica en Inglaterra Ie par~e que no ay que hazer en ello sino sentir como es razon el mal estado de aqueUo y suplicar a nuestro Senor 10 remedie y seria gran camino para ello si alii diesen liuertad de conciencia como se apunta al fin del dicho papel y podriase encargar a don Alonso de Velasco que piense mucho en 10 que sera a proposito para ayudar 10 de la religion y que an de con cuydado de hechar en los oydos a aquel Rey en buenas ocasiones quanto mas leales Ie seran los Catolicos que los otros y que por su misma conueniencia deue tratarlos bien pero que haga esto con tal tiento que no se les siga dano dello. Vuestra Magestad 10 mandara ver y proueer 10 que fuere seruido, en Madrid a 23 de Julio 1611. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, After the council has read, as your Majesty commanded, the enclosed paper from the secretary of don Alonso de Velasco concerning the state of the Catholic religion in England, it advises that no action is to be taken upon it, save to regret as is proper the unhappy situation there and to pray to our Lord to remedy it. There will be a great opportunity for this should freedom of conscience be granted there as is indicated at the close of the aforesaid paper. Orders could be given to don Alonso de Velasco that he should think deeply over what will be suitable to advance the question of religion, and that he should proceed cautiously to say in the king's hearing and at the proper moments, how much more loyal the Catholics will be to him than others and that it is to his own advantage that he treat them well. However he should do this with such discretion that no harm should come to them from this. May your Majesty command what you may be pleased to see and decide. In Madrid 23 July 1611


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOLICS

55. A REPORT ON THE CATHOLICS OF ENGLAND. ca. December 1610. Original text, untitled, undated, but from the contents written while the first parliament was still in session in London. The au thor, according to the preceding document, was the secretary of Velasco, Fr. Agustin Perez. 5 pages, E 2513, n. fo1.

(p.3)

+ Es opinion commun que la mayor parte de la gente de Inglaterra son Catholicos, y en tres maneras. En la primera se cuentan los que Haman recusantes que son los verdaderos por que acuden a frequentar los sacramentos a su tiempo y rehusan ir a las Inglesias. En la segunda los que 10 son en su coroyon, y por miedo de la pefia de las leyes, no se atreuen a dec1arar con ninguna demostracion de CatQlicos aunque tan poco acuden a las ceremonias de los ereges, y estos son pocos. En la tercera los que Haman cismaticos porque teneniendo entendida la verdad asisten con todo eso a las predicas y juntas de los ereges no atreuiendose a hazer otra cosa por no perder las haziendas y officios que tienen y en esta suerte toda la nobleza y algunos personages puestos en lugares supremos. Muchas leyes ay contra los catolicos, pero la mas rigorosa es la que obliga aT juramento, que an inuentado para acauar de conocerlos, por la qual estan obligados a jurar so pena de perdimiento de vienes y carcel perpetua que el Reyes caueza de la Iglesia en sus Estados que el Pontifice no tiene autoridad para deponer Reyes, y 10 demas contenido en el. l Despues que se comenyo el Parlament0 2 se ha procedido contra los catolicos con mayor rigor que antes, particularmente en la execucion desta ley, y assi muchos an hecho este juramento y otros se an escudado y escusan con mucho valor no obstante que ha auido teologos que digan se puede hazer con ciertos protestos. Ay otra ley que obliga a todas las personas de qualquiera suerte y calidad que sean a ir a sus Iglesias y assistir a las predicas, a 10 menos una vez al mes, so pena de p~rdimiento de las dos partes (p.4) de su hazienda 3 y por estar libres desta obligacion y peligro, se componen muchos con el Rey pagando gran des sumas de dinero por gozar deste priuilegio. Todos los catolicos estan desterrados de la Corte seis leguas al rededor y algunos a fuerya de dinero y negociacion sacan licencias para vinir en ella,4 los quales no pueden entrar en palacio so pena de incurrir en la misma que los desterrados quebrantando el destierro, estas y las


DECEMBER 1610

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demas leyes se entendian hasta aqui con los hombres solos pero agora se ha dec1arado en el pariamento que se entiendan hombres con las mugeres S y assi es menester que los maridos que estan compuestos con el Rey, paguen por elias para que esten exen tas de acudir a las iglesias. Los padres estan obligados a lleuar a sus hijos a bautic;ar a las parroquias so pena de cuatrocientos ducados, 6 y en la misma incurren los que se casan como catolicos, y la pobre gente que no tiene fuerc;as para poder pagar esta cantidad procura encubrir los priuados y algunos dias antes del parto lleuanlos maridos a sus mugeres a casas de campo secretas donde se entretienen hasta auer parido y bautizado en que se veen grandes compasiones y miserias. La mayor persecucion que tienen los catolicos es de los escoceses priuados y fauorecidos del Rey a quien ordinariamente haze merced de algunas .casas conocidas por tales en remuneracion de sus seruicios, los quales husan estraordinarios rigores con los duenos hasta que se componen y les pagan cada dia 0 cada mes un tanto, segun el concierto y much os no quieren cornposicion, sino tomarles todas sus haziendas porque las tienen perdidas conforme ala disposicion de las leyes. (p.5) En la ciudad d~ Londres y en el reyno de Inglaterra se entiende que ay mas de setecientos sacerdotes entre seculares y religiosos de todas ordenes particularmente de la compania de Jesus y San Benito los quales en auito de seglares andan discurriendo por todas partes, confesando predicando y administrando los demas sacramentos y todos se sustentan de las limosnas de catolicos que los reciben en sus casas y encubren con mucho arnor y caridad y eli os procuran proceder en to do con recato y secreto mudando posadas a menudo, 0 husando de otras industrias y estratagemas para encubrirse mejor. Con todo eso 'punden cada dia sacerdotes y ordinarimente se halian en los carceles veinte y treinte donde celebran y administran los sacramentos acudiendo a frequentarlos muchos catolicos que dexan entrar y salir los alcaides por el interes que les ofrecan,7 aunque algunas vezes les impiden la entrada y quitan a los sacerdotes los calices y ornamentos porque no celebren, segun el tiempo que corre y vienen mas 0 menos apretados los ordenes de los obispos y conque celeb ran ordinariamente, sin vastar diligencia ninguna para estoruarselo. Muestran gran deuocion los catolicos a la misa y hazen todas las diligencias possibles por oida a 10 menos las fiestas, para 10 qual acuden a las capillas de los embaxadores de Espana.Francia, Flandes y Venecia, y a los carceles y muchos la tienen in sus casas 0 en las de sus amigos y parientes (p.6) y en todas partes conuiene proceder con gran recato. El conocimiento de las causas tocantes a la religion esta remetida a los obispos y se desuelan por sauer 10 que pasa en los lugares mas secretos embiando sus alguaciles que llaman pursuivantes por todas partes para espiar y visitadas casas tenidas por catolicas las quales reconocen y rebueluen so color de buscar sacerdotes tomando los libros, ornamentos y dineros que hallan y todo 10 demas que se les antoja procediendo en esto con grandissima insolencia y los senores


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dellas 10 sufran con pacien.cia, y aun 10 procuran halagar, por tener los gratos y redimir algun parte de su baxacion. Algunos personages principales que por los respetos referidos no se atreuen de ninguna manera a dar sospecha de ser Catholic os tienen secretamente sacerdotes en sus casas y los sustentan toda la vida para reconciliarse a la Iglesia romana a la ora de la muerte y recibirlos sacramentos muriendo como catolicos. Los religiosos de la compania de Jesus y de San Benito tienen sus prelados y cauecras ' a quien reconocen,8 y los demas sacerdotes obedecen a su superior que llaman Arquipresbytero. Cierta persona onrada esta nombrada secretamente por los Catolicos para recoger las limosnas y mandos de testamentos que hazen los que mueren para obras pias y otras necessidades, el qual acude con mucho cuydado a socorrer las que llegan a su noticia particularmente (p.7) a los que estan en las carceles y algunos vezes Ie suelen desbalijar y el ano pasado Ie tomaron cuatro mil escudos y con todo eso se halla siempre con buen caudal. Todas las leyes hechas en Inglaterra contra Catolicos se guardan tambien en Escocia, y executan con mas rigor respeto de la autoridad que tienen para ella los ministros ereges que son juezes absolutos cada uno en su perroquia, 9 y assi esta en mal estado el de la religion en aquel reyno, por que no se saue que aya mas de tres sacerdotes 10 en todo el, no atreuiendose ningun natural a recibirlos en su casa, y sola una persona de calidad los acoxe alguna vez, aunque con mucho recato y de aqui procede su miseria y la falta que tienen de doctrina a que tambien ayuda el no tener seminario los escoses en ninguna parte, como los Ingleses en Espana, I talia y Flandes. En la torre de Londres esta preso un padre Capuchino 11 que ha asistido algunos anos en aquella prouincia y ha referido que no llegan a cuatro mil catolicos que ay en toda ella, de los quales la mayor parte son cismaticos y muy pocos los recusantes que acuden a los sacramen tos. En Irlanda 10 pasan mejor y en algunas prouincias tienen Iglesias auiertas donde se administran publicamente los sacramentos, y se tiene por cosa cierta que la mayor parte de la gente de aquella prouincia es catolica y aunque estos dias an padecido alguna persecucion acuden con todo eso con mucho valor a defender las cosas (p.8) tocantes a la religion y se ha visto algunos vezes alborotarse los pueblos y prender los ministros de J usticia de los ereges y aun colgarlos de un palo, por auer querido mal tratar sus sacerdotes, y en toda la corona de Inglaterra se vee generalmente buena disposicion para reducirse ala obediencia de la Iglesia y seria facil el dia que se concediese liuertad de conciencia y el Principe fuese catolico. Dios 10 haga como conuiene.


DECEMBER 1610

179

[Translation: ]

+ There is a widespread opinion that the larger part of the people of England are [Catholics] in three ways. In the first are numbered those called Recusants who are true Catholics for they strive to frequent the sacraments in due season and refuse to go to the churches. In the second are those who are [Catholics] in their heart and from fear of the, penalty of the law dare not show themselves as such by any token even though they attend the rites of the heretics. These are few. In the third are those whom they call schismatics because, after having understood the truth they still assist at the sermons and assemblies of the heretics not daring to do anything else lest they lose the property and positions they possess; the entire nobility and various individuals appointed to high positions are in this group. There are many laws against Catholics, but the harshest is that which enforces the oath which they have devised to discover them completely, wherein they are required to swear under pain of loss of property and perpetu,al imprisonment that the king is head of the church in his dominions, that the pope does not have authority to depose kings and to the rest of its provisions. 1 Since parliament has begun,2 there have been proceedings against the Catholics with greater rigour than before, especially in the enforcement of this law. Thus many have taken this oath and others have refused and they do so at a great price notwithstanding that there have been theologians who would say that it can be done with some reservations. There is another law which obliges every person, no matter of what sort or quality they be, to go to church and attend the sermons at least once a month under pain of the loss of two thirds of their property.3 To be freed of this responsibility and threat, many are compounding with the king by payment of large sums of money to enjoy this exemption. , All the Catholics are banned from the court for a distance of six leagues and some by dint of money and bargaining obtain licences to come there, 4 but they can not enter the palace under pain of incurring the same penalty for which an exile is liable for a violation of his sentence. These and the rest of the laws have been enforced until the present against men only, but now it has been declared in parliament that women are included along with men. s Thus it is necessary that husbands who have compounded with the king shall pay for them as well to keep them exempt from attendance at the churches. Fathers are obliged to bring their children for baptism to the parish under penalty of 400 ducats 6 and those who are married as Catholics incur the same penalty, and the poor who have not the resources to be able to pay that amount try to keep the matter secret and some days before the birth husbands take their wives to hidden cottages where they are cared for until the birth and baptism, wherein heavy trials and ,


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miseries are to be seen. The greatest persecution which the Catholics receive is from the Scottish favorites and proteges of the king to whom, as a reward for their services, he usually grants the favour of some households that are known to be Catholic. In turn they resort to extreme severity against the masters of the household until they compound and pay a sum, daily or monthly according to the agreement, but many of them do not like compounding, but rather confiscating their estates, because they already consider them lost according to the arrangement of the law. in the city of London and the kingdom of England it is believed that there are more than seven hundred priests, including seculars and religious of all orders, especially of the Society of Jesus and of Saint Benedict. In laymen's garb they go about visiting every place, hearing confessions, preaching and administering other sacraments. All are supported by the charity of Catholics who receive them in their houses and conceal them with deep affection and devotion. They try to proceed carefully and secretly in everything through a regular change of residence and other devises and strategems to conceal themselves better. Despite this they capture priests daily and there are regularly twenty to thirty in the gaols where they celebrate [mass] and administer the sacraments, for many Catholics go to receive them since the gaolers allow them to enter and depart when they offer a gratuity. 7 However sometimes their entry is barred and the chalices and vestments are taken away from the priests to prevent their celebrating mass according to the condition of the times and the more or less strict orders that come from the bishops and the high justices. Nevertheless someone never fails to provide them with others with which they continue to celebrate and no effort made to stop it. Catholics show great devotion to the mass and they make every possible effort to hear it at least on feast days, for which purpose they gather at the chapels of the ambassadors of Spain, France, Flanders and Venice and in the prisons. Many have it in their own residence or in those of their friends and relatives. In every place great caution is ir.1portant. Discovering cases dealing with religion is left to the bishops who use great pains to learn what is going on within the most remo te areas by sending everywhere their agents (whom they call pursuivants) to watch and search the houses of known Catholics where they keep returning under the pretext of looking for priests, to seize the books, furniture and money which they find and anything else that takes their fancy while acting with the highest insolence. The masters of the households endure it patiently, indeed they even try to treat them kindly to keep them friendly and to dispel their vexations in part. Because of the reasons mentioned above, certain important persons who dare not leave the slightest trace of being Catholics, are secretly keeping priests in their households and support them all their lives so a~


