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Vol. XLVIII

The Catholic Record Society was tounded 10th June 1904, for printing Registers and other old Records of the Faith, chiefly personal and genealogical, . ince the Reformation in England and Wales


BLESSED THOMAS WHITBREAD, S.]. (From the Painting at Stonyhurst College) .


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PART I EDITED

BY

Professor T. A. BIRRELL . M.A., WITH TRANSLATION BY THE

Reverend John Bligh, S.J. LONDON 1953

PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY JOHN WHITEHEAD & SON LTD., LEEDS


Editor's Introduction BIOGRAPHICAL

OUTLINE.

John Warner, the author of this history, was born in 1628, the third son of Robert Warner of Ratcliffe, Co. Warwick. * He was educated in Spain and ordained priest there, probably at Seville. He then went to Douay, at that time under the Presidency of George Leyburne, and in 1657 became Professor of Philosophy, and from 1658-1662 Professor of Divinity.~ In 1662 he entered the Society of Jesus, and in 1667 was appointed Professor of Theology at Liege. It is not known at what date he went on the English mission, but in 1672 he went to Paris as Procurator, and there made his profession of the four vows, which was ,lVitnessed by several distinguished personalities, including Abbot Montagu, Dr. Gage and Fr. Gough. ~ While occupied at Paris as Procurator, he also undertook the offices of spiritual director to the Benedictine convent at Pontoise and to the" Blue Nuns" at Paris. § In 1675 he was present at Paris with Abbot Montagu and Fr. Stephen Gough at the discussion between John Sergeant and Bp. Peter Talbot, which was to have such an important influence in determining Sergeant's future course of action . ~ In the same year there was with Warner in the Rue St. Antoine the foolish St. Germain, who mentions him in his letters. St. Germain endeavoured to conceal from Warner his futile intriguing, and Warner's only correspondence from Coleman seems to have been in the form of professional newsletters. * In December 1677 Warner left his Procurator's post in Paris,~~ and early in 1678 was installed as Rector of Liege. ~~ The outbreak of the Popish Plot in England brought with it the imprisonment of Fr. Whitbread, the Provincial, and the consequent lack of communication with England. Warner was created ViceProvincial, § § and after the martyrdom of Fr. Whitbread was made Provincial in December 1679.~~ During his tenure of office the Province passed through one of the most difficult

*

*

C.RS., viii, 431; and Foley, Collectanea, p. 816 . , C.RS., xi, 539. :t Westminster Archives, vol. 34, f. 179; and Dodd, iii, 49l. § C.RS., viii, 21; vi, 65; and Westminster Archives, vol. 34, f. 327 sq. ~ Blackloanae Haeresis (1675), p. 312. H.M.C., Fitzherbert MSS., pp. 72, 80, 82, 92, 98, lII, ll2. " C.R.S., vi, 68 . :I::I: Foley, Collectanea, p . 817 . § § Warner, MS . History, inj. f . 48. ~ ~ Foley, v, 284 .

**


VI

INTRODUCTION

periods in its history, and Warner's career during that time will be traced in more detail in a separate section below. In June 1682 he attended the twelfth General Congregation at Rome, and it was there that he met Fr. Matthias Tanner, S.J.. and arranged for the materials contained in the Annual Letters of that period (chiefly written by Warner himself) to be adapted for use in Fr. Tanner's Brevis Relatio.* In 1683, at the end of his tenure of office as Provincial, Warner was appointed Rector of St. Omers, and in 1686 he was gazetted as Chaplain to King James II. During the period of his appointment he took the opportunity of completing his history of the Popish Plot. ~ 'Varner's adventures at the Revolution have been made much of by Sir John Pollock.:I: The two sources of information on this subject are the Annual Letters (quoted by Foley) and the petition of Andrew Dyer of Gravesend. Dyer says ยง that at Gravesend on 12 December 1688 he arrested Fr. Warner, " an Irish priest," and Miles Prance, both of whom were waiting in a boat to be rowed out to a hoy bound for Dunkirk. The hoy was brought to shore, and many papist passengers were arrested. Dyer sent to the Lords Committee at Whitehall for special instructions concerning Warner and Prance (presumably because he knew of their importance). In the meantime Prance had escaped and been retaken, and Warner had been released through the personal intervention of King James on his return from Rochester. (Thus the Annual Letters. ~ Dyer merely says that the Mayor allowed Warner to escape, but kept his belongings.) It is not therefore made clear whether Prance was, in fact, Warner' s travelling-companion. The fact that they were arrested together proves little, for Gravesend was an obvious "bottleneck" for people fleeing to the Continent at such a time, and the fact that they did not attempt to escape together suggests that they were not travelling together. The Annual Letters indicate that Warner had a travelling-companion (described as a "noble youth," which hardly fits Prance) on his second attempt to reach the Continent. It could not in any case have been Prance, for he was back in Gravesend Gaol. On the evidence, the probability inclines slightly against \Varner and Prance travelling together; but if indeed they were, it merely shows Warner's kindness in helping the repentant Prance. To claim, as does Sir John Pollock, that" Prance had been throughout one of the most astute and

*

Foley, v, 284; and Stonyhurst Papers, Glover Transcripts, MS. E.I. 16, f. 202. ~ Foley, v, 284; and P raenotanda, MS. History A (see Appendix I). :I: The Popish Plot (1903), p. 165. ยง H.M.C., House of Lords MSS. 1689-90, pp. 61, 62. ~ Foley, v, 286; and Stonyhurst Papers, Glover Transcripts, MS. E.I. 16, f. 132 sq.


INTRODUCTION

Vll

audacious of the Je uit agents, and Warner must have been perfectly aware of the fa~t," is to allow fancy to go a good deal further than the facts wIll warrant. After being released from Gravesend, Warner again attempted to escape to the Continent, but the master of the ship in which he was sailing put back to shore and Warner was again arrested, and this time committed to the County Gaol at Maidstone, where he remained for about a month . He was released from there auctoritate Comitis Salisburiae (presumably a copying error for Shrewsburiae) Secretarii Status sub Auriaco qui olim Catholice educatus juvenis Parisiis sub istius Patris tutelae fuerat." (The archives of Gravesend and Maidstone have nothing to add to our information.) Warner escaped to the Continent successfully this time, and followed James II on his campaigns in Ireland. He returned with James to St. Germain's after the latter's defeat, and died there 2 November 1692, aged 64 .~ tc

*

WARNER AND THE PLOT.

Warner's activities during the period of the Popish Plot may be considered under three aspects: (a) First and foremost there "is his organization and administration of the English Province S.] . during one of the most difficult periods in its existence. The fullest picture of this can be gleaned from vVarner's MS . Letter- and Note-book.:I: His chief consideration was to maintain the colleges in the Low Countries although deprived of financial assistance from England, and to resume the flow of missionaries to England as soon as the first fury of the Plot had subsided. ยง Furthermore he undertook the task of collecting what information he could obtain from England about the state of the mission there, and of organizing what temporal relief was possible for the Fathers of the Society who were in prison. This side of his activities merits fuller treatment in a general history of the Province when the relevant documents are made available. (b) Of more general interest is the extent of Warner's controversial writings during the Plot. If we except L'Estrange (who was not a Catholic, and whose interests were specifically political), the two works of Castlemaine, and a few other anonymous pamphlets, Warner emerges as the major Catholic pamphleteer in his sustained and consistent attack on the structure

* Stonyhurst Papers, Glover Transcripts, MS . B.!. 16, f. 123. it Foley, CoUectanea, p. 817.

=

U.L.C., MS. LL i, 19. ยง In a letter of 21 July 1680 he urges that the sending of missionaries to England be resumed, though with strict precautions as to the secrecy of their departure and arrival (Stonyhurst MS ., Anglia V, no. 97).


INTRODUCTION

111

'of the Plot.

*

He exposed the character of the prosecution witnesses, demonstrated the gross unfairness of the trial of Green, Berry and Hill, examined in detail the inherent improbabilities of Oates's Narrative, gave a straightforward account of what the April ÂŤ consult" really was, and defended the veracity of the scaffold speeches of the Jesuit martyrs. The modern reader may not appreciate the importance which was attached to the defence of these scaffold speeches. They had been published (with suitable ÂŤ animadversions ") by governmental authority and had achieved wide circulation. (This was a tactical blunder comparable in modern times with the publication, by the Mexican government, of the photographs of the martyrdom of Fr. Pro, S.J.) The contradiction of the assertions of innocence by the martyrs only reduced the Plot from an elaborate structure of accusations against Catholics in general to a discussion of the innocence or guilt of a few individuals, whose conduct at the trials and on the scaffold gave little grounds for believing that they fitted the roles of skilled political conspirator for which they were cast. It is hard to find positive evidence that any large number of well-informed Englishmen, who had any dealings with Catholics, seriously believed that those executed were in fact guilty of the elaborate conspiracy with which they were charged., The Whig booksellers tried to retrieve the situation by issuing a further series of pamphlets which sought to discredit the motives

*

His own copies of his pamphlets are in B.M. 816, i, 12, and are given below in his general bibliography. ~ The remarks of the Lord Keeper North may be quoted as evidence from one who had no grounds for bias in favour of Catholics: "It was a miserable spectacle, to see men at the Bar pleading for their lives, surrounded with such disadvantages, whereas in a Court of Justice, the proceedings ought to be at least equal, if not in favour in case of life. One thing I observed m ore strange than anything I ever read of in any report, that a Criminall brought to tryall (Whitebread the Jesuit I think) for high treason by Mr Attorney who was as well prepared and ready as he could be (for none of his witnesses were wanting) And Bedloe being one of the witnesses produced, said he knew nothing against the prisoner. Whereupon there being but one witness, he ought to have been acquitted, [but] the Court discharged the Jury of him, and reserved him to be tried another time. (N ote when witnesses are out of the way, or the most materiall of them, the Court of Gaol delivery doth sometimes set aside a prisoner after his trial began, but never when aU the witnesses are present.) And afterwards upon another trial the same Bedloe swore fully to charge him of the crime, and he was convict on that testimony and executed. " What censure there would have been upon such a proceeding at another time, or case? Would it not have bin said that the witnesses wanted full instructions and therefore it was not tyme to try the prisoner, but it seemed to me that the true reason was that because if any person had bin acquitted, he would have bin a witness against Oates, and therefore none must escape. Therefore Wakeman must be driven away with the terror of another prosecution, though acquitted, and the priest[s] acquitted with him must be convict for being priests ; and Mr N. Reading must be out of hand prosecuted lor tampering with Bedloe that he might be set in the pillory, to disable him from accusing Bedloe . ... " (B.M. Add. MS. 32520, f. 187).


INTRODUCTION

ix

of the speeches of the Jesuit martyrs, and to damage their characters, rather than to prove them guilty of the crimes for which they were condemned. But the speeches had undoubtedly made their effect on public opinion, and Warner seized the tactical advantage. Warner made every effort to dispel "invincible ignorance and to see that copies of his pamphlets were well distributed. The Vindication oj English Catholics was publicly advertised by the bookseller James Vade, and was answered by Milton's nephew, John Phillips.~ Copies of the Vindication, Anti-Fimbria, and the Lettres de Mons were sent anonymously to the members of the Privy Council (including Shaftesbury himself) and to th Lords Committee for the investigation of the Plot. ~ Warner, with wry humour, notes the effect of his pamphlets in a MS. extract from the Domestic Intelligence of 19 December 1679, written on the flyleaf of his Anti-Fimbria: " We have an account that a Person of Quality lately received a packet from Flanders by ye post, from an unknown person, with a blank cover, and two bookes enclosed therein, ye contents whereof was scandalous and Treasonable, vindicating ye Innocency of the five Jesuits lately executed, to ye dishonour of his Majesty's Government, and ye Justice of ye Nation, who are fully satisfied of their guilt: and they particularly inveighed again t the King's . evidences, especially Dr Oates and Mr Bedlow." § When due allowances are made for the conventions of contemporary pamphleteering, Warner emerges as the chief protagonist of the English Catholics during the Plot. He raises nearly every salient issue, his style is crisp and unconciliatory, and he returns again and again to the charge. In the catalogues of many of our national libraries his works are inadequately and inaccurately represented, and the opportunity has been taken to include in this book a handlist of his works, which, if not definitive, is at least fuller than any so far available. (c) The third aspect of Warner's career during the Plot may be termed his ecclesiastical politics. The general issues with which he had to deal have already been most ably illuminated by Major M. V. Hay's The Jesuits and the Popish Plot and Ruth Clark's Strangers and Sojourners at Port Royal, and an acquaintance with these books is essential to an understanding of Warner's II

*

. *

Cf· MS. note to A Second Cont~nuation of the Compleat Catalogue . . . (1680) (B.M. 128, a, 3/3), p. 5: " This is a popish libel, and asperses the justice of the nation, and reflects on the King's witnesses most scandalously." Bodley MS. 'Wood F. 50, f. 11, reveals that Anthony Wood bought from Vade a number of pamphlets connected with the plot, including the Vindication and other pro-Catholic ones, during the period July-October 1679. ~ See "William Godwin: Life of Edward and John Phillips. :t: C.S.P.D.; and H.M.C. , 11 Rep. App .. Pt. II, pp. 97-100. § B.M. 860, i, 12 (5).


x

INTRODUCTION

*

career and of the inner history of the period. In the pres en t space it is impossible to give any general interpretation of the picture, and it is both unprofitable and unfair to talk in general terms of doctrines of " J ansenism" or "Blacklowism," or of conflicts between "regulars" and "seculars. " To keep to particulars here, Warner's problems will be discussed in relation to the double issue of the Oath of Allegiance and John Sergeant. A time of crisis, like the period of the Plot, brought into the open once more the problem of the admissibility of the Oath of Allegiance. The formulation of the Oath had been deliberately drafted to create a division among the Catholics, and it certainly succeeded in its object. There is ample evidence, both from manuscript sources and from the State Trials themselves, that certain of the secular clergy advocated the admissibility of the Oath. The Jesuits had consistently maintained that the Oath was inadmissible because it contained an explicit denial of Papal authority (and it was their teaching which accorded with the mind of the Church). The inflexibility of the Jesuits was an obstacle both to those in the government who hoped to reduce English Catholics to the status of an heretical sect, and also to such latitudinarians among the English Catholic clergy as hoped that the Oath of Allegiance would prepare the way for general toleration.~

Among the English Chaptermen the leading figure in opposition to the Jesuits was John Sergeant. The extent of his influence over his fellow clergymen at any particular time is not easy to estimate. It would be an injustice to assume that the opinions (much less the actions) of this overbearing and radically unbalanced personality were representative of those of the English Catholic clergy in general, or even of the whole of the English Chapter. Sergeant had been under a government "protection" since 1671,~ and in the autumn of 1679 he came from Holland to England to lay an "information" before the Privy Council against the martyred Fr. Gavan, S.]. Another informer at this time from the English Chapter was David Maurice, and, as Major Hay has acutely pointed out, Sergeantยง and Maurice between them received more from the Secret Service funds than did the better known Oates and Tonge. We may gather from Warner's correspondence that Sergeant's activities on his arrival from Holland were even more considerable than his printed Information reveals. In the Annual Letters for

*

It is a sad indication of the lack of interest in this period that both of these books have been disposed of as " remainders." ~ Cj. Stonyhurst MS., A. iv, 31, f. 209b; and A. iv, 13 (ii), f. 189; and the trials of Gascoigne and Busby. ~ See Appendix II. ยง Hay, op. cit., p. 104.


INTRODUCTION

xi

1678-9 Warner describes Sergeant's . coming to England with evidence against the Jesuit martyr, and continues: ÂŤ Iste pragmaticus multa blateravit de licito usu formularu m juramenti (et adhuc ins an ire pergit) toties Sede Apostolica confixarum, et de inculpata (ut ipse ait) frequentatione sacrorum, prout peraguntur templis et more haereticorum. Multa etiam fidei dogmata convellere conatus est maximo bonorum omnium scandalo; et ut uno verbo complecta omnia, gravior etiamnum Societati et Orthodoxis omnibus est pestis, quam tota Ministellorum natio." Warner kept his superiors informed of Sergeant's behaviour, and in April 1680 wrote to Rome giving information of a plan for the expulsion of all priests except a group willing to take the Oath of Allegia:r;tce: Joannes Sargeantius, cum duobus aliis ei adjunctis sociis, libellum supplicem Regio Consilio exhibuit, quo facultatem petiit triginta sacerdotibus, qui detestanda juramenta admittere parati sunt, in Anglia libere vivendi. Quid responsi retulit, incertum est. Certum prorsus, haereticos per istos semi-Catholicos schisma promovere, quod exitio Religioni erit, nisi Deus alicunde subveniat laborantibus Catholicorum reliquiis, et hujus Achitophel consilia infatuet." ~ The letter of Sergeant to an anonymous Lord (printed in C.S.P.D., 1680-1, p. 115), in which he offers his services to spy on the Jesuits, shows how well-informed Warner was. In May 1680 Warner wrote a similar letter to Cardinal Howard, asking for disciplinary action against certain of the secular clergy (of whom Sergeant is mentioned by name) who advocated the taking of the Oath and who sought for the expulsion of the regulars. We have the minutes of the letter in Warner's letterbook: " . . . . . had Catholics been unanimous ye persecution could have done little hurt. But the clergy thought the ruin of the Society would be an advantage to them, so in lieu of quenching the fire they threw oil on to it. Oates cunningly gave the first overture to them, para. 25 of his narrative, exempting ye clergy from plotting. Hence they hoped to ruin us and subsist themselves, and this hope was so strong that even the execution of some of themselves could not correct it. " The means they used to attain it were to represent themselves as serviceable, and the rest as dangerous to the State: as depending on a foreign superior and Prince which are Oates his words, and by promoting the Oath of Allegiance which they say we refuse on treasonable designs. Our vow of mission is also prest: although in that they speak against themselves, for the vows of our colleges to go to England is as much against the law as any of the rest.

*

t(

t(

* Stonyhurst MS ., B.I. t

16, f. 56 sq. Stonyhurst MS., Anglia V, no. 96.


xu

INTRODUCTION

" To promote ye Oath, they spread in England that all French took it, and only ye English Jesuits opposed it. In France, that in England all English Jesuits approved it in England, and to prevent proceedings at Rome, they said only after inconsiderable persons did it, to lull them asleep .... " Dr Holden had a design to get the clergy permitted, and all depending on Rome banished, and ye design dyed not with him. As soon as Mr Sergeant was tolerated, a common voice was spread amongst his friends in France, that Jesuits and Regulars would be banished, which shewd his aime. " The Society hath not answered ye expectation, so probably they may be willing to lay down that business by which they offend Rome, and get nothing in England. Yet their acting so much contrary to authority must be taken notice of. Yet the punishing of all would endanger the losse of all. If the ringleaders were suspended, the paine would move a few, the feare reach all, and bring all to a compliance with their duty. We shall live in hopes of a remedy, your Em. being perswaded one is necessary. Never any dispute about religion more unseasonable, seeing it blasts ye forward hopes of ye nation' s conversion." * In his reference to Dr. Holden, ' Varner was drawing attention to the fact that the activities of Sergeant and his followers during the Plot had a similarity to the policy of certain of the Chaptermen during the Interregnum. The dossier of Chapter correspondence of that time, containing letters of Holden, Sir Kenelm Digby and Blacklow, etc., and known as Blacklo's Cabal (with annotations by Robert Pugh, a secular priest, formerly a Jesuit), had been held by Warner's friend Abbot Montagu. Gillow' refers only to the second edition of 1680. If in fact there was an earlier edition, it was probably suppressed after publication. (The present writer has found no reference to the existence of an actual copy of this supposed first edition.) After Montagu's death the originals were deposited in the Jesuit College of Liege, and when Pugh died in gaol the responsibility for the documents devolved entirely upon their custodians. When the activities of Sergeant and his followers against the Jesuits became intolerable, some of the Society proposed the publication of Blacklo's Cabal as a counterblast. Warner therefore wrote again to Cardinal Howard in September 1680, warning him that his inaction might cause retaliation in the form of the publication of these documents relating to the earlier activities of members of the Chapter: " The present dangerous condition of the English affairs of religion forces me to beseech your Eminence to interpose your authority in the most efficacious manner possible to prevent ye mischief which hangs over its head: and that same necessity will plead my excuse and obtain pardon for that importunity.

* U.L.C. MS.,

Ll. i, 19, f. 20.

If Gillow, Bibliographical Dictionary,

V,

374.


INTRODUCTION

xiii

" I could methinks without complaining understand, that not a Jesuit passes into England, that Mr Sergeant can hear of, but his name is carryed to the Council, and that he hath his brethren at, or about the sea ports, who give him informations of such things: as well because the mischief aims only at single persons: as also that those of that gang have acted in the like manner with such of the clergy itself, as were not of their confidents. For example, Mr Dr Leybourne, whose journey into England was by Dr Holden and others discovered to ye rebels, acquainting them with his quality of Vicar General of My Lord Bishop of Calcedon, and adding, ye better to recommend him to ye regicides, that he had a commission from the English Court; which was false; favouring him the characters of a Brouillon, a factious fellow, and a spy. With directions how to proceed with him without mentioning his religion, a true character, to avoyd the odium of a persecution. A method which they thus suggested, and which we have seen practised upon Catholics in our day. What seems worse, as aiming at all Jesuits, I am credibly informed a book is given to the press (in which to say no more Mr Sergeant and his party have a hand) which endeavours to prove that Jesuits and none but Jesuits have held the deposing power. A thing so clearly false, that it is easy to produce a library of clergymen's books from Cardinal Allen to the end of Queen Elizabeth's days holding the same. But what is worse than that, there are extant and can be produced letters of Dr Holden and other clergymen relating to ye late K.'s death, a much more odious matter, than any can be charged on Jesuits. , I have hitherto hindred all public mention of this and will continue so long as I can. But it is a hard matter to act always ye Anvil and receive rude blows from other persons, without returning any, when they lie open to such mortal wounds. What I here say is known to many; and I fear very much some may be provoked to answer for self-defence, what I wish may remain secret for . the good of religion. , It is a certain truth, delivered by the Apostle: si invicem mordemus et comedimus, ab ~nvicem consumemur. Ye pernicious consequences being so evident I beseech your Eminence to prevent them in the best manner which doth and shall occur. However the guilt of these mischiefs, so justly apprehended, willly at their door who are the only causes of all." Howard remained unmoved by this warning, and the" second" edition of Blacklo's Cabal was published by the end of the same year. Besides thus carrying the dispute into the enemy's camp, Warner sought to strengthen the resistance of the regular clergy to the Oath. He issued detailed instructions on the matter to the Jesuit missioners of the Province, and it seems largely due to (C

*

* U.L.C.

MS., Ll. i, 19, f. 20v.


xiv

INTRODUCTION

his efforts that in 1682 the General Chapters of the English Benedictines and Franciscans sent to Rome their resolutions against the Oath, and requested from thence further authoritative action. Although the regulars seemed to have achieved unanimity on this point, firm action by the Protector was not forthcoming. By 1683 the Plot was well on the wane, and the Tory reaction was beginning. The activities of Sergeant were no longer such a serious menace, and a general rapprochement with the secular clergy seemed to be in the air. But still Warner laments the lack of a definite lead from Cardinal Howard: " Utinam Em,rous Cardl1s Norfolcius pacem jam initam inter utrumque Clerum Regularem et Secularem, perpetuam efficeret, imposito Collegiorum Pontificorum Alumnis voto, impugnandi, pro virili, dicta juramenta. Ea de re ad eum scribo hodie. Schisma semper timeri poterit ex illis Juramentis, nisi tali ratione illi reversuro porta claudatur ..... " ~

*

WARNER' S HISTORY OF THE PLOT.

H is the first time, so far, that the C.R.S. has undertaken the publication of this kind of document-a full-scale contemporary historical work. For that reason alone it is perhaps difficult to decide on an objective standpoint for the valuation of the document. It is possible to consider what might have been the effect of Warner's book had it been published in 1688 as a semi-official history of the Plot. But such an approach, of its very nature, depends for a far too great extent upon conjecture and hypothesis. Warner must be put to a severer test: what is the value of his work to the present-day historian? At a first consideration, Warner's history of the Plot is, in view of the sources available to him, frankly somewhat of a disappointment. To the modern historian it could benefit by the excision of the lengthy extracts from scaffold speeches and from state documents now easily accessible in printed form . Although, moreover, he may be over-lavish of quotation from certain classes of document, some of his references to persons, places, and printed books are most irritatingly vague. While indefiniteness concerning certain localities and personalities can be understood on the grounds of wishing to avoid anti-Catholic reprisals, Warner's general mode of writing may be ascribed to his following too closely the style of the Annual Letters, the object of which was to give only a general picture of the state of the Province and any outstanding events in the work of the Jesuit missioners. What, however, was irrelevant for the Annual Letters would have been most valuable for a contemporary history of Catholicism in England.

*

Cf. Warner's History, infra (f. 42), and Stonyhurst MS., A. iv, 13 (ii) , f. 185 sq. , Stonyhurst MS.; Anglia V, no. 105.


'e

ERR , TA.

page xvFor" para. 679" read para. 649; for para. 686 " read para. 656; and for para. 684" read para. 654. L

TRODUCTION,

(I

(I

b o In

g

'.J


xv

INTRODUCTION

Warner's general style, with its carefully studied rhetorical effects, its classical and biblical allusions, its constant feeling for generalization, is ill-suited to a work of this size and scope. On the other hand, in his English controversial pamphlets (especially those dealing with the Plot) his general style and tone succeed admirably. But in a sustained historical work, which demands more evenness of tone and more concern for factual detail, the style of the controversialist is at a discount. Warner suffers, too, from the failings of his contemporary hagiographers. The rather morbid delight in the visitation of God's Judgments upon the wicked may be found distasteful to modern readers . On the other hand, his accounts of the Plotvictims err on the side of over-praise, and though his portraits of Mrs. Cellier and Coleman are sufficiently critical, his account of Stafford is too flattering. Furthermore his preoccupation with the Catholic victims of the Plot leads him to neglect the Samuel Atkins-Pepys case, which is one of the turning points in the Whig management of the Plot trials. In his political opinions, also, he is unlikely to find much sympathetic appreciation among modern readers. Whatever one's views of the ee Whig interpretation of history," it must be agreed that \Varner's theories of patriarchal monarchy are out of all proportion to the realities of his contemporary situation. In his political theory he follows the assumptions of L'Estrange and the extreme Tory theorists far too closely (e.g. para. 679 sq.). To argue from electoral anomalies to the Divine Right of Kings, as he does in para. 686, is surely putting the cart before the horse. To argue that because the House of Commons is, de jacto, unrepresentative of the people is hardly an argument for patriarchal monarchy, but rather for electoral reform. And to claim (para. 684) that the proposition that kings are the servants of their people is "et stolidum.... atque communi hominum sensui contrarium" is surely to forget that the proudest title in the world is that of " servus, servorum Dei." But more particularly, Warner's extreme political opinions affect his historical judgments on two important points. Firstly, he groups all the non-conformist sects together under the title of "Presbyterians" and attributes to them collectively the responsibility for the plots and policies of the " Faction." On the one hand this is hardly fair to the non-conformists of evident piety and sincerity, to men of the calibre of Bunyan, Baxter and Penn (~f. Gee's comments quoted below), and on the other hand

*

*

There is, indeed, a consistently democrat ic strain in Recusant political t heory, most notably in the writings of Fr. Persons, S.J. (reprinted by the Whigs in justification of the Revolution of 1688), which is quite lacking in Warner. A most striking contrast to Warner is the plea of Bl. John Storey that" men were not born slaves but free men; that Kings were made for t he people, and not the people for their Kings" (Lives of the English M artyrs, ed. B. Camm, ii, 77). lowe the substance of this note t o the authority of Fr. B . FitzGibbon, S.J .


XVI

INTRODUCTION

it underestimates the part played in the Faction by the Anglican clergy. Admittedly Wanler deals with Bishop Barlow adequately enough, but men like Crewe, Compton, Ward and Burnet escape without mention or censure. Secondly, Warner accepts the evidence for the Rye House Plot uncritically from Sprat's True Account. This is not the place, of course, to enter into a full discussion of the validity oÂŁ the Rye House Plot itself, but, prima facie, the story of that plot is every whit as absurd as that of the Popish Plot itself, and ought to be subjected by the historian to the same close scrutiny. And if the legality of the Popish Plot trials is questioned, then surely the trial, e.g., of Algernon Sidney should be approached with circumspection. Any assessment of the general value of the work must take into account the nature of Warner's source-material. This consisted of: (I) Personal information, including that already given in his own printed pamphlets. Although contemporary news of the Plot was slow in reaching the Continent, Warner, as ViceProvincial and later Provincial, was in the best position to gather what he could from the Jesuit fathers who escaped, and, while writing his history, he could presumably call on the surviving members of his order for further information. We know that he corresponded on the subject with Fr. Thomas Stapleton, S.J., and that he had access to an as yet undiscovered MS. of Fr. William Culcheth, S.J. (d. Praenotanda A). (2) By his frequent references to them, he must clearly have had access to the MS. Parliament Journals (now in print). (3) The printed Gazettes. (4) Contemporary pamphlets, including those attacking the Plot. Among the anti-Plot writers, L'Estrange is most frequently used (and, as we have suggested above, L'Estrange's Tory political theories are also taken over). Among the Catholic writers he clearly uses Mrs. Cellier, Dom. J. M. Corker, O.S.B. (for Langhorne and Stafford), and Castlemaine's Compendium and Manifesto. From V.L.C., AB. 5, 17 (Sel. C) we find that Warner also possessed copies of the following little-known pro-Catholic pamphlets on the Plot, the first two of which are of especial value: Remarks on the Trial of Mr . Ireland, Mr . Pickering and Mr . Grove . .. 1679 (sgd. " T.A."); A Letter to both Houses of Parliament on the subject of the present Proceedings against the Roman Catholics of England . ... 1679 (sgd. E.P."); Tom Tel-Troth's Declaration on behalf of the Four Pretended Irish Ruffians . . .. (n.d., n.p.); Scandalum Magnatum; sive Scintillae Quaedam .... by Coriolanus, a Jesuit newly converted .... Paris MDCLXXIX. Yet the impression remains that Warner's was not the definitive Catholic history of the Plot that could have been written. There is little evidence that Warner went much outside his own order for information from survivors, as the biographies of the Jesuit Plot-victims are far more detailed than those of the others. His information of the progress of the Plot


xvii

INTRODUCTION

in the provinces, also, is much vaguer than his knowledge of events in London; the seizure of the important Jesuit house at Combe, in Herefordshire, for instance, is not even mentioned, nor is that of Holbeck Hall, co. Notts., despite the fact that Fr. William Aylworth, S.J., was still alive (his own graphic account is printed in Foley, v, 482). Warner cannot be blamed for failing to solve the many mysteries of the Plot that still remain to-day, but there are many incidents and personalities about which we would have liked more information: for example, the ' trial of the six priests, the Meal Tub Plot, Simpson Tonge, Prance (of course Warner could not have foreseen the insinuations of Sir John Pollock), and Vernatti. In Warner's treatment of the reign of James II the perjury trials of Oates and Tonge, and the rehabilitation trial of Vernatti, might have had a closer examination, and we might have been spared the disquisition on the Fire of London, the monumental inscriptions, and Fr. Cuffaud's Latin elegy on Charles. \Varner was a scholar, a controversialist, a man of the desk, and his history stands chiefly as an admirable arrangement of the available material that he had to hand. But the value of his book would have been considerably enhanced if he had possessed more of the spirit of the private investigator. What was required was the re-examination of as many as possible of the survivor" of the incidents concerned in the Plot trials, and, whereever possible, of available letters and papers. But it seems clear that, having secured the condemnation of Oates and Prance, J ames II was anxious to let the Plot die down as a topic of discussion, and vVarner, even if he had had the desire and the facilities to pursue an independent investigation, would not have received official encouragement. So much by way of criticism. On the positive side we would certain ly claim that, in the light of the historical methods of his contemporaries, \iVarner's work represents a considerable achievement. His aim was to present a history of the Plot, for general European consumption, in the light of the contemporary political scene. For modern specialized interest his work will yield many illuminating points of interest. It clarifies, for instance, such matters as Warner's own bibliography, the" Blundell" letter, and the Hunter-Hesketh prosecutions.~ But the major new topic of the book is clearly the information on Sergeant in his dealings with the Oath and with Bishop Talbot, and indeed, in the whole stress laid on the Sergeant affair generally. Vle have seen above Warner's treatment of the problem of the Oath of Allegiance and John Sergeant in the light of some of his

*

* Cj. Warner's bibliography infra.

~ These two latter points have been admirably dealt with by Dam. Hugh Bowler, O.S.B.; cJ. Warner's History, fl. 66 and III and notei.


xviii

INTRODUCTION

correspondence. In his History he maintains the inadmissibility of the Oath, while at the same time asserting the claims of monarchi cal authority in a1most Filmeristic terms. The exposure of Sergeant's dealings both with Bp. Talbot and with the honour of Fr. Gavan was undertaken with no desire to stir up 01d ecclesiastical scandals. Warner makes it clear that his account relates only to Sergeant in particular. In fact, he avoids recriminations as much as possible when dealing with other informers such as Clay, Prance, and Smith, and in the case of Anderson and Gage holds back what he knew. Warner must have realized the importance of Sergeant's story in the general history of English Catholicism. As the Revolution prevented the publication of the book, and as any full account of Sergeant's activities was effectively suppressed till the pUblication of Major Hay 's The jesuits and the Popish Plot, there is some reason for supposing that Warner foresaw that jf he did not tell Sergeant's story no one else ever would.

*

WARNER'S MANUSCRIPTS AND ADVERSARIA.

The holograph fair copy of the MS. of Warner's History (MS. B), together with his letter-book and several printed books annotated in his hand, have found their way into the University Library at Cambridge, via the library of John More, Bishop of Ely. The holograph rough copy (MS. A) is in the Harleian Collection, and also in the British Museum are two volumes of Warner's works with his own annotations. ~ It is still not certain how these documents came to their ultimate resting-places. It is unlikely that Warner would have left his manuscripts behind at the Revolution if he could possibly have helped it. Most probably he took them with him and they were among the effects seized by the Mayor of Gravesend, and sent up to Whitehall to the Lords of the Council. MS. A seems to have circulated among several of the Anglican clergy. It was loaned by Hartstonge, chaplain to the Duke of Ormonde, to Dr. Tenison, Dean of St. Paul's and later Archbishop of Canterbury, and there is also the beginning of a transcript among the Sancroft papers in the Lambeth LibrarY.:I: The MS. was evidently read by Edward Gee, for in the introduction to his book The jesuits' Memorial of the Reformation of England, 1690 (a re-edition of Persons's book), he writes unflatteringly of the attempts to achieve toleration for Recusants and Dissenters in the reign of James II:

* Cj. Warner's History infra,

~

ff. 106 and 164 U.L.C. , AB. 5, 17 (SeI. C), and B.M. 860, i, single volume of Warner's collection of pamphlets, MS. list of contents in the former. Praenotanda, MS . A (see Appendix I ), and 932, f . 87 .

and notes. 12, were originally one as is indicated by his

=

Lambeth Library MS.


INTRODUCTION

xix

" It was a comical sight indeed to see Mr Lobb the presbyterian and Fr Petre the Jesuit caballing and contriving together, and as great Intimado's as if they had been of the very same society : to see Pen the Quaker and Brent, Mr Alsop and Nevil Payn settling and securing liberty of conscience, and Fr Warner as obliging to them as can be; but whatever professions of love and sincerity were made to the Non-conformists by the Jesuits then, I can assure them that at the same time Fr Warner the Jesuit, the late King's confessor, looked upon all the dissenters together as the worst and vilest of men, and insufferable in any Government, especially in a Monarchy: and this I have out of his History of the Popish plot written with his m1VIl hand, which I have now by me, wherein his characters of the Presbyterians (which is the name he gives to all dissenters) are somewhat extraordinary .... " (pp. 46-7). There is a certain amount of ground for Gee's remarks, in that Warner does not, in his History, make his definition of Presbyterians very precise. The implication of conscious duplicity in Warner's conduct is not, of course, fair. The distinction between the political and religious fanatics to whom he refers in the History, and a saintly, moderate, and cultured man like Penn should be obvious. NOTES ON THE TEXT.*

Warner wrote two drafts of his Historia. The first (called A), a rough copy, full .of abbreviations and often extremely difficult to read, is in the Harleian Collection at the British Museum. The second (called B), a fair copy intended for the printer, is now in the University Library at Cambridge. The differences between the two texts are mainly stylistic, and never of great consequence. Some of Warner's attempts to improve the style of his first draft have resulted only in ambiguity. One striking instance is the following: B has" Laetabantur isti in tuto videre damna, quae Papistae ferebantur intulisse, pericula illis impendentia ab iisdem, quibus Oatis opera faeliciter defuncti essent." A here has" Laetabantur illi sine periculo videre damna cum quae Catholici intulisse decebantur, tum quae inferre designabant , quibus Oatis opera faeliciter defuncti sibi videbantur." This reveals that in B (1) iisdem is not the antecedent of qui bus ! (2) illis refers back to isti! (3) the antecedent of quibus is both damna and pericula, which are in parataxi ! (4) in tuto is to be taken not with Laetabantur, but with videre, and requires a good deal of emphasis in translation. The text here published is B, with the insertion of two or three words (printed within pointed brackets) from A, where

*

Decisions on numerous editorial points have been of necessity a matter of collaboration between translator and editor. At my suggestion the translator, Fr. J. Bligh, S.J. , kindly consented to supply t h e substanc of this section himself.-Eo .


xx

INTRODUCTION

the meaning of B was obscure and could be clarified by such borrowings from A. Among the C.R.S.'s Directions for Editing is the following : "Peculiarities of language, if notable, should be indicated-e.g. mistakes showing imperfect knowledge of the language." The reader must therefore be t old that Warner either did not know, or else did not care about, the rules concerning the sequence of tenses. Some of his other solecisms, e.g. an occasional false concord, or cum (meaning since) with the indicative, have been indicated by means of the word [s¡icJ. In accordance with the same Directions, the initial capital letters used by Warner have been reproduced here as far as possible, although his capital and minuscule Ms and Ss are so much alike that it is often difficult to discriminate. Similarly, the spelling of the MS. has been retained, even when it is inconsistent; e.g. the word ' auctoritas' is usually spelt authoritas,' occasionally ' autoritas,' and once or twice in the correct classical manner. With permission, the punctuation has been altered to bring it into conformity with modern practice. This departure from the C.R.So's usual procedure was allowed in view of the following considerations: (1) The MS. punctuation is erratic, and gives the reader unnecessary trouble, e.g. " sed ille, quod res erat suspicatus, se perjurii convincendum." (2) There are too many commas: it seems useless, for example, to print" terra, marique " or " vi, et armis" -especially if the clause in which such a phrase occurs is not separated from the next clause by any punctuation at all. (3) In some places, particularly at the ends of lines, marks shadowing through the page render the original punctuation doubtful. It is hoped, therefore, that the punctuation here supplied will make the text much easier to read. The division into paragraphs is not the work of Warner: his text runs on and on, with the subheadings alongside in the margin. Marginal and intralinear insertions have been indicated by

+ .... +.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. In editing this work I have incurred many debts of gratitude to individuals and to corporate bodies, and I should like to take this opportunity of acknowledging themTo the University Library, Cambridge, for permission to reproduce Warner's MS., and to the staff of the Anderson Room for their constant helpfulness and patience. To the following public deposits and their staffs: The British Museum, the Bodleian Library, the Public Record Office, and the Library of the House of Lords. To the custodians and staff of the following private deposits: The Lambeth Palace Library, Dr. Williams's Library, the Catholic


INTRODUCTION

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Central Library, Stonyhurst College Library, Westminster Cathedral Archives, and Southwark Cathedral Archives. To the Librarian of Stonyhurst College, the Revd. Fr. H. Chadwick, S.J., for his gracious hospitality and for permission to reproduce the frontispiece. To the following persons who so kindly supplied me with information on various topics connected with the work: The l~ight Revd. Mgr. Canon E. Henson; Dom Hugh Bowler, O.S.B. , of Douay Abbey; Dom Gerard Hayes, O.S.B., of Ealing Priory; the Revd. Fr. V. J. Matthews, of the London Oratory; Professor P. de Zulueta, of Oxford University; and to Messrs. A. 1. Doyle (of the University Library, Durham), E. N. Moore (Borough Librarian of Gravesend), W. L. Platts (Clerk of the Maidstone County Council), and B. H . Wiggins (Secretary to His Lordship the Bishop of London). To the printers, John Whitehead & Son Ltd., and their staff, for the great care and thoroughness with which they have set up the text . Finally, but by no means least, to the Revd. Fr. John Bligh, S.]., for correcting a number of errors in the Latin text, and to the Revd. Fr. B. FitzGibbon, S.J., to whom I am immeasurably indebted for help and encouragement throughout the whole of this work. T. A. BIRRELL.


Translator's Preface In the course of his History, Warner has¡ translated into Latin many documents that are extant in the original English. In all but two or three instances I have been able to find the original, and have copied it out as it stood, with the old spelling, italics, etc. When I have been forced to supply a translation of my own I have given the reader warning by putting the word , Translation' in brackets at the end of the quotation. Quite frequently what Warner has put in inverted commas is not an exact translation, but rather the translation of a precis. In such cases, if the original is only slightly longer than the precis, I have given the original complete; if the precis is much compressed I have translated it with the original before me, using the words and phrases of the original as far as possible. When the precis is in the form of direct speech, and therefore in inverted commas, I have again inserted the word' Translation' as a warning. I am much indebted to Father B. FitzGibbon, S.]., for help with proper names and technical terms, and to my father for his careful revision of my manuscript. J. F. BLIGH, S.].


(1)

PERSECUTIONIS + CATHOLICORUM + ANGLICANAE ET CONJURATIONIS PRESBITERIANAE HYSTORIA. * [AUTORE

P.

WARNERO, s.J., REGI JACOBO

lIdo

A SACRIS.]

Apparatus ad Historiam Persecutionis Anglicanae. 1. Studia Res N ovantium. 2. Authoris Institutum. 3. Angliae Regimen Monarchicum et Successivum; non mixtum, licet temperatum. 4. Parlamentum: Illud Regi subest. 5. Anglorum Religio: eaque Protestantica, Presbiteriana, et Catholica. 6. J udiciorum in Anglia forma. 7. Suppliciorum genera. 8. Londini Regimen. 9. Kalendarium Anglicanum. 10. Monetae Anglicanae valor. (2) STUDIA RES NOVANTIUM. Qui publicas res novare instituunt, ad consilii exitum pervenire non possunt, nisi amotis civibus, qui praesentem statum tuentur; quod speciose fieri non potest, nisi criminis aliquid, et quidem magni, ipsis objectetur. Hoc vero factu difficillimum, ubi eorum vita probro caret (qualis omnium Catholicorum in Anglia, + virorum nimirum quietissimorum, non ab omni modo facinore verum etiam minimi errati suspicione remotissimorum, + in quos excitata est terribilis illa Tempestas cujus Hystoriam texere constituo); quod illis, inquam, objiciatur inveniri non potest, nisi cogitationes commentiendo, consilia affingendo, studia conjectando veris aliena, verba factaque + de se bona + in diversum maligne trahendo sensum, conspirationes denique somniando at que majestatis crimina, eaque viris innoxiis contra jus et fas tribuendo, et mendaciis atque Perjuriis confirmando; dum reipsa, qui talia aliis Innocentissimis improperant, dum insontes igne ferroque persequuntur, eadem ipsi meditentur, et statum publicum primo confundere, exinde evertere conentur, quem ~dversus aliorum detestanda molimina tueri se velIe atque defendere falso gloriantur. Crimen

* This is in another hand.

A


2

ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

Majestatis, dicere ausus est nobilis inter Romanos Juris Peritos Scriptor, singulare et unicum Crimen est eorum, qui crimine vacant. (3) Hoc in Anglia contigisse Luce darius est; nec enimvero quisquam in ea est aut ita caecus ut non videat, aut ita pervicax ut neget, et Catholicos eorum criminum, de quibus accusati fuerunt, immunes, et eorum Accusatores fuisse eorum omnium vere Reos, cum et horum Perfidia et illorum Innocentia publicis sit Judiciis agnita. Nec alium exitum aut sperare poterant Acatholici (nisi malign a studia in iis Rationis usum non obscurassent modo, verum etiam extinxissent) aut timere Catholici, cum tota Praetensae Conspirationis fabula unius hominis mendacissimi et multo rum Perjuriorum comperti fide niteretur, sola illius asseveratione subsisteret, omni aliunde non veritate modo sed etiam verisimilitudine destituta. Adeoque magis mirandum sit, adeo conspicua mendacia tamdiu Lucem publicam tulisse, quam post quinquennium ex omnium oculis evanuisse. (4) AUTHORIS INSTITUTUM. Quia vero Externis praecipue ista scribo, et Lingua exteris gentibus communi, quorum pIeri que in rebus Anglicis plane videntur hospites, ideo visum est initio pauca de Regimine Angliae, deque Statu cum Politico, sive Civili, tum Sacro, sive Ecdesiastico, deque Variis Sectis eorumque Studiis, denique de Judiciorum [J. 2J in causis criminalibus Ratione pauca delibare; quo melius res nostrae intelligantur, neque necessitas mihi alia narranti imponatur Hystoriae filum abrumpere Lectoremque identidem alio respicientem remorari, dum occasione data eas explico, in quibus multos hallucinari quotidie video, quod Regimen Politicum apud nos nonnihil diversum sit hoc saeculo ab aliis; licet olim idem, aut certe non adeo diversum, ubique per totam Europam obtinuisse videatur , si Polonos, Venetos, Genuenses, aliasque magis obscuras Res P ublicas excipias, quae data occasione variis in locis paulatim immutata, nusquam minus, quam in Anglia, consuetudinum antiquarum Legumque retinentissima, si paucas excipias, quae Religionem spectant, et parem cum ea mutationem passae sunt. Harum Rerum explicatio, ut ut Anglis superfiua, quibus omnia quae dicturus sum notissima sunt, exteris tamen gentibus non ingrata fore spero, quibus ea plerunque latent. Nec desunt magnorum Authorum d ara nomina, quibus hoc meum tuear institutum, qui dum Romanorum gesta Litteris mandarent, varia de eorum Jure, consuetudinibus, disciplina, cum in Pace, tum in Bello, retulere; quae in Romanis Scriptoribus frustra quaerentur, sint licet scitu dignissima. Hinc illius maximae Rei Publicae instituta scire cupientibus commendandos potius censeo Hystoricos Graecos ea referentes, Polibium nimirum, Dionisium Halicarnassaeum, Plutarchum, et id genus alios, quam vel Livium, vel Suetonium, vel ipsum Latinae Historiae Principem, Salustium; qui uno, ut ita dicam, verbo res indicant, sui temporis hominibus in ea R.P. educatis notissimas, quibus proinde frustra expone-


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

3

rentur, nobis tamen ilIa dissipata natis, aliis moribus assuetis, obscurissimas, nisi Graecorum industria facem nobis praetulisset. (5) ANGLIAE REGIMEN. Omnium judicio Philosophorum tria sunt Regiminis genera, Monarchicum, Aristocraticum, et Democraticum, quia suprema Potestas aut in uno solo, aut in paucis iisque melioribus, aut in omnibus reside at ; ad quae reliqua revocantur, quae ex variis non uno modo conjunctis mixta eensentur. Angliae Regimen semper Monarchicum fuisse constat, cum anti quae tabulae Regum in ea mentionem faciant, etiam Julio Caesare (qui Romanorum primus Insulam ingressus cum Exercitu, earn tentavit potius quam subegit) antiquiorum. Lieet autem sub hujus successoribus, redacta in Provinciae Imperii Romani formam, Anglia aut plena Regum Potentia aut etiam Regibus earuerit, Romanis tamen recedentibus, reges iterum rerum potiti sunt, tum ante Saxonum adventum inter Britannos, tum, istis in asperam montibus regionem rejectis, inter Saxones transmarinos, sive Anglos; non quod unus esset aut omnium Anglorum, aut omnium Britannorum Monarcha (cum sola Anglia uno eodemque tempore septem Regibus paruerit), sed quod quaeque Regio Gentis illius Regem habuerit, sicut et Britanni. Prudens omitto varias difficultates, scitu quidem haud indignas, a nostro tamen Instituto alienas, qujbus qui que Regionibus imperitarent? an ullis, et quibus, eorum Autoritas limitibus circumscriberetur? quid in bello possent, quid in Pace? et id genus alia. Mihi satis est Angliam semper Reges habuisse. (6) Et tam altas tot saeculorum decursu in Anglorum cordibus radices egit Monarchici Regiminis observantia, ut evelli ferro civilis belli nun-[J. 3Jquam potuerit, tametsi Regem jpsum Serenissimum, multos nobiles, et plurimos de Populo messuisset; sed ad unum delata paulo post, ringentibus factiosis Demoeratiae cupidis, est rerum summa, scenicum illum, primo Monarcham, verum Tyrannum, exinde ad verum et Legitimum Regni Haeredem, ab Exilio postliminio revocatum, Throno omnium votis restitutum. Cujus Haeredibus Legitimis 'e jus Possessionem ad ultima usque saecula votis propagamus. Haeredibus, inquam, nam Angliae Regnum non, ut haud ita pridem Danicum et Hungaricum et etiamnum Polonicum, Electivum unquam fuit, sed successione defertur haereditaria semper ad prolem masculam, ubi habetur (nec enim a Tacito bene dictum, Britannos sexum in imperiis non discernere), et hujus defectu tantum ad faeminam; quae ob Reverentiam Familiae Regia Authoritate donatae coronam suscipit, Deo solo, qui nascentium seriem sua Providentia disponit, successorem decedenti Regi designante, in cujus manu sunt omnium Potestates et omnium jura Regnorum. Et adeo noscimus in Imperiis sexus discrimen, ut, licet in Gallia non obstante Lege


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

4

Salica,* casu quo Rex Minorennis succedat, Regni habenae cum Regentis titulo Reginae Matri commendentur, id tamen in Anglia non fit, nisi ea solemni sit inauguratione consecrata. Nec ulla facta hac in re mutatio est violenta primo Saxonum, deinde Danorum, Normannorumque invasione, aut silentibus inter arma Legibus aut non auditis; vis enim ejusmodi, ut ut leges suspendat, non tamen efigit aut anti quat quas valere voluerunt Victores, Jure, quod Victis competebat, in se translato; unde, sicut morte naturali transfertur ab una persona in aliam ejusdem familiae suprema Potestas integra illibataque, ita externo Bello ex una in ali am familiam. Notatu tamen dignum est, in praesentem Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae Regem Serenissimum Potentissumque Jacobum II legitim a procreatione transfusa Britannorum, Saxonum, Normannorum, Scotorumque Jura; adeoque, sicut Potentia nulli impar, ita Juris Antiquitate per quindecim et amplius saecula ducti, si Scotiam spectemus, absit Invidia verbo, aliis superior videtur. (7) REGIA POTESTAS. Sanguine tenuibus venularum canalibus scaturiente, veluti traduce, communicata Regia Dignitas, ea Potestate donatur, ut nec Judices ullos agnoscat se superiores, quales Ephori Lacedemone, neque Senatum ut Venetiarum Duces, neque Tribunal" quale quod Justitia Aragoniae vocatur, neque Populum totum ut Romani Reges. Adeoque de lata ab eo sent entia nemo cognoscere potest, nemo ejus Executioni intercedere; nulla denique datur ab eo Appellatio nisi forte quali usus esse dicitur B. Bernardus, a Papa male informato ad Pap am bene Informatum. Hinc a nostris Juris Peritis dicitur nullum in suis Ditionibus habere superiorem, imo nee par em: omnes esse sub illo; illum sub nullo nisi Deo, a quo sit seeundus, post quem primus, ante omnes, et super omnes. Quae tam vere de Rege, ac olim a Tertulliano de Imperatore dicta sunt; quia ut sol mundum calore fovet, splendore illustrat, pulchritudine ornat, ita, aiunt iidem, Regis Potentia cunctos sibi subditos tuetur: Omnium Domos ejus vigilia defendit; omnium otium illius Labor; omnium delicias illius industria; omnium vacationem illius occupatio. (8) +Nec omitti debet singularis et eximia Potestas a Deo Regibus Angliae concessa, strumas, sive scrofulas, solo tactu curandi, piis aliquibus precibus adhibitis. Data primum ea Gratia B. Edwardo cognomento Confessori; exin cunctis Regibus ei succedentibus. Solo anna 1687 constat Jacobi secundi contactu, eo morbo et perdifficili et faedissimo quindecies mille trecentos

*

The Lex Salica is properly the Code of the Salian Franks, dating from Merovingian times: though written in Latin, it is barbarian law. But generally, by , Salic Law' is meant the rule excluding women from succeedingadopted for the French throne-which, however, is not to be found in the Lex Salica . .y. Presumably the' Cortes' is meant here. Cj. Trevor Davies, Golden Century of Spain, p. 6, Lor a description of the Aragon Cortes.


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5

viginti tres levatos fuisse, qui partim ex Anglia partim ex vicinis regionibus auxilium petitum confiuxere. + (9) Hinc eximius et prorsus singularis illi de-[f. 4]fertur Honor: cuncti, qui ei ministrant, omnesque ejus subditi, illum adeuntes, eum genu fiexo venerantur. Nemini licet ipso praesente tegere caput, ne quidem \ÂĽalliae Principi, Haeredi proximo Regni; +ut ut enim + Privilegium concessit Henrico Ratcliffo Sussexiae Comiti Regina Maria, ut ipsa praesente se tegeret, forte quod ejus Maritus Hispaniarum Rex Philippus II Hispanis quibusdam, quos Magnates appellant, id permitteret, tamen insolens Privilegium una cum eo cui concessum fuerat, interiit, nemini deinde vulgatum. (10) Regimen hoc putant ali qui exteri, suffragantibus in Anglia Factiosis, non pure Monarchicum esse sed mixtum, quod aliquibus in rebus Parlamenta adhiberi Solemne sit. Sed errant qui ita sentiunt, cum nulla Supremae Potestatis Pars in Parlamento resideat, ut fusius ostendetur infra. Regimen tamen potius Politicum est atque Paternum quam Despoticum, quatenus non puro puto imperio legibus omnibus exsoluto regit, sed juxta Leges, nisi ubi singularis aliquis casus aliud exigat, quando Juris apices scrupulose observari nequeunt sine publici boni detrimento. Hoc autem Principi juxta atque Subditis utile, cum non minus sit in Legum Reverentia Majestatis Imperii quam Libertatis Subditorum Praesidium. Non tamen ita Legibus vincitur Auctoritas Regia, ut iis non se liberet, ubi libet, ubi ea plena vindice nodus dignus occurrerit; licet Reges ea potestate raro utantur, sicut Deus sua Omnipotentia ad facienda miraculaquo exemplo usus est ali quando Jacobus ejus nominis Angliae I, Scotiae VI, dum Regni Pro ceres in Parlamentum convocatos alloq ueretur. (II) PARLAMENTUM. Parlamentum Anglicanum (Summum Regni Sacratiusque Consilium passim appellatur) cum Gallicis, praeter nomen, commune nihil habet. Ista sunt Consessus J udicum eorumque Assessorum cum ad decidendas causas civiles tum ad causas criminales terminandas Regia Authoritate designatorum. Illud est Regni Comitia ex tribus ejus Ordinibus confiata, Ecclesiasticis, Nobilibus, et Plebeis. Pro Ecclesiasticis conveniunt Archiepiscopi et Episcopi, quibus accedebant olim Abbates omnes mitrati et ali qui Priores Ecclesiarum Cathedralium. N obilium in Ordine censentur Barones et qui gradum eminentiorem occupant, Vice-Comites, Comites, Marchiones, atque Duces, pro Plebeis ii comparent qui a Provinciis, Civitatibus, et aliquibus oppidis (quibus vel a priscis Regibus + vel aliunde, ut infra, + illud Privilegium concessum est) electi sunt. Cujusmodi conventus in Gallia Regni Status, in Hispania Cortes, in Germania Imperii Dietae vocantur.

*

* Evelyn the diarist saw Warner officiating at the ceremony. 5 Nov. 1688.


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(12) Omnes isti in duas magnas Aulas conveniunt; in unam Ecc1esiastici simul atque Nobiles, Plebei in alteram. Angli Domos, sive Cameras, vocant, nos magis Latine Conclavia vo.c abimus; et ad distinctionem, ob dignitatem Personarum illic sedentium, illud Nobilium atque Ecc1esiasticorum Superius Conclave, aliud vero Conclave Inferius appellabimus; illud passim Conclave Dominorum, LORDS, dicitur; hoc vero Communium, quo nomine Plebei designantur; non quod soli Plebei illuc conveniant (cum magna ex parte constet ex Nobilibus, Armigeri , Equitibus Auratis, Baronettis, et Baronibus, qui Regni Angliae Pares non sunt), sed quod Plebeiorum suffragiis eligantur, eorumque Personas in illo Senatu agant. Comitia ejusmodi cogit Rex, ubi ardua Regni negocia ipsi videntur id exigere, potissimum ubi nova vectigalia imponenda sunt, Leges novae figendae, antiquae refigendae, &c. Hujusmodi enim negocia aut nunquam fiunt a Regibus inconsulto Parlamento, aut raro admodum, idque necessitate quapiam urgente. Solent Reges, ejus consilio non expectato imo nec petito quidem, Edic-[J. 5Jtis suis, quod e Publica Re fore videtur, imperare, addita etiam gravi paena (si res id exigere censeatur) in ilIa violantes; quae tamen Edicta temporaneam tantum vim habent, adeoque Legum rationem non habent, nisi comitiorum suffragia accesserint, Regio Con sensu roborata. Tamen Vectigalia durante Caroh II vita indicta, cum eo mortua, Jacobus II ejus successor exigi curavit, non expect at a Parlamenti sententia, quod Ditionum ipsius securitas id exigere videretur. (13) Non desunt externi, qui, quod Parlamenta aliqua Regibus ipsis gravia fuerint, horum voluntati refragata sint, unum vero A.D. MDCXLII convocatum Regem suum Regia pepulerit, ei bellum intulerit, eum vicerit, et capite truncarit, inaudito a saeculis facinore, majorem censent esse Parlamenti, quam ipsius Regis, autoritatem; aut saltern supremam Potestatem non in Rege solo sed in ipso simul et Parlamento residere. Ceterum +a vero multum+ aberrant isti. Nam 1. Rex sine Parlamento externorum Principum Legatos excipit, iisque r espondet. 2. Suos ad eos Principes destinat. 3. Bellum indicit. 4. Foedera icit, aut iis renunciat. 5. Milites conscribit, et cogit omnes intra decimum sextum et sexagesimum annum agentes, sibi militare, paucis exceptis quibus per Regni Leges a Militia vacatio datur, quod singulare videtur Regum Angliae Privilegium. 6. Pacem init. 7. De Navibus Bellicis, Portubus, munitis oppidis, armamentariis toto regno dispersis, solus disponit. 8. Monetam cudit, eique valorem assignat &c. Quae omnia certissima sunt Supremae Potestatis indicia, cum Parlamento nullo modo communia. (14) Deinde in ipsum Parlamentum Supremam Potestatem exercet, quod convocat, prorogat, de loco in Locum transfert, atque dissolvit pro libitu, etiam nulla data ratione. Deinde,


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7

quantum libet unanimi sent entia sciscat ali quid Parlamentum, nisi Regis Authoritas accesserit, corpus erit exanime, non formatus Embrio, abortivus faetus, res nihil authoritatis nihil Potestatis habens, quam totam a Regio consensu assequitur. Denique tametsi ejus consensus accesserit, et Parlamenti scitum in de vim Legis obtinuerit, ejus Executio a solo Rege pendet, a quo pro libitu suspenditur. Conati quidem sunt identidem factios] in comitiis hoc jugum excutere, et ad parem cum Plebiscitis Romanis auctoritatem sua decreta evehere; sed tametsi beUorum civilium tempore id obtinuisse vi et armis videantur, alias incassum laborarunt. De quo data opportunitate pluribus infra, Deo favente. Quo colore, quo jure, qua ratione Potestas Regia Parlamenti Potestate major, huic aut supponi poterit, aut componi? Nec corttraria sentientes juvat bellum Parricidale in Regem ab uno Parlamento motum; Hoc enim semel tantum contigit, et una hirundo non facit ver. Deinde eo argumento nihil ejusmodi confici liquet ex eo quod Senatui Populoque Romano bellum indixerunt non Gladiatores tantum, verum etiam Servi (ut nihil de Sylla, Mario, Caesare, Catilina dicam). Num aut isti aut illi Senatu Populoque illo majores? (15) Indubitatum itaque est, supremam Potestatem in solo Angliae Rege residere; Parlamentum ips ius tantum Supremum Consilium esse (ita passim vocatur a Juris Peritis), atque adeo ab ilIo regi, illi parere; sine quo Rex pleraque, quod sine Rege nihil efficere potest. Fateor fuisse in Parlamentis subinde quod ab ipsis Regibus timeretur, ex quo Haeresis et Ambitio [1. 6J Senatorum plerorumque corda occuparunt, quae ut a Fide et Ratione, ita a Jure et Principe, dissidere fecerunt. Pari enim passu ambulant, omnis jugi impatientes, omni sublimiori semper infestae, eodem partu editae infaelices sorores, nec prior ab altera divelli potest. (16) ANGLORUM RELIGIO. Quam B. Augustinus saeculo VII ineunte Fidem Roma detulit Anglisque tradidit, eandem isti per varia saecula integram illibatamque retinuerunt. Wicleffi deliria, ut ut magnas in Bohemia cum animarum tum corporum strages ediderint, in Anglia tamen cito extinct a, una fere cum Authore sepulta sunt. Tandem circa medium saeculi XVI, schisma conflatum est ab Henrico VIII, notissimas ob causas, paucis probatas, facta ab Apostolica Sede secessione; quod paulo post in Haeresim degeneravit, non Lutherianam illam quidem, neque Calvinianam, nec aliam ullam unius denominationis, sed ex aliis mixtam. Plebem J ejuniorum onere et Confessionis obligatione, Clerum caelibatus lege cum aliis, exolvunt; Realem Christi praesenti am in Venerabili Sacramento, cum Calvino Zuinglioque negant; de Libero Arbitrio, Gratiae efficacia, Praedestinatione Divina conditione nixa, modeste sentiunt, Arminianis aequiores quam Calvini gregalibus, horribile + decretum, + infinitas hominum miriades aeternis suppliciis destinantis, nullo motivo ad his


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dato, propugnantibus. Cum aliis omnibus Christi in terris Vicadi Potestatem susque deque habent. (17) Caeterum Hierarchiam Ecclesiasticam, excluso tantum Supremo Hierarcha, qualem invenerunt, in specie retinent, tibicinem Monarchiae non futilem arbitrati. In quo ab aliis omnibus Ecclesiae res eo tempore novantibus discedunt. Calvinius, exclusa Praelatura, inter Ecclesiae sacros ministros paritatem induxit; Lutherani Episcopi nomine in Superintendentem, si caelebs sit, Administratorem, si conjugio vinctus, mutato, Authoritatem retinuerunt et Bona, sed sine Ordinatione Sacra, quam insuper habere dicuntur. Angli et nomen retinent Episcopi, et Ordinationem a Presbiteri distinct am iis necessariam asseverant; atque primorum suorum Episcoporum consecratismem a Catholicis Antistibus arcessere conantur (quo suas ad Apostolos origines reducant), sed irrito labore, cum Catholicorum Praesulum, qui tunc temp oris Superstites erant, nullus nec precibus neque minis induci potuerit ad designatos ab Elizabetha Regina Episcopos, manuum suarum impositione Catholico ritu consecrandos. Hinc invicte probamus Catholicae eorum Ordinationis nullitatem; quam ostendit ulterius et materiae et Formae defectus, cum neutram ab ulla Ecclesia antiqua usurpatam retineant. Illi tamen utramque validam esse contendunt, et a veris aliquibus Episcopis initio factam ordinationem, et eo nomine authoritatem in Parochos suarum quique Dioeceseon usurpant. (18) Hinc Presbiterianorum (ita vocantur in Anglia, qui Calvini mentem in Ecclesiae regimine sequuntur) Lachrimae et Gemitus, hinc obmurmurationes, hinc Libelli famosi, Discordiae, Rixae, Seditiones, Bella civilia, Regni Eversio, malorum denique Ilias, tanquam ex Pandorae pixide inundarunt. Enimvero Vestium diversitatem, Crucis figuram in Baptismo, Genuflexionem in Caena, inclinationem versus mens am sacram, dierum festorum observantiam, statas Precum formulas, Superstition em et Pharisaicam Sabbathi consecrationem absque vel minimo opere vel etiam honest a Recreatione, et id genus alias Regulas, Dicis tantum causa allegarunt, ad fucum populo faciendum. Vera Dissidii causa ea est, quod nee isti superiores, nec Episcopi Pares ferre velint. (19) Pervicacissima ista factio, omni superiori adversa, Populo rum exitio nata, et Romae et Patriae communis Erinnis, eodem prope tempore Lucem vidit, quo Religio Anglicana (sic deinceps appellabimus Protestanticam, Episcopis obtemperantem). Siquidem qui Maria Catholica regnante solum verterant Haeretici, primo Francofurti ad Maenum haeserunt; eorum aliqui Genevam, communem Europae sentinam, inde profecti; haustas illic toto pectore Calvini sordes in Patriam suam postliminio reversi secum retulerunt, ubi, Maria mortua, Elizabetha Regni habenas capessivit. Has statim in Anglia spargere [f. 7J ceperunt, Elizabetha nunquam approbante, sed initio connivente, ne abs


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9

se alienaret eos, quorum opera ad eliminandam Romani Pontificis auctoritatem, a qua Sola sibi tum timebat, utilis futura videretur. (20) Ab his sata Zizania, Calvini et Bezae Litteris rigata, a Regina neglecta, Protestantium aliquorum subinde favore fota, ea incrementa brevi sumpserunt, ut non Episcoporum modo, quibus palam bellum indixerant, verum etiam Regiam Autoritatem percellerent. Caeterum salutari et necessaria severitate coerciti, Factiosi posterioribus Elizabethae annis prava studia supprimere coacti fuerunt. Ea resuscitarunt sub Jacobo I ; et tandem sub Carolo I ejus filio monstrum pepererunt, quod tot annos parturiebant, bellum civile, quo Incendium illud excitarunt, quod non nisi trium Regnorum ruin a extinctum est. (21) De sectis aliis, quarum nulla regio feracior, Anabaptistarum, Chyliastarum, sive Millenariorum, Tremulorum, Independentium, Quinto-Monarchitarum, et ejusdem furfuris aliis, quod earum explicatio ad Controvertistam potius quam ad Hystoricum spectare videatur, nihil dicam. Eos omnes Angli, desumpto a studiis vocabulo, N onconjormistas appellant, quod Ecclesiae Anglicanae se conformare nolint, ejus ritus admittendo. Licet autem a Presbiterianis in multis dissentiant, omnes tamen Presbiterianos appellabo, cum horum sub pallio delitescant, cum iis sua consilia communicent, ad eundem cum iis scopum colliment: in hoc uno concordes, sepositis quae vigent inter eos discordiis atque controversiis, quod cunctis viribus Publicae Rei Exitium moliantur. (22) De Catholicis dicere nihil opus est, quorum et mores et doctrina ubique eadem nemini Iatere videntur. Horum forti fidelique opera cum in pace tum in bello usi sunt uterque Carolus I et II. Eorum erga Principes suos studium in Parlamentis semper enituit, quamdiu illis licuit Regni Comitiis interesse. Hinc Tragaediae Belli Civilis Prologus fuit eorum e Comitiis amotio; et cum similem Tragaediam exhibere vellent haud ita pridem eadem Factio, sumptum a Catholicorum amotione initium. Nec horum Fidem suspectam reddere pot est Conjurationis Pulverariae facinus a quibusdam Catholicis designatum, tum quod paucos ejus Invidia affiavit, reliquos ejus mox immunes declaravit ipse] acobus Rex in quem ea faba cudebatur, tum si quae Ministellorum odiosis clamoribus aliorum famae macula in de contracta erat, earn isti diuturna tot annorum fidelitate, etiam difficillimis temporibus, bonis in Regis obsequio consumptis, sanguine efiuso, vita denique dum Regiam tutantur data, eluerant. Hanc officii in Principes rationem ab Apostolo didicimus, docente (Rom. XIII) Omnes Animas Potestatibus superioribus subditas esse, idque non solum propter iram; sed etiam propter conscientiam. Eum qui Potestati resistit, Dei ordinationi resistere: et damnationem sibimet acquirere; non vero propter vilia compendia (ut odiose dictitant Haeretici), ut hac ratione conciliata Principis Benevolentia Legum in nos latarum suspendatur Executio. Ob certam


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istam Catholicorum in Reges observantiam Shaftesburius (de quo plura infra) identidem dixit aut eliminandos e Parlamento Catholicos, aut refixis Legibus in eos Latis, efficiendum ut + aequo + cum aliis Jure fruantur; quod periculosum esset Regni Libertati, Regem tot in Supremo illo Caetu viros habere sibi obnoxios. (23) De his tribus hominum caetibus nostra fere loquetur Oratio, Catholicis, Protestantibus (qui sunt Ecclesiae Anglicanae filii), et Presbiterianis, qui Calvini dogmata amplectuntur. Primi in spiritualibus Papae subsunt; secundi Episcopos venerantur Anglicanos; tertii Seniorum cum Ecclesiasticorum tum Laicorum Consessu Res Ecclesiasticas administrari volunt, aut ut melius dicam, nullum Superiorem agnoscunt, omni tum civili tum Ecclesiastico infesti sunt. [1. 8] (24) JUDICIORUM CRIMINALIUM IN ANGLIA FORMA. Anglia cum Wallia, sive parte occidentali quam Britanni occupant et Hibernico Mari alluitur, in duas supra quinquaginta Provincias dividitur, ad commodius regimen; quarum quaelibet Gubernatorem agnoscit a Rege nominatum e primaria Nobilitate, cum titulo Locum tenentis Regis; qui militiae praeest. Habet etiam Sheriffum, quem nostrates Latine scribentes Vice-Comitem appellant, et nos eo nomine deinceps vocabimus, a Rege nominatum in unum tan tum annum. Ipsius est facinorosos ex tota Provincia submissos ut caute custodiantur efficere, curare ut suo tempore tribunali sistantur, adsint Jurati, de quibus statim, de iis cognituri, et ut lata a Judicibus sententia E xecutioni mandetur. Ipsius etiam est submissos a Rege Judices advenientes excipere, per Provinciam, ne quid desit, providere, eos defendere, iisque denique in omnibus adesse, si qua in re ejus ope indiguerint. (25) Sunt praeterea alii magistratus quos ob Pacem publicam eo rum curae commendatam, Eirenarchas + [Genus Magistratus Imperio Romano non ignotum, si quidem extat in Codice LX. Tit. lxxv. Lex de Irenarchis, Honorio et Theodosio Impp. edita]+ appellat Cambdenus quasi Pacis Praesides, sive Custodes: hi criminis vel compertos vel vehementer suspectos ad se delatos, carceri mancipant, et indicta pro qualitate criminis aut Rei et Testium mulcta, hos ad statutum diem comparere coram Tribunali jubet. Horum aliqui quater in anna conveniunt de communibus Provinciae negotiis deliberatum, Pontium Viarumque reparatione, Pauperum necessitatibus, Legum observantia, + et si qua in re publicum aliquid aut ceperit aut capere possit detrimenti, + et, quod ad rem nostram propius spectat, quando propediem adfuturi Judices sciuntur, de Reis eorumque causa leviter et perfunctorie cognoscunt. Ad quod Vice-Comes etiam ex iis, qui non sunt Eirenarchae, aliquos accire potest, et quia jurant se secundum conscientiam pronunciaturos vocantur Jurati Majores, quia de totius Provinciae negociis cognoscunt, ad differentiam J uratorum Minorum, qui ab eodem Vice-Comite


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citantur, de Reis in particulari cognituri; qui jurant eodem modo se secundum conscientiam sine Amore aut Odio pronunciaturos. Requirit jus nostrum sint bani et Legales homines, id est Probi, et ut in Provincia ubi Judicium instituitur habitent. Nec refert cujus conditionis, si Reus sit e Plebe, modo non sit Lanio, quos arcent nostra Jura ob duritiem ex pecorum laniena et sanguinis contactu ortam. Et quod caput est, neutri parti addicti esse debent; cujus rei aequitas in Lege Naturae fundatur. Unde Reo permittitur exceptio adversus sibi suspectos, in quorum locum alii substituuntur, donec duodecim numerati sint nullis exceptionibus obnoxii. Similem aut eandem ob causam, Regiis ministris eadem potestas fit eos reiiciendi, qui aut Reo aperte favent, aut Regi minus sunt aequi. Quamvis hoc Jus in dubium vocarint factiosi, ut videbimus infra. (26) Actor in cunctis causis criminalibus Rex est, quod censeatur ejus Majestas et Authoritas qualibet Legum transgressione violari. Ab eo constitutus Graphiarius (Clericum Coronae vocamus) Dicam scribit +(Billam appellamus) +; ea Juratis Majoribus exhibetur. Si digna causa videatur Judicum cognitione, eamque probabiliter subsistere censeant, a tergo scribunt: Billa Vera; +quo casu Reus Judicio sisti debet.+ Sin vero, scribunt a tergo: Ignoramus, quod perinde est ac dicere causam non liquere nobis videtur; qua formula Reus judicio subducitur, et restituitur plerunque in integrum. Et haec causae cognitio prodroma est et veluti praeparatio ad finalem et definitivam sententiam; absolvere quippe possunt Reos Jurati Majore, condemnare non possunt; sed tantum aliis permittere sive committere Rei cognitionem. (27) Ubi advenit decretorius dies, J udicibus in altiori Scamno veluti Throno sedentibus, assidentibus Eirenarcharum aliquibus cum Praetore loci, vinctus adducitur Reus, et cancellis thronum ambientibus sistitur, in loco conspicuo, unde videri ab omnibus possit. Tum eum scriba clara voce, et nomine et cognomine compellans, jubet manum attollere. Dicam exinde legit, qua paucis ejus crimen continetur, nempe Homicidium, vel furtum, &c. [I 9J Tum petit: Reusne an non Reus sit? Si nihil respondere velit, damnatur ut contumax, quod litem contestari nolit, et supplicio afficitur Anglis peculiari *: in area Carceris, vestibus omnibus exutus, reclinatur supinus, acuto lapide Lumbis supposito; ventri asseres, et his ingentia pondera imponuntur, donec expiret. Acerbum quidem mortis genus, quod tamen multi de causa sua desperantes, subire malunt, quam non profutura defensione, lite contestata, ad alia mitiora damnari, tum quia eorum bona ad haeredes transeunt nec fisco addicuntur, tum quia

*

The origin of the peine forte et dure is discussed at length by A. Marks, T:yburn Tree (n.d.), p. 35 sq. It was originally only" severe imprisonment to make the accused plead." That it developed into pressing to death, a punishment worse than hanging, is " a most remarkable example of judgemade law." It was abolished in 1772.