DECEMBER 1610

181

to be reconciled to the Roman church at the hour of death, to receive the sacraments and to die as Catholics. The religious of the Society of Jesus and of Saint Benedict have their own authorities and superiors whom they obey, 8 and other priests obey a superior who is called the Archpriest. Secretly the Catholics designate a certain honourable person to collect the charities and bequests from the wills which the deceased have made towards pious works and other obligations and this person strives very carefully to assist anyone who comes to his attention especially those in prison. On some occasions he has been robbed and last year they seized four thousand escudos, nevertheless he always has a good supply. Every law passed in England against Catholics is also retained in Scotland and enforced with more severity because of the authority in this matter which the heretical ministers wield as each one is an absolute judge in his parish. 9 Wherefore the state of religion is bad in that kingdom since it is unknown if there are more than three priests in the entire realm lO when there is not an inhabitant to be found to receive them in his house. There is but one person of rank who receives them occasionally but with great secrecy. Therefore they are in an unhappy state and need instruction, to which their lack of a seminary also contributes, for the Scots do not have one anywhere while the English have them in Spain, Italy and Flanders. Imprisoned in the tower of London is a Capuchin friar, 11 a labourer for some years in that province, who reported that the Catholics of that realm do not amount to four thousand. Among these the larger portion are 'schismatics', but very few are the recusants who frequent the sacraments. In Ireland conditions are better and in some provinces churches are open for the public administration of the sacraments. It is considered a certainty that the larger portion of the populace of that region is Catholic and although these days they have suffered some persecution they rally nevertheless to defend something touching religion. On certain occasions the people have been known to riot and to lay hands on the heretical ministers of justice and even to hang them from a tree for having wanted --to mistreat their priests. Generally in the entire kingdom of England a good attitude is seen towards submission to the obedience of the church which will be easy on the day that freedom of conscience would be granted and the prince would become a Catholic. May God accomplish this in due season. 1 The Statutes were 3 & 4 lac. I cap. 4 and 7 & 8 lac. I cap. 6. They are not summarized accurately. Those who refused the oaths were to be imprisoned until the next assizes when a second tendering of the oaths could be made, after which penalties would begin. 2 The final session was 16 October to 6 December 1610.


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHODCS

3 This is the act of Uniformity of 1 Eliz. cap. 2, but the penalties mentioned are those of 23 Eliz. cap. 1 and 29 Eliz. cap. 6. 4 This is the "Five Mile Act" of 35 Eliz. cap. 2 and 3 & 4 Jac. I cap. 5. 5 By 3 & 4 Jac. I cap. 5 para 8 a wife who was a recusant while her husband was not, was deprived of 2/3 of her jointure and 2/3 of her dowry during her lifetime. In 1610, however, the wife rendered her husband liable to a monthly fine ofÂŁ1O or 1/3 of his property by 7 & 8 Jac. I cap. 6 para 5. 6 By 3 & 4 Jac. I cap. 5 para 10, Catholics were obliged to be baptized, married and buried according to the rites of the established church; on conviction the penalty could be ÂŁ100. 7 See for example C.S."P. Dom. 1611-18, p.11: "The King is resolved that the Keeper of Newgate shall be severely punished for allowing reverence to priests, masses in prison, etc.". T. Lake to R. Cecil, 22 February 161l. 8 Robert Jones, S.J. and probably Thomas Preston, O.S.B. 9 English recusancy laws did not apply in Scotland. When the prospect of union first became known Alexander Macquhirrie, S.J. wrote to his Father General: "The result to be expected is that Scottish Catholics will be liable to the English penalties for non-attendance at public worship and will consequently be enabled to compound for payment in money. This will at once give us a great accession in numbers ... such composition being at present not permitted by the severity of the Scottish law ... ", CW. Forbes-Leith, Narratives of Scottish Catholics, London, 1889, p. 271, letter of 7 September 1604.) After the meeting of the Scottish Parliament (See Doc. 38) an intensive inquiry for Catholics was begun (See C.S.P. Venetian 1607-10, p. 312-3). At the same time ThomasAbercrombie,S.J.reported "The system of persecution followed is fust to excommunicate the Catholic landowner who afterwards is either banished from the country or sent to prison and deprived of all his goods ... " (Forbes-Leith, p. 290). 10 "Here in Scotland there is not one of our Fathers working except myself, and only one secular priest, who is worn out with years and sickness . .. " (Forbes-Leith, p. 294). While the number of students was small there were in fact four "colleges" for the Scots on the continent at this time, Meyer, England and the Catholic Church, pp. 115-17. 11 The Capuchin friar in the Tower of London was Christopher Campbell, who, however, at the request of M. de Vitry was released in July 1611 into the envoy' s custody (P C 46, n. fo1., de Groote to Archduke, 7 July 1611). The seizure occured after a denuntiation by a fellow Scotsman (C.S.P. Venetian, 1607-10, p.358).


OCTOBER 1611

183

56.ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 16 October 1611. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2588/71.

(p.2)

+ Senor He entendido de los confidentes que en una platica que tuba en ParisI el embaxador de Inglaterra con Villeroy2 en materia de religion, Ie bino a dezir que pues este Rey 3 mandara ahorcar alยงunos vassallos suyos por solo ser Catholicos y tambien podria Ie Reyna hazer justicia de muchos en su reyno por ser Ugonotes, y juntandose a esto el ver que han reformado los Olandeses 36 banderas de Infanteria que pagaua el Rey de Francia por hauerlos despedido la Reyna de la paga me dizen que les da mucho cuydado aqui considerando si ven superiores se van puniendo las cosas de ,la religion catolica con la unionS que creen que Vuestra Magestad ha concluydo en Francia y por otra parte quan ynferior esta de los hereges por la poca seguridad que este Rey puede tener de sus vassallos por estar los de Dinamarca u Sueda 6 occupados en su guerra y el Duque de Saxonia, Olandeses, Brandenbur~, y ei Palatino tan mal abenidos por las pretensiones de Julliers. Dios Guarde, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, I learned from the confidants that the English ambassador in Paris, 1 during a conversation with Villeroy2 about the religious question, said that this king 3 will be ordering some of his subjects to be hung solely for being Catholics, and similarly the Queen 4 will be enabled to render justice against many in her realm for being Huguenots. To this he added his view that the Dutch had reformed 36 companies of infantry which the king of France had been paying after the Queen had dismissed them. They tell me that they are very concerned here by reflecting that should they see themselves with the upper hand they then have to proceed to inflict punishment on anything Catholic in the light of the allianceS which they understand your Majesty has completed in France, and on the other hand, how much weaker is the position of the heretics considering the slight security which this king can retain about his subjects while the princes of Denmark and Sweden are occupied in their war,6 as well as the Duke of Saxony, the Dutch, Brandenburg, and the Palatine are so poorly reconciled because of their claims to Juliers. 7 May God protect you, etc. --.


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Sir Thomas Edmondes Nicolas de Neufville, Sieur de Villeroy 0543-1617). James I Marie de Medici was advised by King James in a similar fashion that if any of "those of the religion reformed in France .. . misbehave themselves" James was prepared "to give both his best advise (and if need be assistance) howe to reforme them as freely as if they had no affinitye in religion". ("A copye of the Kinges declaration delivered to the Duke of Bouillon", 6 June 1612, Henry E. Huntington Lil;>rary, Ellesmere Mss., vol. 1642.) 5 "Alliance" meant the announcement of the betrothals between the houses of Bourbon and Austria. 6 The war of Kalmar between Christian IV of Denmark and Gustavus Adoplphus of Sweden from 1611 to 1613, settled at the Peace of Knared. See M Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus; A History of Sweden (London, 1954) voU, pp . 60-72. 7 John George, Elector of Saxony was married to Magdalen Sibylla, younger niece of the deceased Duke of Cleve-Julich; John Sigismund, Elector of Brandenburg was married to Anna, the elder niece of the Duke; Wolfgang William, Palatine Count of Pfalz-Neuburg was a nephew of the Duke. These last two were the "possessioners" of the disputed territories. 1 2 3 4

57. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 26 November 1611. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2588/136.

(p.2)

+

Senor En carta de 12 deste escriui a Vuestra Magestad de la venida aqui del Principe l de Anhalt el qual hizo grande instancia en nombre de los portestantes de Alemana pidiendo a este Rey se dec1arase por su cabe~a sefialando el socorro que daria para oponerse a la liga de los principes Catolicos, 2 hallo se muy confuso pare~iendole justo conceder 10 que pedian, por otra parte Ie detenia el respeto que tiene a Vuestra Magestad hallandose agora tan obligado cOIlla platica del casamiento de Saboya que se hauia renouado estos dias y finalmente se resoluio en dar la misma respuesta que antes auia dado remitiendo 10 todo a la primauera estando para partirse el conde Anhalt con esta resolucion, llego la nueba del acuerdo que el Duque de Bauiera, 3 como general de la Liga ha hecho con los protestantes con que partio a los 24 mal satisfecho auiendo publicado que por auer hallado aqui tan poco calor auian sido forzados a pedir la paz 4 y el mismo cargo me hazen los confidentes dando a entender que ode los officios que han hecho ha


NOVEMBER 1611

185

resultado este buen effecto de que el Rey no se resoluiesse en hazer la que Ie pedian y assi me ha pare9ido justo mostrame agradecido y dar quenta della a Vuestra Magestad cuya Catholica persona guarde Nuestor Sefior, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, In a letter of November 12th I wrote your Majesty about the prince! of Anhalt's arrival here. In the name of the Protestants of Germany he made a strong plea to have the king declare himself their leader while pointing out the aid which he will be providing by opposing the League of Catholic Princes. 2 He appeared to be in a quandary for it seemed fitting to agree to what they asked, yet on the other hand he is being held back by his respect for your Majesty as he sees himself at present under a heavy obligation through the negotiations of the Savoy marriage which have been reopened recently. At length he decided t o give the same response as before by putting off everything to the Spring. After this decision ~hen the Count of Anhalt was about to leave, news arrived of the agreement which the Duke of Bavaria,3 the General of the League, had reached with the Protestants, upon which he left on the 24th in deep displeasure after declaring that they were forced to seek peace 4 because of the little zeal that was found here. My confidants have given me a similar assurance in letting me know that this happy result had come about through their efforts as the king had not agreed to act as requested. Consequently it has seemed good to me to appear grateful and to inform your Majesty whose Catholic person may our Lord protect, etc. ! 2

i. e. Count of Anhalt

King James as leader of the Protestants. Archduke Maximilian Peace between the factions was declared in October 1610 allowing troops of both the Union and the League to withdraw during the following months. It was not until November 1614 at Zanten that the principal claimants, Wolfgang William and John Sigismund, set up separate administrations in the divided lands of Cleve-J ulich. 3 4


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SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHODCS

58. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 18 February 1612. Original text with autograph signature, received on 2 March, 3 pages, E 2589/6. The immunity of the Spanish embassy chapel was a frequent theme in the correspondence of the decade (See Docs. 32, 34,36,42,48, 53) and woulg. remain so later in this century (See W.R. Trimble, "The Embassy Chapel Question, 1625-60'~Jour. Mod. Hist., vol. 18 (1946), pp. 97 ff; E.R. Adair, The Exterritoriality of Ambassadors in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, London, 1929, pp. 186 ff.). At this time however Velasco judged the activities of pursuivants to be excessive: "I have acquainted his 'Majestie [Philip) with the insolencies that are used about my house which the pursuivants doeth beseidge daye and night molesting those that cometh to and from my doerers ... " he warned Cecil with a hin t of displeasure of the Spanish court (P.R.O. S.P. 94/18/25, original, 5/15 March 1611/12). The policy of Cecil had been in fact, moderate on this practice. For further details on this incident see A. Loomie, "The Spanish Ambassador and the Pursuivants", Catholic Historical Review vol. 49 (1963), pp. 203-9.