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nulla inde infamia manet ad posteros. Si respondendo litem contestetur is qui accusatur, et agnoscat se Reum esse, Judices statim proferunt sententiam. Si neget se Reum esse, Scriba ex praescripta formula petit, a quo judicari velit? Cui alter respondere tenetur : A Deo, et Patria. Patriae autem vices subeunt Duodecim viri, sive jurati, ad quorum electionem ex eorum numero quos ad idipsum accerserat Vice-Comes, proceditur statim, monito Reo attente consideret singulos dum ad nomina sua respondent, ut adversus eos excipiat, quos sibi minus aequos fore ob aliquas privatas simultates arbitretur, priusquam ad J urandum admittantur; post enim nullum rejicere fas est. Duodecim viris nominatis et juramento adstrictis, Accusationem instituit Regius Advocatus, aut Procurator, aut alius eorum vices gerens +Actor+ ; oratione perbrevi et nervosa tum Testes dat, quibus allegata probet. Locus exinde Reo se defendendi datur; quod ubi factum, Judex paucis recenset quae utrinque dicta sunt, quo melius a Duodecim viris intelligantur, et eorum memoriae tenacius inhaereant; qui statim secedunt in vicinum cubiculum ad id preparatum, de causa deliberatum; quo nemini licet intrare, nec aut cibum aut potum inferri, donec in unam sententiam convenerint omnes; nec enim sententiam pronunciare licet ad pluralitatem suffragiorum; et pronunciant de solo facto, nimirum an A.B. sit Reus facti , cujus accusatur, + aut non sit Reus. + Ubi omnes in un am sententiam convenerunt, exeuntes e cubiculo omnes simul, uni facta pro omnibus loquendi facultate , Accusatum pronunciant aut Reum, aut non Reum. Si posterius, Accusatus noxa eximitur, et dimittitur Liber. Si prius, Judices Reum adjudicant supplicio per Jura nostratia tali crimini praescripto. Nec enim ulla illis Libertas permittitur alia supplicia decernendi, quam Leges indicunt. Ubi tamen variae leges varias eidem crimini paenas indicunt, illis licet quam malint eligere. Atque haec J udiciorum forma per Provincias quotannis bis instauratur; at Londini, propter Civitatis amplitudinem, populi frequentiam, et affluxum hominum omnis generis, octies circiter. (28) Judices in ferenda sententia sequi t enentur Duodecim virorum sententiam, nec ullo modo licet eis eum absolvere, quem illi Reum pronunciarunt; imo nee differre sententiam suam, illorum conformem. Tamen ubi apertam hujus iniquitatem manifestis indieiis deprehendunt, possunt sententiae a se latae exeeutionem differre, donee ad Regem referant, a quo solo damnatus a Duodecim viris libertatem obtinere potest. Reo vero Regem appellare nihil juvat, quod Duodeeim virorum sentent ia Definitiva sit. [f. 11] (29) SUPPLICIORUM GENERA.* Supplicia alia capitalia sunt, alia non capitalia, supra p. 9. Capitalium Rei, qui ex primaria

* This is

Valor.

placed at f. 11 in t he original, after paragraph 38 Monetae


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13

sunt nobilitate, securi subjiciuntur; reliqui omnes, etiam qui nobiles sunt, suspendio necantur ut plurimum, nisi aut crimen commissum aut Rei in Jus vocati defensio aliud exigat a Jure statutum; si nempe mutus haereat, nec litem contestari velit, de quo supra. Perduelles, sive Majestatis Rei, suspenduntur primo, deinde patibulo deponuntur, reclinantur supini, +spirantibus adhuc+ exinde pectus venterque finduntur, ilia visceraque eximuntur et igne consumuntur, reliquum corpus in quatuor partes secatur, quae, ni Rex aliud jubeat, in diversis locis exponuntur, ad terrorem aliis faciendum. Atque ista fert sententiae publicae formula solemnis. Tamen fere semper miseri pendere permittuntur, donec penitus expirent. (30) Quod si vel uxor maritum, vel famulus herum suum occiderit (quod minoris Majestatis crimen dicitur, quod Pater familias in ea veluti Monarcha parvus aestimetur), vivus comburitur. Vivi combusti etiam olim paenas dabant Haeretici; sed hoc jure novo (de quo paucis infra) sublatum est. Aliud supplicium olim statutum iis, qui atrocis homicidii Rei essent: aptatis inter crura et circa corpus catenis, e patibulo suspendebantur, donec aut Aeris inclementia aut inedia perirent. Sed illud vetitum, quod productius supplicium Infaelicibus hominibus multorum criminum, cum aeternae salutis certo discrimine, aut causa aut occasio erato (31) Supplicia non capitalia sunt: virgis caedi, numellis exponi, stigmate inuri. Stigma ferro candenti in vola manus inuritur; de quo nulla nobis mentio. Virgis caedendus, nudo capite corporeque superne ad cingulum usque, praecedentem carrucam manibus illi alligatis sequitur pedes, carnifice pone sequente. Numellae (Pillory vocamus, nomine Gallico) raro alibi usurpantur, suntque hujusmodi: erigitur stela XII circiter pedes alta, cui transversim imponuntur duo asseres ita dispositi, ut Rei collum et manuum carpos apte stringant, pedibus alteri asseri veluti solo impositis; magis infamia quam dolore afficiens supplicium, nisi addatur in sententia aurium mutilatio, quando auriculas clavo numellis affixas, carnifex abscindit. Atque de his satis pro instituti mei ratione. [f. 9 ctd.] (32) LONDINI REGIMEN. Jus Civitatis Londini et in eo opificium ullum exercendi, nemo nascendi sorte, nemo paterno Jure adipiscitur, sed proprio tantum cujusque duro et diuturno septem ut plurimum annorum lab ore ad artificium discendum posito. Quo tempore vocantur Prentices, aut a verbo Gallico Apprentifs, a studio discendi Artificium, aut ut putat [Polidorus] Vergilius, a vocibus Latinis Pares empticiis servis, quod par sit Opificis in Tyronem suum ac Heri in servum jus. Illam tamen conditionem amplectuntur cum qui Londini nascuntur, tum qui alibi, honesto plerique Loco, aliqui etiam ex Primariis Regni familiis, iisque ditissimis, minores natu filii, commercii magni-


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tudine, et Divitiarum inde nascentium spe allecti. Cum enim Jure Anglicano bonorum omnium immobilium Patris Primogenitus sit haeres ex Asse, et secundogenitis nihil obveniat praeter aut partem aliquam Bonorum mobilium, aut exiguam aliquam pensionem annuam, donec vixerint tantum duraturam, etiamsi Pater condito Testamento [f. 10J diem obeat; ubi vero moritur intestatus, de Jure nihil exigere possunt; sed Primogeniti Misericordiae relinquuntur (quam sane subinde valde duram experiuntur); inde necessitas illis injicitur se sua alendi, et rem augendi industria. Quare aut ditiorum obsequio se dedunt, aut Opifici cuipiam suam operam elocant ad septennium, manente eorum nobilitate sopita quarndiu servitutem illam serviunt aut opificium exercent, reviviscente vero ubi ad pinguiorem fortunam pervenerint, et partis lab ore et industria bonis in otio fruuntur. Unde dicere possumus nullam forte in toto Orbe Civitatem tam nobiles habere cives, nullos cives majores habere animos, a turpi lucro alieniores. Nusquam aut nit~r in supellectili, aut liberalitas in conviviis, aut honest as in moribus, aut splendor in tota vita major occurrit; digna omnia familiarum magnitudine unde orti sunt. Fuit e duobus Vice-Comitibus unus, qui duabus tantum horis antea monitus, tali convivio extraordinarium Regis Christianissimi Legatum exceperit, ut iste stupescens dixerit se numquam crediturum fuisse, nisi id suis ipse vidisset Oculis. (33) Elapso Tyrocinii Septennio, velit nolit Opifex Dominus, Tyro manumittitur, et Civis Londinensis Jus assequitur, et, si suum opificium per se exercere velit, in illius Collegium adoptatur. Pleraque enim opificia Regia munificentia in totidem corpora politica sive Sodalitia congregantur, multis Privilegiis donata; quorum quodque aedes habet public as magnificentissimis Palatiis pares, in quas conveniunt de rebus Opificium suum spectantibus deliberatum. Praeter quas est Domus Civica ubi negocia expediuntur, quae totam Civitatem et omnia Collegia in genere tangunt. Ex his Collegiis eliguntur singulis annis duo Vice-Comites, quorum auctoritas eadem fere est cum Provinciarium Vice-Comitibus, de quibus supra. Ex iis desumuntur viginti sex Aldermanni, quorum quisque uni Urbis Regioni praeficitur; nam et Civitas in viginti sex Regiones, sive Custodias (Wards), dividitur. (34) 10ti Civitati praeest non Princeps aliquis aut Magnas ut in aliis Regionibus, sed ex Aldermannis unus, a communi Concilio Civico electus in unum annum; cujus Auctoritas secundum Regiam maxima, Dignitas tanta, ut cum Elizabethae Reginae morte vacaret Regia sedes, ad quam occupandam invitandus esset Jacobus Scotiae Rex, Epistolis totius Regni nomine scriptis invitatoriis, Praetor Londiniensis + (Majorem appellant, nomine vel a Gallis vel etiam a Romanis accepto) + ante Proceres omnes, etiam eos qui a Sacratiori Consilio, et qui Armis et Classi praeerant, subscripsit. Sicut Regi ita ipsi Gladius praefertur, et Ensifero ejus bis mille scuta annue penduntur a Civitate.


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15

(35) Toto Praeturae suae tempore mens am habere tenetur lautissime instructam, cunctis honestis viris ea frui volentibus apertam. Fuisse dicitur qui quatuor Reges una convivio exceperit. (36) Felices cives, quantum humana conditio patitur, supra aliarum Gentium omnium sortem, sua si bona nossent, iisque moderate uterentur! Verum dum antiqua Privilegia nov is quacunque data occasione augent, dum Collegiorum suorum et Consilii Civici.scita Regni legibus praehabent, dum Libertate ad Licentiam, licentia ad Libidinem abutuntur, dum adversus publica Principis imperia suis Privilegiis pugnant, ejusque beneficia in ipsius damnum convertunt, dum Rem Publicam, Regimenve Democraticum, in Media Monarchia adstruunt, in ea praecipitia inciderunt, unsie non facile emergent, ut videbimus, Deo dante. (37) KALENDARIUM ANGLICANUM. Novo Gregorii Kalendario non utuntur Angli, quod ejus ante Reformationem facta esset ab Apostolica Sede Secessio, et dedignarentur qui Schisma conflarant etiam bona a Pontifice Summo profecta admittere. Annum novum xxv Martii auspicantur. Et Primus cujusque mensis dies novi Kalendarii die bus decem posterior est. Adeoque xi Aprilis Romae et primus ejusdem mensis in Anglia coincidunt. Hystorici tantum, teste Cambdeno, et cum illis [f. IIJ nos annum auspicabimur Kalendis J anuariis; in aliis Kalendarium antiquum sequemur, ubi res in Anglia gestas (quae nobis utramque paginam imp lent) referemus. (38) MONETAE VALOR. Rei monetariae ratio in Anglia multum djffert ab aliis ubi vis gentium; nullius siquidem valor per Europam cum nostrae exacte quadrat, siquidem Libra sterlinga, uti vocatur, excedit multum quatuor scuta Gallica et Germanica; non aequat quatuor Romana. Nos tamen, quoties de iis occurret mentio, pro singulis Libris nostratibus quatuor scuta ponemus. Hac ratione melius intelligar ab externis, si qui ista legere dignentur; nec inde Lectoris offensam timeo, cum inde nec illi quicquam damni nec mihi Lucri accedet; Mercatoribus, iisque qui res Collibisticas tractant, aequationem permittam exactiorem.* (39) Denique Lectorem Eruditum, nostrarum rerum curiosum admonitum velim Instituti mei esse solum (quod et Libri titulus prae se fert) Hystoriam scribere Persecutionis Anglicanae sub Carolo II in Catholic os excitatae, turpissimae Conjurationis accusatos. Adeoque totus in eo fui, ut + referem+ quid isti, et quo modo passi fuerint, quamque immerito, ob notissimam, multis argumentis probatam, ab omnibus jam agnitam, eorum Innocentiam. + Quae dici vix possunt, intelligi vero nullo modo, non explicatis eo rum studiis qui in Catholicos grassati sunt. Hinc omitti non potuerunt Presbiterianorum studia et eorum vera conspiratio. + In quibus referendis necessitas subinde injecta

*

Here follows in original para. 29 Suppliciorum Genera. Para. 39 Denique Lectorem etc. is appended on a separate sheet facing f. 10 in the MS.


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de aliis subinde scribendi are proposita diversis, non tamen alienis, ob necessariam inter eas connexionem. Dixit alicubi B. Optatus Ecclesiam esse in Republica. Certe Ecclesiae cum Republicae negociis ita intertexta sunt, ut alia sine aliis retexi nullo modo posse videantur. Hinc nemo miretur si Regni Anglicani politiam subinde explicem; minus adhuc, si quae dam subinde Theologica aut Philosophic a aut etiam Controversa Fidei Dogmata occurrant, cum eorum Explicatio operi mea necessaria sit visa. Memor tamen ubique me Hystorici personam sustinere, non autem sive Philosophi sive Theologi, vix ea tetigi, nisi cum necessario id factu opus esse censui; et tum etiam id tam levi manu, ut appareat me in alieno versari, idque illubenter. Ut obiter aliqua dicerem de terribili cometa, qui fulgere vis us est exeunte Anno Domini MDCLXXX et de Diluvio Belgii Orae Maritimae incumbente, altero post anno, effecit utriusque in solita facies. [f. 12] HYSTORIAE PERSECUTIONIS ANGLICANAE LIBER I. Anacephaleosis eorum, quae contigerunt a Reditu Caroli II ad annum MDCLXXVIII. (40) ARGUMENTUM. Insperatus Caroh reditus ab exilio; cujus gratia florens Odoardus Hydus Societatem ex Anglia frustra pellere conatur. Bellum Hollandicum, Pestis, et Incendium Londinense. Aulici et Patriotae. Haeresum colluvies. Conscientiarum libertas cunctis indulta pacem colentibus; unde nata in Catholicos odia. Vera Persecutionis causa ejusque Praetextus. Presbiterianorum Supplicatio ad comburendum in Effigie summum Pontificem. Quales Carolus, Regina, Eboracensis, Monmuthius, Portsmuthia, Danbeius, Londinienses, Scroggius, Titus Oates, Ezrehel Tongus. Item Thomas Harcottus, Societatis Jesu per Angliam Provincialis. Antwerpianus morbus. Epistolae Win desorianae. Oates coram Consilio Regio auditus. (41) PERSECUTIO A QUIBUS MOTA? ET QUO EXITU? Persecutionis, omnium quas unquam passi sunt in Anglia Catholici longe atrocissimae, Hystoriam aggredior. Earn Catholici formidabant, Haeretici exoptabant, Prudentes futuram praevidebant, et viri prophetico spiritu donati praedixerant. Earn Aulici quidam inchoarunt, Factiosi promoverunt, sed Deus ad exitum perduxit omnium expectationi contrarium. Aulici, ostentato a Catholicis in Regis Regnique perniciem conspirantibus metu, sperabant Comitiorum Authoritate Regium Exercitum stabilitum iri; et eorundem Authoritate is statim exauthoratus est. Haeretici Fidei Catholicae exitium meditabantur; et ilia mirum in modum propagata est. Factiosi Ducis Eboracensis exitium et Monarchiae eversionem designabant; et Monarchia firmius stabilita, Deus Eboracensem diversa per itinera ad Thronum perduxit. Dux

*

* Cf.

ยง 103 and note.


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17

Monmuthius coronam ambivit; et ad ferale pegma deduct us cervices securi subjecit. Shaftesburius Comes Carolum injecta manu se e Regno deducturum gloriatus fuerat; et ipse regno cedens, quo saluti suae consuleret, exul miseram et malign am animam efflavit. Danbeius Aerario Praefectus suam apud Carolum Gratiam stabilitum iri putabat; et Gratia omni excidit, atque Aula pulsus est. Mercatores ac Opifices frequentiora sibi commercia augurabantur et inde magnas opes; et intercisis magna ex parte commerciis ea detrimenta ceperunt, ut nee incendium Londiniense, omnium quae vidit Orbis maximum, pluris steterit. Civitas denique Regia (Londinum) dubia quaedam Privilegia asserere voluit; et amisit indubitata. Nunquam darius apparuit sapientiam hujus mundi stultitiam esse apud Deum, qui comprehendit sapientes in Astutia eorum, et consilia impiorum dissipat. (42) Videmus hic Pios ab impiis, Viros Religiosos a Sacrilegis, Probos a Malignis, Regi Fidelissimos ab ejus infensissimis Hostibus, Innocentes a Facinorosis, Pacificos ab odio pacem habentibus, sua illis crimina objectantibus, in Judicium arcessi, in carceres conjici, ad supplicia rapi, quasi quod est in Fabulis, Vulpes Anseribus, lupi Agnis, Accipitres Perdicibus, Aquilae Columbis, violatae Pacis dicam impingerent; videbimus conquisitos toto Regno viros Infames, aperta ergastula, criminum compertos in de eductos, praeteritorum criminum gratia, additis etiam amplis praemiis, elicitos ad Fidem fabulosae Conspirationi faciendam suis Perjuriis; Fidem istis, non solum falsa sed etiam improbabilia et impossibilia dicentibus, habitam; tanta illos auctoritate circum datos, ut cum impune Iiceret quidlibet in Regni statum, in Regios ministros, Regem ipsum, et Deum dicere, hos tamen nemo vel minimo verbo aliove signo impune lacessivit. (43) CAROLI II REDITUS. Fessus Civilibus Bellis, mutationum regiminis pertaesus, vectigalibus exhaustus, Populus Anglicanus, nulla us pi am firma meliorum spe recreatus, publico convicio Parlamentum impulit ad Carolum, in Belgio manentem, solemni missa Legatione in avitum [f. 13] Regnum reducendum, qui scilicet Ordinum nomine missi ex Utroque Condavi, +rogarent, + reverti dignaretur et Ditionum ipsius suscipere Regimen. Presbiterianorum dicitur fuisse consilium in eo rerum cardine, reversuro Regi certas proponere conditiones, et quibusdam quasi cancellis ejus Authoritatem circumscribere. Ausi sunt etiam Monkio Armorum Praefecto id proponere; sed ab eo cum indignatione rejecti, dicente tantum Regem plena cum Potestate rediturum, nec velIe se ullis pactis interjectis Imperii vim minutam. Sed nee ardens Populi Regem videndi desiderium ullas moras patiebatur. (44) Omnium itaque votis expetitus, totius Britanniae humeris in Thronum sibi debitum relatus est. Is ad Clementiae farnam novo regimini quaerendam pronus, vulgata Amnestia, praeteritorum omnium omnibus impunitatem coneessit, iis B


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OF CATHOLICS

duntaxat exceptis quos Comitia censerent ea Gratia indignos. Religionem Protestanticam professus, earn se defensurum pollicitus est, ita tamen ut nulli ab ea dissentienti vim esset illaturus, qui aliter sentientibus molestus non esset, nec Religionis praetextu ad dissidia serenda et publicam pacem turban dam abuteretur. Haec non majori suo quam aliorum gaudio suscepta. Hinc exauthorato quod eum revocarat Parlamento (utpote vitio creato, quia sine Authoritate Regia), aliud statim indixit; in quo in integrum restituti Episcopi, Comitiis interesse Diaecesesque regere jussi sunt; Ecclesiis Cathedralibus et Collegiatis Lyturgia reddita; Parochialibus Ecclesiis permissum ut aut earn aut alium colendi Deum ritum observarent, prout earum Rectoribus et Parochianis expedire in Domino videretur, qui tamen omnes paulo post eandem Lyturgiam ultro admiserunt. Sumptum de Regicidis supplicium; alii Perduelles voluntario exilio semet castigarunt, magis quid essent meriti, quam quid Carolus designaret facere, timentes. Quis non penitus extinctum crederet Civilis Belli incendium? At male tectus sub cinere doloso ignis biennio post erumpens novum minitabatur, sed mature repressus est Authorum clade. At anna MDCLXXVIII ea violentia erupit iterum, ut sacra, prophana, privata, publica corripuerit, et in summum discrimen adduxerit. Nempe male sopita Incendia majori violentia erumpunt, majori vi grassantur. (45) Non deerant ab initio in Parlamento infensissimi Catholicorum hostes; sed nihil movere ausi sunt, adeo recens erat eorum Officiorum in Carolum memoria, quem corporibus suis Worcestriensi praelio texerant, quem post illud fide sua et industria diligentissimae Rebellium Inquisitioni subduxerant, spretis et suppliciis iis qui eum celarent intentatis, et premiis ilium prodentibus promissis; quem exulantem suis in terris coluerant; ad cujus reditum cum aliis cooperati fuerant; qui denique eodem in Parlamento de eodem bene mereri pergebant, ejus Consilia promovendo etiam sibi noxia, Episcoporum nimirum Restitutionem. Durum enim visum et inhumanum, Persecutionis in eos gladium stringere, qui nihil mali, multum boni fecerant, et porro faciebant. Vnus inventus est qui, sive ob privatas offensas, sive Religionis Protestanticae studio, J esuitarum exilium proposuit, horum causam ab aliis diversam esse dictitans. Sed res effectu caruit, paucis probata, a multis invisa, plurimis ingrati animi indicium detestantibus. Qui rem urserat paulo post Invidiae impar cum gravium criminum in eodem Parlamento accusaretur, solum sponte vertit, in Galliam profectus, ubi mortalitatem exuit. (46) ODOARDUS HYDUS QUALlS. Is erat Odoardus Hydus, nobili loco natus, Juris nostri Peritissimus. Caroli I ferventibus bel1is civilibus partes secutus, in ejus non solum noticiam sed et

*

:'- In 1662 there were negotiations between the Chapter and Hyde concerning a declaration of Allegiance. Cj. Southwark MS. 106 III, p. 391 (Tierney's collections for his edition of vol. iii of Dodd's History).


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familiam admissus, atque in Sacratius ejus Consilium; cui adeo suam probavit operam, ut ad componendas civiles Discordias una cum Duce Richmondiae plena cum Potestate legaretur. Caroli rebus retro sUblapsis et pessum euntibus, in Galliam ad Carolum filium accessit; a quo Madritum ad Philippi IV aulam cum Francisco Barone Cottingtono missus est. Inde reversus Carolo II semper adhaesit individuus comes, fidus Achates, a quo Comes Clarendoniae et tandem Regni Cancellarius factus est. Apud is tum ea gratia fioruit, ut sine eo prope nihil, per ipsum omnia fere disponerentur, maxime officiorum distributio, quae non semper dignissimis et de Carolo optime meritis danda curavit, nonnullis visus in his a muneribus non abhorrere, communi Caussidicorum vitio [j. 14J (Integritatis tamen farnam prope singularem meruit in jure dicendo); quod confirmant opes, quas a Parentibus modicas accepit, immensas (si rumoribus non semper falsis fides) aut vivens distribuit aut moriens posteris reliquit, solis honestis Artibus vix parabiles tantillo tempore. Zelum pro Religione Protestantica non solum Episcoporum restitutione et proposito J esuitarum exilio dedaravit, sed etiam libro typis edito contra R .P . Serenum Cresseium, Ordinis Benedictini scriptorem celebrem. ~ Strinxit etiam calamum adversus filiam suam, Jacobo Eboracensium Duci nuptam, cujus ad Ecdesiam Catholicam transit urn aegerrime tulit. :t Vir quibuslibet negociis par, si animi magnitudinem et consilii solertiam spectemus, modo major adfulsset moderatio, aut in alia tempora incidisset; sed ingenium semper serium et Propositi tenacius Carolo diu placere non potuit, cui subinde alia placebant. Desiderabant in eo Magnates earn comitatem et affabilitatem, qua lenjretur Invidia magnam Fortunam repente ortam sequens. Studium denique immodicum unius Religionis, ubi tam multae erant, aliarum ab eo Professores alienavit. (47) Tres proles reliquit: Annam, Eboracensi nuptam (cui quinque proles tulit, tres mares, quorum minimus in Infantia, reliqui duo ea vix egressi obierunt, et duas filias etiamnum superstites, quarum altera Auriaco Principi, Regis Daniae Fratri altera nupsit), et duos filios, Henricum, quem Haeredem ex Asse scripsit, et Laurentium, singulari Jacobi II. gratia fiorentem, a quo factus Rochestriae Comes, Aerario Praefectus, et in nobilissimum Periscelidis sodalitium cooptatus. Horum aliqua non nisi multos post annos contigerunt, simu1 tamen hic dantur, ut melius sciatur

*

*

Cottington was at Madrid with Hyde 1649-165l. Cressy had written Fanaticism fanatically imputed to the Catholick Church by Dr. Stillingfleet . ... 1672 (Wing. C.6898), to which Clarendon had replied in Animadversions upon a book intituled, Fanaticism . .. . 1673 (Wing. C.4414). Cressy replied to Clarendon with The Epistle Apologetical of s.c. to a Person of Honour, 1674 (Wing. C.6893) . Clarendon and Cressy (before his conversion) had both belonged to the Falkland circle. Cj. B . H. G. VVormaId, Clarendon (1951), p. 262 sq. :t Cf. Two Letters written by . . . (published c. 1679) (Wing. C.4429). ~


20

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qualis vir fuerit, quemque exjtum habuerit, qui Jesuitarum promovit exilium. Et vero magno Regni bono factum, ut ultra non processerit, ne omnia rursus turbarentur, ut postea contigit, cum excitata in solos initio J esuitas Tempestas, primum alios Catholicos omnes, deinde etiam Protestantes, tum Eboracensem et Reginam, denique Carolum ipsum eo turbine involvit, qui tantum non omnes evertit. Cudebantur quidem subinde novae leges in Catholicos, istis adversae Factioni imparibus, et Carolo non satis strenue resistente; sed brut a fulmina credebantur, quod penes Carolum (de cujus benevolentia minime dubitabant) esset earum executio. (48) PACATA OMNIA. Habitabat itaque tunc temporis Juda et Israel, Catholicus et Protestans, absque timore ullo, unusquisque sub viti sua et sub ficu sua (lib. iii. Reg. iv. 25) quasi gladios suos in vomeres, et lanceas in falces conflassent (Isayae ii. 4); non quod cunctis praesenti a placerent, sed quod, qui bus non placerent, ii mentem suam aperire non auderent. Enimvero sperari vix aut ne vix poterat, ut, qui per summum nefas interempto Rege summam sibi Potestatem arrogaverant, se e Throno dejici et in ordinem redigi aequo animo paterentur; aut ut Populus impia, quae viginti Bellorum Civilium annis imbiberant, dogmata, perniciosasque Imperiis doctrinas, animo cum Fortuna repente mutato, evomeret, et debitum Principis mandatis obsequium ex corde praestaret. Tempore opus est, ut robusta, quae multos annos radices egerunt, vitia convellantur. (49) Haerebat itaque animis virus; sed sopitum et in presens innoxium, necdum abolita malorum, quae Civile Bellum invexerat, memoria, nec fere sopito sensu, prae quibus, quae displicebant, levia latu videbantur. Senatus populus que Londinensis (cujus maxima in totam Angliam authoritas, non Imperio jure stabilito, sed Exemplo, quod alia oppida sponte sua sequuntur), sive mutationum in supremo Regimine pertaesus (illud uno anna quater mutari viderant), sive praeteritorum sensu, sive futurorum metu, Pacem serio colebat. Unde, cum Plebis Quisquiliae Londini corripuissent arma, Praetor Urbis, accita Militia Civica, eas nullo negocio fudit fugavitque; quorum praecipui Temeritatis suae paenas luerunt, consueto Perduellium supplicio affecti. Nec ullum nominare poterant clarum virum seditionis affinem. Presbiteriani consllia cum istis communicare nolebant, memores Bellum in Carolum I a se gestum suo periculo, alieno emolumento, cum totam praedam bello partam Fanatici homines rejectis Presbiterianis sibi suisque retinuerint etiam Imperium. Hinc suspectum ipsis illorum consortium, similem Perfidiam timentibus. Magnates suis honoribus restituti, quibus una cum Rege dejecti fuerant, motus omnes aversabantur, a quibus nihil boni sperare, nihil non mali timere, poterant. (50) CAROLUS QUALIS. Carolus vero, optimus conciliandi Amicos (non perinde, ut aliis visum, eos colendi et retinendi)


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21

Artifex, Plebem Vectigalium imminutione, nobiles Honorum augmento, omnes singulari et ingenita adeoque minime fieta affabilitate sibi [ j. 15J conciliabat, aditu facilis, alloquio comis, beneficus et liberalis etiam in hostes, adeo a superbia, a fastu alienus, ut Regem exuere, aut, quod proximum est, Regem se esse vix meminisse videretur. Ad haec sermones familiares ingeniosi (totidem Apophthegmata diceres), eo lepore, facetiarum venustate, et salibus respersi, sed sine dente, sine morsu, ut omnes et in admirationem et amorem raperet. Qui si tam sapienter egisset ubique ac locutus est, omnium judicio summos et praesentis et praeteritorum saeculorum Monarchas aequasset. Unicum in eo notabatur vitium, nimia nec ullos intra honest os fines coercita in venerem propensio; cujus sensum minuebat apud viros, uxoris pientissimae faeminae sterilitas; faeminas vero ei conciliabat, et per ipsas viros. Nec enimvero rarum esse potest illud vitium, ubi Haeresis admissa pudorem + solvit, + et negata Libertate frena Luxuriae laxavit. (51) Deerat etiam Factiosis Religionis, potentissimi ad dementandos homines Fascini, color, ad desperatam Motuum Civilium causam fucandam; licet enim in Ecclesias aliquas Regia Authoritate, ut dictum est, et in alias populi voluntate, fuisset restituta Lyturgia, a qua abhorrebant Presbiteriani, ea tamen abstinere, et intra privatos parietes Deum quo liberet modo colere licebat, modo citra aliorum aliter sentientium offensam aut scandalum. Quod Populo utcunque faciebat satis. (52) BELLUM HOLLANDICUM ET INCENDIUM LONDINIENSE. Delatae exin ad Parlamentum Mercatorum querelae de Hollandis (quo nomine Faederatas Provincias intelligo) eorum commercia pervertentes, ut sua augerent, pronis auribus receptae sunt ; et a Comitiis ad Carolum relatae cum infimis precibus suorum subditorum consuleret indemnatati, Gentis honori. Carolus rem minime contemnendam ratus, Legatos misit res repetitum. Sed frustra fuit Legatio; unde utrinque + ventum+ ad arma neutri contendentium parti profutura, utriusque cladibus insignia, sed aliunde ortis: nam Hollandi saepius in praelio navali victi, nunquam Angli, sed Pestis fuse grassata per multos menses Londini (una hebdomada supra XlIII hominum millia elata dicuntur) et secutum deinde Regiae Civitatis incendium, pro Victoria numerari potest. Hinc dici potest quod Hollandos Angli, hos Deus ipse castigavit. (53) Catholicorum in hoc bello enituit virtus, quorum forti fidelique opera Carolus usus est. Ex cladibus tamen, quas diximus, nova sumpta calumniis eos insectandi occasio, quasi praestare tenerentur omnia Fortunae vitia, publicas calamitates. Par Judiciorum Iniquitas primos Christianos exercuit, si quidem Romae sub Nerone, et ab ipso, ut creditur, incensae, postulati sunt, teste Tacito' ejusdem a Gothis captae, teste Augustino


22

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OF CATHOLICS

(De Civ. Dei Lib. II. c. IlL). « Praetexunt ad odii defensionem," ait Tertulljanus (Apologetici c. XL), « iUam quoque Vanitatem, quod existiment omnis publicae c1adis, omnis popularis incommodi Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis ascendit ad Maenia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva; si caelum stetit, si terra movit; si fames, si lues, statim Christianos ad leones, . .... " (54) Illud speciatim +Catholicis sacerdotibus vitio versum, an merito judicent alii, quod longe lateque grassante lue, et Londini in dies singulos millia consumente, pio animarum, pro quibus Christus mori dignatus est, Zelo succensi, eorum ali qui , praesenti et manifesto mortis periculo nihil territi, infectas domos adire, aegros invisere, pios cum iis sermones miscere, ad levan dam morbi violentiam aptis remediis pro virili juvare, fidei Catholicae mysteria eaque credendi necessitatem exponere, Sacramentis Ecc1esiae, ubi ad ea rite suscipienda dispositos viderent, ad supremam cum Daemone luctam munire, ea denique quae iis in angustiis constitutorum vel corporibus vel Animis prodesse possent, administrare. In his pietatis exercitiis unus e Clero seculari, D. J oannes Lugar, et duo e Societate, P. Odoardus Lusherus, et P. Odoardus Keynes, :I! obdormierunt in Domino, victimae charitatis. Pupugit illorum intrepida Diligentia Episcop os et ministros (qui se in tutum receperant), quam audaciam vitiosam interpretati, querimonias suas ad Carolum detulerunt, non ferendum esse dictitantes, ut homines ab officio in Ecclesiam Anglica-[f. 16Jnam abducantur impune; non ferendae Temeritati obviam eundum, sumpto de aliquibus supplicio; sancicndas leges. Sensit statim Carolus, qua erat Ingenii perspicacia, caIumniae malignitatem, eamque praeter morem acerbo responso castigavit. "Non patiar," inquit, « mei Subditi ut brut a moriantur. Si neque vos, neque vestri Ministelli Peste laborantibus adesse velint, sinite saltern aequo animo, alii id faciant, qui volunt." (55) Londiniensis etiam Incendii Invidiam Anonimus quidam libello typis edito in Catholicos ita derivavit, ut maxima ejus pars penes CaroIum et Eboracensem resideret. Caeterum cum nec Author compareret, nec quae diceret ulla verisimilitudine niterentur, +pleraque + essent publica notorietate falsa, libellus il1e spretus exolevit, in quo effrons mentiendi libido cum malignitate in Regem de palma certabat. Orta tamen praesenti Persecutione lucem iterum vidit sepultus ille Libellus, Bedloi, de quo

*

*

I.e. John Lewgar. See Gillow, iv, 202, and T. Hughes, History of the Society of Jesus in N. America, passim. Lewgar was secretary to Lord BaWmore during the early stages of the foundation of the colony of Maryland. Warner's reference, if correct, contributes the fact of Lewgar's priesthood. He must have been ordained shortly after 1660. , See Foley, Collectanea, p. 468. :I: See Foley, Collectanea, p. 415 .


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23

*

multa infra, nomine commendatus. De quo fusius agemus libro VI. Astutiores Caroli hostes magis speciosam ipsum calumniandi materiam ex is to Bello nacti sunt: Bellum ipsum male administratum; Praefectorum alios neglegentia, alios ignorantia, alios etiam perfidia peccasse; nulla tamen paena affectos esse; stipendia nec militibus neque nautis numerata; Honores et Praemia male juxta ac bene meritis exposita; et immensa licet vectigalia fuissent imposita, aerarium exhaustum esse, +etiam non procedentibus militi stipendiis, ut dicebatur. + (56) Hinc Peculatus accusati a Comitiis Aerario Praefecti, et ad reddendam Rationem coram electis a se, a Rege tamen dandis, Judicibus citati. Hoc ultimum Caroli Reverentiae datum, cui soli jus est eas rationes inspiciendi. Displicuit Carolo ea comitiorum au dacia, in concessa sibi velut Imperii arcana scrutari volentium. Itaque respondit a se pro officii ratione visitatum Aerarium, illudque sibi probari, et pro Imperio vetuit ulterius in illud inquirere. (57) AULICI ET PATRIOTAE. Hoc aliquibus placuit, aliis probari non potuit, qui gratiosum in vulgus Patriotarum sibi nomen assumpserunt, quasi Patriae studentium; aliis impositum Aulicorum nomen, quasi majorem Aulae, quam Patriae rationem habuerunt, et hanc perditum irent quo Regi gratificarentur. Et utraque Pars sua studia populo probare conata est, majori Patriotarum fructu, cum iis paulatim accesserint magnus e Comitiis numerus atque plebis ingens pars, quotquot Regiam auctoritatem aut e medio tolli aut imminui cupiebant, et aliqui in Regiam Dignitatem optime affecti, qui suspicabantur Carolum hac in re humanum aliquid passum esse. Ad augendam Populi a Carolo alienationem, Patriotae varia huic ingrata, semper boni Publici colore velata, urgebant in Parlamento, ut illi moles has crearent; ut si ea concederet, minuetur ejus Majestas, sin negaret, apud Plebem Invidiae patebat [sic]. In dies nova in Catholicos decreta cudebant, tametsi antiqua adeo severa essent ut +de iis dici possit+ quod de Draconis legibus dictum olim fuit: eas sanguine scriptas esse. Et quicquid faceret, Invidiae obnoxium erat : illas improbando videbatur Papistis favere, approbando Ingrati animi vitium contrahere, qui in optime de se meritos tam gravia Edicta conderet. Alio etiam spectabant, ut Catholicos ipsos (quorum fides in Regem explorata erat) vel ab eo revellerent, in quo nihil sibi viderent Praesidii, vel in tam miserum statum redigerent, ut eorum opera inutilis esset futura in Bello Civili, cujus semina jam tum spargi caepta. Carolus licet invitissimus

*

Cf. f. 158 sq. The pamphlet was A Narrative and Impartial Discovery of the Horrid Popish Plot: carried on foy the Bur11-ing and Destroying of the Cities of London and Westminster. . .. by Capt. William Bedloe, London 1679 (Wing. B.1677). L'Estrange, in his Narrative (1680), acutely pointed out that this pamphlet, "never before printed," was merely a rehash, by a group of "Thig booksellers, of two earlier pamphlets-Trap ad Crucem and the History of the Fires (Kitchin: Sir Roger L' Estrange, p. 237).


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iis omnibus Decretis assentitus est, dicens aliquando: " Nunquam committam, ut Domum reduces dicatis subditis meis, Papistas causam esse dissidii me inter et Parlamentum meum." Hinc non vanus Catholicis quibusque Prudentioribus metus, non quod de Caroli affectu dubitarent, sed dum cedere eum viderent hominum malorum importunitati in ferendis legibus, iisdem tandem ne cederet in iis execution] mandandis. (58) Quod post aliquot annos evenit. Carolus ipsius modi contentionum pertaesus, quarum nullum finem futurum praevidebat, aliam viam occupavit. Multas in Anglia sectas esse sentiebat, nullam unam universis gratam, nullam iis fautoribus destitutam quos offendere vellet [sicJ, obstantibus Catholicorum meritis, aliorum violentia, si premerentur. Haque re cum Sacratiori Consilio diu attenteque deliberata, quo omnibus gratificaretur, statuit omnium Religionum professoribus liberum earum exercitium permittere, non uno tamen modo: a Protestantibus enim Ecc1esias omnes Cathedrales, Collegiatas et Parochiales administrari, Presbiterianis sua conven.ticula, Catholicis cubicula lib era voluit, ad Deum suo +quibusque+ modo colendum, ea tantum servata conditione, id citra aliorum offensam aut scandalum [ j. 17J fieret. Sed Edictum Regium (Declarationem ipse vocat) videre juvat Latio donatum. (59) DECLARATIO CAROL!. "Quanta industria et solicitudine conati fuerimus Ecc1esiae Jura et Immunitates integra servare, regiminis nostri tenor toti mundo patefecit, ex quo ad capessendas Regni habenas fuimus ab Exilio revocati; quam variis etiam modis tentaverimus Personas errantes et a Religione Protestantica dissentientes coercere, et infausta in Materia Religionis dissidia, quae subditos inter nostros reduces invenimus, componere. Caeterum cum tristi duodecim annorum experientia notum sit violenta remedia parum prodesse, officii nostri credimus esse, uti suprema nostra in Ecc1esiasticis rebus Potestate, quae non solum nobis inhaeret, sed etiam inhaerere diversis Parlamentorum Scitis et Actis agnitum et dec1aratum est. Quapropter data a Deo nobis illa Potestate utentes, hanc nostram Dec1arationem evulgamus, cum ad quietanda in is tis materiis Subditorum nostrorum ingenia, tum ad invitandos in nostras Ditiones externos, si qui velint eo migrare, tum etiam quo magis animentur opifices ad suam quique Artem exercendam et commercia promovenda, un de magna commoda nostro Regimini in bonum publicum proventum speramus, tum denique ad praevertenda pericula, quae ex clandestinis congressibus et seditiosis conventiculis oriri poterunt. (60) Proinde primum dec1aramus expressam nostram mentem et intentionem esse, ut Ecc1esia Anglicana salva sit et incolumis in ejus Doctrina, Disciplina, et Regimine, sicut modo est Jure publico stabilita; quodque ea sit et aestimetur Basis et Fundamentum Generalis et Publici Cultus Dei; et quod Orthodoxus It


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

25

Clerus, ejus ad amussim vivens, habeat et fruatur Redditibus omnibus ad earn pertinentibus; et quod nemo cujuscunque sit opinion is liber sit a pendendis Decimas aliisque Juribus ei Ecclesiae debitis. Ulterius declaramus neminem censendum capacem ad Praebendam, Beneficium uIlum, Dignitatem, aut Praelaturam, in hoc nostro Angliae Regno, obtinendam, qui se non conformarit exacte eidem Ecclesiae Anglicanae. (61) Secundo declaramus Voluntatem et Placitum nostrum esse, ut omnium et singularum Legum Paenalium cujuscunque generis res Ecclesiasticas spectantium contra quoscunque Nonconformistas (Presbiterianos) sive Recusantes (Papistas) executio immediate suspendatur, et istius nostrae Declarationis tenore de facto suspenduntur; cunctisque nostris J udicibus, Eirenarchis, Urbium Praeforibus, Ballivis, aliisque officialibus nostris quibuscunque cum Civilibus tum Ecclesiasticis, quorum interest, earum legum suspensionem, hac nostra Declaratione notam facimus, ut singuli juxta officii sui rationem ei pareant. (62) "Ut vero subditis nostris auferamus omnem praetextum in illicitos caetus conveniendi et vetita frequentandi conventicula, nos temporibus convenientibus designaturos in variis Regni partibus numerum locorum, prout petentur, eorum usui sufficientem, qui ritum Ecclesiae Anglicanae non sequuntur; in quae licebit eis convenire ad publicum Dei cultum et Religionis exercitia; quae loca cunctis ea adire volentibus patebunt et libera erunt. (63) "Ut autem vitentur incommoda, quae ex hac nostra Indulgentia oriri poterunt, nisi certis quibusdam modis atque Regulis circumscribatur, ut etiam subditi nostri ea loca permissa frequentantes sub civilis magistratus tutela sint, vetamus omnes uilum in locum convenire, donec et locus a nobis designetur, et concionator congregationis iilic habendae sit a nobis approbatus. (64) "Et ne quis suspicetur istius Restrictionis obtentu difficilem fore dictam loci designationem et concionatoris approbationem, ulterius Declaramus hanc nostram Indulgentiam, et quantum ad locorum cultui Dei designandorum permissionem, et quantum ad approbationem concionatorum, extendi ad omnis generis N onconformistas et Recusantes, exceptis iis, qui Catholicae Romanae Religionis sunt, quibus nullo modo permittemus locis ullis publicis Deum colere; iis tantum indulgemus, ut a legum executione sint immunes, et ut Deum impune suo ritu colant, tantum intra privatos parietes. (65) "Quod si nostrorum subditorum aliqui hac nostra Indulgentia libertateque con cess a abuti praesumpserit, vel seditiose concionando vel detrahendo Doctrinae, Disciplinae, aut Regimini Ecclesiae legibus stabilitae, vel in loca a nobis haud approbata conveniendo, tales hisce monemus iisque declaramus, nos quanta possumus severitate in eos animadversuros, efficimusque sciant nos, ut misericordia utimur erga teneras conscienit


26

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tias, ita posse taliter delinquentes severe punire, ubi ad stringendum Justitiae gladium fuerimus adeo juste provocati. "Datum XV Martii MDCLXXII." (66) JUDICIA DE DECLARATIONE. Haec celebris illa Declaratio; qua cautum [1. 18] optime Ecclesiae Anglicanae Libertati et Juribus, concessa Presbiterianis amplissima facultas in locis publicis Deum colendi sub paucis minimegue onerosis conditionibus, ne hac Indulgentia Regis ad res turbandas abuterentur Factiosi. Catholicis minima pars obvenit, restrict a iis Deum impune suo more colendi intra privata cubicula licentia. Tamen istis fere solis placuit, quibus satis erat in praesenti Libertate frui, Deumque tuto, licet secreto colere, sine Apparitorum metu, detract a Legibus Paenalibus vi. Recreabantur etiam meliorum spe in posterum, cicuratis paulatim Acatholicorum animis, qui ad Papismi nomen inhorrescebant olim et efferabantur. Protestantibus displicebat, quod ea cernerent exarmari Leges in eorum favorem latas, publica authoritate Ecclesias contra Ecc1esias erigi (altaria neutri habent), schismata confirmari, in Ecclesiae ruin am grassatura. Presbiterianis vero maxime displicebat, in quorum favor em tend ere videbatur, quod dicerent verba sibi, rem Catholiciis dari; insuper habebant Regis Indulgentiam, qua nihil de novo obtinerent, solum illis concedi publica Authoritate et ratum haberi, quod ipsi jam Magistratuum aut approbatione aut conniventia possidebant, quoque privari non possent sine periculo cuncta miscendi. Cunctis, forte etiam aliquibus Catholicis, displicebat, sola Regia Potestate, sine Parlamenti scito, Leges antiquari. Si hoc obtineat, nullas deinceps valituras, nisi quamdiu Principi placuerit. Facto solas Leges Paenales refigi; valiturum in alias exemplum. Hinc ne Regimen e Paterno in Despoticum migraret, tam in gens metus, quam vanus. (67) Celebrata paulo post comitia, quibus omnem de Dec1aratione cognitionem interdicit + Carolus, asserens earn se non passurum in dubium vocari, + et subsidia petiit in bellum Hollandicum. Hinc gravia inter Proceres murmura; tandem decretum factum, ne deliberandum quidem de danda pecunia in bellum necessaria, donec revocata sit Declaratio. His accesserunt ad emolliendum Caroli in Declaratione asserenda firmi animum, aliqui ex ejus domesticis, Parlamenti studiis occulte faventibus. Sed eum plane expugnasse feruntur ipsius Pellices mulieribus armis, Retu, gemitibus, et blanditiis, ilIum aggressae, ut dicebant de ejus incolumitate solicitae, revera ut gratiam inirent apud Parlamenti Proceres, et suas fortunas in tuto collocarent, quae a Carolo pendebant, et cum eo peric1itabantur. (68) His tandem cessit Carolus; et suis manibus avulso sigillo, Dec1arationem misit in irritum, aeque F actiosorum gaudio ac aliorum maerore. Hinc Shaftesburius, qui tum erat Regni Cancel1arius, et edendae Dec1arationis dicebatur Author, desertis


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

27

Regiis ad Factiosorum partes totus transiit. De hoc quia frequens nobis est futurus sermo in sequentibus, et magnum fuerit ejus ubique nomen, visum est hic paucis qualis fuerit ostendere. (69) SHAFTESBURIUS QUALlS. Antonius Ashlaeus Cooperus in Provincia Dorsettensi nobili familia natus, magnum sed pravum ingenium a natura sortitus est. Corpus laboris, omniumque, excepta quiete, patiens, Animus audax, subdolus, varius, cujuslibet rei simulator et dissimulator egregius, vasta, nimis alta, periculosa cupiens, vafer, astutus, perfidus, versatilis (unde Dorsettensis anguilla dictus, quod a nemine teneretur), nemini fidus, nisi sui causa, nemini diu adhaerens, eorum quos deserebat clade insigni aut si dabatur ruina solitus eorum quos adibat favorem mercari; ad omnem venti mutationem vela vertens, vir ad omnia turbanda et confusione 'miscenda aptissimus, ad nihil explicandum aut in pace componendum. In Bellis Civilibus inter utrasque partes claudicavit. Carolo I meruit eorum initio, ab eo Equitum Turmae Praefectus, cum qua transiit ad Rebellium castra. Eloquentia fuit ei prorsus eximia; vera sapientia impar, cujus defectum supplebat Astutia quaedam naturalis, multiplici Civilium Turbarum experientia auctior. Adeo caelans sui, ut Cromwellus, Angliae tyrannus (cujus filiam procatus fuerat, et ab eo fuerat in Consilium Status admissus), curiosus hominum aestimator, solitus sit dicere se Trinomium non intelligere, Shaftesburium designans, cui tria nomina, quod rarum inter Anglos. Adeo ardens in libidines et vagae veneri deditus, ut a Carolo M aximus M aechus diceretur, +qui spectata ejus indole ad prava eonsilia prona, pronunciavit eum aptius Tyranni, quam legitimi Principis instrumentum. + Tamen ab isto creatus Comes Shaftesburius, in Consilium Sacratius adlectus, tandem Cancellarius factus est, donec gratia excidit, ex quo totis Ingenii viribus Monarchiae eversionem moliri, quoad vixit, nunquam destitit. Summa ejus industria in dementandis Londini civibus exercuit sese, et homines jam ad id optime suapte sponte praeparatos, illic offendit. (70) LONDINUM QUALE. Siquidem urbs illa , ad sinistram Tamesis fiuvii iUue usque quarumlibet navium patientis, sexagesimo circiter ab aestuario lapide, sita, non Angliae modo, verum etiam totius Orbis nobilissimum Emporium, opportunitate loci, commercii frequentia, Plebis industria, Regum cohabitatione, Tribunalium residentia, et ob has causas [f. 19J populi ex omnibus Regni partibus affiuxu, ad earn adsurrexerat potentiam, ad eas opes et inde natam superbiam evecta est, accedente haereseos spiritu altos Animos et legum intollerantiam inspirante, ut cujusquam Imperio subesse vix dignaretur, J ugi quantumvis

*

*

This seems to follow Dry den's description in Absalom and Achitophel, i, 150-162, and may also owe a good deal to Sallust's description of Catiline in Cat., ch. 5: " Corpus patiens inediae, algoris, vigiliae supra quam cuiquam credibile est. Animus audax subdolus varius, cuiuslibet rei simulator et dissimulator ; .... Vastus animus inmoderata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat."


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levis impatiens, ut semper Imperantibus infesta, plerunque gravis, aliquando fuerit exitio; ut ut inter ejus cives multi sint honesti viri, Pacis amantes, et officii in Principes suos observantes. Nihil ejus faelici vulgo aut petulantius aut ferocius; ut est Passionibus suis impar, ita pressum nonnihil dejicitur, fortunatum supra conditionem suam elevatur, aequa affectum rationis Lance nescium moderari. Omnes rumores bibulis auribus haurire solitum, omnia mendacia credere, mala numquam extitura augurari, dumque adversus ilIa modis illicitis se munit, vera accersere; tum vero illa mirari atque horrere, quasi non fecisset . Redeunte denique veris miseriis intellectu, suam temeritatem et insulsam credulitatem damnare, et in obsequii semitam redire, quo Pacis redivivae bonis fruatur. Cusa Londini in Carolum I (cujus unicum crimen nimia Clementia) arma civilia; ibidem jacta Pads rediturae fundamenta. Cepit ab insana Londini plebe tumultus; Finis ab insana plebe tumultus erato Nullum fretum, nullus Euripus, tantas tamque varias habet fiuctuum agitationes, quantas perturbationes et aestus habet vulgi ingenium, rumorum astute confictorum, sedule sparsorum, temere creditorum, ventis agitatum. Hoc tamen a vicinis Gentibus differt, quod nec ita praeceps arma corripiat, neque pari celeritate deponat. Ea diu meditatur, iram acuit, aliquot annis odii fermento turget, brachia jactat, minatur, ictum librat, antequam feriat. Ast ubi motui succubuerit et arm a induerit, sero resipiscit. Aliae gentes, veluti magis mercuriales, suos brevi spado orbes absolvunt; Londinienses tardius, ut magis Saturnini. Hinc incolumitas Catholicis Londini residibus, +qui nempe nullos alibi Lares habebant, + ubi fervebat in eos plebis odium, et res parum abesse videbatur a Laniena Bartholomeanae simili. (71) ANGLI SANGUINEM ABHORRENT. Accessit nativus et congenitus Anglis sanguinis et cae dis horror; nus quam enim rariora homicidia; quod miratur alicubi Barclaius in gente vitae suae prodiga, quasi caedi quam caedere malit. Contraria apud quasdam gentes fama sparsa, Anglos semper sanguinem sitire, cae des spirare &c. Quod longissime a vero abesse etiam olim Cominaeus observavit, narrans etiam in atrocissimis praeliis, efferatis pugnandi ardore et commilitonum occisorum dol ore militum Anglorum animis, simulac hostes repugnare cessant et arma projiciunt, Anglos ferro parcere, nunquam in se de dentes saevire et dedition em signo aliquo claro significantes. Ferocia in praeliis hoc ipsum confirm at ; nam saevities timidorum et mulierum vitium est, non magnanimorum, quibus host em prostrasse satis est, et sola victoria gaudent. (72) HAERESUM MULTITUDO. In Urbem et totum Regnum satis pacifice admissa fuit Religionis mutatio, Regia et Comitiorum authoritate promota. Postea surrexerunt Ingenia turbida, nihil quietum patientia, nihil ab aliis factum approbantia, et ipsa novare constituerunt; animos illis faciebat , vidisse compagem


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29

a Christo Domino designatam, ab Apostolis erectam, tot saeculorum usu firma tam , tam facile dissiliisse; nec de novo erectam antiquae parem, nec se Priscae Reformatoribus Religionis ulla in re imp ares censebant; idem sibi attentandum rati sunt, et pari Jure : cur enim non licet Valentiniano quod licuit Valentino, de arbitrio suo fidem innovare? (Tertullianus). Horum industria, cum Externis commercio, innata gentis levitate, vulgatae per Angliam, maxime Londini, quae uspiam extarent in vicinis Regionibus Haereses, additis aliis nostrae genti propriis, impiis et nefariis, quas induxit permissa novandi licentia. Nec ali am facile invenies terram id genus Monstrorum hoc saeculo feraciorem. Harum quaeque non minus cum aliis omnibus, quam cum Catholica pugnabat. Quod vis Religionis facit dissentientis impatiens, quae cum moHiendis faederandisque animis valere deberet, facta est humanae imbecillitatis vitio acerbissima odiorum materia. Hae omnes, cum Catholica imminere videretur, a qua reliquas extinctum iri, haud vane augurabantur, sepositis quae inter eos fervebant discordiae, in commune consulunt, etiam Presbi[f. 20]teriani, alias segreges, qua ratione huic rediturae obviam ire possent; nec quicquam opportunius occurrit quam ut vetus et paene extinctum in Catholicos Odium iterum suscitaretur; huc facturam annuam Mortis Elizabethae celebrationem, cum solemni supplicatione, quae plebis et oculos attraheret et animum oblectaret; ea oblique Carolum ipsum perstrictum iri, quasi dum Presbiterianis adversabatur, a Zelo Religionis, quam Elizabetha foverat, defecisset, et ipsi Reginae jllius, tan quam fautricis suae, nomine gloriarentur; et simul sugillarent Protestantes, quasi ab hujus Religione defecissent . Sed illam immerito imo et falso sibi favisse ferebant, cum constet earn non magis Catholicos quam Presbiterianos odio habuisse (non ob dogmata, quae fere ipsis et Protestantibus communia sunt, sed quod Imperiis iniquiores essent); unde ad eos in Ditionibus suis comprimendos tot a authoritatis suae mole incubuit. (73) SUPPLICATIO IMPIA. Supplicatio autem instituta fuit hujus modi: Agmen ducebant tympana et tibicines, sequebantur sex viri tunicis rubris et pileis induti, quales cuniculorum fossoribus esse solent, fistuli. canentes. His proximus erat personatus sacerdos, pallio sacerdotali (pluviale vocatur) calvariis et mortuorum ossibus depicto coopertus, qui Papales Bullas + et Indulgentias+ larga manu spargebat, peccatorum omnium etiam futurorum gratiam largientes Regum et Haereticorum Interfectoribus, quorum caedem maximj apud Deum meriti, apud homines gloriae proclamabat. Pone sequebatur alter sacerdos crucem argenteam alte ferens, pullis indutus; quem sequebantur Regum

*

*

Such processions, as later organized by the Green Ribbon Club during the period of the plot, are vividly described by Roger North, who was an eye-witness, in E:~amen, pp. 570- 581. For printed illustrations see B.M., Catalogue of Satirical Prints, vol. i (1870), Nos . 1072, 1085, 1086.


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

30

Haereticorumque Interfectores, uterque nimirum derus, Saecularis et Regularis, suo quisque habitu indutus, turbido et inquieto gestu meras cae des et veneficia spirantes. Deinde veniebant sex Jesuitae, truci super alios vultu, enses nudos vibrantes recens fuso Principum sanguine cruentatos, quibus totidem Musici, veluti Paeana accinentes, applaudebant. Tum aderant octo Episcopi violaceis induti, et alii lineis amiculis, et pluvialibus opere Phrygio depictis, aureis mitris caput redimiti singuli. Sex deinde Cardinales, proprio ex Purpura habitu. Claudebat agmen Summus Pontifex in sublimi pegmate imminens, bin is clericis praecedentibus cruces ferentibus, augusta auro argentoque spectabili Cathedra invectus; sedebat in Pulvinari Regio, veste coccinea indutus, caput Thiara Pontificia redimitus, appensis ludicre ex Haereticorum genio ab ejus tergo Rosariis, sacris Amuletis, Agnus Dei, medallis Romanis, S. Petri davibus, et id genus aliis. Ad latera adstabant duo cacodemones, in aures ei insusurrantes clara voce cruenta consilia, Reges occidi curaret ipsi inobedientes, Haereticos trucidari, urbes incendi, Regiones vastari &c. Adstabant eidem duo derici, una manu faces ardentes, alia sicas ferentes, quasi ferro et igne ubi Pontifex juberet, grassari parati. Decem scutorum millibus Supplicationem istam constitisse creditur. (74) Hoc ordine ducta Supplicatio trium horarum spacio per celeberrima Urbis loca ad Templi Port am (ut dicitur), quingentis circiter passibus ab Aula Regia distantem, constitit, ubi posita Elizabethae statua; quam ubi Pontifex genibus fiexis adorasset in luculentum rogum conjectus, in cineres redactus est, spectante et acdamante ingenti hominum rnultitudine; dicuntur ducentorum millium Explesse numerum, + quorum facile XX. M.M. armata. + Atque istius modi Supplicatio quotannis instaurata est, variis aucta personis, ex occasionibus subnascentibus (quas infra opportunius referam), donec detectis, quae non in Catholicos modo verum etiam in Protestantes et sacram Regis Personam consilia horrenda coquebant, periculo sum visum permittere, ut tot viri armati in locum Regiae vicinum confiuerent, unde in ipsam Regiam facilis transitus, publico Edicto~ sub gravissimis paenis vetita est.

*

(75) Atque hae sunt Pietatis Calvinisticae Supplicationes, ad accendendam in suorum animis in Catholicos rabiem institutae, quibus in Odii, Furoris, Vindictae, Caedium afÂŁectus commoti, viri velut entheati, faeminae vero Menadum instar, in detestationem et exterminium Catholicorum feruntur, ut dum eos quocunque modo, quocunque praetextu, occidunt, arbitrentur obsequium se praestare Deo. (76) UNDE ORTA CONTRA CATHOLICOS STUDIA. Ministelli Presbiteriani hunc ardorem fovere et augere non destiterunt, hoc

* I.e.

20,000.

, Cj. Steele, 3711, 3734, 3754.


\

ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLIC

31

modo sperantes se Romanos exclusuros, qui alioquin eo rum et gent em et locum essent occupaturi. (77) Protestantes cum Episcopi tum alii in officio'-manebant, sive quod non ita male de Religione Catholica sentirent (quod illis fuit ab emulis Presbiterianis exprobratum), sive quod [nullamJ njsi in Regis favore spem habentes, hunc offendere non auderent, sive denique quod non simulate tantum, sed vere sumpta in Reges a subditis arma quocunque praetextu damnaverunt, ad quae ista disponebant . His satis fuit legem de Haereticorum combustione antiquari, nemine in Comitiis reclamante, ridentibus plerisque eorum intempestivum timorem, quasi Rogos timerent necdum conspectos, nus quam extantes. (78) Ecclesiastica Bona, quae dum Religio mutaretur in nobilium Potestatem venerant, hos magis solicitos habebant ne repeterentur. Nec tutos reddebat aut eorum cessio tempore Reginae Maria Pontificia authoritate facta, aut Catholicorum promissio, quorum plerique de iis bonis aliquid possidebant. Sciebant a Juris Canonici Peritis doceri contra Ecclesiam nunquam praescribi, et Cessionem vi aut metu fact am nullius esse valons; Benedictinos sua [ j. 21J repetere *; et, ut alia desint, nunquam olim defuturos, qui Religionum metu, conscientiae paci et ani mae securitati temporalium abdicatione consulant, quae credant injuste possideri, unde familiae quondam opulentae ad egestatem redigantur, nec cessaturos antiquos possessores, in omnem rei familiaris augendae supra seculares ips os occasion em intentos, talium simplici Pietate ad sua commoda abuti; +parum scientes, quae passim fiunt Bonorum Ecclesiae alienationes ubique, quae jn aliorum potestatem translata eodem jure possidentur a Laicis quo quae optimo. + (79) Hi omnes, non repugnantibus qui Pr.otestantica sacra frequentabant, modos et vias excogitant, quibus Catholicos aut supprimerent, aut certe reprimerent. Et primo quidem leges excogitant, aliis magis efficaces, quod earum executio a Rege non penderet, cujusmodi v.c. ista,: "Si quis eorum officio publico fungatur, pro singulis Actibus bis mille scuta penditor, inter Delatorem et Pauperes loci aeque dividenda; Eirenarcha ad quem deferetur, mulct am illam exigitor, alioque &c." (80) ACRIS IN CATHOLICOS INQUISITIO. Caeterum cum haec etiam nimis lent a remedia viderentur, afiixae schedae valvis Aulae Westmonasteriensis, ubi comitia celebrantur, quibus magnis praemiis invitati Delatores, qui Catholicos accusarent. Et, quasi parum esset Delatores hoc modo provocasse, delecti

*

But the Benedictines' renunciation of their claims to monastic lands was publicized by James II during his reign-cj. Bp. Ellis's Sermon in Weldon's Chronological Notes, p. 239 (Wing. E.598), and Nathaniel Johnston's Assurance of Abby Lands, 1687 (Wing. J.872). Nevertheless fear of the restitution of their property to its rightful owners, in the event of a Catholic monarch, wa.s vpry real to the Protestant landowners. , Cj. 25 Car. II, Cap. 2.


32

ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

ex Inferiori Conclavi variis in Provinciis nati, concordes in infenso adversus Catholicos odio, Inquisitores, qui in Catholicorum ubilibet degentium Actiones, studia, verba inquirerent, cogitationes etiam variis Artibus expiscarentur et cordium rimarentur secreta; si quid uspiam occurreret, quod in Invidiam trahi posset, ad comitia referrent; jure, an Injuria parum referre dietitantes, quod exitus incertus esse non posset, ubi iidem essent futuri et Judices et Partes Calvini veneno tacti . Horum conatus ridebant aliqui Catholici, propriae Innocentiae et Caroli Benevolentiae securi; Prudentiores vero, ut par erat, perculsi, quod non sine causa monstrum aliquod ali suspicarentur, Carolum adierunt, humillime supplicatum causam ad se evocaret, in Reos, si qui essent, ipse severe animadverteret; sin vero nulli tales invenirentur, cunetos declararet criminum immunes; minime ferendum, ejusmodi Inquisitionibus et suam farnam et Pacem Publicam solicitari. Carolus benigne auditos bene sperare jussit; rem ultra minas et verba non processisse; tum locum fore querimoniis, ubi re ipsa Laesi fuerint; interea timere non debere, cum scirent in ejus manu esse omnia, de cujus sincero affectu dubitare non licebat, cujus tot pignora haberent, quemadmodum et ipse de eorum fide; non minus sibi quam illis suspecta communium utrisque hostium studia. Hoc dicebat quod qui in Catholicos minas et caedes spirabant, ex iis erant, qui in Bellis Civilibus Regias partes impugnaverant, et in his ipsis comitiis Regiam Authoritatem ierant imminutum. . (81) Inter haec, in consultando discors Regia, validis utriusque sententiae Authoribus; quorum mores et affeetus exponere (sicut passim de iis dicebatur) non abs re erit, ut appareat quo modo suadentium ingenia publicis conciliis dominentur, et un de nata sit omnium maxima Tempestas, certiori conjeetura assequamur. (82) IN AULA QUALES: CAROLUS. Carolus matrimonio sterili ligatus, ingenium a natura sortitus quibuscunque negotiis par, ab iis tamen abstinens, sive suapte sponte genio indulgeret, sive aliorum Artibus ab iis avocatus, mentem Ezechiae probare visus est: fiat tantum Pax in diebus meis . (83) REGINA. Regina pientissima quidem Heroina sed improles, et praeter Virtutem singularem eas artificulas + insuper habens, + quibus Mariti mulierosi animum sibi devinciret. Hinc data subintroducendis mulierculis occasio quot vix Solomon habuit. (84) PORTMUTHIA. Inter eas eminuit Queruel in Armorica Gallia, nobili quidem sed egena familia nata, quae Caroli sororem Aurelianensem Dorobernium secuta, in ejus noticiam et amorem ita sese insinuavit, ut Aurelianensi paulo post mortua, ad eum redierit, amoribus obnoxium, eumque ita sibi devinxerit, sive forma, sive blandimentis et artibus meretriciis, sive obfirmato ad assentandum in omnibus animo, sive Philtris amatoriis (nam et hoc dicitur), ut Ducatus Portmuthiae aueta titulo, supra Uxoriam Potentiam Pellex insurgeret. Numeratur et haec inter causas


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

33

Persecutionis, quo, Factiosis a Carolo in Catholicos conversis, ipsa gaudiis suis securius frueretur. (85) DANBEIUS. Danbeius in Agro Eboracensi equestri familia, matre Catholica, natus, non adeo aversum a Catholicis sacris animum habere credebatur, ac simulabat. Hic Eboracensis commendatione in Aulam admissus, inque Consilium Sacratius accitus, tandem Aerarlo Praefectus, ejus attenta cura, et Queruellae, sive Portsmuthiae, obsequio, et Amasium et Pellicem adeo sibi devinxit, ut reliquis Aulicis antistaret, uni Eboracensi cederet; quod viro Auctoritatis amanti, cons ortis impatienti, grave. Auctus Honore et opibus, haec sibi salva cupiebat, quibus eum exutum ibant Comitia, +potentibus in Aula et gratia florentibus semper infesta, + gravium criminum Peculatus et Violatae Religionis accusatum, quasi Catholicis favisset, et in publici Aeris administratione non fuisset integer. (86) Huic ex Perse-[f. 22]cutione varia commoda redibant: r. Parlamentum a se in Catholicos avertebat. II. Publicatis Catholicorum bonis exhausto Aerario consulebat. III. Liberis Caroli, quos ex vaga Venere multos sustulerat, provide bat ; et vero eo ipso tempore quo orta Persecutio, elocavit filiam suam Caroli filio Plimuthiae Comiti. IV. Eboracensem ipsum vel ex Aula vel a negociis amovebat; unde sine aemulo Potentia frueretur; et vere identidem admonitus fuerat +Eboracensis+ ab intimis amicis, a Danbeio sibi caveret; sed frustra, cum fraudis purus animus, a sua natura alios aestimans, nihil mali timere poterat a suo Beneficiario. His motus Vir Authoritatis, Honoris, et opum, quam aut Aequitatis aut VERITATIS tenacior, haud illibenter vidit Incendium, quod tecta suis luminibus officientia consumeret, sua in tuto collocaret. Certe maxima horum malorum invidia illi adhaesit, nec Proceribus Catholicis ea opinio, seu vera sive falsa, hactenus evelli potuit. (87) MONMUTHIUS. Jacobus FitzRoy, sive filius Regis, Carolo necdum conjugato natus primo loco, primum in Paterno corde locum habuit; ab eo creatus Dux Monmuthiae, Satellitio Regio et Equiti Praefectus et copiis terrestribus omnibus, in Consilium Sacratius admissus, et in Ordinem Periscelidis cooptatus. Manu promptus, Laborum patiens, in periculis intrepidus; vera tamen, ut exitus docuit, virtute et fortitudine militari carens; sed ingenio hebeti, ne dicam stupido, subjectioni quam imperio aptior; vehemens et prope furiosus, ubi commotus erat. Felix tamen, si Syreni Shaftesburio clausisset aures, sua subditi sorte contentus vixisset, bonis affiuens et Honoribus, Patri Carolo et Patruo Jacobo juxta gratus; sed altiora dum appetit, et inconcessis inhiat, nec ista assecutus est, nec illis fruitus, quae ex Amore Patris obtinebat.