(p.2)

+ Senor A los 3 deste di cuenta a Vuestra Magestad de 10 que auia pasado con este Rey tocante a los Catolicos que vienen a mi carilla y despues ha llamado el consejo a los embaxadores de Francia, Flandes,2 y Venecia 3 y representadoles el sentimiento que el Rey tiene de los que acuden a las suyas dexandose dezir que 0 no han , de admitir ningun Ingles 0 permitir que entren a prenderlo dentro de sus casas. El de Francia respondio que cerraria sus puertas y que aun de los franzeses que r~siden aqui acudia la mayor parte a oir misa a mi capilla. El de Se~or Archiduque Alberto, que el Rey podia hazer en su reyno 10 que fuese seruido, pero que perder el respeto y quitar la libertad a las casas de ministros de Principes hera contra toda ley y razon, y contra el estilo y costumbres que se guardaran aun entre Reyes barbaros, el de Venecia que en todas las cortes de la cristianidad tenia su Republica embaxadores y se hazia con ell os 10 mismo que con los de espana y Francia y que el auia de seguir en esto 10 mismo exemplo ni querer men os priuilegio ni pedirmas. Hultimamente me pidio el Conde de Salzberi que me juntase con algunos del consejo y que yo senalase dia y ora y fue a los 7 del presente donde me propuso la quexa que a los demas pero con mucha modestia y palauras muy compuestos y respondilo mismo que al Rey, que es 10


FEBRUARY 1612

187

que tengo escrito a Vuestra Magestad,4 anadiendo que les asiguraua que no hablaria con ningun Catolico a quien no persuadiesse que fuese (p.3) muy leal y fiel basallo de su Rey, y que despues desto por el menor dell os pondria mi persona en qualquier peligro, con que al parecer quedaron satisfechos. Guarde Nuestro senor la catolica persona de Vuestra Magestad como la Christianidad la ha menester. de Londres a 18 de Febrero de 1612. Don Alonso de Velasco (Autograph) [Translation: ]

+ Sire, On the third of February I informed your Majesty of what transpired with this king about Catholics who come to my chapel. Later the council summoned the ambassadors of France,l Flanders 2 and Venice 3 to make clear the royal displeasure over people coming to¡ their chapels and to go to the lengths of saying that either they must not admit any Englishmen or they must allow them to come to make an a"est in their residences. The ambassador of France replied that he would shut his doors even if the larger portion of the French residents here were going to my chapel to hear mass. The ambassador of his Lordship, Archduke Albert, [replied] that the king¡ could do as he pleased within his realm but to abandon respect and to destroy the freedom of the envoys of princes was contrary to both law and reason, as well as the manners and customs which have ever been maintained even among the rulers of barbarians. The ambassador of Venice [replied] that his republic had ambassadors within every court of Christendom and conducted itself among them in the same fashion as those of Spain and France and that he was bound to follow the same custom in this affair while seeking neither more nor less privileges than they. Finally the Earl of Salisbury requested me to join him together with some councillors and I would be told the day and the hour. I went on the seventh of February at which time he explained the complaint which had been related to the others, however with considerable restraint and very moderate words. I replied in the same fashion as I had to the king as I have already informed your Majesty, 4 while adding the remark that I would not be speakting to any Catholic were I not already convinced he was a most loyal and faithfUl subject of his king, and beyond this I would place my person in any danger for the least of them. At this apparently they rested satisfied. May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty as Christianity has need. From London, 18 February 1612. (autograph) Alonso de Velasco


188

SPAIN AND THE JACOBEAN CATHOliCS

1 Samuel Spifame, Sieur de Buisseaux.

Ferdinand de Boisschot. 3 Antonio Foscarini. 4 The effect of this warning was slight. The London correspondent of Cardinal Borghese reported after Easter: "The offices of Holy Week were celebrated with great devotion and a great crowd of Catholics, and many richly decorated Sepulchres,were to be seen in the houses of the envoys of Spain, of France, of Venice and the Archduke Albert ... " (A.S.V., Nunziature Diverse, vol. 207, f. 425 "avisi" 12 May 1612). 2

59. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 18 February 1612. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2589/11. The clear hint of repression of the English Catholics given to the French court (Doc. 56) apparently produced anxiety in Marie de Medici and efforts which were somewhat parallel to the Spanish (Doc. 10). At this time Velasco heard of new plans of James to raise money whereby "he will leave the Catholics to live in peace by putting aside the oath for a certain sum which they have offered, and this composition is arranged by the French ambassador by order of the Queen ... " (Velasco to Philip, 18 February 1612, E 2589/10). The Archduke's ambassador was also convinced that the French court had new plans. When the Duke of Bouillon arrived in May 1612 in London Boisschot reported to Brussels that "he is said to carry orders to ask the king on behalf of the Catholics that he should require that the severity which they are da~y employing against them is to cease, since they ought to treat those of the Religion in France as they do the Catholics of this kingdom ... " (P C 47 n. fo1., letter of 11 May 1612). The original text of the instructions of Bouillon of April 1612 do not, in fact, state this (B. Nat., Fonds Francais 17843, ff. 20-27v). .

(p.2)

+ Senor Aqui se tiene auiso que la Reyna de Francia haze diligen9ia con los Olandeses para que concluyan la paz hecha con Vuestra Magestad anadiendo solamente a los capitulos de la Tregua 1 que puedan tener los Catolicos en todas las villas principales una Iglesia abierta 10 qual se procura estoruar con las veras posibles, por que les parege que con este. exemplo pretenderon los deste reyno se haga 10 mlsmo con elios por 10


APRIL 1612

189

qual se entiende que ponen al presente tanto cuydado en prohibirles el acudir a la missa, aunque otros sospechan que no es sino porque usando con ellos de tanto rigor se alargue despues a pagar mayor suma de . . dineroIJorque los dexari-viuu' coii" quietud 'confonne ala c'omposicion2 . que se traUL Guarde Dios, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, There is a report here that the Queen of France is endeavouring to have the Dutch conclude peace with your Majesty with the single addition to the articles of the treatyl that the Catholics can have one public church in each of the principal towns. There is a very serious effort under way"to prevent this, because they believe in the light of this precedent that the Catholics of this realm will attempt to have the same, for which reason at present they are believed to be exercising great care to keep them from attending mass. However others believe such is not the case, ,but rather after employing this severity against them they will be brought later to par a greater sum of money to live in peace in keeping with a composition which is now under discussion. May God protect, etc. 1 i.e. a new treaty in place of the "12 year Truce". 2 At this time a commission was to be appointed on several questions of royal

revenues including the supervision of compositions of Catholic recusants "many of whom pay nothing or much less than ordered by law". (C.S.P. Dom. 1611-18, p. 165.)

60. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 14 April 1612. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2589/24.

(p.2)

+ Senor Con las occasiones que se offrezen y rezelos que siempre se van aumentado hallo cado dia mas dificultad en apurar la verdad de 10 que aqui se entiende, porque de los auisos de Roldan 1 y Beltenbras 2 no se


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puede tener seguridad y el Cid 3 que ha sido el mas confidente anda con dernasiado recato de algunos dias a esta parte por que pretende suceder en los oficios y autoridad del conde de Salsueri que esta enfermo de ydropsia y afirman los medicos viuira poco tiempo y pareciendole al Cid que solo Ie puede estoruar para llegar a ocupar su puesto ser tenido por Catolico y confidente de Vuestra Magestad se escusa quanta puede de dar sospecha y haze todas las demostraciones posibles para dar a entender 10 contrario y aun ha asegurado la Reyna 4 que haze malos oficios contra Catolicos y quando llamaron al embaxador s del Senor Archiduque Alberto para quejarse de los que acudian a oyr misa a su capilla dijo en aquel consejo que el Rey su Senor queria mas perder un millon que una anima de sus vasallos y assi 10 entendi del mismo Embaxador. Guarde Nuestro Senor, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, With the passage of events and the constantly mounting suspicions I find it daily more difficult to sift out the truth of the opinions here because there is no certainty to be had out of the reports of Roldan l and Beltenbras,2 and El Cid,3 who has been the most informative, has been going about for some days showing extreme reserve on this score because he aspires to obtain the offices and position of the Earl of Salisbury who is ill from hydropsy and the doctors are forecasting that he has but a short time to live. Since it is the opinion of El Cid that the only obstacle to his accession to this post is his being ¡thought Catholic and an intimate of your Majesty, he avoids as much as possible exciting suspicion and presents every conceivable proof that the opposite is to be believed. He has even assured the queen 4 that he has been doing Catholics a disservice. When they summoned the ambassadorS of the Archduke Albert to present a complaint against those who resort to his chapel to hear mass, he said in the Council that the king, his master, would prefer sooner to lose a million than one soul of his subjects, and I heard the same from the ambasSador himself. May our Lord protect, etc. 1 2 3 4 S

Countess of Suffolk Robert Cecil Earl of Northampton James's consort, Anne of Denmark Ferdinand de Boisschot.


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61. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 7 June 1612. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2589/45 .

(p.2)

+ Senor A los 2 deste l murio el conde de Salzberi 90 millas de aqui2 donde auian ydo a tomar unos banos. De que se an alegrado con mucha razon todos los Catholicos deste reyno porque hero el que mas los perseguia' y el autor de todas las machinas y trac;as que salian de aqui para conseruar y aumentar las fuerc;as de los herejes y aunque haura otros que procuraran encaminar las cosas a este fin no se hallar sugeto que 10 sepa hazer como el y assi se puede esperar mejoria en las cosas de la religion particularmente por .que el conde de Nortanton y el Vixconde de Rochestre que se entiende quedaran con la autoridad del gouierno son mas bien intencionados. 3 Guarde Nuestro Senor, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, On the 2nd of June l the Earl of Salisbury died ninety miles away2 where he had gone to take some waters. At this every Catholic has considerable reason to rejoice, because he was their greatest persecutor and the author of every scheme and devise which was employed here to preserve and increase the power of the heretics. Although there will be others who will attempt to direct things towards the same goal there will not be found an individual who knew how to do it as he did and thus an improvement in religious affairs can be expected especially since the Earl of Northampton and the Viscount Rochester, who it is believed will possess the power of government, are much better disposed. 3 May our Lord protect, etc. 1 Cecil died 24 May 1612 o.s. 2 St. Margaret's Priory, Marlborough, en route from Bath to London. 3 When Cecil went to Bath "the papers of state remained in the hands of an

official who was Catholic at heart who has sent word to me", Velasco reported to Philip on May 25, 1612. (E 2589/42).


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62. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III.

Londo~, 18 June 1612

Original with autograph signature, received on 6 July, 6 pages, E 2589/48.

(p.2)

+ Senor Despues que martirizaron aqui el Padre Roberto Monge Benito que fue a los 20 de Deciembre de 1610 me dio palabra el Conde de Sa1zberi en nombre del Rey, que no se haria otra vez semejante demostracion, el tiempo que yo residiesse en esta embajada como 10 escriue a Vuestra Magestad a 31 del dicho mes y ano, 1 y hasta agora se ha cumplido no obstante que el arzobispo de Cantuaria 2 y otros ministros han hecho siempre viuas instancias para que permita sacar algunos sacerdotes en las sessiones, que es el tiempo senalado para hazer justicia de mal hechores. Poco despues de la muerte del conde de SaIzberi se fue al Rey el Arzobispo y Ie supplico diesse licen~ia para sacar algunos Sacerdotes a las sessiones que se auian de hazer desta Pasqua de Spiritu Sant0 3 representandoles las cosas siguientes. Que los Catolicos se auian alegrado mucho con la muerte del dicho conde y h~ra necessario darles a entender que no por esso dexarian de ser castigados y persegidos. Que crecia cado dia mas su libertad y menos preciando las penas de carcel perpetua y perdimiento de bienes por 10 qual convenia poner terror generalmente a todos. Que despues de la conclusion de casamientos entre Spagna y Francia estauan muy insolentes esperando que con la union de las dos coronas se auia de mejorar su fortuna y que finalmente hauiendo concluido una liga con todos los principes Protestantes y Puritanos4 para defensa comun de sus estados y religion podria con mas animo y men os respectos hazer qualquiera demonstracion contra Catolicos con las quales razones Ie mouio (p.3) de manera que Ie dio licencia para ha~er la que pareciesse mas conueniente. En esta occasion se hallauan presos en los carceles desta ciudad 28 s?cerdotes assi seculares como religiosos, entre los quales estauan el Padre Fray Mauro de Sahagun,S Monge Benito, y Ricardo Xeroporte, Sacerdote secular, que auian sido desterrados deste Reyno y bueltos a el con zelo del seruicio de Dios y bien de su Patria par 10 qualles lleuauon . a los Sessiones antes los juezes y despues de varias demandas y respuestas en que se gouernaron con mucha integridad y valor los condenaron a muerte a 8 deste por la manana 6 procedieron con todas