*

* Danby's mother was Anne Walmesly, c

of Dunkenhalg, Co. Lanes.


34

ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

(88) Adolescens Catholice fuerat educatus, sub cura R.P. Stephani Gouf, Oratorii Presbitero Congregationis Gallicanae; Catholica sacra clam coluit factus vir; ea vero deseruit, ubi ex iis periculum, ex aliis emolumentum speravit, factus non tantum Desertor, sed etiam Persecutor Infensissimus; cui tamen non Persecutionis initium, sed ejus Incrementum acceptum ferimus. Pacatam enim et quietam Plebem, ingenii vitio commovere non poterat; sed commotam ab aliis et concitam, audacia sua et ferocia poterat in rabiem praecipitare; quod eum fecisse videbimus. (89) EBORACENSIS. Eboracensi, qua erat Ingenii subtilitate, latere non poterat, quorsum ista tenderent, seque per aliorum latera impeti; nec deerant modi, quibus obviam iret; sed constans in Regis obsequium animus omnia repudiavit, quae vel minima specie a severissima officii boni subditi in Principem regula tantillum aberrarent; et qui publica, quibus fungebatur officiis, ad minimum fratris nutum deposuerat, quae, eodem non invito, a factiosis attentari videbat, agere permisit, sua semet involvens Innocentia, dum in ejus domesticos, bona, personam, grassabantur, honores et laureas terra marique meritas insuper habens, ut obediendi gloriam puram integramque assequeretur. (90) Quae Carolum permoverunt verae causae, ut in Catholicos sibi perspectae fidei sineret alios effuse grassari, haud facile dictu; quae ferebantur subdam; quae eadem fere sunt cum iis, quae Danbeium permovere dicebantur: Aerarii supplementum, bona prolibus illegitimis invenienda, stipendia militibus terra marique conscriptis in subsidium Hispanici Belgii, Gallorum armis tantum non subacti. (91) Hoc ultimum unice spectari subodorati senatores, passim dixerunt : Conspirationem confictam esse, ut ejus metu exercitum alamus. Sed frustra sunt Auhci; nam Papistas persequemur, et exercitum discingemus. (92) Illud etiam fertur: Carolus, ut in mulierum amores pronus, ita a viris amari cupidus, alienatum a se populi animum aegre tulit, et adulatoribus credidit aientibus id non nisi ex ejus affectu in Papistas proficisci; quos si persequeretur, ut olim ita et nunc ipsum fore Populi delicias. Haec omnium sermone jactata fuerunt, et ut talia refero; videntur singula aliqua probabilitate et magna verosimilitudine niti. Veritatem praestare nolo. Caeterum omnium est sententia Carolum nunquam credidisse rem ad sanguinem processuram; persuasum illi erat, quas

*

*

Gough was a convert clergyman, formerly Laud's chaplain . He went to France during the Civil War in company with Queen Henrietta's confessor, was received into the Church in 1645, and subsequently joined the Berullian congregation (Albion, Charles I and the COWyt of Rome, p. 117, and A. M. P. Ingold, Mimoires domestiques pour servir d l'histoire de l'Oratoire, iii, 169-175). Gough was a friend of Warner, and present at his taking solemn vows. James II, remembering Monmouth's education with the Oratorian, offered him the consolation of a priest before his execution (Lingard, History of England, 2nd edition, xiv, 61).


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

35

modo remittebat habenas, ubi liberet se reducturum, nec cogitabat indomitum equum, ubi frenum arripuit, illud non amplius audire, sed per avia invia currere, donec aut sessorem dejiciat, aut et sibi et illi malum accersat. (93) LONDINENSES. Londinenses cum causis Persecutionis non recenseo, quod, sicut mare nisi ventis excitatum quiescit, ita cives isti de se pacati erant; verum otio fruiti, et diuturna octodecim annorum pace ditati, Bellorum Civilium jam obliti, ad alios motus parati erant, et novae cladi, si adessent qui novarent; et adfuerunt +isto tempore+ pro Classico Presbiterianorum conciones. (94) PRAETEXTUS. Haec feruntur verae causae; ad fucum faciendum alia allegata: Religionis Zelus, de Caroli incolumitate solicitudo, Regiminis conservandi studium, Populi salus, et id genus alia, ad efferandam Plebem odiose jactata. Precipui in hac Tragaedia Actores, quo sibi [ j. 23J caverent, initio trans siparium latitarunt, immissis in scenam Oate aliisque vilibus capitibus; ast ubi formatae partes, et concitata concio, depositis larvis ipsi prodierunt. (95) TITUS OATES. Qui primus prodiit, est Titus Oates vel Otes, de quo tam multa dicta, tam turpia, et simul haud dubie vera, ut nobis non quid ilIum audire, sed quid nos dicere deceat, videndum sit. Nihil tamen dicemus quam quod explorate verum, partim a Protestantibus typis vulgatum, partim a Catholicis, ipsius fautorum silentio confirmatum. Iste ab aliis vocatus Fidei Vindex, Religionis verae Columen, Gentis Angliae Salvator; ab aliis Angliae Pestis, hominum Probrum, Impostorum maximus, &c. (96) Natus est Oakami in Provincia Rutlandiae, matre obstetrice, Patre serici textore primum, deinde Anabaptistarum concionatore et Legionis Colonelli Pridi sacellano. Nescitur an fuerit un quam Baptizatus *; ipse dixit se fuisse, dum aetatis ageret annum decimum septimum; provocatus ad locum indicandum, ubi +regeneratus esset, + nihil respondere potuit. De eo ipsius +mater,+ faemina minime mala, Patri filioque dissimilis, nec jnterrogat.a quidem, quae sequuntur dixit Gulielmo Smitheo, Artium Magistro,~ Titi olim Praeceptori, a quo typis edita sunt. Cum sola ministellum istum convenisset, fervente maxime Persecutione, "Quid sen tis, Domine Smithaee, de filio meo," ait, "et Turbis ab eo excitatis ?" Cui alter, non ausus alia dicere, "Omnia valde probo," respondit. "Ast ego non probo," subdit ilIa. "Scis, Domine Smithaee, me, et quod

*

Oates's quondam Anabaptist father had to baptize his whole family when he conformed to the Anglican Church and took a benefice after the Restoration . Titus Oates was baptized 20 November 1660, at All Saints, Hastings. This entry has been recently discovered by Miss J. Lane, and is discussed in her Titus Oates (1949), p. 21. ~ William Smith, M.A., Intrigues of the Popish Plot laid open (Printecl for the Author, 1685), p. 22 .


36

ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

multos peperim ipsa, et quod obstetrix sim, nosse quae patiantur Puerperae. Nullam tamen credo animam ea passam esse, quae ego, dum ilIum in utero gestarem. Raro dormiebam. nunquam vero quin somniarem me Diabolum parituram. Partum habui tam difficiJem, ut omnes de vita mea actum crederent. Cum adolesceret credebam fore morionem. Mucus illi semper e naribus, saliva ex ore fluebat. Ipsius pater ejus aspectum ferre non poterat. Cum puer rediret domum, in camini angulum se recipie bat; et maritus me us c1amabat: abigite hinc mucosum illum mentis inopem, eumque ipse verberabat. At ego flebam, quia, ut nosti, filius meus erat." Haec ad verbum ex Anglico libro a Smithaeo ministello edita. (97) Grandior factus ad illius Smithaei scholam deductus, praeceptori numerandam pecuniam a Patre accept am sibi retinuit. Inde Cantabrigiam missus, in Collegio S. Joannis serviens, vest em sibi fieri curavit, promissa post mensem solutione. Eo tempore nega vit sibi traditam illam vestem, et Biblia sacra poposcit, quibus solemni J uramento id testaretur. Sartor non de pretio tantum vestis, sed et de proprio honore solicitus, ne crederetur pecuniam indebitam repetiisse, ubique quaerit vestem, et tandem illam apud veteramentarium invenit, cui Oates illam vendiderat. Duplicis itaque facinoris compertus, et furti facti et oblati Perjurii, Collegio pulsus est ignominiose. Inde Hastingam abiit, oppidum ad ripam maris sit urn in Sussexia, + ubi+ Praetoris filium nefandi criminis arcessivit; et Praetorem ipsum, ne filio praesidio esset, Majestatis ad Concilium Regium detulit . Utroque criminis puro dec1arato, Delator in carcerem conjectus est, duplicis perjurii paenas daturus, quas effracto carcere evasit. Bobbing, Pagi Diaecesis Cantuariensis, factus Parochus, Informationibus de eo Juridice factis, ob turpem et flagitiosam vitam +inde quoque+ ejectus est. Quae Informationes e Tabellariis Officialis Cantuariensis eradi curavit, ubi omnibus formidini esse caepit. Quae fecit, ex quo nomen Catholicae Ecc1esiae dedit, commodius data occasione narrabuntur infra. Si quis ejus faciem descriptam cupiat, initio libri IV ejus desiderio fiet satis. (98) EZREHEL TONG QUALlS. Consortem habuit in concinnanda conspirationis fabula (cui ipse prorsus impar erat) Ezrehelem Tong, Doctorem Theologiae Oxoniensem, qui tempore motuum civilium furiose in Patriae Parentes, +Carolum+ utrumque, debacchatus est; nec aequior in matrem suam, Ecc1esiam Protestanticam, quam totis viribus et viva voce et libris editis impugnavit. Et ne quod esset boni viri officium ab eo non violatum, alteram matrem suam Universitatem Oxoniensem, ejusque sororem gemellam Cantabrigiensem, sua industria, Cromwelli potestate extinguere conatus est, erecto quod utriusque vices suppleret, unico Collegio Dunelmi, pecuniis ad id a Presbiterianis

*

*

Oates was admitted to Caius College 29 June 1667, and later to St. John's 2 Feb. 1668/9 (Notes and Quer¡ies, 6th series, viii, 408).


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

37

large suppeditatis. Sed periculum utrique Regni Oculo imminens Dei Providentia discussit. Cum postea Tingis, a qua pars illa Mauritaniae, quae fretum Herculeum respicit, Tingitana dicta est, in Caroli Potestatem venisset, cum Praesidio Tongus missus est +eo a Carolo, + specioso praetextu, ut sacra curaret, vere ut factiosum hominem amoliretur. Ubi cum discordias serere fuisset deprehensus, Praefectus loci illum in Angliam remisit, suo et officialium chirographo testatus Regi illum sine Praesidii certa p~rnicie retineri non potuisse. Reversus, conatus est in Cancellarii et Williamsoni ~ (qui Carolo erat a secretis) gratiam se insinuare, +ut eorum opera beneficium aliquod adipisceretur, + sed irrito labore, ob notam [f. 24J pravam et incorrigibilem indolem. Hinc vir, adeo nocendi cupidus ut nisi aliqua noceret, mortuus esset, bilem ex adversante sibi undique fortuna conceptam, cum in Protestantes tuto non posset, in Catholicos injuriae obnoxios evomere statuit, probe sciens id minus invidiosum in praesens, in posterum etiam Protestanticae +Ecclesiae+ nociturum. Hic Oati omnium egeno Author fuit (quod et ipsius scripta et filius Simsonus Tongus declarant),:I: se Catholicum simularet, inter eos admitti peteret, eo rum studia rimaretur exploraret consilia, saltern nomina cognosceret et loca quae frequentarent , quid spei haberent, et in quo positum. (99) Jesuitas adivit iste, Haeresum et errorum execrationem protestatus, quorum horrore perculsus, opimo beneficio renunciarat, in Ecclesiam Catholicam admitti petiit, extra quam nulla salus. Et facile imposuit viris salutis animarum cupidis, quibusque pro virili subvenire paratis. Missus ab iis est Vallisoletum, ยง ut Phylosophiae et Theologiae daret operam; quo pervenit i Junii, +MDCLXXVII,+ illicque mansit ad xxx Oct. ejusdem anni, quo tempore nec una nocte extra Collegium dormivit. Deprehensus in fide non esse constans, quia difficile erat fictam personam diu sustinere, xxx Oct. remissus in Angliam. Bilbaum appulit iii Novembris, ubi conscensa navi Topshamum appulit, Exoniae vicinum portum, indeque Londinum reversus est, ubi solita hypocrisi obtinuit a P. Richardo Strangio, ~ Audomarum mitteretur in Belgium ad nostrae gentis Seminarium. Hinc xxvi Novem. stilo vet., vi. Decem. stilo novo, Londino discessit; Audomarum vero pervenit 30 Novem. stil. vet ., 10 Decem. stilo novo, illicque mansit ad xxiii Junii stilo novo +anni sequentis MDCLXXVIII , + quando in Angliam rediit; quo tempore fuit

*

1661.

* I.e. Tangier, acquired by the Portuguese marriage treaty of 23 June ~

Sir Joseph Williamson, Secretary of State September 1674 to February

1679.

:I: In view of Simpson Tonge's vacillations and retractions, it is not possible to put much weight upon his statements. ยง I.e. Valladolid. ~ _Then Provincial.


38

ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

tantum una nocte extra Seminarium illud, idque Wattenis, quarto ab Audomaro lapide, ubi domus est Probationis Provinciae Anglicanae . Quae omnia sunt publicis Attestationibus utriusque Collegii aliorumque virorum fide dignissimorum comprobata, pridem typis editis *; ipsa vero Instrumenta Authentica Audomari asservantur (ubi videri possunt ab iis quibus libri editi fidem non faciunt), quod urbs sit in confiniis Angliae, Galliae, et Belgii sita. Cuipiam ista minutiora videri poterunt, et indigna, quae locum occupent in Hystoria; non tamen vere talia sunt, quod postea patebit, sed maximi ad Oatis mendacia confutanda momenti. (100) Dum ibi viveret, habita est Londini Congregatio Provincialis ad destinandum Romam Procuratorem ; quod Oati notum factum, cum Patres inde rediissent. (101) Illic petiit in Societatem admitti; cumque aliquis ei dixisset, virum iis moribus nunquam admissum iri, respondit alter: " Aut J esuita ero, aut Judas." Et alia vice: "Nisi fuero Jesuita, ero damnatus." Ubi fuit repulsam passus, clara voce juravit: "De Jesuitis sum am vindictam." Pridie discessus, Audomari repertus est post nonam vespertinam in altari expansis brachiis; cumque aliquis ab eo petiisset, quid illic ageret hora tam insueta (alii in Lectos se receperant), respondit: " J esu Christo valedico." Sic eum Londinum reduximus, nulla noticia praeditum quae Tongi desiderio satisfaceret, praeterquam Congregationis Provincialis, quam iste avide arripuit, nec meliori nec alio ad fucum faciendum occurrente. Ipse Tongus biennio post in Collegii (ita vocabatur scriniarius quidam, de quo multa infra) domum traductus, +conscientiae laniena cruciatus, summa cura custoditus, ne in publicum prodiens, ali qua diceret, quae Factiosorum rebus officerent; tandem, + ut Herodes et Calvinus, a vermibus comestus cum diris cruciatibus animam desperabundus efflavit; quod ex Actione in Collegium illum instituta habetur. (102) THOMAS HARCOTTUS PROVINCIALIS. Datus fuit Provinciae Anglicanae Societatis J esu Provincialis R.P. Thomas Harcottus, vero nomine Whitebreade, decJaratus Jan. xiv stilo veteri, xxiv stilo novo , an. MDCLXXVIII. De quo plnra infra. Is dum lustraret suae Provinciae + Domicilia + in Belgio, venit Audomarum, ubi tum agebat Oates; cumque audiisset qualis esset, ingenio pravo, ad mentiendum projecto, versatili etiam in materia Religionis, si quem ejus sensum unquam habuisset, maledico, et in Regiam Familiam non bene affecto, negavit se eum in Societatem admissurum; monuit linguae temperare alioqui virorum honestorum consortio indignum futurum; tum viatico instructum ad propria remisit. (103) Leodii pridie Renovationis votorum, xxiv Julii, sumptis pro Themate Christi D. verbis ad Zebedei filios, Potestis

*

Warner collected these depositions for his Vindication of the Inglish Catholills (1680).


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

39

*

bib ere c'alicem quem ego bibiturus sum, cum de Observantia regulari laudasset omnes, eosque ad spiritus integram Renovation em exhortatus fuisset, repente mutato orationis tenore, petiit an parati essent alia graviora pati quam Disciplina Religiosa injungeret ? v.c. boni nominis jacturam, seditionis, conspirationis in Regem, voluntatis evertendi statum publicum, arcessi? Carceri mancipari, pedicis et manicis vinciri, Tribunali sisti, cum ingenti furentis populi plausu condemnari, infami supplicio affici? Et ad singuJa Periodi membra Thematis verba repetiit ea vocis firmitate, ea affirmationis constantia, ut omnes mirarentur. Nec deerant, qui alieno tempore harum rerum factam mentionem putarent, praesenti Catholi-[f. 25Jcorum in Anglia statu considerato, et Caroli in ipsos, ipsorum in Carolum, officiis mutuis. Denique, ut non deessent, qui praesentem quietem non Pacem sed inducias interpretarentur, olim, et forte non ita multo post, exituras, quod Haereticorum in nos rabies, ut ut coercita, tandem eruptura praevidebatur, et magnas strages editura, adeoque tempestatem imminere, nemo tamen omnino credebat ullum inventum iri aut tam impudentem ut Catholicorum Fidem accusaret, aut tam levem ut alteri tam incredibile facinus fingenti fidem adhiberet. Hinc Legum execution em urgendam augurabantur, aliquos titulo sacerdotii plectendos, Catholicos quod sacris Protestantium abstinerent multandos, revocandos qui in Seminariis educabantur etc.; nec +enimvero+ alia urgebant Catholicorum in comiti~s hostes. At Majestatis dicam nemo fprmidabat, quando concionem habuit R.P. Provincialis. At vero ubi vidimus omnia eo ordine, quem praedixerat, ei contigisse, creditus est prophetico spiritu ea praevidisse. (104) ANTWERPIANUS MORBUS. In reditu Antwerpiam invisit, quam populabatur ignotus morbus, paucis parcens, plurimos extinguens, potissimum viribus integros. Intra civitatem contagione vulgabatur; extra innoxius sanis etiam eo laborantes visitantibus. Et ipse et socius ejus P . Odoardus Mico haustum illic venenum secum in Angliam retulerunt, cujus violentia lecto affixi, ad extrema redacti fere sunt, quando Tragaedia exhiberi caepta est. (105) Earn interea strenue ornabant Oates et Tongus in aedibus Richardi Barkeri, qui de equorum medico factus hominum medicus, ad equestrem dignitatem evectus erat; inde propius Aulam migrarunt ad aedes quae antea dictae erant Aula vulpis (Foxhall), sed ab iis, qui illic consultabant, a vicinis vocatae sunt Dom~ts conspirationis. ~ Adscitus in Laboris consortium Causi-

*

For Fr, Whitbread's prophecy at this conference cJ. Foley, v, 235237. (Fr. Wakeman's testimony, quoted in Challoner's Memoirs, is attested by Warner himself, who also heard the Conference.) ~ Sir Richard Barker was described at Oates's trial as " a crazy man and an antient." Tonge lived with him in his house in the Barbican from 1675 to July 1678. On 9 September 1678 Oates and Tonge went to the lodgings of Lambert, a bell-founder at Vauxhall, and this was afterwards called the' plot-house' (Sitwell, The Fi1'st Whig, pp. 28 and 3<1).


40

ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

dicus, nomine Digbaeus. Conjecta in earn quicquid ab uno saeculo Res vel publicae vel privatae passae detrimenti essentbella civilia et externa, spars a Pestis, Caroli I supplicium, impeditum faedus cum Domo Austriaca, +eorundem opera factum ut Hollandi Auriacum discingerent, +paratos in Anglia, Scotia, et Hibernia milites, qui Regna ilIa sub Papae tyrannidem reducerent, creatos novos Archiepiscopos et Episcopos a Papa, a Generali vero J esuitarum, peculiari Bulla ad id instructo, Praefectos Armorum' majores et min ores ; Diplomata ab Oate visa et plerisque distributa; armorum et pecuniae affatim esse paratum, quae partim vidisset Oates, partim ab aliis didicisset; +inductos unum qui veneno, duos qui schlopis, quatuor qui sicis Carolum conficerent; omnes in Aula frequentissime versari. + Haec in unum supra octoginta articulos distincta a Tongo, cui labori Oates impar. Hic interea laceris vestibus J esuitarum et Benedictinorum fores obsidebat, petitum Eleemosinam, aliquando die.ens se per duos dies nee frustum panis comedisse (et creditum fere est in hoc non fuisse mentitum). Instanter rogavit quendam perillustrem virum ~ et ob familiam nobilissimam et Ecclesiasticam Dignitatem, ut pro se apud J esuitas intercederet, quo vel in Societatem adsciretur, vel annue aliquid pecuniae, unde honeste aleretur, addicerent. Si alterutrum ohtineret, se exemplar Accusationum in illos aliosque Catholicos ornatarum traditurum, in quibus sciret quidem nihil verum esse, tamen certus esset omnia in Parlamento creditum iri. (106) Haec ille, sive facinoris quod aggrediebatur immanitate territus, sive rapturus in confirmationem eorum, quae deferre statuerat, S1 J esuitae alterutram conditionem acceptassent. eerte isti non ausi sunt, istam ob causam) quicquam offerre; sed suorum Innocentiae seeuri, rei exitum Divinae Providentiae permisere. Tongus propter operam in concinnanda Narrativa (ita vocata est Dica in Catholicos scripta) eontendit a Comitiis sibi Primi delatoris honorem deberi. Sed Rei et gloria et Invidia Oati adhaesit; qui, qUiSqllis mendaciorum Author esset, ina sua fecerat, perjuriis confirmando. Dicitur Danbeo nota fuisse) quae isti machinarentur; fertur etiam addidisse animos; sed id non affirmo, quod non satis exploratum habeam. Catholicis nihildum innotuerat. nisi ex vagis et variis rumoribus. quorum copiosa seges nunquam deest in Anglia. (107) EPISTOLAE WINDESORIANAE. R.P. Thomas BeddingfiJdus e Societate J esu, Eboracensi ut ferebatur a eonfessionibus, eum vVindesoriam secutus erato Is Ka.lendis Septembribus valde mane exiens, Tabellioni Londiniensi occurrit, a quo petiit (quod

*

*

A list of the material first seen by the Lords Committee is given in H.M.C. H . of Lords MSS. II Rep. App., Pt. II, pp. 2-3. The history of the growth and development of Oates's depositions deserves some attention. The only extant MS. versions to my knowledge are in P.R.O" S,P.D. Car. II, 409, Bodley Raw!. D.720, and B.M. Har!' 3790. , It is difficult to see to whom Warner can be referring by this statement .


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

41

nunquam fecerat) num quas haberet Epistolas sibi directas. Et invenit fasciculum quinque Epistolas continentem, in quibus, ut Ilias in nuce, tota Conspirationis fabula summatim continebatur: Paratam Scotiam, erectam in rerum novarum spem Hiberniam; curam haberet quatuor sicariorum, qui Regem occidere statuerant, etc. Beddingfildus, rerum talium denunciatione attonitus, Eboracensem statim adit, ei tradit epistolas Carolo deferendas * : se de rebus iUis nihil unquam audivisse; cognoscere personas, quarum nominibus scriptae sint, sed certe scire earum a nemine script as esse; vereri se, ne quid in Eboracensem designetur. (108) +His auditis,+ Carolus Eboracensi respondit, [ j. 26J rem sibi novam non esse, de qua ante sesquimensem inaudiisset. Quod magis anxium reddidit Eboracensem, quod ejus noticiae tantam rem subduxisset. Eodem mane bis pet.itae a Tabellione Beddingfildi Epistolae, semel ab Oate ipso, semel ab alter~. Et eodem in Aulam advolavit Danbeius ex Agro Oxoniensi, ut dictum est, ut primae publicae rei delationi interesset. Caeterum Beddingfildi diligentia adeo omnia tenebrarum opera turbarat, ut toto triduo +Danbeius audire+ noluerit Oatem, nec ei adscitum socium Kirbium. Quibus +tandem+ auditis, ipse Wimbletonum in villam suam secessit; nec de re tanta resumpta deliberatio ante xxvii ejusdem mensis, nee interea manus injecta in veneficos, in sicarios, in alios, qui in Regis conspirasse necem dicebantur; nec isti Aula exclusi, quo saltern Parietibus Parricidium differretur. Unde liquet nihil fidei delatoribus habitum, nisi quis dicat omnes aulicos, ipsum etiam Carolum, in tanto ipsius periculo de sua ipsius salute nihil curasse. (109) Epistolas ips as ex Tongi officina prodiise, cum ipsius filius, Simsonus, clare testatus est, cum variis indiciis demonstravit Rogerius Lestrangius, suorum Observatorum volum. 2. n. 150, tum ex Phrasium similitudine, tum ex variis contra Anglicanam Ortographiam vitiis, Tongo soli familiaribus. ut ex aliis ejusdem MSS patet, tum ex characteribus ipsi singularibus, tum denique ex eo quod nullae sint Periodorum aut ab invicem, aut in sua membra distinctiones, nulla commata punctave, quod Tongo vernaculum et vel uti characteristicum, aliis vero insolens. Non fuisse scriptas ab iis, quorum nomina adjecta, clarissimum est. Nam Fogarthius medicinae doctor Fogotius dicitur, et Illustrissimi Comitjs Cardiffae filius Brunallus, cujus nomen est Brudenellio. Tot ergo titulis vacillabat Epistolarum fides, ut illae nunquam fuerint in Judicium productae ,; tamque male successit prima in Catholicos impressio, scriptis illis facta, ut, licet mendacia in dies nova cuderent, et sine pudore, sine conscientia, sine Dei juxta ac Cf. James II, Ot'iginaZ Memoirs (ed. J. S. Clarke, 1816), i, 518-9.

*

~ Southwell doubted the authenticity of the Beddingfield letters from the outset. Cf. B .M. Add . 38847, fl. 202, 244.


E GLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLIC

42

hominum timore, vulgarent, nulla nobis scripta deinceps imponere ausi sint. (110) Hac frustratione cautiores at nihilo meliores effecti, aliam viam ineunt: Edmundburium Godefridum adeunt simul Oates, Tongus, et Kirbius; primus ei N arrativam suam offert, juratus testatur earn esse in toto et in singulis partibus veram; Godefridus, quod ipsius officii ratio ab eo exigebat, suo chyrographo testatur tale Juramentum se praesente factum; cui contestes fuerunt alii duo, Tongus et Kirbius. Godefridus (ut Oates ipse retulit, et inde intulit eum sibi visum Papistam) rerum quae narrabantur novitate perculsus, atrocitate attonitus, et veluti syderatus, tantum non animi deliquium passus est; vultus pailor, genua trementia in se mutuo collis a, urina defluens, aUa, mentis horrorem, angustias spiritus, prodebant. Caeterum sibi restitutus, re attentius considerata, simul eorum et qui accusabant et qui accusabantur studiis perpensis, malignitatem subodoratus, rem totam Eboracensi detulit, gravissima Danbaei offensa, a quo severe reprehensus est, minis additis gravibus, ni suam intra sphaeram se contineret. Hinc dixisse scitur fabulam quae ornabatur, non sine sanguine exhibitum iri; seque fore primum Martyrem. Et verum fuisse vatem apparet, quod non diu postea superstes fuit, ut dicetur libro sequenti. (111) GODEFRID US QUALIS. Natus est Godefridus Patre Equite Aurato, filius sextus; vir gravus, impiger, et industrius, nactus a Patre modicas opes commercio auxit; vir anti quae simplicitabs, in se fraudis expers, in aliis osor acerrimus; adeo Regi juxta et Eboracensi gratus, ut ab 1110 eques auratus et Eirenarcha creatus fuerit. Nec alius in eo magistratu aut Carolo fidelior, aut Catholicis, etiam J esuitis quorum multos familiarissime noverat, amicior. (112) OATES CORAM CONSILIO REGIO. Oates exinde a Carolo, ejusque Sacratiori Consilio auditus, dixit I. se Vallisoleto missum Madritum, actum ibi cum Joanne Austriaco Catholkorum omnium nomine, de Caroli nece, Regiminis eversione, Catholicae fidei, aliis eliminatis, restitutione; peteret eos in fines pecuniam, vires, alia eo facientia, a Rege Catholico; II. Missum Audomaro Parisios, cum R. P. de la Chaize, Christianissimi Regis confessario, iisdem de rebus tractatum; III. venisse Audomaro Londinum, peculiaribus litteris patentibus Adm. R.P. Generalis Societatis Jesu instructum, quibus fiebat ei Potestas in Congregationem Provincialem intrandi. (113) Ubi Joannem Austriacum nominavit, petiit Carolus an illum unquam convenisset. "Conveni vero," respondit alter audacter, "et cum illo familiarissime egi." Tum Carolus, " Qualis vir est," ait, "Austriacus?" "Est," ait Oates, "procerae

*

*

For an account of Godfrey's actions on receipt of Oates's depositions cf. the evidence of Mulys and Welden, H.M.C. 11 Rep. App., Pt. II, p.48. Florus Anglo-Bavaricus, pp. 97- 98, and Pollock, pp. 149-151.


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLIC

43

staturae, gracili corpore, flavis crinibus." Respondit Carolus: "Video te Austriacum nunquam viclisse; nam est mediocris staturae, obeso (j. 2'i] corpore, crinibus nigris." De P . de la Chaize interrogavit Carolus, ubi illum convenisset? Respondit, " In domo Jesuitarum, ubi habitat ille." Cumque Carolus urgeret, "In qua domo J esuitarum ? " cum isti tria habeant Parisiis domicilia, domum nempe Profess am S. Ludovici, Collegium Claremontanum, et Noviciatum, fassus est Oate se nescire quo modo vocetur il1a domus, sed illam esse quae Luparam contingit. Tum Carolus: "Liquet, te nunquam Parisiis fuisse; nam nulia Jesuitarum domus Luparam contingit; domus vero Professa, ubi Confessarii Regis Christianissimi habitant, circiter bis mille passus inde d!stat, interjecta civitatis Parisiensis maxima parte." (1l4) Ad Congregationem Provincialem ubi vent urn est, cui se interfuisse mentitus fuerat Oates, Carolus ab eo petiit, ubinam convenissent J esuitae? Respondit alter, magna cum fiducia, convenisse Londini in plataea quae Strand dicitur, in Oenopolio cui insigne Equi Albi. Hoc falsum esse sciebat Carolus, cui notum ipsos in ipsa Eboracensis Aula convenisse; cujus tamen rei nec Carolus nec uHus alius Catholicorum Apologista mentionem fecit, donec Persecutio plane desaeviiset, ne augeretur inde in Eboracensem Invidia. Minutiora omitto in quibus a vero aberrasse constat. Identidem Carolus submissa voce assidentibus sibi consiliariis dixit: "Videbitis, quod in alio ilium mendacio deprehendam," nec unquam fefellit conjectura. (1l5) Ubi exierat, dixit clara voce Carolus: "Nae iste est nebulo mendacissimus." Hoc verissimum erat, nam nunquam ivisse Madritum liquet ex Attestationibus Illustrissimi et Reverendissimi Archiepiscopi Tuamensis, R .D. Richardi Duelii, sacerdotis Hiberni, RR. PP. Manuelis de Calatayud, Rectoris, et Dominici Ramos, Procuratoris, Collegii Anglorum Vallisoleti. ~ Deinde

*

*

Warner's pamphlets, Concerning ye Congregation (B.M. 861, i, 12 (2), reprinted in Foley v, 62), and A Vindication of the Inglish Catholiks (1680), p. 18 sq., both assert that the Provincial Congregation took place on 24th and 26th April 1678, and not in the White Horse tavern-but the real location is not mentioned. Reresby gives the true location in his Memoirs (1875), p. 325. For the actual minutes of the Congregation see The Month , cii, 311. While, of course, the fact that the Congregation was held at St. J ames's is of importance, it is possible that its disclosure has been overemphasized, e.g. by both Foley and Pollock. If the plot-managers had wished to implicate the Duke of York in the plot at this stage, they would presumably have done so, without necessarily waiting for the true facts to present themselves. Oates, in fact. was at pains to exculpate the Duke (cj. evidence of Lord Annesley before the Lords Committee 30 Oct. 1678: " l\1lr. Oates informed him that if he could be heard at the House of Peers he could say something that would in a manner clear the Duke of York of what Coleman's letters say of him."- H .M.C. II Rep. App., Pt. II, p . 6). In view of the prejudiced atmosphere of their trial, the Jesuit martyrs considered it simpler to deny the fact of having been present at a Congregation at the place and time specified by Oates, than to assert the fact that a Congregation had actually been held, but at a .different place and time. , Cf. A Vindication of the English Catholiks (1680), Attestations A, B and L.


44

ENGLISH PERSECUTIO

OF CATHOLIC

cum frequens esset rumor ea de re Londini, D. Tayler S.T.D., qui Legato Angliae Madriti fuerat a sacris, et D. Goddartius, qui vixerat ibi mercator, Oatem convenerunt, petieruntque num quos Anglos Madriti nosset? Speciatim D. Goddartium? Respondit sine haesitatione se omnes Anglos illic agentes convenisse, nominatim Goddartium, a quo saepius fuisset convivio valde benigne exceptus. Tum Taylerus alteri: " Satis est, Domine Goddarti," inquit, (( abunde videmus quid veri subsit." Nutabat in Aula Oatis fides, hac hystoriola sparsa; de quo iste conquaestus, citati fuerunt Taylerus et Goddartius, et de Religione interrogati. Cum dixissent suam esse Protestanticam, monuerunt proceres caverent, ne Regii Testis fidem solicitarent; alioquin id non impune laturos. Quod exemplum Factiosi strenue imitati sunt, ut dicetur. (116) Similiter Iter Parisiense fictitium fuisse, lite contestata, examinatis rite plurimis Testibus, publica Judicum sententia pronunciatum postea est; et hoc ipso tempore ducentae circiter personae in seminario Audomarensi degentes juramento adhibito testati sunt, toto tempore quo Audomari vixit, a x scilicet Decembris, MDCLXXVII, usque ad xxiii Junii, MDCLXXVIII, ipsum una tantum nocte extra Collegium fuisse, idque Wattenis . .yc Et vero stultissimum fuisset Catholicos, negocia talia commisisse viro neophito aut ignoto, aut nimium noto, qui nulla unquam negocia tractarat, nec aliam quam vernaculam linguam callebat, in illis locis ignotam, nequidem Latinam, cujus rudimenta vix norat, maxime cum in utraque aula esset aliquis e Societate Provinciae Anglicanae Procurator, in rebus tractandis non plane hospes. Quod denique ait se peculiaribus Generalis J esuitarum litteris patentibus instruct urn Congregation em Provincialem intrasse, adeo stultum omnibus visum est, ut nullam de eo fecerit mentionem deinceps. Dixit tantum se adfuisse ut decreta ab uno ad alterum locum + ubi Patres convenerant + deferret, et congregatorum Patrum subscriptiones colligeret; quod aeque stultum in se, licet falsitas non ita pateat aliis. (117) GULIELMUS SCROGS QUALIS. Iliud etiam omitti non oportet, ne qua persona lateat exhibendae mox Tragaediae necessaria, Gulielmum Scrogs Banco Regio (Tribunal est ad jus in causis criminalibus, speciatim Majestatis, dicendum erect urn) datum esse Praesidem, cujus titulus Supremus Angliae justitiarius. Vir iste liberali facie animum tegebat ferocem et truculentum, sanguinis sitientissimum, et sanguini a teneris assuetum, utpote Lanionis filius et in Juventute Lanio. Hinc mirati pIeri que hunc Primarium J udicem factum esse, cum Jura Anglicana laniones in duodecim viros elegi vetent, utpote de crudelitate suspectos. (US) In Bellis Civilibus meliorem, licet minus felicem, causam secutus fuerat; iis finitis ad Jus Anglicum [J. 28J discendum

*

*

Warner gives t his story in English in a marginal ms. note on p . 3 of B.M. 860, i , 12 (1) . ' ~ Cf. A Vindication .. . Attesta tion D .


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLI C

,

45

tempus impendit. Natura dicax nec infacundus; quod Arti Rhetoricae deerat, supplebat loquacitas. Animam immanem prodebant dicteria, quibus hominibus morti a se adjudicatis insultabat; nec magis pendere solebat hominum etiam insontium suam causam defendentium rationes, quam Innocentium agnorum in paterno macello balatus. Audacia nec Oati impar. Dixit, non e Tripode, sed e Banco Regio, throno scilicet suo, nullum esse inter Protestantes Sutorem Veteramentarium, qui non posset quemlibet Ecc1esiae Romanae Sacerdotem disputando confundere. Quod ingenti circumfusae plebis plausu except urn fuisse, ipsemet oratione illa typis edita vulgavit. Ubi hic ad illam dignitatem evectus est, statim augurati sunt Prudentiores quique Tragaediam instare; sed in pervicaces Presbiterianos atque Fanaticos, Regentibus semper graves, omen omnium opinione destinabatur; nemo in Catholic os secures acui, parari laqueos, suspicatus est. Solus, qui promovendum curarat, sciebat in quos parabatur, fulmenque illic casurum, ubi ipsi esset usui. Ipse Scrogs, non ita multo post, ab officio depositus, et res suas curare jussus, vix aliorum quam Catholicorum consortio solitudinem suam maestissimam otiumque solatus est, ab aliis desertus. 0 Judicium! o manus Dei! Vere digitus Dei hic! Nec diu superstes fuit, nam privatae vitae et quietis impatiens, animam tot homicidiorum conscientia laceratam, aeris alieni quod contraxerat onere gravatam, aliis odiosam, sibi gravem, Justissimi Judicis Tribunali sistendam exhalavit. (119) Sic indicatis iis, qui praecipuas in hac Tragaedia partes sustinuerunt, expositis eorum studiis, aliisque, quae tunc quidem in occulto fiebant, postea sunt vulgata ab iis, qui fuerunt omnium participes, primo libro finem imponimus.

*

*

Nevertheless he received a pension of ÂŁ1,500 per annum and a place for his son.


LIBER II. A.D. MDCLXXVIII. (120) ARGUMENTuM. Primus Persecutionis fragor terribilis; quo ' ejus turbo primus involvit. Quales Odoardus Harvaeus, Bedlous, Dugdallus, et Prancius. Persecutionis Immanitas. Aulae facies. Godefridi caedes. Parlamentum; in quo Oates auditus, multa falsa dicens. Fides ei non habita, honor tamen multus delatus. Judicium Parlamenti ejusque Iniquitas. Quo tenderent Factiosi Proceres? Edicta Caroli. Thomae Beddingfeldi et Humphredi Bruni mortes. Mildmaii solertia. Gulielmi talaei et Odoardi Colmanni certamina, et supplicia. Controversia de J uramento Fidelitatis. Regina conjurationis arcessita. Danbeius accusatus, de quibus? Res Scoticae et Hibernicae. De Joanne Sergeantio. (121) PRIMUS TEMPESTATIS FRAGOR. Vidimus elevatos e malignantium caetu praetensae Conspirationis vapores, eosdemque in atras nubes factiosorum arte et industria densatos. Quae inde fulmina, qui turbine, exierint, jam videbimus. xxviii Septembris Consilium Regium toto die consederat, de conspiratione deliberans, quasi tunc primum ilIa innotuisset. Sequenti nocte primus tonitrui fragor ingenti strepitu cunctos perculsit. Capti PP. Gulielmus Irelandus et J oannes Fenwickius, J esuitae, ille Provinciae, iste Seminarii Audomarensis Londini Procurator, ablatis Rationum libris et Pecuniis, aliis rebus sigillo obsignatis, in carcerem conjecti sunt. Item + Thomas Pickeringus O.B. ~ . Laicus, et Joannes Grovius cujus opera Patres Societatis Londini degentes utebantur; et+ N. Fogarthius, Medicinae doctor, aliique. Oates enim regio mandato instructus, satellitibus stipatus eorum cubicula adivit eosque jussit in carcerem duci. Adiit etiam cubicula R.P. Provincialis Thomae Harcotti et P. Odoardi Harvaei ex morbo gravi lecto affixorum; caeterum cum accersiti Medici [f. 29J censuissent eos sine praesenti vitae discrimine loco moveri non posse, relicta ad utriusque Portam militum statione, discesserunt, ablatis quas in Harvaei camera Chartas invenerunt. Hunc impactis in pectus Schlopis ad sepositas, uti dicebant, Litteras indicandas adigere conati ea barbara violentia, ut mors Decembris iii non tam morbi vi quam istis ictibus subsecuta sit.:I: Quominus etiam vita functus quiesceret, obstitit

*

*

Among Ireland's papers that were seized was a catalogue of the Province (La Harangue de Monseigneur Guillaume Vicomte Destafford ... B.M. 860, i, 12 (7)). A list of Fenwick's papers is given in H.M.C. 13 Rep. Ap. VI, p. 115. ~ I.e. O.S.B. :I: Mico's arrest involved intrusion into ambassadorial territory. C/. Count Egmont's account and protest-C.S.P.D. 1678, pp. 454 and 459. Foley (v, 250), following Cballoner, is wrong in stating that Fr. Mico died in Newgate, oppressed with the weight of his chains. He died in his bed in his lodgings at Wildstreet. See Dom Hugh Bowler, O.S.B., "The Ven. Edward Mico, S.]." (The lvlonth, Nov. 1930). An account of the raid is given in Fr. Hamerton's narrative- Foley, v, 17 sq.


ENGLISH PERSECUTIO

OF CATHOLICS

47

vanus rumor, magna fiducia sparsus, veneno extinctum, ne Conspirationis affines proderet. +Hinc + jussi chirurgi corpus invisere, qui primo partes nobiliores scrutati, ex in alias, tandem ad minimas fere venulas devenerunt, nullo uspiam veneni indicio comparente. Alius in de secutus rumor maerore obiisse, extincta Episcopatus obtinendi spe, ad quam Oates eum nominarat. (122) Natus est Odoardus Harvaeus, + vero nomine Mico, in Essexia honestis Parentibus; Audomari litteras humaniores didicit, morum Innocentia cunctis gratus. Romae in nostrae gentis Seminario biennio Philosophiam audivit, ita ad Regularum amussim vivens, ut jam tum Novitius Jesuitarum vocaretur. Discordiae et Contentionum osor maximus, quas ut vitaret, nunquam deposito pignore certare voluit, ut fit inter Adolescentes, ne pignoris jactura alterutra contendentium pars contristaretur, aut de victoria contenderet. lis imbuto moribus, facile fuit Societatem obtinere, quam intravit Wattenis xv Junii +MDCL+ aetatis suae xx. Quatuor votorum professus ii Feb. + MDCLXVI+ tribus Provincialibus Socius adhaesit, majoribus juxta minoribusque gratus. Tandem quem diximus habuit vitae exitum. Sub vitae finem nihil magis dolere videbatur quam quod vires ad carceris aerumnas et extremum supplicium subeundum non sufficerent. Si non in re, certo videtur in voto, martyrii factus compos. (123) PERSECUTIONIS IMMANITAS. In carceres conjecti Odoardus Petri et Thomas J enisonus sacerdotes e Societate, + Robert us Pughus et N. Smithaeus e c1ero saeculari,+ Richardus Langhornus J.P., et Odoardus Colemannus, ~ iste Ducissae Eboracensi a secretis, qui cum audivisset se quaeri, Consilium Regium adiit, ipse sese purgatum iis de quibus argueretur; sed inde ductus in carcerem, non nisi ad excipiendam mortis sententiam eamque subeundam eductus est. Infinitum esset singulorum nomina recensere, qui similia patiebantur. (124) Apud Catholicos misera rerum facies, quadruplatores semper aut sentientes aut timentes, nullum neque interdiu neque noctu quietis spacium habentes. Circumvolitabat Oates militibus stipatus, plena cum Potestate, quos liberet in carceres amandandi, Catholicis amicls et Benefactoribus juxta ac Inimicis infaestus; cui maxima voluptas a cunctis timeri, quam plurimis nocere. In cunctis Plataeis Londiniensibus occurrebant miseri captivi; hos salutasse aut eorum vices doluisse, satis erat, ut in paenae participium vocarentur; inde miseris ademptum ultimum iliud solatium, quod ex amicorum necessariorumque consortio percipitur. N ec aJiud in Carolo praesidium etiam notis et fidei compertis, quam ut a Regno pateret exitus voluntarium exilium praeoptantibus. Quibus exilium displicebat, ii relict a civitate in remotiora loca

*

*

I.e. Juris Peritus. For Coleman 's movements shortly before his arrest see H.M.C. 13 Rep. Ap. VI, pp . 139-140, and II Rep. Ap., Pt. II, pp. 8-10. ~


48

ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

confugerunt. Itaque Gazettae Hollandicae xxii Novembris editae asseverarun t, Catholicorum 30,000 recessisse + Londino, + illis solis remanentibus, quibus nulli alibi lares*; carceres omnes ita captivis refertos, ut constet eorum Praefectos, Libello supplici Consilio Regio oblato. petiisse ne plures iis manciparentur quod non esset amplius + iis excipiendis+ Locus; ea vero severitate et vigilantia custodiebantur, ut nec Uxor de Marito, nec Pater de Filio, quicquam audire potuerit; et Thomas Harcottus Provincialis, licet sub eodem cum Gulielmo Irelando tecto custoditus, quatuor integros menses de hujus supplicio nihH audierit. ~ Haque captivitate et fuga fit Londini vastitas, illis solum in Patria remanentibus, qui bus nec fugam nec exilium permittebat Egestas. + Aliqui succubuerunt malo impares; nonnulli persequentium numerum auxerunt, proh Dolor! + Et Londinum paenae particeps, minuto Civium et Advenarum Locupletiorum numero, illic suas opes dissipantium; et tanti aestimata jactura hinc facta, quanti Incendium ipsum. (125) AULAE FACIES . Metus ingens in Regia ostensus: Consilium Sacratius et frequentius convocatum et diutius habitum, duplicatae circumcirca Militum stationes, majores Portae clausae, solis ostiolis etiam exterorum Principum Legatis apertis*; omnia ad ostentationem. Nee tamen Populo persuaderi potuit rem serio agi, technas Aubcas suspicanti, cum nihil praeter Oatis verba occurreret, quod Conspirationi praetensae fidem faeeret. Tristissima rerum omnium facies; calamitosa et prorsus misera Catholicorum omnium conditio, maxime vero Jesuitarum, quos et communi a mala et omnium insuper Invidia gravabat, etiam apud simul patientes; quos imprudenti quopiam Ze]o facto, scripto, verbove Caroli Iram provocasse suspicabantur, nec dabatur suam Innocentiam asserere, interciso penitus omni [f. 30J litterarum commercio. Un de de illis nihil audiebatur quam quae spargerent lmmlCl. Qui tunc erat Collegii Societatis Leodii Rector, creatus Vice-Provincialis, ยง ad quem proinde referri deberent quae nostros contingerent, quinque mensium spacio nihil audivit praeterquam ex Gazettis publicis, nisi quando aliquis velut e naufragio servatus in continentem evasit; qui tamen de aliis nihil plerunque sciebant, adeo periculi declinandi solicitudo anxios animos occupabat. Hinc factum ut, cum alii fidenter accusarent et nemo responderet, suspicio orta sit aliquid subesse. Ipse Joannes Paulus Oliva, Societatis J esu Praepositus Generalis, ubi audisset quae sparge-

*

In accordance with the proclamations of 30 Oct. and 10 Nov. 1678 (Steele 3660, 3662) all Papists were to depart 10 miles from London and Westminster. ~ Treatment of the prisoners varied considerably. Solitary confinement of the prisoners held on charges of treason or of Godfrey's murder was strictly maintained. Cj. warrant to Sir Christopher Wren for closing of gates and doors (C.S.P.D. 1678, Oct. 31, p. 497). ยง I.e. Warner himself.

*


49

ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

bantur, Joanni Caraeo misso Romam Procuratori dixit: Si Patres vestrae Provinciae se istiusmodi consiliis immiscuerint, digna luant supplicia" (unde patet quam alieno ab his animo esset) . Litteris vero iii Decembris hujus anni datis ad Thomam tapletonum, Seminarii Audomarensis Rectorem, haec habet: "Expecto quonam ille tumultus evasurus sit. Interim causam illam omnem ita partitus mecum fui, ut si nostri publicae rei tractationi se miscuerint (quod quidem ut ABOMINOR, ita non credo), merito praesentem calamitatem ferre existimem : vel certe, quod vero propius planeque optandum est, innoxiis, si minus Libertatem ac farnam, coronas certe immortales inde nascituras mihi persuadeam." (126) Toto tamen isto tempore, unius Oatis testimonio nitebatur Fides Conspirationi habita. Ut ut enim ab initio Tongus accesserit, cum nullum un quam cum ullo Catholico commercium habuisse compertum esset, illud solum dicere potuit, quod ab Oate perceperat; adeoque un us tantum erat cum Oate Testis; Kirbaei vero opera uterque usus est, quo pateret ad Carolum aditus. Inspectae diligentissime multorum annorum btterae, discussae Catholicorum domus, in eorum sermones, in silentium, in studia, in conversationes, in labores, in otia ipsa diligentissime inquisitum, nus quam ulla deprehensa aut Perduellionis aut Laesae Majestatis indicia, quae vel fucum Populo facerent, vel ullum Otianae Fabulae veri colorem inducerent. Patebat Religio, Sacerdotium agnoscebatur ab iis, qui erant Sacris Ordinibus initiati; sed summo studio cavebant Religionis Hostes ullam de iis mention em injicere, ne quis suspicaretur de illis agi, aut aliud quam Regni Regisque incolumitatem istis motibus quaeri . Hoc tamen non pauci subolfaciebant, et paulo post clarissimis est indiciis comprobatum; cum enim comites Arundelius et Shrewisberius, item Barones Brudenellus et Lumlaeus, essent comprehensi, ut in Turrim Londiniensem ducerentur, conjurationis accusati, et ut conspirantium Coriphaei, ubi se dixerunt ad frequentanda Protestantium sacra paratos, statim, nulla alia Purgatione criminis petita, Libertatem adepti sunt. Gulielmus item Roperus, ex antiquissima et nobilissima famili a oriundus (quae singulari Laude fertur Fidei naufragium nunquam fecisse), cum filio primogenito, in Edicto Regio contra Perduelles edito cum nomen suum vidisset. Scroggium statim adiit petitum num de se ageretur, quod ipsi dubium, ex eo quod alii essent sibi cognomines. Cui Scroggius, Allatum jam est prandium meum," inqujt, " ubi comederimus, tum ea de re loquemur." Erat autem dies Veneris cumque oblatas a Scroggii uxore carnes repudiasset Roperus, dixit Scroggius uxori suae: "Si D. Roperus carnibus die Veneris vesci voluisset, nunquam ejus nomen conspirantium albo fuisset inscriptum." Et utrumque' Roperum in carcerem. qui Bancus Regis dicitur, duci curavit, unde in Turrim Londiniensem Parlamenti jussu traducti fuerunt. Obfuit Fogarthio, tl

tl

D


50

ENGLISH PERSECUnON OF CATII LIC

medicinae Doctori Hiberno, atque Townelaeo cauponi, quod Oates in eorum aere esset; istius ob cerevisiam ei venditam; illius, qui hunc lue venerea laborantem curarat. Uterque in teterrimum carcerem conjectus, hujus paedore et aerumnis consumptus est, sicut et multi alii, quorum vel nomina recensere ta~dium afferret; quae descripta pie credo in Libro Vitae. (127) Auditus a consilio Regio Georgius + Wakeman nus + Eques Auratus, Reginae Medicus (qui dicebatur, interjecta promissione sexaginta millium scutorum, Carolo medicatam potionem ministrare statuisse) , et primum dimissus liber, ut suos aegros more solito juvaret, tam levis habebatur delatoris fides; deinde iterum citatus, Turri Londiniensi mancipatus est. De causa in eum instituta, quando insons dec1aratus est, infra loquemur suo tempore. (128) Varii alii captivi sive in carcere consumpti sunt, sive ad causam dicendam educti, pari Innocentia, dispari successu, ut Judices fatum eorum, qui arcessabantur, non causae merito, non testium Fide, sed sortibus decidisse videantur. (129) GODEFRIDI CAEDES. Plebs Londinensis necdum mente mota erat, nec omnem exuerat in Catholicos affectum; ipsos rapi agique non sine sensu vidit, tacit a spectans, quorsum omnia essent evasura. Caeterum Godefridi Mors hanc etiam efferavit, i11ius nimirum coram [j. 31J quo Oates flctam Conspirationis Hystoriam Jurejurando firmaverat. Is videri desiit xii Octobris; et xvi ejusdem mensis ~ in Montis Primerosii fossa quadam, mille circiter passus ab Urbe distante, cadaver inventum, gladio illiusmet transfossum. A Latronibus non caesum constabat, cum in sacculis pecunia aurea copiosa et horologium rotabile essent relicta. (130) Sunt qui asserant ipsum sibi manus intulisse, Patrem suum imitatus, qui laqueo sibimet injecto vitae filum abrupit; sed rem ab ejus fratribus summo studio tectam, ne Bona Fisco addicerentur. Plures Danbeum caedis Authorem designabant ob rationes alibi dictas; et diu tenuit rumor, ipsum a multis visum Danbei aedes ingredi, eo die, quo videri desiit, a nemine visum exire.:t Caeterum caedis undecunque ortae atrox Invidia in solis fere Catholicis haesit, Factiosorum opera, earn in Conspirationis confirmation em rapientium, simulque tragice c1amantium, neminem ab eorum sacris alienum fore vitae securum, talia si impune ferant; aliorum Protestantium jugulis imminere, ni sibi caverent, Catholicis ex urbe, e Regno pulsis. Oates ipse, teste Smithaeo, ยง dixit: "Ista caedes mihi bene cessit; licet enim

*

*

Fogarty's association with Archbishop Talbot was the more likely cause of his imprisonment. Fogarty died at Newgate 5 Dec. 1678, O.S. (Bowler, C.R.S. xxxiv, 209). ~ Godfrey's body was in fact discovered on Thursday, October 17th, 1678. :t It is on the strength of this that Pollock writes" Warner names Danby as the probable author of the murder" (The Popish Plot, 1903, p. 150, note 3). ยง I.e. William Smith, M.A., Intrigues of the Popish Plot laid open, 1685.


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLIC

51

nullam Bedloanae hystoriae fidem habeam, (Bedlous, ut dicemus, euni a Catholicis caesum juravit), sine ea tamen in auras abiisset Conspiratio mea: neque credo, ni hoc accidisset, ullam mei rationem habiturum fuisse Consilium Regium." (131) Paulo post Johannes Powellus, * honest us Londini civis, insciis domesticis, etiam conjuge, discessit; cumque similiter occisus diceretur, Edicto Carolus vulgato octingenta scuta eius Percuss ores indicantibus addixit. Lestrangius ait facile viginti quinque aut triginta libros in Lucem emissos, qui Papistas illius quoque homicidii Reos peragerent; addita modus quo, via qua, motivis quibus ad navem conscendendam adduct us fuisset, quo deductus, ubi, et quo modo caesus, et id genus alia. Et fidem invenit fabula pronis Protestantium jam animis ad omnia adversus Catholicos credenda, donec ipse Worcest.ria rescripsisset se eo ivisse ob negocia quaedam domestic a, illicque bene habere. Et inventus e ministellis, qui pro concione dixerit dolere se, quod ipso reperto talis Accusatio periret. Similiter, cum A.D. MDCLXXXII fuisset occisus in Plateis Londiniensibus Thomas Thin, illius etiam facinoris postulati Catholici; verum comprehensi siccarii, quorum duo Sueci erant et Lutheri asseclae, tertius Polonus, homicidium agnorunt abs se patratum [jussu Conismarkii Comitis cancelled]. ~ Hinc patet quam parata plebs esset ad omnia de Catholicis credenda; quae jam non amplius eorum tam gravia patientium ulla commiseratione tangebatur, omnia infra merit urn arbitrata. (132) PARLAMENTUM. Die xxi Octobris senatores in Parlamentum Regio Mandato convenerunt. lis Carolus, ubi retulisset quae fecisset pro conservanda Regi Catholico Flandria (quo nomine totum Belgium Hispanicum designabat), ad id necessario retentum in Armis exercitum atque Classem; cujus an ullae partes, et q uaenam, in ea rerum peristasi exarmari deberent, rem esse matura omnium consideratione dignissimam, de Conspiratione dixit: "Volo jam vobis notum facere, (sicut et alia, quae me tangunt faciam) audisse me de conspiratione contra Personam meam a Jesuitis inita; de qua men tern meam non aperiam, ne aut nimium aut nimis parum dicere videar. Ex lege in Reos agi permittam; et interea quanta fieri potest cura ejusmodi hominum moliminibus obsistam, sicut et aliorum, qui cum Externis tract arunt, et modos excogitarunt reducendi Papismum." (Haec ultima Colmannum respicere postea patuit, et Cancellarius ea quibusdam Laicis adscribit.) Deinde alia negocia commendavit. Aerario exhausto subveniendum praecipue, quod ipsos pro singulari in se affectu cito facturos confideret. Reliqua Cancellario dicenda reliquit.

*

For Powell's case see H .M.C. 11 Rep. App ., Pt. II, p. 58, C.S. P.D. 1678 pp. 536, 538, 541, and Steele 3668, of 22 Nov. 1678. ~

See below, f. 149 and notes.


52

ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLIC

(133) Iste ubi Pro ceres monuisset, ne nimium Papismi metu turbarentur, de conspiratoribus tantum dixit, eorum visitata Tabellaria, excussas Chartas omnes domosque; nihil uspiam occurrisse, quod Conspirationi fidem face ret ; alia tamen inventa consideratione digna. (134) Utrumque Conclave tria petiit a Carolo: i. Ejus et Cancellarii orationes typis vulgari; ii. Papist arum scripta secum communicari; iii. J ejunii Diem Regia authoritate indici. Exin nominati cum qui Chartas inspicerent, tum qui in Godefridi caedis Authores inquirerent. (135) OATES AUDITUR IN PARLAM. Citatus Oates, qui Conspirationis seriem referret; primo dixit J acobum I ejusque primogenitum Henricum a Papistis veneno sublatos, bellum in Carolum I ab iisdem gestum, Londinum item combustum. (Quae omnia falsa esse sciebant omnes Senatores.) Deinde cramben toties coctam attulit, se Madritum ivisse, ut cum Joanne Austriaco, Parisios, ut cum P. De la Chaise, ageret. Utrumque Regis sui nomine et pecunias et operam addixisse, ad tollendum e medio Carolum II, Regni eversionem, Papisticae Religionis restaurationem. Se vidisse [J. 32J allatas a Generali J esuitarum Litteras Patentes, quibus novi toto regno creabantur Magistratus, Arundelius nimirum Canceliarius, Colmannus a Secretis, Powisius Aerario, Bellasissius Armis, Praefecti, huic Legatus addictus Petrius, et Exercitus Instructor, Ratcliffius. Colonelli et Capitani omnes nominati; item qui ArchiEpiscopatus et Episcopatus omnesque Dignitates Ecclesiasticas obtinerent. Has litteras Patentes abs se visas, variis propria sua manu traditas, et ab iis acceptatas, juratus affirmavit. Haec omnia divers is diebus ad eum audiendum destinatis dixit, et longe plura eodem spectantia. (136) TESTIMONII FALSITAS. Dicitur affirmasse summum Pontific em Regis Angliae titulum sibi assumpsisse; quod cum rnihi non constet, non assevero. Authoritatem Regiam sibi arrogasse dixit, cum ait eum Regios omnes ministros exauthorasse, aliis creatis. Quam aliena haec ab Innocentio XI, sanctissimo viro, ut suorum juriurn legitime acquisitorum retinenti, ita ab alienis invadendis alienissimo ! i4 Quis credet earn auctoritatem a Catholicis Proceribus agnitam, cui notum ex Hystoriis, quam fortiter restiterint eorum Majores, J oanni Regi Angliae Regnum Feudi jure Pontificiae Potestati ultro subjicienti, constantissime negantes id in Regis esse Potestate ? (137) Magis adhuc fatuum, supremam Potestatem in Anglos + et omnes Caroli Ditiones,+ in Generali Jesuitarum agnovisse + Catholicos Anglos,+ ret totam Angliam], quem constat

*

*

Oates first appeared before the Commons on 23 Oct. 1678 and gave information concerning the plot which included information against the Benedictines in the Savoy (C.] ., ix, 519). ~ Cj. letter of Innocent XI to the Duke of York, Sept. 1679, B.M. Add. 1 -395, f. 188.


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

53

extra Societatem ipsam ejusque domicilia null am habere Potestatem etiam in Principum Catholicorum ditionibus. Admonent Juris Consulti veteres, Crimen Majestatis in occasionem non habend'lltm, ob Majestatis venerationem,' Personam spectandam, an potuerit, et an ante quid fecerit. Enimvero Catholicorum Procerum intemerata fides, constans etiam difficillimis temporibus Regum observantia tot annis, qui nihil contra Regimen un quam attentarant, pro illius conservatione nihil intentatum reliquerant, qui Carolum amabant, ab illo amabantur, Quiete et Pace ejus beneficio fruebantur, qui in tuto fortunas repositas habebant rebus quietis, iis turbatis omnia contraria timebant. Cui Bono, ut Cassianum illud usurpem, fuisset motus ciere, Regemque amicum amovere? Nec inutilia ill is aut noxia tantum Consilia sed 'etiam impossibilia, cum Catholici vix millesimam Plebis Angliae partem aequent,~ et praeterea armis destituti, Praesidiis exules, Authoritate nulla circumdati, solis pugnis armati, Protestantes armatos aggrederentur, eosque internecione delere destinarent, quos ne quidem occidere possent, si ligatis illi manibus pedibusque Catholicis exponerentur. (138) Nec minus stolidum, quod Oatem talium consiliorum fecissent participem, quod ubi talia cum ea communicassent, eum e duplici Seminario cum probo expulissent, eum ad stipem ostiatim corrogandam adegissent, penes quem erat, arcanorum studiorum revelatione Catholicos omnes, summos, infimos, medioxumos, Bonis, Libertate, Vita deturbare. Certe si Catholici tales essent ut impossibilia tentarent, et ad ea perficienda tam ineptum hominem seligerent, non ut Perduelles et Majestatis Rei plecti deberent; sed ut stolidi ut ins ani vinciri. Contra tot praejudicia vir sapiens ne mutire quidem ausus fuisset; vir pene stolidus et loqui ausus est et fidem invenit. (139) JUDICIUM PARLAMENTI, EJUSQUE INIQUITAS. Siquidem Parlamentum, eo audito, declaravit initam esse et etiamnum exist ere execrabilem et Diabolicam Conspirationem a Papistis, ad trucidandum Regem, evertendum Regimen, et Fidei Protestanticae Professores delendos. E superiori conclavi cuncti Pro ceres Catholici jussi facessere; ex illis quinque, Powisius, Staffordus, Arundelius Baro, Bellasisius et Petraeus, Turri Londiniensi mancipati. Jussum inquiri in omnes in utroque conclavi de Papismo suspectos. Carolo supplicant, Catholicos omnes non e Palatiis tantum suis verum etiam e Regia civitate et locis decem millia passuum dissitis .pellat. (140) Londini cives tim ore trepidantes, ubi non erat timor, ad arma confugiunt; in foris, in compitis stationes disponunt;

*

*

The quotation is from Modestinus in Digest 48, 4, 7, 3, perhaps taken from Gregor. Mag., Epist. 13, 45, where it is also quoted. In occasionem non habendum seems to mean that the court must not be on the lookout for it. must not stretch it to cover cases. ~ Most certainly a rhetorical under-estimate.


54

E

GLISH PERSECUTIO

OF CATHOLIC

totis noctibus armati discurrunt per Plateas. Nec major alibi quies : observatae viae publicae; ad strictum examen vocati transeuntes; indeque aucta in Catholic os Invidia, quorum causa Populi tot labores subire cogerentur. lis clausa alicubi publica hospitia, negatus venalis panis etiamsi parata pecunia duplicato precio emere vellent; exprobratum passim eos ista mala merito jureque perpeti vel ob ingrati animi vitium quod Carolum de illis optime merit urn voluissent e medio tonere. Unde multi inedia aliisque miseriis huic mundo derati sunt, ut alteri gloriosi renascerentur. (141) Nec solum ubi multi Catholici, verum etiam ubi aut pauci aut etiam nulli, armati cives vigilias agitabant. Edmundi Burgi (frequens est in Suffolcia oppidum) fuga tis aliis, soli supererant viginti circiter Catholici, ex quibus soli duo ferendis armis non plane inidonei, reliqui erant vel mulieres vel pueri impuberes; illic tamen ea cura institutae vigiliae, ac si aliorum cervicibus Catholicorum sicae imminerent. Et vero terrorem Parlamenti Decreto conceptum Ministelll suis concionibus intendebant, in omnem occasionem Catholicis nocendi attenti. (142) Tamen Parlamenti Judicium indubie [j. 33J iniquum erato (143) i. Quia una tan tum audita parte latum fuit, licet adessent multi Proceres Catholici, omni exceptione majores, Fidelitatis in Regem, Probitatis in proximum comperti, ad diluenda sibi suisque imposita crimina parati, si ad se defendendum admissi fuissent; sed nullus iis datus est loquendi locus. (144) ii. Quod unius tantum testimonio niteretur Accusatio (quod enim ali qui dixerunt e Colmanni Chartis aliqua confirmari, de quo infra, nihil facit ad rem, quia illae necdum erant senatoribus ostensae), et duos Testes saltern requirunt omnia Jura divina et Humana. Deut. xvii. 6: "In ore duorum, aut trium Testium peribit, qui interficietur: nemo occidatur, uno contra se dicente Testimonium." Et C. Jurisjurandi. De testibus : "Vox unius, vox nullius." (145) iii. Hic ipse Testis unicus notissimis Perjuriis omnem fidem arniserat; est enim Regula Juris: Semel malus, semper malus in eodem genere. (146) iv. His ipsis coram Parlamento habitis sermonibus multa mendacia protulisse compertum est. J uratus affirmavit datas a se mense J ~llii praeterito Litteras Patentes Ratcliffo, Exercitus Instructori, in horto Legati Hispanici Londini. Respondit e Senatoribus unus id verum esse non posse, cum certe sciret optime Ratcliffum ob infirmitatem aliquam a tribus annis non exiisse dorno sua quae ducentis circiter passuum millibus Londino distat. Affirmavit etiam Marcum Prestonum et sacerdotem esse et J esuitam; se ei saepe confessum esse; eum sacra

*

*

For an account of the mission at Bury St. Edmunds see Foley, v, 526, 537.


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

55

facientem vidisse, et ab eo Sacra Synaxi refectum fuisse. Respondit iste: "Videte, Perillustres Domini, quaenam huic homini debeatur fides, qui ista de me testatur. Sum laicus, conjugem habeo et proles, ut norunt vicini mei; nec ab undecim annis domum mutavi." His et ejusmodi aliis replicis nonnihi1 turbatus Oates, in luculentis mendaciis atque Perjuriis deprehensus, aliquantisper substitit. Sed inferioris Conclavis Orator, eum ut pergeret, animavit, clara voce dicens: "Macte animo, Domine Oates, audacter perge dicere quae supersunt; nec enim hic considemus tan tum ut te audiamus; sed etiam ut fidem tibi habeamus." Perrexit enimvero, ea voce recreatus, et singulis fere Periodis Perjuriorum cumu1um auxit. Dixit visas a se varias Epistolas a Provinciali J esuitarum aliisque Patribus, quamque multorum chyrographis munitam, quod nunquam in Societate factum. Idem de Patentibus, quae Scholasticis Vallisoletum missis datae, Rectoris Audomarensis et quatuor Patrum nominibus subscriptae. A R.P. Generali J esuitarum se multas Epistolas accepisse, vidisse longe plures; notissima sibi esse ipsius sigillum et nomen; in sigillo tres Litteras inscriptas I.H.~. mutato S Latino in Sygma Graecum , quod in Societatis sigilli insolens. Nomen varie retulit, nunquam recte. J am dixit esse J oannem Paulum De Oliva, jam J oannem Paulum di Oliva, jam J oannem Paulum D'Oliva, cum ipse constanter diceretur et a se et ab aliisJoannes Paulus Oliva. +Mirum et iHud, quod qui tot vidi.sset litteras patentes, tot epistolas etiam ad se directas, nullam retinuisset, qua fidem aliis adstrueret, quasi et ipse causae praevaricaretur. + ~ (147) v . Saepe his ipsis in Accusationibus sibimet contradi.xit. IHud palmare: declaravit cum juramento se nullam, ultra jam nominatas, personam notabilem accusare posse. Paulo post ipsam Serenissimam Reginam accusavit, quam antea non nominarat. Exprobratum ipsi statim Perjurium a quodam e Proceribus, quod aliter vitari non posset, quam impudenter negando R~ginam esse Personam N otabilem. (148) AN FIDES CONSPIRATIONI HAEITA. Tot undique erumpentia malae fidei indicia nemini latere poterant, omnium vero minime sagacissimis Senatoribus; sed veritatem susque deque habebant, profutura sola quaerentes. Eorum unus fictitiam conspirationem esse dicenti respondit: " Seu vera sit conspiratio, sive ficta, perinde est: bona certe est, quia nobis utilis." (149) vi. Externorum Principum, sive Catholicae, sive Reformatae Religionis, nullus Carolo misit de detecta conspiratione et vitato periculo congratulatum, ut fieri solet , ubi vera creduntur.