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estas diligencias con extraordinario secreto y con to do esso tuue auizo algunos dias antes de la mala intencion del Arzobispo y hlze secretamente oficios con diuersos personages para que Ie fuessen a la mana por las vias conuenientes y auiendo intendido la sentencia que se auia prononciado viene a Londres de una casa de campo donde estaua esperando mejorar mis achaques con la mudanya del ayre y pedi Audiencia al Rey la qual mi senalo para el Martes seguiente 12 del presente y no pareciendo a proposito por auerse executar la sentencia a los 9 7 me resolui escriuirle el papel que se sigue. Estando en Potni me dieron esta manana auiso que algunos ministros de justicia de Vuestra Magestad mandauan hazer justicia de dos sacerdotes al mismo punto embie a suplicar a Vuestra Magestad se siruiesse de darme licencia para besarle las manos, y me respondio el camerero mayor8 que no seria possible tener audiencia hasta el martes,y no sufriendo tanta dilacion el negocio que se me ofrece ha (p.4) obligado a suplicar a Vuestra Magestad por escrito 10 que pensaua hazer de palabra. Senor yo creo que Vuestra Magestad haura echado de ver 10 que desseo de su seruicio y que todo 10 que he tratado he encaminando siempre a este fin assi'mismo saue Vuestra Magestad que tengo licencw del Rey para boluer a Espana ni viniendo mi succesor y que se : ha seruido de hazer merced a todos los embaxadores de algunos sacerdotes antes de su partida en consideracion de 10 qual suplico a Vuestra Magestad me la haga a mi agora de mandar comutar la sentencia de muerte que esta pronunciada contra estos en destierro perpetuo deste Reyno, que yo me obligo a sacarlos fuera y a que no bolueran jamas a el, en que me hara Vuestra Magestad el mayor fauor y honra que puedo recibir en esta vida 0, a 10 menos, de que se suspenda la execucion hasta que yo bese a Vuestra Magestad las manos. Con este papel fue mi secretario de linguas 9 a Palacio viernes a las diez de la noche no auiendo sido possible llegar antes por auerse passado todo el dia en demandas y respuestas, y Ie entrego al Vixconde de Rochestre que Ie puso en manos del Rey, el qual Ie leyo y dixo que Ie embieria la respuesta otro dia y el siguiente a las cinco de la manana los sacaron' arastrando de la carcel teniendo costumbre de hazerlo a las ocho y a esta hora executaron la sentencia con las circunstancias de crueldad que 10 hazen siempre y no me detengo en referir por ser cosa tan manifesta. 1 0 Los martires pasaron por las penas de su martirio con grande alegria y constancia, diziendo algunas palabras debotas y tiernas con mucho consuela y edificacion de los Catolicos que se hallaron presentes, 11 yel conde de Arondel mostro este dia su valor y piedad pues sin respeto de penas temporales los acompano a cauallo desde que salieron de la carce1 hasta que espiraron, y amenayo con palabras al verdugo por que les corte las cordelas (p.S) antes que acabassen de morir, para sacarles las entranas y el corayon estando medio viuos. El Padre Sahagun dixo particularmente que deuia a Espana la


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saluacion de su alma y la corona del martirio que pensaua presto gozar, y que prometia encomendar a Dios a Vuestra Magestad y suplicarle aumentase la grandeza de sus estados para que ensalzase y defendiesse la santa fe catolica y destruyr sus enemigos. EI Padre Ricardo 12 declaro que auia 22 afios que en aquellugar Ie alumbro mi Sefior hallandose presente en el martirio de dos religiosos 1 3 y que con desseo de morir como ellos se partio luego para Roma adonde estudio y se ordeno de sacerdote y que finalmente se Ie auia cumplido Dios teniendole traido a padezer aquel martirio en el mismo lugar que se alumbro, de que Ie daua infinitas gracias y otros muchos particulares dexo de referir por no alargarme. Este mismo dia despues de auer entendido que los auian sac ado de la carcel sin espera9a de remedio me bolui por la mafiana a mia casa de campo donde fue a buscarme un secretario del Rey 14 que vino con la respuesta del papel y despues de algunos complimentos me dixo en su nombre 1S que no sauia se huuiesen dado sacerdotes a ningun Embaxador estando condenados a muerte, y que no auia tenido lugar para mandar suspender la execucion de la sentencia por que la executaron mas de ma9ana que 10 acostumbran hazer. Yo respondi que siempre hauia esperado me hauia aquella merced por auia procurado merecersela y que sentia mucho que se huuiese tornado tal resolucion por 10 deseaua su seruicio y que aunque nuestro Sefior Ie auia hecho tan gran Principe que todauia para aumentar su grandeza Ie conuenir gafiar y conseruar amigos, con que se despedio el Secretario y yo quedo en el (p.6) campo en el sentirniento y desseo de salir deste Reyno que se dexa considerar por tantos respetos y particularmente por no ser testigo de semejantes tragedias, sin tener autoridad para remediar las no siendo vastante para ello ninguna industria ni diligencia que se pueda hazer. Guarde Nuestro Sefior la catolica persona de Vuestra Magestad como la christianidad Ie ha menester. de Londres a 18 de Junio 1612. (autograph) don Alonso de Velasco [Translation: ]

+ Sire, After the martyrdom here of Father Robert, the Benedictine monk, on 20 December 1610, the Earl of Salisbury gave me his word on the king's behalf that there would not be a similar occurance another time. j)uring the period in which I have resided in this embassy, from when I wrote to your Majesty on 31 December 1610 1 until the present, this promise has been kept despite the fact that the Archbishop of Canterbury2 and other councillors have regularly made strong pleas for permission to bring some priests before the assizes which is the period appointed to render justice to criminals. Shortly after the death of the Earl of Salisbury the Archbishop


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went to the king to demand that he be given permission to bring some priests to the assizes, which were to be held at Pentecost, 3 by stressing the following points. That the Catholics had been deeply gratified at the death of the aforesaid earl and it was necessary to make them realize that it was not for this reason that their punishment and persecution had been stopped. That daily their freedom was growing apace as well as less respect for the penalties of perpetual imprisonment and loss of property for which reason it was better in general to make everyone tremb Ie. That upon the conclusion of the marriages between Spain and France they had become very insolent in expecting that, with the union of the two crowns, their lot had to improve. Whereas with the final completion of a league between all the Protestant princes and the Puritans4 for the common defense of their states and beliefs, any sort of provocation against the Catholics could be done with more courage and fewer risks. With such reasons he moved the king so effectively that he gave him permission to do what seemed most suitable. At this juncture there were 28 priests, both secular and religious, to be found imprisoned in the goals of this city, among whom were the Reverend Friar, Maurus de Sagahun, S a Benedictine monk, and Richard Newport, a secular priest, both of whom had been exiled from this kingdom and had returned out of zeal for God's service and their country's good. For this reason they brought them before the judges at the assizes, where after various questions and responses during which they conducted themselves with considerable honour and courage they were condemned to death for the morning of June 8th. 6 They moved through each of these steps with unusual secrecy, nevertheless I obtained a report of the wicked intentions of the Archbishop a few days before and made private representations to various people that they should be at hand for appropriate measures. When I learned that sentence had been passed I came to London from the country house where I had been staying in the hope of curing a bout of illness with a change of air, and requested an audience with the king which was appointed for the following Tuesday, the 12th of June, since this seemed pointless when the sentence was to be carried out on the 9th 7 I decided to compose the document which now follows. 'This morning when I was in Putney they informed me that certain of your Majesty's justices had passed sentence against two priests. At the same moment I sent a request that your Majesty would be pleased to grant me leave to pay my respects. The Royal Chamberlain 8 replied that an audience would not be possible until Tuesday, and as the matter which concerns me cannot brook such a delay I am obliged to entreat your Majesty in writing for what I had planned to be done in words. Sire, I believe your Majesty has received proof of my desire to serve you and that everything that I have undertaken I have directed always to that purpose; at the same time your Majesty is aware that I have


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permission from the king to return to Spain even if my successor has not arrived. As there has been the custom before their departure of granting the pardon of some priests to each ambassador I entreat your Majesty out of consideration for this departure to grant to me at once an order for the commutation of the death sentence already pronounced against these men to perpetual banishment from this kingdom. Thus I place myself under obligation to take them abroad and they are never to return. Herein your Majesty will confer on me the greatest favour and honour that I can receive in this life or, at the least, by having the execution delayed until I pay my respects to your Majesty. ' With this document my Secretary of Languages 9 went to the Palace on Friday at ten in the evening as it was impossible to arrive earlier since the entire day had been taken up with inquiries and answers. He handed this to the Viscount Rochester who placed it in the king's hands, who read it and said he would send a response on another day. A t five in the morning on the day following they dragged them away from prison on the sled, although they are accustomed to do it at eight, and at that time they carried out the sentence with the attendant cruelty which they always inflict and I pause not to describe it as it is something so well known. 1 0 The martyrs endured the pains of martyrdom with great joy and courage speaking some devout and affectionate words to the great consolation and edification of the Catholics who were found present. 11 On this day the Earl of Arundel showed his courage and devotion for without fear of worldly reprisal he accompanied them on horseback from the moment they emerged from prison unN/ the moment they expired and he uttered threats at the executioner lest he cut the ropes before they were fully dead so as to cut out the entrails and heart while half-alive. Father Sahagun spoke in particular of his debt to Spain both for the salvation of his soul and the crown of martyrdom which he expected to enjoy shortly and he promised to commend your Majesty to God and to pray for the destruction of your enemies and the increase of the glory of your states so that the holy Catholic faith might be exalted and defended. Father Richard 12 announced that it was twenty-two years ago in this same place that my Lord gave him the light as he witnessed the martyrdom of two religious. 1 3 It was with a desire to die as they that he had shortly gone to Rome where he had studied and was ordained a priest and that at length God had fulfilled his desire by having him delivered to suffer this martyrdom in the same place where he was given the light, for which he gave unending thanks. There are many other particulars which I omit to record lest I extend myself After I had learned that they had been taken away from prison without any hope of reprieve I returned to my country house on the morning of the same day, where a royal secretary 14 came in search of


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me. He carried a response to my document and after some courtesies he informed me on his behalf1 5 that he was unaware that priests had been handed over to any ambassador upon their condemnation to death and there was no place for commanding the suspension of a penalty if it was being carried out earlier in the morning than was customary. I replied that I had always expected that this courtesy be accorded as I was conscious of my own efforts to deserve it and that I deeply regretted that a decision such as this was made when I had been desirous to be of service. Even if our Lord had made him into a lmighty prince still it was vital to hold and fetain friendships were his renown to increase. With this I dismissed the secretary and I am at present remaining in the country with a painful longing to depart for which one is prompted by so many reasons, particularly to avoid witnessing similar tragedies while being powerless to alter them, since any toil and effort, which might be undertaken, is insufficient. May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty as Christianity has need. From London, 18 June 1612. (autograph) Alonso de Velasco 1 See Document 49. 2 George Abbot. . 3 The opening of Trinity Term on 28 May 1612. 4 The "League" of Protestants was not in existence, see H. Holborn, History of

Modern Germany (New York, 1949) , vol. 1, pp. 301-2. The Evangelical union, a Calvinist party of action , of limited membership was formed in 1608. 5 William Scot entered the Benedictines in Spain in 1604, see Challoner, Memoirs, pp. 323-28. 6 He gave the correct date, 9 June, below. 7 i.e. 30 May. 8 The Earl of Suffolk. 9 The Embassy's secretary for English Letters, Francis Fowler. 10 See the accounts of executions such as in Documents 24, 33 , 34 , 50. 11 A contemporary copy of this letter, B.M. Cotton Mss., Vespasian C XIII, ff. 405-406, has mistakes in its transcription of the final paragraphs. 12 Richard Newport was tried separately, CR.S., vol. 34, pp.74-75;Challoner, Memoirs, pp. 328-29. 13 He merely indicates London as the site of an execution and that a cleric was involved. In 1590 there were executions of priests recorded at Fleet Street, Smithfield, Gray's Inn Lane and Clerkenwell. 14 Sir Lewis Lewkenor. 15 King James.


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63. ALONSO DE VELASCO TO PHILIP III. London, 29 June 1612. Original decipher, 2 pages, E 2589/53. Although brief, this document illustrates the close link of the English Catholic question to the marriages of James's children on the con tinen t. As early as February 1611 Castro had reported from Rome that Paul V wished assurances that Princess Elizabeth would secretly become a Catholic either before or after a marriage to the Prince of Piedmont (E2513,n.fol.,consulta of 5 May 1611). Robert Cecil had already made it clear that this was not acceptable to a special envoy from Savoy in March when he said "he had sufficientlie cleered the argument of his master's synning against his conscience, seeing by waie of permu tation libertie should be graunted; for either it was good or evill, if evill in them, our doing the like, excused not theirs ... " (B.M. StoweMss:, vol. , 172, f. 4, Cecil to Edmondes, 30 March 1611).

(p.2)

+ Senor EI embaxador deste Rey escriue 1 que en la ultima platica que tubo con el Duque de Lerma tocante a cassamientos Ie dixo que como aqui se acomodase el punto de la religion Vuestra Magestad estimara el parentesco destos reyes y haria todas las demostraciones de amor que se pudiesen dessear con 10 qual han mostrado tener todos mucho gusto y Ie bueluen a dar orden para que sepa con claridad 10 que Vuestra Magestad manda se haga en materia de religion y assi mismo la seguridad que podran del cassamiento de la Senora Infanta 2 segunda con este Principe 3 en caso que se resuelua a esperarla y de qualquiera manera conuiene entretener esta platica quanto fuere possible porque todavia se 'podrian encaminar las cosas al bien universal de la Iglesia Catolica principalmente despues que murio el conde de Salzberi con cuya ' falta han cay do las platicas de cassamiento con Florencia y el Palatino y otras maquinas proprias de su mala intencion. 4 Guarde Nuestro Senor, etc. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, This King is ambassador has written l that during his recent conversation with the Duke of Lerma concerning the marriages he told him that in view of the unde.rstanding reached here on the question of religion your Majesty will treasure the bond with this monarchy and


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will offer every token of friendship which could be wished. At this news everyone indicated his deep pleasure and they are in turn sending a request that he should ascertain clearly what your Majesty is requiring has to be done on the question of religion, and at the same time what assurance they can have of a marriage of the second Infanta 2 with this prince,3 in case there has been approval to await it, and what sort of way it is best to continue this discussion as long as possible, since matters can still be arranged towards the total well-being of the Catholic Church especially after the death of the Earl of Salisbury, at whose passing the discussions of marriage with Florence and the Palatine and other schemes typical of his wicked designs have all failed. 4 May our Lord protect, etc. 1 Sir John Digby, in his first audience with Philip III the year before, had stated that Velasco "saith he was instructed that in case the alliance of the Prince were spoken of in England not only not to refuse it but to imbrace it as a matter that should be agreeable to his Maiestie [Philip] yf matter of religion could be accomodated ... ". Digby had been ordered therefore to recount the proceedings over Savoy and to offer Prince Henry for the Infanta Ana. (P.R.O., S.P.94/18/96, Digby to James, 16 June '1611). With Lerma Digby had asked that Spain should show "as much forwardness" as England , for the difficulties were not such" but that yf the king of Spayne earnestly desired that this match proceed he might easilie drawe the Pope therunto to condescend, being a case wherein he had many presidents and diuers opinions of many learned casuists in favor of like matches". If Philip found another partner more suitable, "we supposed the fairest and manerliest excuse would be the Popes disallowance" (P.R.O. , S.P. 94/18(103 , Digby to James, 26 June 1611 n.s.). But a year later the "match" was still undecided. In an interview with Lerma Digby found the Duke "very testy and violent, speaking with bitterness against the new persecutions - as he termed them .~ and the putting to death of so many martyrs . .. "(P.R.O., S.P. 94719133, Digby to Cecil, 9/19 March 1611/12). According to Velasc~, therefore, Digby had recently reported more satisfaction at the Spanish court with English policy, yet these despatches (See Doc. 64, 65) offer no reason for this belief. 2 The Infanta Maria. 3 Prince Henry. 4 He considered the betrothal of Elizabeth and the Palatine still undecided. Finally aware that this protracted negotiation in Spain had already led to misapprehension in both courts Digby prepared shortly after Cecil's death " a narration how the treaty of marriage for the Prince with the Infanta betwixt his Majestie and this king hath bene hitherto carried from the beginning of my imployment . to the yssue unto which it is now brought ... " (P.R.O., S.P. 94/19/121, Digby to T. Lake, Madrid, 12 July 1612 o.s.). This original was circulated under the title "A Relation of the Carriage of the Marriages that should have bin made betweene the Prince of England and the Infanta Mayor and also after with the Younger Infanta" (S.P. 94/20/211-218v) , which has been printed in J. Gutch, Collectanea Curiosa (Oxford 1781), vol. 1, pp. 133-55 and Somers ' Tracts (London, 1809), vol. 2, pp. 492-501. In both of these books and elsewhere this important tract is wrongly ascribed to Charles Cornwallis, which make its contents unintelligible since its author speaks, as Digby would, of "myself being appointed to come as his majesty's lieger ambassador in Spain, to supply the place which had been two years vacant . . .". Here Digby insisted that England' s request for the Infanta Ana "was from the several invitations of the Spanish ambassadors" and furthermore "in this business concerning the second daughter , it never was, in any kind any motion of his majesty's but merely an offer of the king of Spain,


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which God, I conceive, appointed as a fitting and worthy means for his majesty James to make declaration .. . of his constancy and resolution in the professing and protesting of his religion ... " (See Somers' Tracts, vol. 2, p. SOl).

64. THE MARQUIS OF FLORESDAVILA TO PHILIP III. London, 2 August 1612. Original decipher, received on 18 August, 2 pages, E 2589/78. The return of Zuniga, now Marquis of Floresdavila, to England was, according to Digby, "because when hee was formerly ambassadour he had made many profers for the matching of the Infanta with the Prince of Wales which were not hearkened unto, which if his Majestie .[James] had showed any inclination to intertaine, hee had proceeded more effectually therein, having commission so to doe ...". Since the Spaniard had found "how slighte wee made of yt and with what coldeness yt was received", he could "justifie" what had since happened. (BM. Stowe Mss., vol. 172, f. 206 Digby to Edmondes, 16 March 1611 o.s.) The problem according to Philip's secret instructions to Zuniga had been that Digby had made the offer on behalf of Prince Henry too late, since Spain had already begun discussions with France, and that there had been no indication that the prince would be educated a Catholic. (Madrid, Palacio Real, Mss vol. 2183 n. fol. "De mas de 10 que en otra Instruccion ... ".)

(p.2)

+ Senor A 22 <;Ie passado Uego aqui un correo del Embaxador deste Rey que reside ahi escriue que el Duque de Lerma Ie hauia respondido que Vuestra Magestad holgaria de casar a la Senora Infanta Dona Maria con el Principe de Gales como fuesse Catolico y con menos que esto no hauia que tratar, dize este embaxador que no se contento con esto y que ablo a Vuestra Magestad y que Ie respondio 10 mismo, el Rey estubo ynpacientissimo de la respuesta diziendo que por todos sus Reynos no queria que su hijo perdiesse su alma y otras cosas a este modo. E1 Principe fue el que dijo mayores ynpertinencias y ultimamente no mere<ye la opinion que Ie dauan de aficionado a la religion Catolica. Han escrito aqui que el Duque de Saxonia 1 quiere ser Catolico y si 10 es no se casar a esta Infanta con el Pala~ino,2 sentirianlo brauamente. Aqui tienen entretenido un Secretario del Duque de


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201 4

Saboya de casarse con hermana del Duque de Florencia por que aqui no ay mas honra que tener y comer. Gu~de Nuestro Senor, etc. [Translation: ]

Sire, On the 22nd of JuLy a despatch arrived here from this king's ambassador resident there which states that the Duke of Lerma has replied that your Majesty wouLd be pLeased to marry the Infanta, Dona Maria, with the Prince of WaLes provided he was a Catholic and with Less than that there was not to be a negotiation. The ambassador said that he was dissatisfied with this and that he spoke to your Majesty and the response was the same. A t this repLy the king was most upset, as he declared that he did not want his son to Lose his souL for aLL of his reaLm and other things of this sort. The prince was speaking even more discourteousLy, indeed the report which they were spreading that he was \.VeLL inclined towards the Catholic faith was undeserved. They have written here that the JJuke of Saxony 1 would Like to be a Catholic and if this is true this princess will not marry the Palatine 2 and they will regret it deeply. They have been offering hospitality here to a secretary3 of the Duke of Savoy about a match with the sister of the Duke of Florence, 4 for here there is no honour save 'to own and to eat'. May our Lord protect, etc. 1 John George, Elector of Saxony, had previously been reported as receiving a warm reception at the Habsburg court (Winwood, Memorials, vol. 3, pp.244, 443). At this time he was said to be contemplating becoming a Catholic although previously not a member of the Catholic League (C.S.P. Venetian 1610-13, p.408) . 2 The significance of Saxony's link to the Habsburgs according to King James was that England "will be forced to return to the state of two years ago, which he was unwilling to do, that is to a union of France, the United Provinces and the Confederates of Hall ... " (Foscarini to the Doge, 9 November 1612, c.s.P. Venetian 1610-13, p. 442) . 3 Ottaviano Lotti was resident agent for the Tuscan court. In these negotiations he had been assisted by Andrea Cioli. 4 The cordial reception by Robert Cecil to these discussions on behalf of Catarina, sister of the Duke of Florence, is reported in A.M. Crino, "Projetti di matrimonio fra Medici e Stuart", Fatti e Figure del Seicento Anglo-Tuscano (Florence, 1957), pp. 261-3. The persistent difficulties arising over religion are indicated in J.D. Mackie, Negotiations between King James VI and I and Ferdinand I. Grand Duke of Tuscany (S1. Andrews, 1927), pp. 71-104. King James soon was at pains to deny that an agreement had been concluded. He explained that it was "beyond all lyklihood of trewth that wee should have promised unto the sister of Florence not only liberty of conscience to hirself and hir family, but that she should also have a publick church allotted to hir, and a monastery erected for hir sake ... " (B.M. Stowe Mss., vol 173, f. 48, James to Edmondes, Apthorpe, 4 August 1612).


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65. MARQUIS OF FLORESDAVILA TO PHILIP III. London, 2 August 1612. Original holograph with signature, 4 pages, E 2589/62.

(p.2)

+ Senor A 29 del pasado tube la segunda audiencia 1 de la Reyna embiome a deyir que me la queria dar en una casa que a la grada aqui 2 , entendio que fuera audiencia priuada para poder ablar conmigo pero tuba orden de que fuesse en presencia de algunos delconsejo y de algunas : Senoras que mandaron venir aqui la assistiessen, disela que VuestraMagestad me auia mandado que la diesse quenta de los casamientos que vuestra Magestad a echo con Francia dizome que vuestra Magestad deuia hacer todo aquel con el. por 10 mucho que Ie estimaba y Ie queria preguntarse si estaba muy contenta la Reyna rejente de Francia que Ie auian dicli.o que auia venido por alli, dizele si, respondiome que tenia rayon pues la auia dado Dios tal bentura, preguntome si la hija de vuestra Magestad auia renunciado el derecho a los estados de vuestra magestad 3 dizele que si i alagre de oillo. Hasta aqui estubo con gran autoridad, mandome que me llegasse mas y perguntome si venia tan su amigo como fui y dizele que siempre tenia el mismo desseo de seruirla, dijome que se me aui olgado mucho de la muerte del conde de Sa1zberi dizele que no por que Ie auia tenido aqui por amigo, respondiome que me aseguraba que no 10 era sino que me auia echo muy ruinos oficios con el Rey (y que era un gran vellaco y traydor (p.3) por que a ella auia intentado de reboluer con su marido y que todavia no estaua segura de las cosas que auia dicho della yo Ie respondi que me holgaria que fuese muerto pues auia hecho cosa tan mal hecha)4 respondiome toryiendo las manos que todos los diablos Ie llebassen por que el auer sido la causa de que su hijo no se casasse en Espana por sus enganos y embustes, yo auise que suplicaba a su Magestad mi diesse licencia para que en aquella parte bolbiesse por¡ el y Ie dizese libramente, que de aquello sus Magestades tenian la culpa pues no ablaron en negocio que tanto desseaban en veinte meses s y que auiendo les dicho yo y otros tantas veces que el camino de consequirle era encaminar la fe catolica y hacer al Principe catolico auiamos uisto en aquel tiempo ahorcar clerigos y quitar sus haziendas los Catolicos y perseguillos de manera que justamente puede vuestra Magestad darse por desenganado, dijome que tenia rayon y que la religion del Rey echaba a perder a sus hijos dizome que era la muy Catolica (no 10 esta mas de 10 que he dicho a Vuestra Magestad por otra carta que duplicare y hablo en la merced que me)


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desseaba hacer con que durro la audiencia mas de una hora y con auerme querido leuantar una vez me hizo estar quieto y reiasse de que los viejos que estaban alii del consejo se ubiessen a partado y arrimadose a los paredes. Despues estubo con Madamo Drumonddijome que de (p.4) parte de la reina me preguntaba en secreto a que venia, yo dize que su Magestad 10 sauia muy bien, dizome que no sino Ie dizesse si era a casarse Vuestra Magestad con la princesa que ella mi dab a la palabra de parte de la reina de tenerlo secreto, '. yo Ie jure, por todo quanto podia como christiano que no Ie pasaba a vuestra Magestad por pensamiento casarse,6 no a bastado esto para que en Tibolds no me dizese que la auia enganado, yo ia dize que el tiempo desengafiaria7 [Guarde] Nuestro Senor la catoIica persona de vuestra Magestad que como la christianidad a menester. de Londres 2 de Agosto a 1612 anos. (Autograph) EI Marques del Flores. [Translation: ]

+ Sire, On the 29th of July I had my second audience l with the queen. She sent a message to me that she would like to grant it in a residence which lies here on the embankment, 2 and I understood it would be for a private audience so as to be able to converse with me. However she arranged that it was to be in the presence of some councillors as well as some of her ladies whom she asked to come to attend. r told her that your Majesty had instructed me to inform her about the marriages that your Majesty had concluded with France and she said that your Majesty would do well to do this in view of her admiration for him. She desired to inquire if I was well pleased with the Queen Regent of France as they had told her that I had come from there. I said that I was. She replied that I was correct, for indeed God had given her such good fortune. She asked if your Majesty's daughter had renounced her claims to your Majesty's domains. 3 I said that it was so and she was pleased to hear this. Until this moment she had been [acting] with great dignity, then she asked me to come closer to inquire whether I had come as the same friend as before. I replied that I had the same desire as previously to be of service to her. She said to me that I ought to be very pleased at the death of the Earl of Salisbury and I said that such was not the case as I had considered him here as a friend. She replied that she had to assure me that it was not so as he had done many harmful things with the king (as he was a great villain and a traitor since he had planned to overthrow her place with her husband and that she was still not certain of the things he said about her. I replied that I would be pleased that he was dead had he indeed done a thing so m,aticious).4 While wringing her hands she responded that demons should carry him off as he was the reason, through his wiles and schemes, why her son was not to marry in