*

*

For Warner's remarks on the innocence of Ratcliff and Preston see his Lettre escrite de Mons . .... p . 6. For Preston see also H.M.C. 11 Rep. App., Pt. II, p. 53, and Castlemaine's Compendium (1679), p. 66, and l'vIanijesto (1681). p. H 7. ~ This marginal addition seems to fit more suitably here, though Warner's obelisk is in fact placed "below, in ยง 147, after" .... . Reginam esse personam notabilem."


56

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ATHOLICS

Caroli Patruelis, Comes Palatinus Rheni, audita prima Conspirationis .f ama, Ministro suo Londini Residenti imperavit, cuncta eo spectantia diligenter ad se transmitteret. Verum fraude propria rerum observatione detecta, et chart as quas acceperat igni tradidit, et vetuit quicquam deinceps ejusmodi ad se mitti. Carolus ipse dum ex una parte periculum a CathoIicis sibi imminens ostentat, Medico, Pharmacopaeo, Tonsore, in clandestinis recreationibus etiam PociUatore, Catholicis utebatur. Nec carceri mancipati Medicus qui veneno, sicarii qui aliis modis, ill ius mortem curare dicebantur. Et monenti cuipiam, sibi magis caveret a Papistis dira machinantibus, respondit, "Si totum Hide Parke (septum est Aulae vicinum) armatis Papistis plenum esset, non formidarem inter eos versari solus et inermis." (150) Vulgus omnia quae dicuntur credere paratum, initam vere credidit Conspirationem, ubi Godefridum e medio sublatum vidit, idque, ut constanter dicebatur, a Papistis. (151) Prudentioribus Protestantibus haerebat aqua, non quod Catholicos suspectos [ j. 34J haberent, sed quod nescirent quorsum ista tenderent. Meminerant clam ores de Papismo instante Papistarumque Conspiratione fictitia, Belli Civilis, quod hujus saeculi anna xlii inchoatum, et sex sequentibus gestum est, alterius item, quod ejusdem an no lxii* designatum fuit, praeludia fuisse. Videbant idem hominum genus eadem fovens studia, similes clamores attollere; sed Carolum ijs admixtum una clamare, imo clamantibus praeivisse, stupebant. Periculum inde sibi a seipso accersitum horrebant, cum fidos insequeretur, et in hostium potestatem se dederet. A versi non pauci, quod sentirent Probitatem apud eum nihil prodesse, Improbitatem premiis affici, cum Catholicos, ad quaevis jussa capessenda paratos, modo Dei legibus non adversarentur, opprimeret exilio, captivitate, suppliciis; Presbiterianos vero semper imperiis iniquos, mandata etiam justa et necessaria detrectantes, ad se admitteret, in sinu foveret, in oculis, in corde ferret . (152) Non alia tam absoni consilii ratio occurrebat, quam quod Presbiterianorum opera speraret exercitui danda stipendia. Hunc conscripserat adversus Gallum, Belgium Hispanicum, + captis S. Gisleno et Gandavo, + vastantem. Presbiteriani haud aequis oculis Carolum armatum videbant, bello Gallis non indicio, timentes ne Milite contra se uteretur. Hoc fieri non posse aiebat Carolus, necdum ictis cum vicinis Potestatibus Faederibus. Cumque Pax Belgis restituenda videretur, jussit Parlamentum exercitus discingeretur, saltern toto mense Junii, et ad id pecuniam, parce tamen, ministravit. Additus est Mensis Julii, quod diceret Carolus Militem suum abduci non posse ab

*

Sic in MS. Presumably Warner is referring to Venner's Rising of 1661, and dignifying it with the title of a Civil War. What is nowadays termed the Second Civil War began in 1648, which is too far from Warner's date .


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

57

Oppidis quae custodiebat, donec Hispanus, alios submitteret, ne imminenti Gallo prodi viderentur. Sic Variis altercationibus extracta Aestas, Parlamento Exercitum exauthorari cupiente, Carolo illum retinere volente, quod isto a Papistis metu ostentato concessum iri sperabat. Haec arcanis familiarium sermonibus ferebantur; nemo palam efferebat, Factionis Potentis metu; et vero qui incaute Oatis fidem vulserant, non impune tulerunt; si quid em e Senatorum numero aliqui Turri mancipati, alii Parlamento ejecti, quod dixissent fabulosam esse Conspirationem. Domicella quaedam carcere luisset idem crimen, nisi Delatorem quadringentis scutis placasset. Is, qui Gazettas Londini gallice scribebat,' carcere luit, quod quaedam verba Edicti Regii xxx Octobris editi mollivisse diceretur. (153) HONOR OATI HABITUS. Parlamentum, ubi declarasset veram esse Conspirationem irritarn, Gratias Oati maximas egerun t pro Navata Publicae Rei opera utilissima, detecta Conspiratione; non veniam tantum omnium criminum sed insuper ampla premia decernunt, ~ adversus Catholicorurn insidias satellitibus Regiis eum muniunt, hospitium ei in ipso Regis Palatio constituunt, eique mensam instruendam e culina Regia. Commendatum, ut ista curarent, Monmuthio Praetorianorum, itemque Aulae et Aerarii Praefectis. Digna trium praecipuorum Caroli Ministrorum circa Oatem occupatio! Quantum mutatus ab ill 0 , qui paulo ante Catholicorum fores obsidebat, stipem rogatum! (154) Hac ratione Oatis Individuo satis prospectum, non item Personae quam in Tragedia mox exhibenda sustinere debebat, cui unus impar erat. Alii testes, alia indicia quaerenda. Excussae chartae nihil contulere; lustratae domus, quaesita arma; nulla inventa, nisi quae Leges permitterent; aliquibus intentata lis, quod minus armis instructi essent, quam Jura ferrent; in caveas omnes descensum, nusquam ulIus inventus miles, quem ingenti numero illic ali commentitus fuerat famosus Impostor. Hinc ad probrosas Artes conversi, captivos Catholicos aggredi statuerunt. (Superius Conclave xxx Octobris et impunitatem et premia proponi jussit captivis, quos examini subjiciebant, modo se reos agnoscerent, ne privata quaestionem exercentium authori-:

*

*

Perhaps Warner refers to the cases of Michael Mallet, M.P. for Milbourne Port, Dorset, and Humphrey Weld, M.P. for Christchurch. Weld's name is mentioned in Oates's depositions before the House of Lords (L.] ., xiii, 328-not reprinted in the True Narrative). Mallet, however, was arrested on 27 Aug. 1678 for treasonable words spoken against the King (C.S.P.D. 1678, pp. 377, 380, 410, 570). Or else Warner may be referring to Oates's informations against Mr. Sackvile, Mr. Goring, and Sir] ohn Robinson on 21 March 1678/9 (C.]., ix, 573) . Sackvile was expelled the House and committed to the Tower on 25 March, and released on 1 April. , I.e. M. Moranville (C. J., ix, 533-4). His person and lodgings were searched by order of the Commons 7 November 1678. ~ Parliament could not, of course, grant these things of itself. But they recommended rewards for Oates in the form of a 'humble address' to Charles (C. J ., ix, 549).


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tate factum id dicatur.) Hinc in omnes partes miseros captivos convertunt, paenis territant, praemiis alliciunt, ut Oatis dictis fidem sua confessione concilient. Quidam Protestans typis vulgavit, brevissimo tempore CXLVII aut Carnificis manu aut Carceris miseriis vitam amisisse; eorum singulis oblatam impunitatem, vitam, Libertatem, opes, modo praetensam Conspirationem agnoscerent; qui omnes mori maluerunt quam perniciosa et letestanda criminis agnitione vitae suae consulere. Unum hic addam exemplum, plura daturus infra. Johannes Medburnus,* non infimae tantum sed et venalis conditionis eorum, qui fas a Lucro separari vix posse put ant (Mimus erat) , in carcerem conjectus fuerat, quod ab Oate diceretur in novo Exercitu Capitaneus. Huic Libertas, et duo scutorum millia oblata, modo dicere vellet, se [j. 35J Patentes accepisse ad tale officium-sed frustra; nam constanter dixit malle se in carcere mori (quod re ipsa contigit), quam turpi mendacio, multis aliis Innocentissimis viris pernicioso, vitae suae consulere. (155) Quo TENDERENT FACTIOSI. Quoniam ante fin em hujus anni, in scenam Pro ceres prodierunt, qui hactenus trans Siparium latuerant, juvat, quantum in rebus obscurissimis licet, eorum studia exponere, ut sci ant omnes quibus et isti rationibus permoti Persequentium numerum auxerint. Nec enimvero vel Orthodoxorum vel Orthodoxae Fidei odio ferebantur, cum eorum pJerique hanc non aversarentur, illos vero etiam amarent; et Liber Caroli nomine compositus, Jacobi jussu editus, diserte tradit factiosos nihil minus quam Catholicae Fidei excidium meditatos esse; et Shaftesburius, Factionis mens et anima, dixit identidem: " Quid nostra refert, sint necne triginta aut quadraginta J esuitae in Anglia, in Angulis latitantes, lucifugae ?" Hoc colore Regiam authoritatem imminutum ibant, suam auctum, omnes certi quicquid illi decederet, sibi accessurum. In hoc consentiebant omnes Magnates Factioni studentes ut [quam] angus tis limitibus circumscriberetur Regia Potestas. Ulterius progredi volebant e conclavi inferiori plurimi, Calvini fascino dementati, nebulis e Lacu Lemano suscitatis excaecati. Et Regem nimirum et nomen Regium e medio tollere, ut Democraticum et Genevense Regimen inducerent. Quibus aut pauci aut nulli e Magnatibus hac in re consentiebant, quod sua quoque Dignitas una cum Regia esset collapsura, a qua dependet, ut radius a sole. His Aristocraticum Regimen arridebat, quale Poloniae aut Venetorum, ut Rex quidem primus ' esset, ips] vero vel Senatorum vel Palatinorum locum

* I .e. Matthew Medburne, committed to Newgate 26 October 1678, and died there 20 March 1678/9 (Bowler, C.R.S., xxxiv, 236). He was one of the Duke of York's Company, and 'a man of some literary as well as theatrical ability (Doran, Their Majesties' Servants (2nd ed.), p. 48, and Downes, Roscius Anglicam~s (ed. M. Summers, n.d.), p. 170). He was a member of the dining-club at Fullers Rents, into which he introduced Oates in 1676 (William Smith, Intrigues of the Popish Plot . .. , 1685, p. 4).


59

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*

occuparent. Hoc clarissime tradit editus ab Anonimo liber cui titulus Plato Redivivus, qui cum revocasset totam, quanta est in Anglia, Regiam potestatem ad quatuor ista capita: i. ineundi Bellum, Pacem faciendi, faedera icendi cum quibus libuerit, etiam sedente Parlamento hoc inconsulto; ii. de militibus terra marique disponendi eos congendi, discingendi, praesidia Armamentariaque regendi, Urbes muniendi, classem armandi, exarmandi, etc; iii. Disponendi de omnibus officiis militaribu~, civilibus, et1am Beneficiis Ecclesiasticis, ubi Jus Patronatus alicui Privato legitime acquisitum non intervenit; iv. Aes publicum administrandi. His, inquam, explicatis, proponit haec a totidem consiliis administranda esse, quorum Consiliarii in triennium sequens a Parlamento. nominentur. Singulis consiliis Rex praesit vel per se vel per alium a se deputatum. Res in deliberationem deductae semper ad pluralitatem suffragiorum decidantur, nec concesso diserte neque negato Regi jure suffragii vel definitivi vel deliberativi. In causis cum Civilibus tum Capitalibus, tota Juris dicendi Potestas Judicibus data. Negata Regi facultas, externum P rincipem se invisentem convivio excipiendi aut Legatum dono quopiam honestandi, nisi de Consilio Aerario Praefecti licentia. Quibus magna Regi Otia faciebant, ablata Publicae Rei cura, relicta tan tum Privatae atque Domesticae, nimirum ut Ephebos scilicet suos et co quos regeret, et forte Colonias Americanas, aliis abstineret. Dandum decernit pecuniae aliquantulum, quo cum aliis ludo decertaret, modo non magno pignore deposito. Quale Regimen! In quo Regia Potestas sine gladio, sine aere, sine Jurisdictione, sine subditis ! (156) Talia somnia somniabat Anonimus ille vigilans, caetera facundus, eruditus, multarum Rerum experientia instructus, ut ex libro apparet, sed Calvini, uti videtur, veneno tactus. Et huic bellae Regiminis Reformationi Carolum consentire debere contendit, si se, si familiam suam, si regimen Monarchicum salvum esse velit, adducto Theopompi Spartae Regis Apophthegmate, qui cum in Ephororum institutionem consensisset, interroganti uxori, quale Regnum esset filio relicturus, "Bonum," respondit, "quia duraturum." Haec Anonimus ille, suis verbis omnium sensa exponens, si juxta Evangelium ex operibus de mente judicium feramus. (157) Resumamus Hystoriae filum. Haec eorum studia necdum plane eruperant in publicum; apparebant tamen jam non vana eorum indicia. Commota plebs haud multum a seditione aberat, Presbiteriani Ministelli oleum addebant suis concionibus incendio; accedebant ad firmandas Partes et Caroli Patris et hujus hostes infensissimi et irreconciliabiles; Horum nimia de ejus incolumitate et praepostera solicitudo, non ex amore nata,

*

I.e. Henry Nevile's Plato Redivivus, 1680 (vVing. N. 513-515). For a summary of this book see M. Ashley, John Wildman, Plotter and Postmaster, 1947, p. 224 et sq.


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF

60

ATHOLICS

quem nullum habebant, suspect a erato Fictam Tragaediam Carolus ipse designaverat; earn ipso invito in veram momento temp oris mutatam miratur. In Parlamento eorum quae optarat nihil, omnia contraria fieri, doluit. Recipere se, detecta Fabula, cujus prima ab ipsomet indicia prodierant, neque decorum neque tutum. Haque, quod Nautae faciunt adversis ventis confiictati, qui bus resistendo non sunt, facit ipse, [f. 36J cum contra niti non posset: Tempestati cedit, ab ea quo rapiebat deferri se patitur. . (158) EDICTA CAROLI. Haque instanti Parlamento, aliquot Edicta vulgat. Uno, nominatis aliquot sacerdotibus et Laicis, quadringenta scuta promittit eorum ali quem comprehendentibus, octoginta ei qui sacerdotem alium, quadraginta ei qui Arma Papistarum abscondita detexerit. jussit in omnes indiscriminatim Papistas Lege agi : ab iis utrumque juramentum FideHtatis, uti vocant, et Primatus Regii in Sacris, exigi; ea repudiantibus vincula injici, nisi cautione data (sive vadibus) satis faciant. Alio, bis mille scuta iis adpromissa, qui caedis Godefridi dec1araret Authores; hujus enim facinoris Invidiam statuerant factiosi quocunque modo in Catholic os derivare. Tertio, vetat Catholicos sub gravissimis paenis ultra quinque passuum millia domo quemque sua discedere.* (159) Cumque non, ut alias, Dicis tantum causa ista vulgarentur, ad illudendum Populo, sed serio, et Carolus non obstaret, alii urgerent Executionem, ea in Catholicos inundarunt mala, quae concipi vix possunt, explicari nullo modo. Tristissimam rerum faciem exhibere conatus est, Litteris ad P. de la Chaize datis, quidam Gallus Londini agens, ~ in haec verba scribens: "Quidam apparuit, qui tot accusat, ut cuncti carceres iis capiendis non sufficiant; nec tuti innocentissimi viri. Res in tam malum statum delapsae sunt, ut nullum supersit remedium. Catholici Angli fugerunt, triste agmen, lugubre spectaculum. Nec alienigenae tuti ... Maxime odiosum j esuitarum nomen, sacerdotibus etiam et Saecularibus et Regularibus et ipsis Catholiciis laicis, quod ab iis orta feratur ista saevissima Tempestas, quae totam Religionem Catholicam evertet. Fac, orent viri Pii, ut Deus sua gratia confirmet homines maximis Tentationibus expositos. Nihil mihi rescribas, ne in summum me discrimen adducas." Haec pius ille vir, quisquis fuerit epistolae Author, mala deplorans ex Regiis Edictis orta et Fabulosa conspiratione. (160) BEDLOUS QUALIS. Premia in Oatem congesta et Godefridi Percussores detegenti promissa Bedloum exciverunt, qui, tametsl Godefridum nec de facie nosset, nec forte unquam nomen audierat antequam mortuus esset, statuit quocumque modo ina bis mille scuta nancisci. Sumpto igitur spacio aliquo ad 3662.

* These may be identified in Steele as follows: (i) ,3666; (ii) 3656; (iii) ~

Possibly Blessed Claude de la Colombiere .


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inquirendum, qualls vir esset, quae Loca, quos homines frequentaret, Indicium Professus, et Homicidas nosse, quos esset accusaturus, ubi praeteritorum criminum, illius speciatim homicidii gratiam, nactus esset; qui insuper honorario bis mille scutorum auctus est. (161) Quae dixerit, et quam a vero aliena, suo loco dicetur. Is ex infimo hominum genere natus in agro Monmuthensi, flagitiis tota vita coopertus fuit. Per omnes totius Angliae Provincias furtis et Latrociniis grassatus, omnium ergastulorum inquilinus, hoc ipso anna sex menses in Carcere Londini transegit. Etiam vicinas regiones furando atque latrocinando peragravit, dissimulata Persona, sumpto nobilium virorum schemate, quo viris bonis illuderet. Pro Illustrissimo Barone Neoporto se venditans, an. MDCLXXVII mutuo petiit a Capitaneo Floydo in Belgio generosum equum, quem secum Lutetiam Parisiorum abduxit. Sumpto illic Baronis Cornwallis nomine, R.P. Stephano Gough,* Oratorii Presbitero, septinginta circiter scuta abstulit. A confessario monialium Anglorum Rhotomagi, ~ alia quinquaginta eadem arte. Transiit inde in Hispaniam, sumptoque Baronis Gerardi nomine, Bilbai, ab honesto mercatore Frankelino mille scuta recepit. Sed iste intellecta fraude, hominis in Lusitaniam fugientis vestigia premens, eum Zamorrae assecutus, Vallisoletum reduxit, et in carcerem conjecit, ubi scelerum paenas luisset, ni Patrum Collegii Anglicani precibus et industria [J. 37] inde fuisset subductus. Illic noticiam iniit cum Oate, cuj decem scuta furto abstulit. Habetur Audomari Epjstola ipsius Oatis manu scripta, quo J acturam hanc deplorat. Inde in Patriam reversus, dum veteres artes furandi exercet, in Carcerem conjectus, ubi sex menses egit; inde emissus ubi primus Conspirationis rumor erupit. De eo frequens deinceps sermo, cum in mendaciis fundendis et Perjurio confirmandis vix Oati cederet, ingenio et loquacitate hunc ipsum longe praecederet. :t (162) DUGDALLUS QUALlS. Tertium in Catholicos testem edidit carcer Staffordiensis Stephanum Dugdallum, qui Illustrissimo Baroni Ashtono§ ministraverat, recipiendis ejus redditibus ab eodem Praefectus, donec eos in proprios usus avertisse compertus fuit; earn ob improbitatem in carcerem miss us est, orta jam Tempestate. Eum illic convenerunt aliqui Nobiles statim, petitum numquid de famosa conspiratione resciisset. Quibus juratus asseruit se nihil nisi ex publicis rumoribus audivisse. Caeterum oblata ab Oratore Conclavis inferioris pecunia, qua

* For identification of Gough see § 88 and note. ~

R. D. Price, A. For a further account by "Warner of BedlO\·v 's activities see the Seconde Lettre de Mons . ... 20 Avril 1679 (B.lVI. 860, i, 12 (3) ) and A Vindication of the English Catholiks . ... the second edition with some additions . .. Item a relation of some of Bedlow's pranks in SPain and Oates' letter concerning him . .. lVIDCLXXXI (B.lVI. 860, i, 12 (8) ), and further, C.S.P.D., 1680-1, pp. 602-3. § I.e. Aston.

:t


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OF CATHOLICS

aes alienum expungeret, aliisque premiis allectus, Testis in Catholicos Personam et ipse induit. (163) MILES PRANCIUS. Quartus accessit, non sua sponte, sed vi et tormentis adactus Prancius, Argenti +Faber+ Londinensis, qui N ecis Godefridi arcessitus carceri mancipatus est, ubi constanter initio se negavit ullum cognoscere homicidii illius affinem; sed fidiculis tortus, et se Reum asseruit, et complices se accusaturum. Hinc Consjlio coram adductus eadem fassus est; tamen flexis Carolo genibus, ei protestatus est omnia a se prolata falsa esse, neminem se cognoscere Caedis ilJius Reum; quae Carolus a duobus qui aderant notari curavit. In earcerem reductus, ostensis fidicuJis, muliebris animi vir territus, ut eas vitaret, in criminis confessione perstitit. Is non ita multo post Librum edidit, ~ in quo pauca de J esuitis, eaque leviora retulit: dixisse nempe sibi Jesuitam aliquem M eliora tempora instare (quod ex Caroh benevolentia, Reginae Pietate, Eboracensis , constantia, sperari poterat; ille in Conspirationis eonfirmationem rapiebat); at in saeerdotes saeculares (inter quos duos habebat ipse fratres, quorum unus erat Vicarius GeneralistI:) fanda infanda conjeeit, tanquam e Plaustro probra jaceret, ipsa maledicentiae magnitudine fidem sibi detrahens, quam apud paueissimos invenit. (164) His quatuor Testibus (de Oate antea dictum) veluti quatuor immanissimis Belluis quadri.ga invecti Factiosi, sumpta Religionis Protest anti cae Larva, latissimam stragem edebant. Nee humanitus uUus oceurrebat modus triumphalem is tum currum sufflaminandi, cum Plebs propelleret, Shaftesburius omnia misceret, a Partium studio alieni aut metu attoniti aut stupore defixi haererent. (165) Maximus in Eboracensem factus impetus. Is pridem officiis publicis renunciarat. Id non satis visum animosis hominibus, ipsum a Comitiis, a Consilio Sacratiori, a Caroli Latere clivellerre volentibus, et toto regno pellere. Et caetera quidem Eboracensis ultro concessit; ut vero Comitiis abstineret unde nullae leges ilium ' arcerent, aut a Carolo fratre discederet, nisi

*

*

Cj. Minutes of Council meeting of 30 December 1678, after Prance's recantation: "Why make all this story? Was threatened to be hung. Wrenne and the rest, and that Richardson owns he denied that Wren told him so. Ld. Chancellor etc. To have him view the rack etc." (C.S.P.D., 1678, p. 593). ~ A True Narrative and Discovery of Several very Remarkable Passages relating to the Horrid Popish Plot, as they feU within the knowledge of Mr. M-iles Prance of Covent Garden, Goldsmith .... , Published by Authority, London ... 1679. This was followed by The Additional Narrative of Mr. Miles Prance . . . ., London, MDCLXXIX. tI: Thomas Prance entered English College, Valladolid, 1649, " ex Anglia ad hoc Collegium venit," and returned to England 1656 (Valladolid Diary, C.R.S., xxx, 165). There are also letters of priesthood dated 1672 of one Charles Townsend alias Prance in Westminster Archives, vol. xxxiv, n. 32. I can find no evidence, in such Chapter records as are available, that either was ever Vicar General. For Prance's own account of his brothers see The Additional Na'Y1'ative, pp. 42-3.


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ipso id jubente, constantissime negavit. Tamen anna sequenti videbimus eum etiam regno cedere coactum. (166) Videamus jam aliquorum e multis faelicem exitum, quos ista Persecutio praesenti vita privavit, ut aeterna donaret; et primo quidem eorum, qui incruenta morte, deinde vero qui Carnificis ferro consumpti sunt. In Ecclesiae enim Anglicanae agro nec Rosae nec Lilia desunt; et Pax et Acies suos habent flores quibus Christi milites coronentur; si tamen mori in Pace dici possint, qui hiemis asperrimae frigore, qUl carceris aerumnis, qui omnis generis miseriis conficiuntur. (167) THOMAS BEDDINGFELDI MORS. Horum agmen ducet Thomas [J. 38J Beddingfeldus, is ad quem Litterae Windesorianae directae fuerant. Huic structas ei ab Oate et Tongo iliis Litteris insidias vitasse, eatenus profuit, ut omnibus censeretur ejus criminis purus, qui totam sceleris noticiam curarat statim Carolo deferri; non item ut facbosorum manus evaderet, aucto in ilIum ex ea consilii sui nequissimi frustratione odio. Cum facili negocio caput Tempestati subducere posset, conscientia nixus et Caroli testimonio sublevatus, qui virum esse Probu,m clare pronunciarat, citatus, Consilio Sacratiori se stitit. Sed non profuerunt ilia Innocentiae suae testimonia, quo minus in Carcerem mitteretur Aulae vicinum, cui nomen Gate-House, sive Porta Domus; quem paedore Carceris, aliisque aerumnis cito accersita mors in Libertatem filiorum Dei asseruit, xxi Dec. (168) Natus erat nobili stirpe, Patre Downes, matre Beddingfelda, in Norfolcia. Humanioribus litteris Audomari. Phylosophicis Vallisoleti imbutus, aequa Pietatis opinione, Societatem obtinuit. Tyrocinio Wattenis posito, ad Theologias discendas Mussipontum missus est. Vir adeo humilis, ut, maximis negociis par, minima semper prensaret. Wattenis Procuratoris aeconomi munus, laboris, taediorum, difficultatum plenum, aliquot annis obivit, ea Tempestate, qua ferventibus inter Reges Christianissimum et Catholicum bellis, militum excursionibus omnia infesta erant, a quorum praedatricibus manibus + magno labore+ non sine suo periculo defendendi Rustici. Hinc, accedente ipsius semper in se saevientis austeritate, fractae vires, ut posterioribus ann is semper fuerit infirina valetudine. Eboracensem in Hollandos pugnaturum aliquoties secutris, in ejus familiam admissus est, eique adhaesit, donec ista Tempestate avulsus fuisset. Non tamen propterea Pauperes deserebat, quos impensius amabat; eorumque confessiones libentius excipiebat, quoties ad eos evocabatur, Paratus ad eos excurrere, etiam cum vitae periculo, ob valetudinem adversam. Triennio socios Londini rexit. (169) Cadaver antequam tumulo conderetur, a duodecim viris recognitum est. Sesqui anna postea sparsus unde unde rumor eum vivere et in Provincia Nottingamiae, centum passuum millibus ab Urbe distante loco . conspirationem strenue promovere. Ad quem comprehendendum, an sua sponte, aut aliorum hortatu,


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

64.¡

aut mandato Comitiorum incertum, excurrit Gulielmus Wallerus eques auratus (de quo multa infra), non majori missi quam mittentium ludibrio; sed ne nihil eo itinere egisse videretur, nihil Lucri reportaret, Gulielmum Beddingfeldum civem Londinensem Adolescentem conjugatum comprehendit, in carcerem Neowarcensem primum, deinde N ottinghamiensem condit, aufert ei quicquid argenti facti infective reperit, et Londinum ovans reversus est. (170) HUMPHRIDI BRUNI MORS. Mortuus est etiam isto tempore Humphridus Brunus . paterno cognomine Evanus dictus, natus in tractu Arvonensi Waliiae Borealis, in haeresi educatus . posito in Paterna domo Litterarum Humaniorum tyrocinio, Oxonium ad altiora studia capessanda transiit. Caeterum divina Bonitas, quae ilium ab initio in opus Evangelii segregaverat, dederatque animam bonam, ad separandum preciosum a vili, aperuit ei oculos, ad videndos suae gentis errores, et e medio nationis pravae eduxit. Pertaesus enim Adolescentium depravatos in ea Academia mores, biennio illic expleto, Parisios abiit, et fidem Catholicam professus est, Anno Saeculi labentis XVIII, aetatis suae XXII. Romam inde Devotionis ergo profectus, Apostolorum limina visitatum, ubi in Collegium suae gentis admissus, decursis Phylosophiae et Theologiae studiis, sacerdotio initiatus est; indeque missus in Patriam, singulari Zelo aliorum curandae saluti gnaviter incubuit, donec majoris perfectionis tactus desiderio Societatem ingressus est. Decurso Tyrocinio iterum Apostolicis laboribus restitutus, donec ex singulari Devotione ad Tertii anni probationem admitti petiit, ad quam non tenebatur, utpote qui sacerdos et finitis studiis fuerat in Societatem admissus. (171) Inde laboriosam et periculi plenam mission em aggressus, Anglia bellis civilibus ardente, Persecutionum immanium procellis agitata, totos LIII annos indefessus interritusque vineae Domini Cult or transegit, fructu laboribus pari. Bis Collegii S. Xaverii Rector, et sex ann is Residentiae S. Winifredae Superior, laboribus magno animo exantlatis, fractis tamen corporis viribus, Apoplexia tactus est; unde debilitato qui linguam movet nervo; haec aegre officium suum peragebat, sed nec manus neque pedes suo rite fungebantur. Qui tamen totam Conspirationis fabulam confinxerant, finxerunt etiam in eo senecione quod timeretur: hominem nempe elinguem consiliis et Eloquentia turbas concitare, et membris omnibus [J. 39J captum, manu, opera, exemplo in regni excidium commovere. Hinc ipso Christi D. Natali die, immissi satellites domum aggrediuntur, fores effringunt, in decumbentis senis cubiculum irrumpunt, Schlopos alii, alii gladios, minaci ter intentant, ni Conspirationem agnoscat, nihil respondenti, quam quo potuit modo: Fiat Voluntas Dei.

*

*

Cj. Foley, v, 409 and 936 sq. The house where he was discovered was Pool Hall, Cheshire, the seat of Sir J ames Poole, Bart.


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Tenuit ista servi Dei et familiae totius vexatio horas aliquot; et patrem in carcerem rapuissent, nisi timuissent ne inter eorum manus animam effiaret. Hinc ipso relicto discesserunt, Aedium domina vadimonium praestante, ipsum si convalesceret Tribunali sistendum. Post tres circiter hebdomadas illa cum tota familia citatur causam dictura, quod hominem Regi Perduellem domum suam admisisset. Illis abitum parantibus, quo Magistratui parerent, rogavit ille, se una deportarent. Sed nemine id auso, ne ad alia ficta crimina, etiam Homicidium accederet, cujus se accusandos certo sciebant casu quo inter eorum manus exanimaretur. Solus relict us, ut S. Xaverius in insula Sanciano, antiquo morbo, militum raptatione, maerore, quod solus esset inter Haereticos relictus, obdormivit in Domino, in caelo uti speramus aeternum vigHaturus. Spem istam faciunt ejus diuturni Labores, in Prosperis Modestia, in adversis Patientia, in omnibus constantia paene mirabilis. Nullo unquam periculo deterritus est ab iis visitandis, qui ejus opem implorabant. Religiosae Disciplinae, precipue votorum, rigidus custos, Societatem velut optimam Parent em tenerrimo affectu diligebat, solitus annue dies illos celebrare singulari animi gratitudine, quibus Oxonium reliquit, Parisios advenit, Ecc1esiae Catholicae reconciliatus est, in Seminarium nostrae gentis Romae admissus, sacerdotio initiatus, in Societatem admissus est, et in ea Professionem emisit; q).lae singularia veluti Dei beneficia recolebat. Vivere desiit xiv Jan. MDCLXXIX, aetatis suae lxxxii, Missionis LIV, Professionis quatuor votorum XLII. (172) IGNATIUS PRICIUS. Hunc biduo post secutus est, uti speramus, ad supernae vocationis Brabium Ignatius Pricius, in Societatem admissus A,.D. MDCXXXIV. Coadjutoris temporalis gradum adeptus A.D. MDCXL VII, tot os fere XXXIV annos vineam coluit improbo labore, copioso fructu; quo tempore, in tanta rerum vicissitudine, tot Persecutionibus, illa potissimum, quam Parlamentum, occiso rege, eversa monarchia, suscitavit, quos labores exantlarit, in quantis periculis fuerit versatus, intelligent illi, qui temporum illorum Hystorias evolvent, quas R.P. Matthaeus Tannerus accurate scripsit. Heroicum ejus animi robur inde colligitur, quod assign at am ab obedientia sibi stationem, et oves sibi creditas nullo periculo territus unquam deseruerit; et quam vivens terram tenuerat, moriens contexit. Haec nimirum ultima Tempestas eum suo turbine involvit, eo furore ad carceres et alia conquisitus, ut vix ulla nox per duos menses transierit, quin irruptionibus in Catholicorum domos quaereretur. Nul1us ergo suppetebat effaeto seni ad quiet em locus, nulla secura statio, dum hospitium partim negatur metu Legum, partim ipse declinat Evangelica Charitate, ne hospites ipsius causa pericula adirent. Dum de tugurio in tugurium

*

* Cj. Foley, v,

and note. E

900, who refers to him as a priest.

See below, ยง 1 n


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fugitat, asperrima hieme, exeunte Novembri, Decembri, et Januarii initio, et per saltus et montana nivibus obsita tenuiter vestitus, nudis subinde pedibus, quo tens os ab affine suo Haeretico casses vitaret, contract a febri plenus dierum et meritorum vitae curs urn absolvit. Sed nec sepulchro conditus a nefario affine quietem habuit, corpus invisere volente, ut dicebat, quod non crederet illius esse, revera, ut auream crucem, quam de collo gestare dicebatur, auferret sacrilegus Praedo; risu exceptus, ubi inventum nihil. (173) MATTHAEI MILDMAII SOLERTIA. Quadruplatorum diligentiam Matthaeus Mildmaius stratagemate B. Athanasii simili vitavit. Sciebant illi, ubi agitaret, et improvisi in aulam irrumpunt, ubi ipse cum Hospite suo versabatur. Se quaeri statim sentit; nihil tamen, ut solet in re subita, turbatus, magna animi praesentia, constanti vultu, Militum Praefectum adit, salutat humaniter, quid aut quem quaerat, rogat. Respondet alter, se Matthaeum Mildmaium J esuitam et Patriae Proditorem quaerere. "Non ita pridem fuit hic," ait Matthaeuso "Veni mecum, eum una quaeremus : +nec credo nos effugiet, + mihi enim perinde nota domus, ac ipsius domino." Statimque hominem per omnia cubicula officiosissime deducit, lectos scrutatur, aulaea excutit, omnia rimatur, sed nemo occurrebat ei similis. Frustratus ergo spe sua, Praefectus de labore tam officioso [1. 40] gratias agit, sua vicissim obsequia defert, et discedit. Cui satellitum unus: "Cur praedam e manibus elabi passus es ? quem enim Ducem habuisti, ipse est, quem tanto labore comprehensum venimus. Quod antea non dixi, quia alium insuper te quaerere credebam." Recurrunt omnes e vestigio, ilIum capturi; sed frustra, cum in paucis nota latibula se recepisset. (174) LATIBULA SACERDOTUM. Sunt in plerisque Catholicorum domibus aliqua condita latibula ea soIertia, ut ab externis vix inveniri possint, plerisque etiam domesticis ignota; in quae se sacerdotes cum sacra supellectili instanti periculo recipiant, angusta plerunque, ut in iis vix stari possit. Eorum unum saluti Carolo fuit ab infelici Worcestrensi praelio fugienti, cum eum toto regno, +illa domo ~ speciatim, + quaererent ad infame supplicium Cromwelli truculenti milites; qui locus ob honorem Personae, quae illic delituerat, multis illuc occurrentibus monstratus. Et hic orta persecutione, nulla honoris Caroli, cui Azilum fuerat, habita ratione, discussus fujt, sed frustra, cum J esuita illic delitescens per posticum egressus evasit incolumis.:t In hujus modi augustis locis, quidam Patres inc1usi, ut suae et eorum quibus cum vivebant incolumitati consulerent, ad tres quatuorve

*

*

This incident probably occurred at the house of Henry Borlase in Cornwall (Foley, Collectanea, p. 508). Foley, v, 900 sq., following Brevis Relatio, relates this incident of Fr. [sic] Ignatius Price. , I .e. Boscobel-d. Florus Anglo-Bavaf'icus, p. 122. :t I.e. Fr. William Vavasour, alias Gifford. Cj. 1i oley, v, 432- 3.