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Spain. I informed her that I had asked your Ma/esty for leave to return on that account to that kingdom for I would like to say frankly that on that score their Majesties were at fault. Indeed they had not mentioned a word for twenty months about an affair in which they were deeply concerned. s Meanwhile others as well as I had told them on several occasions that the road to achieve it was to advance the Catholic faith and to have the prince a Catholic yet d?lring that period we had been seeing them hanging priests and stripping Catholics of their property and persecuting them ¡ in such a way that your Majesty could properly consider himself disillusioned. She replied that I was right and that the religion of the king had deprived her children. She told me that she was quite Catholic (she is no more than what I told your Majesty in another letter of which I will send along a copy. Then I spoke of the favour she had been pleased to do for me) in that the audience had gone beyond an hour and when I wished to arise at one moment she bade me be still and she laughed that the older members of the Council there had moved aside and rested against the walls. Later I was with Lady Drummond. She said that she was asking me secretly on the queen's behalf why I had come. I responded that her Majesty was already quite aware of it. She said that she was not unless I should tell here that it was to wed your Majesty with the princess about which she gave me her word on the part of the queen to keep secret. 6 I swore by everything possible as a Christian that not even a thought of marriage had occurred to your Majesty. This was not sufficient to prevent her from remarking at Theobalds that I was deceiving her. 7 May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty as Christianity has need. From London, 2 August 1612 The Marquis of Flores [autograph] 1 i.e. 19 July o.s. This "second audience" is distinct from the earlier one with J ames and Anne. 2 Somerset House 3 For some time after the betrothals this question was debated. Opinions from theologians and lawyers whether Ana had to resign her rights to Castile to prevent the ultimate union of France and Spain are indicated in "Papeies de Francia " (B.M. Add. Mss 14,000, ff. 825-59). Digby reported that the act excluding Ana from the Spanish succession would be drawn up "by way of condition and that the king of France and the Infanta, when they are of compleat yeares, shall make a voluntary renuntiation of all right and interest. .. " (P.R.O., S.P. 94/19/25v, Digby to Lake, 12 February 1612 o.s.). Velasco informed Cecil that Ana was no longer the heiress of Castile (C.S.P. Venetian 1610-13, p. 216). 4 The italic passage is written over the original cipher. 5 This is a response to the disappointment shown over the betrothals. 6 Digby wrote: "they would willingly haue me conceaue that there are reall in tents here for this kings demanding of the Lady Elizabeth . . . the Florentine is very desirous here to haue the honor that one of their ladies may be reckoned in the number. But the strongest and most general opinion goeth for my Lady


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Elizabeth . . ." (S .P. 94/19/1 Digby to Cecil, 4 January 1611 o.s.). 7 The Archduke's ambassador reported that the English court still believed Zuniga was about to ask for the hand of Elizabeth, but the Spaniard found the discussions on behalf of the Palatine to be in progress and the domestic policy so fumly against the Catholics that he remained silent (P C 47, n. fol, Boisschot to Archduke,9 August 1612).

Addenda 1. ANTHONY DUTTON TO JOSEPH CRESWELL. Madrid, 1 August 1603. Original English holograph, 3 pages, E2S12/ 100. Anthony Dutton, who arrived at the Sp~nish court in the spring of 1603, sought to arouse interest in a pretended insurrection of English Catholics against the succession of the protestant James I. After his request for aid was rejected, this letter was written to Joseph Creswell. However his claims about Catholic armed strength are the actual background for the inquiry of Philip III to Juan de Tassis in Documents 3 and 4. See also Loomie, Guy Fawkes in Spain: .the 'Spanish Trea~.on' in Spanish Documents (Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, Special Supplement no. 9, London, 1971).

(p.2) Sir, I desire you as you are a priest and a religious man and for the confidence that is put in you that you will signifie to his Majestie and the Duke that which here I shall sett down which myself would have don yf I had language or by, another yf yt were not contrarie to my obligation and fidelitie, and to displease you. Requiring you not to conceal any word of that I write in this for respecte, which perhaps you may have, not to offend, seing with truth and sinceritie no man ought to be offended. ffirst I protest all love to his Maiestie and his, as much as any man in the earth, and by Godes grace my workes shall prove yt. 2. I am perswaded of his Maiesties ir\tention and of the rest all that you can desire. 3. I am also perswaded that you have done your best. 4. Not Withstanding I see divers thinges of ours not understood here as they be and some thinges here greatly mistaken there which by papers and relations is folly to perswade here by workes and there by some confident person, seing letters can not serve. 5. Yf I should expect tyll the e.nemyes undeceive thes persons here yt would be too late, notwithstanding I marvayle how they can imagine


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that he that was chosen to uphold heresie, wil be induced to leave the protection of theire rebells, or consent in any other thing which may not tend to the destruction of Catholikes and overthrow of Spayne. 6. I doe not hinder that thes here deffer their resolucion as long as they please, not that the others doe what they please being once informed of the truth. But I can neither with honor nor conscience permitt that the others through my faIt and negligence persist in vayne hopes tyll the occasion of the ire remedy be past. . 7. Yf they lose the ire opportunitie neither the Pope nor the King Catholike can redresse their wrongs, and may well be sory when it is too late, for they can not chuse but lose them, and yt is folly to think [p.2] the others will forbeare them for any respect of them yf they once lose the respect to themselves. 8. I did forsee and told you divers tymes they would delaye me till they heard more from theire ambassadore, and that they intended really to make their bargaine yf they could. And yt seemeth allwayes strange to me that you did not understand them, and yf you did I have just cause to complayne. If playnly they had pleased to give me only that answeare, I had bene ere this with them that sent me which had been better for all partes then to have entertayned me from Ventosilio to Escuriall and thence to Lerma, and from Lerma to Burgos, and there from daye to daye, and thence to Palencia and thence Ampudia and so hither and there as you know, which all were but delayes, not to have bene used with me and much lesse with those that sent me. 9. His Maiestie or his Councell may have reasons to expect his embassadors answeare, and I doubt not but they have: but I can have ¡ no excuse to expect yt seing I knowe what yt wil be, more or lesse, the year is overspent and great harmes may followe of my staye here, and what his Maiestie pleaseth to resolve he may doe yt at leysure, and there will not want other messengers, for alredy I have the answeare of my errand that the others must looke to theire owne securitie as they can, for I see not howe yt lyeth any more to his Maiesties hands to help them this somer, and yf God and theire hands helpe them not, his helpe I feare will not come after in time. And truly my hart hath bene light since I have seene them left to .themselves. The Pope yf he have hindered the resolution , he knoweth best upon what grounds and must answeare to God yf he have not done his duty for himselfe, but not for me yf I should also fayle of myne. 10. Besides yt will be September before the shippes sent to the Terceras 1 can returne, and then the galleys are uncertayne succour. And yf his Maiestie have disolved his levies of Italy and other forces designed for Spinola, all our hopes are vayne in his helpe, seing some other will hardly further any good for us, as I did see in my way hither,2 and he that had no hart to helpe himselfe, Ie sse he will have for an other. 11. If any of the thinges proposed can be had, we shall rest in greater obligation to the king to make recompense, but howe soever we


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[p.3] shall rest his faythfull affectionate servants, and must rather impute the want to false informations, or want of experience of some particulars, which can not be given but by work, or that God hath some other ende, then to any mans faIt here. And so I beseech you understand me and to make my humble excuse to all those with whome I have spoken this business and my want of language doth make me uncurtuous in this point not to take my leave of them as other wise I would have done. 12. For all thes reasons and others long to write, I meane God willing to depart in the beginning of the next week by post yf they will let me have horses, or otherwise by journey till I come to ffrance. I hope God who brought me hither will bring me home, and I desire you to give notice to whom yt may concerne to give me his Maiesties commandment which I shall faythfullie execute. And sory I am the tyme is not in mans hands to expecte as much as is required of me here. But the yeare is so far gone that I am ashamed and confounded seing myselfe in Spayne in August and our frends depending of my retorne, and losing many occasions, who at least knowing what they may expecte from abroaqe, may dispose of them selves and the ire busmess accordingly. I beseche you pardon me this labour with the rest I have put you unto, with desire yt may be the last occasion. This first of August 1603 Anthony Dutton 1-

2

A squadron on patrol near the Azores. He is referring, probably, to his interview with Henry IV.

Addenda 2. MEMORANDUM OF ANTHONY DUTTON TO THE COUNCIL OF STATE. Madrid, ca. 20 September 1603. Original English holograph, undated, 8 pages, E2512/81. The Spanish 'translation for the Council, in Joseph Creswell's hand, is dated 20 September 1603. Although the Council r~jected this appeal, one Councillor, the Constable of Castile, went to considerable lengths to respond to Dutton in the opening of hi~ report on the Catholics of England a year later in Document 8. [p.1] That which I desire should be represented in substance to his Maiestie touching this answear. ffirst I cannot but give his Maiestie humble thanks for the favour wherewith he hath prevented me u¡riexpected and undeserved. Not withstanding I should have bene more glad first to have returned unto


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his Maiestie some service which well I might have done in the time I have stayed here. 2. I give his Maiestie in like manner humble thanks for this answeare and think the time otherwise lost since my coming well bestowed in procuring yt, as well for the further demonstration of his Maiesties tender affection to those who love him both tenderly and constantly and esteame him aboue all other princes, as for that notwithstanding yt be far different from their expectation, yet yt discovereth the ground of all inconveniences past, and openeth the way for remedy seeing that God alriUghtie hath pleased to preserve by his divine wisdom, and the folly of his enemyes, the cause which otherwise delayes had ouerthrowne. Wherfore seeing the good successe is so contrarie to the cause of our parte I beseach his Maiestie as well for his oune respecte and securitie, as for ours, that he will oblige us no more to the like dangers and inconveniences as happened to his army of the year 1588 exposed much after the same manner to all violence of the tyme and attempts of the enemy, whilste they lost the occasions which the tyme offered, expecting from:Flanders that which was not redy. 3. I doubte not but the present weakness of the heretiks, their troubled and unsettled estate, the discontentment of all the 3 kingdoms, their want of money to arme their shippes for the present, and theire disconfidence of both Catholikes and protestants at home for different causes, and for the like, of theire neighboures about them, will oblige them to temporize for the present with all partes, and to gayne time in which consisteth the ire remedy, by faire promises and deceipt in which they are coming: but I am deceived yf his Maiestie gett anything at theire hands for himself, or for the ease and securitie of his friends, which shall not rest in the others power to (p.2) dissolve at the ire pleasure; and especially they will not yeald him the fforts of his patrimonie which they possesse, nor consent to the pacification of his rebells otherwise then for a shewe at the uttermost and in such manner that they may retorne to rebell at the enemyes pleasure. 4. Holland and Zealand are petra scandali and cause to continue frendship betwene England and -ffrance, not withstanding other occasions of disconfidence and disagreement betwene them: Wherefore seing neither of them will agree to the reduction of the rebells, and without that the peace with England wil be more hurtful then profitable to the state of Spayne, seing his Maiestie resteth still with warres in fflanders to be nourished by his enemyes, as heretofore when they professed peace (which in this case they shall enjoye with all the benefits thereof, and his Maiestie fewe or none) suffereinge in the meantyme an hereticke to settle himself in the possession of 3 kingdoms; and a newe monarchie to aryse hard by him forwarded with the same obligations to defend and increase heresie, and with the same reasons that Spayne is obliged to defend the Catholike religion, and with so great gayne to themselves, not only in his East and West Indies, and lowe countries, but also in his continent of Spayne and Portugall,


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as experience of the late yeares dothe teache, when England alone and governed by a woman and divided in ytself by different religions, durst make war agaynst Spayne, yt is much to be considered, yf his Maiestie should now permytt the heretykes to prevayle and oppresse the Catholikes and joyne the power of the 3 kingdoms in one, uppon any hopes and promises of fayre weather, what they will dare and be able to doe hereafter with the helpe of theire confederates as ill affected as themselves to Spayne and to the house of Austria, when his Maiestie alone must beare the brunt, destitute of the occassions and meanes which now facilitate that which hereafter will be impossible , and of those which now have both desire and abilitie to serve him. [p.3] 5. His Maiestie may see that they have done all that which his Maiestie desired consenting unto the delaye, and refusing all offers rather than to break with his Maiestie in which he may see both their valoure, and theire fidelitie, and the regard to theire word in which I desire they may find correspondence, which no doubt God will prosper, as he hath prospered the ire faythful patience disposing of them better then men could imagyne, seing their delaye and sufferance only for the respect of his Maiestie in the occasions they haue had, hath bene mere temeritie, and is, then to attempt alone the good success of their busines before the occasion be passed. 6. It is most true, that which was touched in the answeare, that of no nation they can hope for so good correspondence as of Spayne, nor on the other side, so bad as of that which the heretickes have introduced upon them, whilste they refused other healpes, yea and omytted to healpe themselves, trusting to the promises of them whom they most loued and esteemed and in consequence now no less obliged then they in honor and interest, as the tyme will prove, howsoever things succeeded, for yf they prosper Spayne will flourish, and yf they perishe and the heretikes prevayle, the monarchie of Spayne will find so great contrapoyses as yt wil not be able to continue. 7. Moreover his Maiestie is to consider that some persons out of England have given divers demonstrations that they desire the remedie of that countrie by other meanes then by the assistance of Spayne, that the disconfidence of the king of Scotland and his frends in all those that had ther hand in this late conspiracie (which in no case they will leave to profanatie) for the same reason in a country so revolted, and considering the generall aversion for the king; yf once they bring their matters to a head they will have many followers, and of those who have vehement desire rather to depend of Spayne then of any other nation ; but when they shall see that others healpe them in deed, and their frends only in expectation, the occasion will be great, and not in theire hands who have most devotion and affection to Spayne to withhold the multitude. [pA] 8. It is good his Maiestie be advertised how much yt importeth him to conserve his frends in hart and opinion of his correspondence and not to loase them, of whose harts he is assured by


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experience of so many yeares, and with so many and so great reasons of mutual good will, for newe frendship of those who in hart be his mortall enemyes as their workes doe testefie and of long time hath done, and for the present whatsoever they should promise are to be beleaved as enemyes without fayth to God or affection to his Maiestie; and therefore yt importeth him so to animate his frends and keep his frends forces and willes united, as with his healpe (yf tyme permitt yt) they may healpe themselves or, without yt (yf the occasion so require) in such sort as they may expect yt with securitie and not weary them with delayes, nor bring them into subjection to the comon enemye, which neither they nor his maiestie afterwards may be able to remedy when the occasion is past. 9. ffrom¡ my first"' coming into Spayne I began to doubt (by the manner of doubtful proceeding) that which nowe this answeare doth manifest, though before I could not penetrate yt so far as I durst affirm yt though I had a vehement suspicion especially perceaving his Maiesties sincere affection and good will to our frends, by the gracious answeare he gave me in Burgos, and the like in as many of the counsell as I spake withal, and on the other side findinge soe manye delayes in the resolucion, and so small and cold effects, not correspondent to the good will professed, and which in truth I am perswaded they really bear us, I began to suspect that which yt hath pleased his Maiestie now to discover, that the desconfidence of our frends abilitie to helpe themselves, and so concurre with his Maiestie now in the redresses of their com on wrongs hath bene the cause of their unequal proceeding; which not withstanding I must needs confess in part excusable seing the others doe nothing for their owne remedy but as men without courage or force suffer wronges of a weake enemy so many yeares together; yet on the othe¡r side yf yt had pleased his Maiestie to have declared himself sooner, he" might sooner have bene satisfied, not withstanding (as I see God protecteth the cause) I hope that all wil be for the best. [p.5] 10. It is necessarie that his Maiestie be enformed of the true causes of our sufferance with so little demonstation of resistance, esspecially in these later yeares; first the expectation of better occasion¡ fron tyme to tyme, seing the number of frends to increase dayly, caused them not to resolve to doe that which many tymes they might. Secondly, the persuation of the religious and priests, who according to the ire profession labored allwayes to animate them to suffer for the ire religion with patience, rather than to seek unduly remedy of their wrongs, which persuasion not Withstanding that then yt had some force for the authorite of the persons, and the circumstances of the olde queene without successor, yet nowe the case is altered and requireth us to use the same magnanimitie to procure present remedy which then moved to suffer at leysure. Thirdly there concurred with the other twoe, the continuall expectation of some succor from Spayne whereby getting the forhand to effectuate with assurance and without probable resistance, that which otherwise might require violence and bring a


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general war and this expostulation grounded in reason and promise, made them not only to forbear to make tryall of theire owne meanes, but also to neglect the offers of others for the vehement inclination and desire to depend only in this action of our olde frends whose intention we know to be sincere where others that would healpe us seeke the ire owne comodotie and therfore both honor and reason have drawne us to these delayes in hope of correspondence: in which hope we have adventured long, and especially at the Queenes death and in this late occasion: unwilling to doe anything which might be displeasing to his Maiestie or contrarie to his will and direction, which still we desire to continue, and so far forth as yt bringeth not upon us our owne overthrowe, and the ruyne of the cause. 11. The delayes past upon his Maiesties part (.as appeareth by this answear) hath bene grounded principally upon the disconfidence of our forces; and this for want of dewe information, which nowe in any case is to be remedied; and here by this way is to be ohserved howe the heretikes amongst [p.6] other policies and decepte have procured indirectly by dyvers wayes, by meanes of Nuncios and embassadors of Princes wrong enformed to introduce twoe false opinions in the court of Rome and other places. The one that Catholikes weare not persecuted for religion, but for matter of estate; and the other that they were fewe in number and of small power; thereby to abate in the Popes and Catholike princes the affection to their cause; and their desire to assist them whome themselves most feared, and therefore undertake the assistance of fflanders, and other desperate attempts in Spayne and in the Indies to divert all success from the Catholikes at home, but because those who have bene judges comonly of thes different infonnations giuen by Catholikes with truth and sinceritie, and by heretikes or such as have been abused and deceived by them, could not for the most parte for wante of particular experience of things not seene nor practiced, determyne which weare founded in truth and which in error or intention to deceaue: they haue remained (as it seemeth) with doubtful and fearfull opinions as men half satisfied, who consequently must cause remiss and mutable resolutions, changing easely theire purpose and promises uppon every newe accident or rumor, as hath bene seene, which in no case had come to pass yf they had bene grounded upon certayne knowledge and experience. 12. The remedy of this inconvenience (which in my opinion is and hath bene of all the rest, which both we in England and his Maiestie and his father before him, hath suffered by the English heretickes in fflanders and in the Indies, etc.) is absolutely necessary and very easy to be putt, seing now it is knowne, for yf yt please his Maiestie to send back with me into England, some person of confidence, I shall procure, him particular and entire information of the whole state which his publicke ambassadors can not give him and being once knowen there and here believed, I dare undertake the Counsell will not judge for timeritie that which we would and might have undertaken of ourselves I


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if we had not relyed and depended upon the succore and directions for Spayne: and yet may doe whether we find assistance of others or not. 13. Yet would I wish for benefitt of both parts, and for the con tinuance of the good oppinion and hopes of those "who both nowe and hereafter may doe his Maiestie more service then he can receive by what so ever peace he can patch up withheretickes: and that they may haue more [p.7] courage to continue their good wille and dependance, seing some correspondence in doubte: that yt might please his Maiestie to command the present and secrett execution of that which long agoe was promised by way of Spinola, whose othe of secresie may be taken and yf yt can be secretly delivered here there is no doubt but the others will keepe yt secret, when the secresie importeth a hundred tymes more then his Maiestie who suffereth no inconvenience though yt should come to be knowne: seing yt is only the performance and payment of that which was disbursed by his Maiesties order, and by him appointed to be payde many monthes before the olde Queene dyed, and being satisfied will encourage the others to enlarge themselves the second tyme much more then the first, all which will turne to his Maiesties service more than ten tymes as much bestowed in bying of heretikes or pollitikes good will, who will receive his money and deceive him afterwards when they see theire tyme, being most certayne that no faythfull or permanent peace can be respected whilst Calvinists, mortale enemyes of the Pope and Spanyard, governe in England. And whosoever thinketh the contrary, this tyme will testifie that he is yll enformed and deceived. 14. Secondly and much more yt will be convenient to oblige and assure those" who have long desired and nowe are more able then ever, they sware to do his maiesties many and notable services, and so remove all suspicions and discourse, which the manner of some procedinge in tymes past hath made probable to many and the late and present delayes, not a litle confirmed: that yt may please his Maiestie to appoynt some writing to be made with the date (yf yt pleases him) from the tyme yt was here concluded under othe and obligation of secret, for as much as toucheth this circumstance yf his Maiestie so please, wherein imediately for himself he may assure and give authoritie to the Catholikes of England in that which about twoe yeares agoe he bestowed uppon them so bountefully by meanes of the pope for advancement of Catholike religion"; which with far greater reason and honor may nowe be done, then to condescend upon any conditions what soever that an Intruder, an heretike his enemy, should enjoy yt' ag<iinst his will, with so great damage to the whole state of Christendome, and eminent dannger to the monarchie [p.8] of Spayne and all his Majesties posteritie, with perpetuall note and dishonor to all those who have bene partakers of so notable a weakness, which must nee de bringe on many other evyll consequents yet not thought of: rathefby this other way his Maiestie shall reape immortall glorie and great benefit to his kingdomes and posteritie, bestowing that liberally


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uppon his frends which otherwise he can take from his enemyes. 15. I desire much that this Maiestie should looke upon the infortunate success of fflanders, every yeare worse then other and like to continue, whilst the crowne of England is possest by heretikes, and the like in his Armyes and other attempts which we in England doe see and heare of with extreame griefe of hart and impu te to the iust and fatherly punishment of God, for want of due concurrance and fay th fu 11 proceding in the remedy of his cause, comon to both, in which his maiesties ffather of pious memorye and his Counsell when he was king of England, and so great parte to leave the Crowne in the hands of heretikes, as this of Spayne resteth with particular obligation in honor and iustice to assist us by all meanes possible in the remedy: which I doubt not but will safely be putt, when yt shall please his Maiestie and his Counsell, when yt shall please them to satisfie themselves who the ire frends be, of what they are able to doe either with his maiesties healpe or without yt, when they shall resolve to attempt the remedy of their wrongs of themselves, or with healpe of others (being forced therunto by the delayes here, and the despayre which of necessitie will followe) and appart not only them but all the world from Spayne. Yf they should continue (which God forbid) and so the mischiefes and miseries which are like to followe in Christendome, whereof I could not do lesse but remember to his Maiestie and his Counsell, not doubting but with theire great wisdome and providence they will attend to the remedy whilst it is possible. And so I doubt not but God will healpe us and that within fewe dayes we shall see and enioye the generall and happy peace of Christendome so long desyred and not obtayned, because yt hath bene procured by wrong courses and in some parte destitute of justice, as I have touched aboue, and may be safely proued, and therefore unpleasing to God, as so long and so contrarie successes doe testifie, etc. Anthony Dutton


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INDEX 1. The documents are indexed for both English and Spanish versions. 2. An asterisk ( * ) signifies more than one entry on a page. 3. Footnotes are indicated by the abbreviation "n". 4. Catholic priests are indicated by the abbreviation Rev. for the Reverend. 5. Books have been given a common entry under that word, with the name of the author and the proper page for the title indicated. Blackwell, Rev. George, 65 , 67, 69n; Abbot, George, Archbishop, 170, See also Archpriest 1 71 *, 1 92, 194 Boisschot, Ferdinand, 186, 187, 188, Aguila, Juan de, xv 190*,205n Albert, Archduke, xv*-xviii, 1, 10-11, Books, see under authors, Bellarmine, 12n, 17,18,19,53*,61*,71,186, 121 *n; Caton, 97n; Creswell, 174; 187, 190 Illescas, 43n; James I, 97n, 121n, Alcock, Walter, 131, 132, 137, 141*, 127, 129n; Persons, 121n; Wielif, 144, 146 112n; Yepez, 174 Aldobrandino, Pietro, Cardinal, 27 Borghese, Cardinal, 170n Aliases, identified in each document; see Salisbury, Earl of, "Beltenbras"; Boste, Rev. John, 142n; Richard, 134, Northampton, Earl of, "EI ad"; 139, 142n, 144, 146 . Suffolk, Countess of, "Roldan"; Bouillon, Duke of, 188 Suffolk, Earl of, "Malgesi" Boulo2lle, conference at, 2, 6, 52*, Ana, Infanta, d. of Philip III, 51, 58, 59* 107*, 192, 195, 202, 203; see also Brown, Charles, 134, 140, 145, 147 Marriage Negotiations Brydges, see Chandos Anhalt, Count of, 184, 185 Buckhurst, see Sackville Anne, Queen, wife of James I, xxi, 8n, Burghley, Thomas Cecil, 2nd Lord, 4, 7 34, 42, 44n, 51, 58, 62n, 74*, 79, Butler, Henry, 132, 137, 141n, 143, 81, 125*, 127*, 168, 190*, 145 202-203 Byrd, William, 142n Aiiover, Rodrigo Nmo y Lasso, Count . Campbell, Rev. Christopher, 182n of, 129*-130 Caron, Noel, xvii Aragon, Blasco de, 149, 151 *n Carthusians, English foundation, 131, Arbella Stewart, 91 *-92* 136, 141n, 143, 145 Archpriest, 45, 46,71 *, 72n, 104, 114, Castro, Francisco de, 158*, 159*, 160, 115, 178, 181 198 Armada, of 1599, xix Arostegui, An tonio de, xxiii, xxvin Catholics of England, Special report of Constable, 26 ff.; of Velasco, 160 Arundel, Lady Anne Dacres, Dowager Countess of, 1-2; Thomas Howard, ff.; of Perez, 176 ff.; possible insurrection, 12-17, 205 ff., Earl of, 1, 86n, 193, 196 differences among, 29, 36; fines Aytona, Gaston de Moncada, Marquis paid, 87, 190*; policy of James I, of, 104, 105*, 124, 125 46, 63-64, 82; enforcement of laws, 163*-164*, 170, 171, 176*, 179* Baldwin, Rev:William, 160, 161 (see also Penal Laws); treatment Ball, John, 78*n, 86, 87 after 1610,183*,191* (see also Bancroft, Richard, Archbishop, xviii, 2, 5, 156, 157 Executions) Beaumont, Achille de Harlay, Count Cecil, see Salis bury of, 1, 72n Chamberlain, George, 132, 137, 141n, Bellarmine, Saint Robert, 119, 120, 145,147 Chambers, Anthony, 130, 136, 141n, 121n 145, 147; James, 134, 140, 144, Benedictines, see St. Benedict, Order of 146 Bentley, Edward, 133, 138, 142*n, Champney, Rev. Anthony, 70, 71, 72n 144, 146; Frederick, 133, 138, 144, Chandos, Grey Brydges, 5th Baron of 146 Birkhead, Rev. George, 115, 116n 2,5,8n

215


216

INDEX

Chapels of embassies: xiv, 98,99,113, 115, 122, 123*, 149*, 150*, 161 *, 171 *, 173*, 178, 180, 186*, 187*; see also Cornwallis; Highgate Charles V, emperor, xxiii Cheyney, Henry, 135, 140, 142n, 145, 147 Chisholm, William, bishop, 74*, 75n Clement VII, pope. 29, 37 Clement VIII, pope. xvi, 21, 22, 27, 43n, 104* Cleves-JuIich, dispute over, 183*, 184n Coffyn, Roger, 134, 140, 142n, 144, 146 Colford, Gabriel, 133, 139, 142*n 144, 146 Coniers, George, 134, 139, 144,146 Conscience, Freedom of, 16-17n, 20, 35 , 43 , 63,66 , 175* , 201n * Constable of Castile, see Frias Consul of San Locar, 23*-26 Cornwallis, Charles, xviii, 124, 125, 127, 129n; and embassy chapel in Spain, 149, 150-151n Cort, Thomas, 132, 137, 141n, 144, 146 Coton Rev. Pierre, 94*, 96, 97n Council of State of Spain, xv-xvii, xxiii * Creswell, Rev. Joseph, 14, 16, 17, 63, 66 , 174,205,207 Cumberland, George Clifford, 3rd Earl of, 3,7, 9n Davis, William, consul, 23*-26; Rev. William, 93*-97n ~n,John,consul 26n Denis, Gabriel, 133, 138, 142n, 144, 146 Derby, Ferdinando Stanley , Earl of, 8n Digby, John, xv, 48, 174, 198*, 199n Douai, English College, 65, 68 Drummond, Lady Jane, 147, 148, 203, 204 Drury, Rev. Robert, 93*-97n Dutch Provinces, relations with France, xvii; with England, xviii; truce with, 51 , 53 *, 58, 60* Dutton, Anthony , 13n, 205-213 Edmondes, Thomas 1, 183 *n Egerton, Thomas, 2, 5, 8n Elizabeth d. of James 1. 124* , 198*; see also Marriage Negotiations Elizabeth I. queen. 29, 37, 50, 52,56, 58 Elphinstone, James, 4, 8 Escalona, Juan Fernandez-Pacheco, Duke of, 45-47n, 71, 72n, 84 Executions, Spanish reports of, 93 ff.,

117 ff., 164 ff., 196 ff. Famsley, Samuel, 133, 139, 144, 146 Fawkes, Guy, 1, 13n, 205 Fenn, John, 135, 140, 144, 146 Fleming, Thomas, lOOn Florence, marriage negotiations at, 198, 199, 201*n Fortescue, John, 2, 6, 9n Foscarini, Antonio, 186, 187 Fowler, Francis, secretary, 193, 196 Franqueza, Pedro de, 73 Frias, Juan de Velasco, Duke of; Constable of Castile. xx, instructions to, 20; in London, 26-27, 45, 46; reports on England, 28 ff., 48, 50, 55, 57, 62*n, 207 Gage, Richard, 135, 140, 144, 146 Gamet, Rev. Henry, 1,45, 47n, 65 , 67, 80, 82, 83n; 'straw', 109, 110, 112n; Rev. Thomas, 118*, 119, 120, 121n Gervaise. Rev. George, 118*-119n Giustiniano, Zorzi, 112n Green, Richard, 132, 137, 142n, 145, 147 Groote, Louis de, 156n 170 Gunpowder Plot, 1, 13n , 81-83, 110, 112, 205; see also Garnet; Fawkes; Dutton Henry IV. king. xv, xvii, 30, 37, 45 , 46n , 101, 106 Henry VIII. king. 29, 30,36,37, 112n Henry, Prince of Wales, 31 , 39, 51,58, 126, 128; see also Marriage Negotia tions Herbert, John, 3, 6 Highgate, Embassy chapel at, 149, 151 , 152n Hoboken, Baron de, 101 * Home, George, 4, 7, 88, 90 Hoskins, Raphael, 131, 137, 141n, 145, 147 Howard, Lord William, of Naworth, 85, 86n; see also Suffolk, Countess and Earl of IlIescas, Gonzalo de, 31, 38, 43n Infanta, see Ana; Isabella; Maria Ireland, 62, 1 03n; troops sen t to, 115, 116n; Tyrone, Earl of, 114, 115, 117,118 Isabella, Infanta. Archduchess of Low Countries, xv*-xvii James I, king, attitude to Catholics, 20-22, 50, 56, 93, 95; Constable's opinion of, 31-33, 39-41, 44n ; and


INDEX Paul V, 73, 75, 76, 79, 81; and Savoy marriage, 113, 114, 124, 125; Apologia of, 121n, 129n; and France 55, 62, 115; as leader of Protestants, 183*-184* Jesuits in England, 14, 16-18, 30, 38, 63, 178, 181 Joinville, Prince de, 101, 102* Joseph, William, 135, 140, 144, 146 Kinloss, Robert Bruce, Lord of, 4, 8, 88,90 Knollys, William, 3, 6 Lake, Thomas, 88, 90 Law, Thomas, 134, 140, 142n, 144, Le Fevre de la Boderie, Antoine, 94, 96, 101 *, 102* Lenox, Ludovic Stewart, Duke of, 4, 7 Lerma, Duke of, 124, 198, 199n Lewkenor, Louis, 109, 112n, 194, 197 Ligh (Lee?), Nicholas, 132, 138 , 144, 146 . Ligon, Ralph, 132, 138, 142n, 144, 146 Lorraine, Duke of, 78, 80, 83n Mallaine, Jean de, 83n , 107n Mar, Thomas Erskine, Earl of, 4, 8 Maria, Infanta, d. of Philip III, 198, 199 Marie de Medicis, Dowager Queen of France, 183*,. 184n, 188*, 189*, 202, 203 Markham, Griffin, 130, 136, 141n, 145, 146 Marriage Negotiations, between England and Spain, 51, 58 , 62*n , 107*, 109, 111, 198, 199, 202, 204; between England and Savoy, 108, 113, 159, ff., 168, 198-199; between France and Spain, 192, 195 Mathias, Archduke, 92 Medina Sidonia, Alonso Perez de Guzman, Duke of, 23*-26 Mompesson, Lawrence, 132-33, i38, 144, 146 Monson, William, 147, 148 Montagu, Henry, 121n Morin, Nicolo, xvii Mountjoy, Charles Blount, Lord, 4, 7, 9n Neale, Richard, 112n Newport, Rev. Richard, 192*, 195* Northampton, Henry Howard, Earl of, 4, 7, 9n, 86n, 108, 110, 126, 128, 147, 148, 156, 157, 190*, 191

217

Northumberland, Henry Percy, Earl of, 3,6 NottinJdtam, Charles Howard, Earl of, 2, f, 48, 86 Oath of AUegiance, 101 *, 107n, 113, 115, 117, 118, 154*, 155*, 176, 179 Oliv;ues, Count Duke of, xxiii Onate, Count of, 126,128 Owen Hugh, I, 131, 1~6, 141n, 143,145 Palatine, Frederick IV, 162n Parliament, session of 1606,77, 78;of 1607,99, lOOn; of 1608,113,114; of 1610, 152*, 153*n, 155, 156, 157, 163*, 164*, 176, 179; of 1621, xiv, xix Paul V, pope, xxi, 72n, 73*, 84, 85, 174, 168*, 169; and Savoy marriage, 124, 159*, 160, 198, 199; letter to James I, 78-79, 81-83n; and oath, 101-102, 117, 118,125,127 Pemberton, James, 171, 172, 173 Penal Laws, enforcement of, xx, 45, 46, 49, 55, 70, 71, 77, 78, 119-121n, 182*n Pensions, for English courtiers, 5-8, 54*, 61 *, 76*, 88, 90, 113, 114, 147; for English exiles, 129 ff., 135 ff.; for English clergy, 65, 67 Percy, Charles, 3, 6, 9n Perez, Rev. Agustin, 164, 166, 167n, 174,175 Persons, George, 133-134, 139, 144, 146; Rev. Robert, 17*-19, 45-47, 63,66, 104,105,120, 121n Philip III, king, policy to English Catholics, xV*, xxi-xxii, instruction to Zuniga, 48 ff.; reaction to Savoy marriage, 168, 169; marriage of, 203, 204, 205n; see also Paul V Pigott, Christopher, 98n Pius V, pope, 37 Popham, John, 3, 6, 97n Prada, Andres de, xxiii, xxvi, 14, 15, 23,24,124 Proclamations, 51, 5'8, 62n, 154, 155, 156n Puritans, 20, 22, 29*, 32, 36*, 40 Ravis, Thomas, bishop, 119n Reform of Spanish pensions, 129*-30 Reynold, John, 132, 137, 142n, 144, 146 Roberts, Rev. John, 162, 163, 164-167,168,169,192,194 Rochester, Robert Carr, Viscount, 191, 193, 196


218

INDEX

Rougeley, Francis, 134, 139, 145,147 Sackville, Thomas, Lord Buckhurst, Earl of Dorset, 2, 5, 8n, 86n; Thomas, son of above, 2, 5, 8n Salisbury, Robert Cecil, Earl of, instructions to Digby, xv; pension of, 113, 114, 147; and Paul V, 75,75, 79, 81; denounced by Queen Anne, 202*-203; and Savoy, 198, 201 *n; and persecution, 156, 157, 161, 162*,163*,192,194; and embassy chapel, 172, 173, 186, 187; death of, 191 *; attitude to Spain, xvii, 3, 6, 44n, 51, 58, 70, 71, 72n, 86, 87, 89,91,94,96,107,108,109, Ill, 119,120,152, 190* St. Benedict, Order of, 30, 38, 178, 181; nuns in Brussels, 131, 136, 141n, 143, 145 St. George, Brotherhood of, 23*-26 St. Orner, foundation at, 18, 20n, 65, 67 San Lucar de Barrameda, 23 *-26 Savoy, court at, xx, 107, 108, 128, 159, 160, 163*, 168*, 169, 184, 185, Saxony, John George, Elector of, 183, 184n, 200, 201n Scot, Rev. William, or Dom Maurus de Sagahun, 192*, 195* Scotland 62n 98n, 126, 128, 129n, 178, 181, 182n Secretariate of State in Spain, xxiii*-xiv Seville, College at, 65, 68 Shrewsbury, Gilbert Talbot, Earl of, 2, 5, 9n, 86n Sliford, Richard, 133, 139, 144, 146 Southampton, Henry Wriothesley, Earl of, 4,8, IOn Spencer, Lady Alice, 8n Spifame, Samuel, Sieur de Buisseaux, 186, 187 Spiller, Henry, 1; Robert, 1 *-2* Spinola, Federico, 1, 212 Stanhope, John, 3, 6 Stanihurst, Richard, 133, 138, 142n, 144, 146 Stanley, William, 1, 130, 135, 141n, 143, 145 Sterill, William, 2, 6, 9n Stocker, George, 134, 140, 142n, 144, 146 Stonor, John, 133, 139, 142n" 144, 146 Studder, Thomas, 131, 136, 141n, 142n, 145, 146 Suffolk, Catherine Howard, Countess of,xviii,62n, 70, 71,79,81,89,90,

95, 96, 107, 108, 110, 119, 120, 147, 152, 153, 156, 157, 190*; Thomas Howard, Earl of, 3, 7, 86n, 107,108,156, 157, 193, 195 Tassis, Juan de, see Villa Mediana; Juan Bautista de, ambassador to France, 10 Taylor, Robert, (Doctor Utriusque Juris), 9n, lOn, 17n, 80, 82, 83n, 86, 8~ 119, 12~ 147 Rev. Oswald, alias Tesimond, Greenway, 82, 83n Throckmorton, Clement, 133, 138, 144, 146 Tilletson, Rev. Francis, 103*n Torres, Juan de, 132, 138, 142n, 145, 147 Treaty of London, (1604), xvi, 20, 22, 26n, 66, 68 Troops, for Low Countries, 51, 58, 62n, 63n, 65, 67, 68n, 70, 71, 72n, 183*; for invasion, 206-207; for Ireland, 115, 116n Tyrone, Hugh O'Neil, Earl of, 114, 115, 117, 118 Valladolid, College at, 65, 68, 97n Vaughan, Richard, bishop, lOOn Velasco, Alonso de, 147*, 154* Verstegan, Richard, 1, 142n Villa Mediana, Juan de Tassis, Count of, instruction; for, xix; life of, 10*; and Arbella, 91; see also 1 *,48,49, 50*, 53, 55, 57*,60,69, 74, 103, 173 Villeroy, Nicolas de Neufville, Sieur de, 183* Walpole, Saint Henry, 1; Rev. Michael, 17*-19; Rev. Richard, 63, 66, 68n Ward, William, 131, 136-137, 141n, 144, 146 Watten, 18-20n Wmtour, Thomas, 17n; see also Gunpowder Plot Worcester, Edward Somerset, Earl of, 2,6, 9n, 86n, 156, 157 Worseley, John, 131, 137, 141n, 144, 146 Wotton, Edward, Lord, 3,6, 86n, 158* Xanten, peace of, 184, 185 Yepez, Diego de, bishop, 174 Zouche, Edward La, Lord, 4, 7 Zuniga, Pedro de, later Marquis of Floresda vila , xviii, 48*, 106, 147, 200 ff.

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