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menses delituerunt, magno valetudinis suae detrimento; hinc enim calculi, chiragrae, podagrae, asthmata, hydropises, phthyses, alia morborum examina mortem accelerantia. Eorum ali qui paulo post, diem obierunt; alii vitam vivunt parum vitalem. Quorum nomina in libro vitae descripta spero; hic omittuntur, ne j usto longius excrescat liber. (175) Haec de candidis Charitatis Vietimis. Rubicundae nos vocant. (176) GULIELMI STALAEI CERTAMEN. Primus qui Catholico sanguine Angliam rigavit, fuit Gulielmus Stalaeus, alterius Gulielmi Aurifabri et Trapaezitae, Londiniensis civis Divitis, filius. Majestatis accusatus a duobus Scotis, Gulielmo Castars* et N . Southerlando, quod dixisset: " Rex est Haereticus et omnium hominum sceleratissimus. Et cor habeo et manum, qua illum trucidem. Put ant Rex et Parlamentum omni se periculo de funetos, conjeetis in carceres aliquot Catholicis; sed falluntur scelesti.' , (177) Castarsii nomen inter veros conspiratores Presbiterianos frequens in Librc5 Caroli nomine composito et Regia Authoritate edito~ : et certum est solos fere Caroli infensissimos hostes in Catholicos toto Persecutionis tempore grassatos fuisse, magno nostrorum Innocentiae praejudicio, pari iniquitatis aliorum. Stalaeus, facta sibi loquendi Potestate, dixit quendam GalIum, nomine Froment, ilium adivisse, pecuniam sibi debitam petitum; hanc ubi numerasset, utrumque popinam ivisse, ut una pranderent; collocutos se fuisse de rebus indifferentibus, dum afferretur cibus, aperta cubiculi porta, ut a transeuntibus et videri et audiri possent, duobus illis Scotis in vicino cubiculo manentibus; sequenti die mane, Scotorum alterum se convenisse in Patris officina, fibulam ostendisse Carbunculo ornatam, petiise aliam ei similem faceret; cumque negaret se talem lapidem habere, et ad alios Aurifabros dirigeret; alterum rogasse, iret salutatum virum quendam apprime nobilem, in vicino Oenopolio; ibi sibi ostensam Chartam, verba, quorum accusabatur, continentem (Haec habentur in Aetis publicis typo vulgatis; non item quod proxime sequitur, quod a fide dignis hominibus, qui Actioni intererant auclivi) :t; dictum que , ni velit DCCC scuta illis dare, de iis accusatum iri, et impromptu esse testes qui jurent se ea audivisse;

* Or Carstairs.

~ Carstairs was involved in the Rye House Plot. "William Carstares, a Scotch Conventicle Preacher to a Numerous Meeting at Theobalds, where Rumbald was his frequent Hearer" (A True Account and Declaration of the Horrid Conspiracy against the late King . . .. 1685 (2nd Edition), p. 27). For Carstairs's depositions concerning the Rye House Plot see Copies of Informations and Original Papers relating to the Proof of the Horrid Conspiracy .â&#x20AC;˘ 1685, p. 125 sq. :t Further evidence, if any is needed, that the printed versions of the State Trials are in many cases far from verbatim. Cj. J. G. Muddiman, State Trials, the need for a new and revised edition (1930).


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cum negaret se pecuniam illam daturum, ex iis unum erupisse, accersitum officialem, qui se in carcerem duceret . Summae dementiae fuisset, ait, talia verba tam alte protulisse, ut in alio cubiculo audirentur, idque Gallice, quae lingua perinde ac ipsa vernacula in illa domo et vicini a intelligitur. Adduci debuisse Froment socium suum, qui quae dicta fuerant optime sciebat. (178) Auditi deinde varii, qui Stalaeo familiares erant; omnes unanimiter testati, [seJ saepius illum de Carolo locutum fuisse, semper cum Honoris et amoris significatione. Haec Reo nihil profuerunt. Unde prolata in eum feralis sententia, Perduellium supplicio eum destinans. Traha ducitor ad Patibulum, illic ad breve tempus suspenditor, sect a qua pendebit chorda, pectus finditor, viscera conburuntor ipso spectante, corpus in quatuor partes dividitor, de quibus Carolus ut libuerit disponat. Haec sententia Scroggianae Praefecturae Primitiae fuit, et ad futuram crudelitatem prolusio; quam ut coronam oblectaret, et Reo atque Catholicis [ j. 41J insultaret, festivis acroamatis ornavit. Quorum unum erat : Sacerdotes solere facere Proselitos, dicendo : "Facite quaecunque voletis peccata, penes nos tam en semper erit, vos salvare; sed si non feceritis, quae jusserimus, penes nos erit vos damnare." Item istud : " ubi Papista quispiam aliquem declaravit Haereticum, quilibet absque scrupulo illum deinceps occidet; immo caelum inde sibi deberi credet." Et addidit: "Soli Papistae caelum eo modo petant; absit, ego caelum illud ingrediar, ubi homines fiunt sancti, ideo quod Reges trucidarint." Haec antequam Duodecim viri Reum pronunciassent; at ubi illi vindicias secundum Accusationem dedissent, Reo dixit : "Licet jam tibi Catholico mori; in morte credo, te inventum iri sacerdotem." (179) Paulo post supplicium de illo sumptum, Innocentiam suam extremo spiritu contestante. Testium unus, ut dixi, verae Presbiterianae Conspirationis reus inventus est. (180) Alter, teste Nathanaele Tomsono,* Bibliopola Londiniensi, morti vicinus Edenburgi, accersito Loci Episcopo et quatuor aliis, agnovit omnia a se contra Stalaeum dicta, falsa esse. (181) Indulsit Carolus corpus dissectum sepeliretur; verum cum imprudenti affectu quotquot Londini supererant Catholici funus prosecuti fuissent, offensus eo honore Carolus jussit corpus effodi, caput palo infixum in Pontis Londinensis turri, reliqua membra in aliis Portis exponi. (182) Iste Litteris Humanioribus in Belgio navavit operam, Medicinae vero Paduae, unde Laurea Doctorali in ea facuItate donatus, in patriam rediit, ubi uxore ducta (quam superstitem

*

For a good account of Thompson see J. G. Muddimau, "Nathaniel Thompson and the Popish Plot" (The Month, July 1921). Thompson printed this particular piece of information in The Loyal Protestant, no. 151, of 6 May 1682. It is cited by Muddiman in "The First Martyr of the Popish Plot: William Staley " (The Month, April 1923).


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reliquit, un de liquet inique, ne dicam maligne, fuisse de sacerdotio suspect urn) , Patrem juvit in suo Trapezitae artificio. (183) ODOARDI COLMANNI CERTAMEN. Hune proxime secutus est Odoardus Colmannus, Serenissimae Ducissae Eboracensi a secretis, in haeresi educatus, quam detectis erroribus ejuravit, et totus in Catholicorum partes transiit, quas exi~de promovit pro virili, magno Zelo, sed impari subinde Prudentia. Magnum a Natura sortitus est et festivum ingenium, cui dum nimium indulgeret, et liberrimis censuris (quae parum a satyris abessent) cunctos perstringeret, Divum nulli parcens, multorum, praecipue Danbaei, offensam incurrit, a quibus tandem oppressus est. (184) Captum fuisse superius retuli. xxvii Novembris ad causam dicendam evocatus est. Accusationis capita : voluisse Carolum e medio tollere, seditionem excitare, regimen evertere, accersere Gallos in Angliam, Protestantes internecione delere, eorum strage viam aperire Papismo postliminio redituro. Haec ubi magna eloquentia exposuissent Actores, Regius nimirum Procurator et Advocatus, testes dati Oates et Bedlous. rlie dixit se Audomaro Parisios ivisse delatum ad P. de La Chaize Regis Christianissimi confessarium epistolam Colmanni, qua gratias agebat de quadragies mille scutis a Rege Galiiae datis; eaque promittit non nisi in Caroli necem impendenda. Retulisse Audomarum ejusdem P. de la Chaize responsum; quod illis resignavit, et legit, quia per litteras Patentes Generalis Jesuitarum facta ei esset potestas cunctas J esuitarum Epistolas resignandi et interveniendi eorum consultationibus. Earum virtute adfuisse Congregationi Provinciali mense Aprilis, ad Equi Albi, ubi confirmatum consilium occidendi Carolum, quod Colmanno se praesente dictum, et ab eo approbatum. Vidisse Colmannum circa xxi Augusti hujus anni trecenta viginti scuta quatuor sicariis Windesoriae Carolum occisuris transmittenda; ipsummet quatuor scuta dedisse latori, ad diligentiam incitandam. Visum ipsi non satis magnum premium Medico qui Carolo medicatam potionem daturus erat, quadraginta miliia scutorum, ideoque egisse, ut viginti millia adderentur. Denique acceptasse Litteras Patentes Generalis J esuitarum, quibus creabatur Secretarius Regis. (185) Colmannus ad haec respondit: nunquam a se visum Oatem, antequam coram Consilio Regio fuissent producti simul; Oatem ipsum ibi fa~sum esse se Colmannum non cognoscere (quod confirmarunt duo Equites Aurati, tum praesentes). Petiit cur non coram consilio ipsum Majestatis accusasset, si talia de iIlo sciebat? Se a xv Aug. ad xxxi ejusdem in Provincia Warvi-

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*

Warner's account of Coleman, although reserved, is nevertheless unflattering. Cj. Viscount Stafford's remark to Sancroft at their interview in the Tower, January 1678/9: "He (Stafford) could never like or brook that fellow (Coleman) when he was in the hottest of his career" (Bodley MS. Tanner 39, f. 158). For an account of the disturbance caused by Coleman's newsletters in 1676 cj. North, Examen, p. 133, and Lives of the Norths (ed . A. Jessopp), i, 186. A complete set of Coleman's newsletters to Sir Richard Bulstrode is in t he Carl Pforzheimer Library (U.S.A.).


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censi egisse octogesimo circiter ab urbe lapide (quod et multorum testimonio, et proprio diario, in quod expensarum rationes quotidie referebat, probavit, unde videre non potuit cccxx. scuta sicariis Londino deferenda, aut quatuor, iliorum Bajulo dare). De Parisino Oatis itinere, et ejus praesentia in Congregatione Jesuitarum nihil dixit, quod non sciret utrumque confictum. (186) [J. 42J Bedlous dixit se ab Henrico Tichburno Baronetto audivisse, quod Colmannus a Jesuitarum Generali factus esset Secretarius Regis. Se ab ipso Epistolas tulisse ad P. de la Chaize, datas mense Aprilis A.D. MDCLXXV, in quibus de Conspiratione agebatur (quod falsum esse patuit, quia prima ad Chazium Epistola Colmanni data fuit mense Septembris illius anni). Audivisse eum dicentem: "Si haberem centum vitc;l.s, omnes expenderem lib ens ; et si oceanus sanguinis in venis meis fiueret, totum effunderem, ut Ecc1esia in Anglia stabiliretur; et si centum Haeretici Reges obstarent, cunctos interfici curarem." Ad haec Colmannus Deum testem invocans, ait ante diem ilIum nunquam a se visum Bedloum; ejusque Domestici testati sunt ilium nunquam a se domi suae visum. Producta ex in de trium Colmanni Epistolarum ad Chazium datarum +Apographa+ ; duae proprio nomine, tertia Eboracensis, sed ab ipso improbata. In iis contra Carolum nihil, pro eo multa, imo omnia: pecuniam emungere conatur, Chaizo interveniente, a Rege Christianissimo, inopiae Caroli supplementum, ut dimisso Parlamento, ejus molestiis liberatus conscientiis libertatem indulgeret; unde secuturam Ditionum ipsius conversionem. Ad augendam Invidiam odiose repetita saepius ilia verba Colmanni ex illarum Epistolarum una: "Ingens opus molimur, trium Regnorum conversionem, et inde fortasse victoriam de pestilenti Haeresi, quae diu in magna Septentrionis parte rerum potita est. Nec a Mariae morte faelicis exitus tantae spes un quam extiterunt." (187) Respondit Colmannus: quod optavit Regni conversionem, sibi cum aliis omnibus commune esset, qui suam Religionem,veram credunt. (N ec enimvero unquam Paulo crimini datum quod optavit Agrippam alios que praesentes Christianos fieri.) Nunquam se modis iliicitis, nunquam violentis, uti voluisse; nec putasse facienda mala bonorum expectatione inde secuturorum. Tamen a duodecim viris Reus dictus, et feralis in eum a Scroggio lata sent entia, quam hoc proboso Catholicis Scommate ornavit: illis nec naturalem sensum superesse nec naturalem conscientiam; non naturalem sensum, quia credunt vinum in sanguinem mutari; nec naturalem conscientiam, quia Sanguinem Protestantium in vinum convertunt et deinde instar vini ilium sitiunt. (188) Die iii. Dec. supplicio ejus designata, traha raptatus ad patibulum, in haec verba locutus est: "Expectatis, aliqua dicam de famosa Conspiratione; nescio vero an meliori fortuna ad fidem faciendam modo verba mea excipienda sint, quam antea.


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Tamen fide viri morientis declar~, me nihil de ea scire. Quod ad excitandam seditionem, mutandum regimen, movendam rebellion em, novandas leges, Carolum e medio tollendum spectat, nihil scio. Nec unquam cogitavi Religionem, pro qua Zelosus feror, iis modis promovere. In Ecclesia Catholica sum, Deo Laus, et in ea morior; nec id unquam arbitratus sum aut Regi aut Regimini noxium esse .... " Interpellante aliquo, frustra teri tempus ejusmodi sermonibus intempestivis; si quid de Conspiratione declararet, se libenter audituros, addidit: "Nihil scio. Iterum assevero, me nunquam in animo habuisse regimen mutare aut quicquam contra leges facere ; sed ea solum, id que pacifice, quae quilibet, cujuscunque sit Religionis, faceret si posset;" se false accusa tum a testibus; Bedloum, nisi pro Tribunali, nunquam a se visum. ' Interrogatus num quid de nece Godefridi resciisset, verbis viri morientis testatus est nihil se de ea scire. (189) Hoc ipso mense Decembris, capitis arcessitus Gulielmus Irelandus; caeterum, quia tantum anna sequenti praeciosa in conspectu Domini mors ejus contigit, in illum hanc causam remittimus. (190) CONTROVERSIA DE JURAMENTO FIDELITATIS. Ante fin em hujus Anni hoc Persecutionis Bono ad Zizania seminanda, divellendos ab invicem Catholicos, et committendos sacerdotes, abusus est hum ani generis infensissimus et perpetuus hostis, magno Bonorum omnium dolore, ingenti Catholicae rei detrimento, excitata tempore sane alienissimo controversia an licitum esset Juramentum Fidelitatis, uti vocatur. Illud post famosam Conspirationem Pulverariam magna arte compositum fuerat ab Apostata quodam" ut errorum venenum in eo latens non nisi a perspicacissimis observaretur, incautis iisque qui ex sua probitate de aliis judicarent (quorum longe maximus ubique numerus) penitus lateret. Hinc non variae tantum, verum etiam oppositae de eo Sententiae, statim ac apparuit, et graves inde secutae altercationes, quas Summi Pontifices identidem compescuerunt, editis decretis, illud tam damnantes, quam declarantes de se illicitum esse et Fidei contrarium; +quibus stabilita Pax, quod iis omnes paruerunt. + Nunc, cum vix occurreret, quo se verterent Persecutionis immanitate pressi Catholici, et carceres ostentarentur, quos nisi praestito Juramento vitare non poterant, aliqui humani aliquid passi illud admiserunt; alii mori maluerunt, et diram captivitatem libertati cum anxiis scrupulis aut etiam certo peccati reatu praetulerunt. Inventi sacerdotes qui lapsis (fas sit ita loqui) patrocinarentur; et scripta quaedam in lucem emissa, ab ingeniis fervidioribus, Christi in terris vicario non

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*

For a full account of the significance of the disputes concerning the Oaths see M. V. Hay, The Jesuits and the Popish Plot, Chaps. II & V. See also Stonyhurst MS. A. IV, 31, a compilation of documents concerning the Oaths covering the 16th and 17th centuries. J. H. Pollen gives a general survey in the article Oath of Allegiance, Cath. Encyclopedia. ~ I.e. Christopher Perkins, olim S.]. (Dodd-Tierney, iv, 70 sq.) .


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satis obsequentibus, incendio nascenti oleum infuderunt. Ad partes firmandas prensati nobilissimae totoque orbe celeberrimae Facultatis Theologicae (Parisiensem intelligo) Doctores plerique, ut assentirentur, persuasum aliquibus, sive quod minus Pontificia decreta venerarentur, sive un ius partis favore abrepti, sive ut Societatis in Anglia vinculis pressuram augerent, sive denique, quod mihi [j. 43J verosimilius, quod vere crederent nihil in eo mali contineri; tametsi meminisse poterant tale Juramentum in Comitiis Regni Galliae fiorentissimi anno hujus saeculi xiv propositum a tertio ordine, a reliquis duobus rejectum fuisse, qua de re extat etiamnum Oratio a Cardinali Peronio habita ad tertium ordinem. (191) Hinc aucta mirabiliter in Societatem invidia, quasi Carolo, Catholicorum fidem suspectam habenti, praestito J uramento licito satisfieri nollent. Societas enim, ut et multi alii Religiosi, et e clero non pauci, constanter illud admitti non posse tuta conscientia docuit. In Sorbona, sive Congregatione Doctorum, res nunquam proposita fuit; varii seorsim consulti mentem suam aperuerunt, et Corquelinus quidem, Ecclesiae et Academiae Cancellarius, atque Maresius* absolute praestari posse senserunt; LVII alii admitti non posse, nisi duplici adhibita verborum explicatione; hinc censendi J uramento refragari, cum diserte ejus verba omnem explication em excludant; illic enim dicitur: juxta haec express a verba, a me prolata, et planum, atque communem verborum sensum, et inteUectum, absque uUa aequivocatione, aut mentali evasione, aut secreta reservatione quacunque etc. Certe qui sentiunt sine limitatione aut distinctione, et quidem duplici, juramentum licite admitti non posse, negant illud admitti posse in proprio verborum sensu, ut communiter intelliguntur. (192) Nec illud difficultate caret, quod jurare debeant, se Juramentum illud, voluntarie sive sponte emittere. Hanc Professionem, ait,facio cordialiter, spontanee, et vere, in verajide Christiani viri. Qui hoc jurabunt, in proprio verborum sensu, qui invitissime illud admittunt, idque ad vitandum majus malum, qui nihil non agunt, quo illud declinent? Denique, ut Constantia in Fidei Dogmatis magnum Veritatis, ita Inconstantia Falsitatis indicium est. Non debet in iis EST et NON inveniri, ut in simili Apostolus II. Cor. I , sed EST. Jesus Christus heri et hodie , ipse et in secula, scilicet, idem. Idem de Fide Christi, idem de dogmatis ex Fide manantibus, idem de eorum declarationibus; vacillat enim Auditorum assensus, ubi Dogmatum inconstantia deprehenditur. Hinc cum aliquis sacerdos Paenitenti suo nobili viro, anxio quod citatus est ad fidem in Regem eo juramento testandam, dixisset illud tuta conscientia fieri posse, respondit alter: " Ante sex annos Author mihi fuisti, officio, quod nactus eram et honestum et utile, defungerer, citius quam cum salutis ani mae meae periculo, impium Juramentum admitterem: quod nunc innoxium esse

* Re&lor S . Ma'l'iae: A .


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pronuntias. Unde sciam te in aliis Ecclesiae dogmatis asserendis magis fore constantem? Ex hoc alium quaeram conscientiae meae modera torem." (193) Haec satis pro instituti mei ratione, qui Hystoricum ago, non controvertistam. Addam tantum (quod Lector simul habeat, quae huc spectant) decretum Venerabilium Patrum Ordinis S. Benedicti Congregation is Anglicanae A.D. MDCLXXXI, et Instructiones a Congregatione Provinciali Societatis J esu eodem anna factas. Haec habent quae sequuntur: "Ut uniformiter inter nostros in modo agendi circa Juramentum Fidelitatis, uti vulgo nominari solet, procedatur, 1. Profiteamur omnes, tantam nobis singulis erga Regem nostrum, sincere, ubi res tulerit, jurandam et exhibendam obedientiam atque Fidelitatem, quanta ab ullis ubivis Catholicis subditis quibuscunque Principibus exhiberi solet. II. Juramentum Fidelitatis, uti jam est, variis heterodoxis inspersum clausulis, suscipi nullo modo posse: cum id pluribus Summorum Pontificum Brevibus sit damnatum. III. Si qui contra decreta Pontificum publice docuerit praedictum Juramentum licitum esse, ii sine publica vel facta vel sancte promissa satisfactione, ad Absolutionem non admittantur. IV. Oui mala fide juramentum susceperunt, sine manifestis Paenitenti'ie signis et promissa in posterum emendatione, absolutione excludantur. Si vero qui bona fide susceperunt, instruendi sunt; et absolvendi, si resipiscant. V. Caveatur, ne nimia in absolvendo vel facilitas vel difficult as scandalum pariat. Actum in Congregatione Provinciali P.P. Anglorum S.]. celebrata Gandavi in Domo tertiae Probationis ejusdem Societatis, v. Julii MDCLXXX1." (194) Decretum vero VV. PP. O.B. sic habet': "Definitum est ne quis Patrum nostrorum, sive in Anglia, sive extra Angliam, praesumat asserere licitum esse praestare Juramenta Suprematus et Fidelitatis, ut vocant, aut alterutrum eOl'um, aut persuadere

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These were drafted by \Varner himself-cJ. Stonyhurst MS. Cardwell II, f. 139. , This definition of the General Chapter of the English Benedictines at St. Edmunds, Paris, is dated 9 August 1681 in Stonyhurst MS. Cardwell II, f. 185. Fr. Joseph Shireburne (President) and Fr. Placid Bruning (Secretary) wrote from Paris to Fr. Keynes, S.J., at Rome, on 23 January 1682, enclosing a copy of the Benedictine Chapter definition, requesting him to ask the Pope to forbid the taking of the Oath of Allegiance and " to represent to his Holyness, that wee most humbly supplicate that some order may be taken for the preventing of the many disorders, scandalls and schisms caused in England, by the solicitation of some Priests who encourage, persuade and incite English Catholicks to take this Oath (of Allegiance). It is most certain that a third at least of all our Catholicks is absolutely against it ... all the Missioners in England (except a parte of the Clergy) are absolutely against it ... " (Stonyhurst MS. Cardwell II, f. 187). A striking contrast is provided by the action of the Secular Chapter at a General Meeting on 25 October 1682, when the Secretary, Dr. Giffard, was instructed to draw up a letter to Card. Howard, warning authority in Rome that the majority of English Catholics had taken, or were prepared to take the Oath with the approval of their Pastors, and that a renewal of the prohibition" would near cause a schism." (Text partially cited in Kirk, Biogl'aphies, S.t!. Perrott.)


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cuiquam, ut praestet dicta Juramenta vel alterutrum eorum. Quam nostram Definitionem si quis violare praesumpserit, ordinamus, ut talis, si quidem in Anglia fuerit, suspendatur a facultatibus Missionariis concessis; si vero extra Angliam, privetur voce Activa et Passiva. Datum in Conventu S. Edmundi, [f. 44] Parisiis, die xvi Augusti, MDCLXXXI. De mandato capituli Generalis F . Placidus Bruning." (195) Similia decreta manarunt a Capitulo Provinciali RR. PP. Ordinis S. Francisci, tametsi eorum copia mihi facta non fuerit. E clero, uti vocant, saeculari nulla edita hac de re Decreta, licet eorum multi Juramentum damnarent, quod Authoritate non pollerent isti. Qui ante Juramento faverunt, sperabant absque dubio ea ratione aut suam probare Carolo Fidem, aut etiam Gratiam apud eum et Eboracensem inire. Sed falsi fuerunt; nam consult us ea de re Eboracensis, Edinburghi, respondit haec ipsissima verba: "Non melius de iis sentio qui Juramentum Fidelitatis admittunt, quam de iis, qui repudiant; nec un quam credam Fideles fore Regi suo, qui Deo fideles non sunt. Nec mei unius ista est Sententia, sed Regis etiam; atque de hoc sensu mea certiores facias amicos communes omnes." (196) REGINA CONJURATIONIS ACCUSATA. Haec de Juramento Fidelitatis. Resumamus hystoriae filum, et quod Parlamentum egerit, videamus, un de colligemus quid lucri reportarit Carolus ex hac Persecutione. Cum uterque consessus [ubi] diu deliberassent non sine magnis altercationibus, quot numero Domesticae Catholicis sacris addictae Reginae permittendae essent, et tandem in novem consensissent, ~ xxix. Novembris Oates et Bedlous illammet conspirationis in Caroli mariti sui necem accusarunt. Hinc petitum Conclavis Inferioris nomine, ut ipsamet ex Aula facessere juberetur. Verum praepropera Petitio Superiori Consessui displicuit, uti et Factiosis omnibus Democratici Regiminis Amatoribus, ne Carolus cum hac Divortio facto, ali am duceret, ex qua filios legitimos procrearet. Ultimo Novembris ob pericula Carolo Regnoque a Papistis impendentia, petitum a Parlamento, Militia Regni ordinaria cogeretur ad XLII dies:!:; probe sciebant isti, si ad tale spacium coacti

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Cj. the Duke of York's remarks to Bonaventure Giffard before the Chapter Meeting of 3 June 1683. The Duke asked Giffard "that at our assembly, we would not meddle with the Oathes. I (Gifiard) being something surprized and troubled at ye hearing of such an order, reply'd that I suppos'd his Royal Highness meant as to ye Oath of Allegiance (which ye Duke and several Catholic Lords and gentlemen having taken, I imagined he was unwilling it should be called in question) . But he presently made answer that he meant as to both ye Oathes, adding for his reason that the Catholics being now all in peace and quiet, it might be of ill consequence and raise some new disturbance which was laid asleep." (Westminster Archives, vol. xxxiv (n. 208), f. 783 .) ~ For a certificate of Papists at Whitehall and Somerset House on 28 Dec. 1678 see Bodley MS. Carte 70, f. 578. Cj. C.]., jx, 544.

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fuissent illi milites Parlamento quam Carolo addictiores, penes jpsos semper fore tempus illud ampliare. Carolus diserte respondit nec ad semihoram se id permissurum, nisi sponsione facta, penes se fore illius administrationem. Urgebat utrumque Conclave Exercitus Regii exauthorationem; Pecuniam ad id necessariam indicere parata erant; Conclave Inferius ilIam Domui Civicae Londinensi numerandam censuit, nec dan dam Aerario Praefectis, toties fidem fallentibus. Hoc ut durum et inusitatum visum Superiori Conclavi, ita improbatum. (197) Superioris Conclavis Pro ceres petebant singulas legiones (Regimenta vocant), ubi e Belgio rediissent, statim discingendas, ne quid detrimenti capiat R.P. a tam numeroso Exercitu (et vero male cessit Carthaginensibus post primum bellum Punicum id neglexisse); sed in hoc non consenserunt Inferioris Conclavis Senatores, periculum illud susque deque habentes. In Catholicos severiores Leges tulerunt, in hoc uno concordes, ut majora illis pondera injicerent, licet prior a vix essent ferendo. Sciscunt itaque ne quis ex iis fiat J uris-consultus, Procurator ad lites, Medicus, Pharmacopaeus, Chirurgus, aut Obstetrix. Item in eos, qui in seminariis ultramarinis (in Continente) educarentur. Josephus Williamsonus, Carolo a secretis, adlectus in Conclave inferius, ab hoc, inconsulto Carolo, carceri mancipatus est, magna Caroli ofiensa, cujus mandato Iibertatem mox obtinuit, dicentis ejus operam sibi necessariam esse. (198) DANBAEUS ACCUSATUS. DE QUIBUS? Caeterum illud maximi, secundum tentatum in Militiam ordinariam imperium, momenti videtur, quod Danbaeo dica scripta sit. Haec Accusationum capita: I. Quod Regiam sibi arrogasset authoritatem, cum externis Principibus agendo, de Pace et Bello, Legatis Instructiones dando, insciis Consilio Regio et Secretariis, contrarias Caroli et Parlamenti scitis. II. Quod conatus fuerit Regimen Angliae mutare in Despoticum et Tyrannicum, co acto eum in finem, sed praetextu Belli in Gallum, exercitu; quem non curasset discingi, ut decreverat Parlamentum; quodque pecuniam eum in fin em datam, alios in usus avertisset. III. Quod seminasset discordias Carolum inter et ejus subditos, ilium a Parlamentis alienasset, ne utilibus Parlamenti consiliis Carolus sublevaretur; pacem cum Gallo suasisset sub conditionibus regno probrosis et adversis, quo pecuniam a Gallo emungeret, in Regni fraudem. IV. Quod Papistis faverit, eorum in Carolum Conspirationem occultarit, nec animos addiderit ejus indicibus. V. Quod Aerarium exhauserit, aversis variis ejus partibus; et quod ignotas ob causas intra triennium distribuerit ultra decies centena scutorum millia; quod duos officiales Aerarii amovisset, eo quod istas fraudes improbarent. VI. Quod varia bona Coronae addicta, sibi donari curasset, contra varia Parlamenti Decreta. Haec in Danbaeum impacta crimina: quo fructu videbimus infra, Deo juvante. (199) Dictum supra adhibitos Oati custodes, ne quid in eum


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attentaretur. Verum ubi paulo post apparuit hujus studia Parlamento magis quam Carolo favere, custodibus mandatum a Carolo, ne ultra Aulae septa progredi neve ullum clam ipsis cum illo agere permitterent. De his Parlamento conquaestus ipse; hoc Carolo supplicavit, plena illi fieret [ j. 45J Potestas, quo vellet eundi, et quicum vellet agendi; nec satis habuit Potestatem istam, quod Carolus optabat., ad solos senatores restringi. Ausum etiam Inferius Conclave e suis aliquot mittere, ad Oatem, petitum, num Carolus, quae petierant, re ipsa praestaret. Conquaestus exinde Oates pecuniam sibi ex Aerario maligne et perparce numerari. Respondit Aerario Praefectus intra sesquimensem sexcenta scuta data; quae viro tali e culina Regis alto sufficere videntur. Non sufficere dixere senatores, quandoquidem de inopia conqueratur. Et passim, quacunque data occasione, quibuslibet N ebulonibus ampla e Aerario Regio curabant honoraria senatores, quo illud, pridem exhaust urn, penitus exinanirent, quo Carolum inopia magis haberent obnoxium. (200) Hinc adversus Pellices, quibus Aula scatebat, magno bonorum omnium scandalo, nec minori publicae Pecuniae detrimento, nihil unquam in comitiis actum. Adversus Caroh Satellites pauca, et fere Dicis causa, quos ut. contra singulos Aggressores validum, ita contra Regnum universum, quod sibi accessurum falso augurabantur, invalidum fore praesidium sciebant: interea gaudebant in horum stipendia pecuniam Regiam consumi. Non mirum si istis artibus pecunia Aerario deesset, dum ex una parte quocunque colore illam effundi, ex altera ne quid infunderetur, summo studio cavent. (201) Accersitus etiam Scroggius, rationem redditurus, quare Sententia ab eo lata in quosdam Perduelles + (Sacerdotes intelligebant, a quorum effundendo sanguine Carolus abhorrere visus) + non fuisset executioni data? (202) Quod Carolo ingratum, cui eOl"Um Innocentia comperta ; verum hujus regimen Innocentis Sanguinis effusione funestare volebant. Et tanto studio in haec Carolo ingrata negocia incubuerunt, ut dato tantum bidui (vigilia Natalis D. ipsoque die) respirandi spatio, ipso S. Stephani die faesto, congressus suos repetierint. Cumque nihil Carolo gratum agitarent, omnia contra, die xxx. Decembris horum congressibus finem imposuit ipse sequenti sessione in IV. Februarii rejecta; prius verbis increpuit paucis, sed efficacibus, si quod apud viros Propositi mali ten aces pondus veroa haberent. Dixit enim se valde illibenter eo venisse iis significatum, quod statuisset eorum conventum prorogare ; ipsosmet Testes esse, quam male secum egissent; quae tempore magis opportuno esset ipsis dicturus; interea se statim auspicaturum Militum exauthorationem; facturum pro virili, quae in rem Regni, et securitatem Religionis sint; prosecuturum Conspiration is detectionem, effecturumque, ut in lucem prodeant ejus et fulcra et fundamenta ; Daturum denique operam, ut Religio


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Protestantica, qualis Legibus praescribitur, sarta t ecta servetur. Tum Cancellario jussit, quae in mandatis habebat, exponeret. Qui tantum dixit, Parlamentum ad IV. Februarii prorogatum esse. (203) Studia eruperunt in hac Parlamenti Sessione Legibus contraria, omnia in Regiae Potestatis diminutionem. 1. Militiam sibi permitti petierunt senatores, quod perin de erat, ac gladium Carolo auferre. II. Non permissum, ut Caroli arbitratu custodes Oati, totius Regni turbatori, adhiberentur. III. Revocata in dubium Caroli Potestas suspendendi sententiarum a Judicibus latarum executionem. IV. Cuncta adeo turbata erant, plebe jam insaniente, ut Fas et Jus exularent. Certe cum quidam Cancellarii cognatus eique gratissimus ejus Patrocinium implorasset, respondit se nemini patrocinari posse; seipsum non minus quam quemlibet e vulgo periculo obnoxium esse : addidit, si ullus e Domesticis suis ipsummet accusaret, se statim carceri mancipandum, et frustra Caroli opem imploraturum. (204) In has angustias deduxerant tantillo tempore non Regem modo, verum et Regimen, :fi.ctae Accusationes, vera Perjuria, Deo, qui veritas est, injuriae sibi factae, eum in Mendaciorum con:fi.rmationem toties invocando, cito paenas reposcente. Quodsi ut dicebatur, Danbaeus horum origo fuit, gaudium inde haud diuturnum tulit, siquidem et ipse discrimen capitis adiit, ut dicetur. Parlamentum praesens nunquam iterum convenit, siquidem Carolus Edicto XXIV. J anuarii sequentis edito, illud exauthoravit aliudque indixit, futurum aeque refractarium. (205) RES SCOTICAE. In Scotia omnia pacata hoc anno. Pauci ibi Catholici, ideoque minus Invidiae obnoxii; necdum apparebant Factiosi, qui res turbarent. (206) RES HIBERNICAE. Secus in Hibernia, ob Catholicorum multitudinem. Kilkenniae versabatur Pro-Rex (locum tenentem Regis appellant), cum primum de Conspiratione Anglicana rumorem excepit. Is statim Dublinium advolat, Petrum Talbottum ejus urbis ArchiEpiscopum in vincula conjicit, negata cuilibet eum [f. 46J conveniendi facuItate; item ejus Fratrem, Richardum, Butlerum etiam, Mongaretti Filium. Inde varia vulgat Edicta ad servandam Pacem, quibus sequentia jubet: I. Omnes Militum Praefecti suas stationes illico petunto. II. Catholici toto regno exarmantor; si quis post statum diem cum armis inveniatur, ex lege in illum agitor. III. Mercatores pirium pulverem vendentes, si ultra unam libram habuerint, earn Regiis ministris aperiunto ; si quis fefellisse comperiatur non impune ferat. IV. Personae in dignitate Ecclesiastica, et Catholicae Religionis, in exilium mittuntor; Catholicorum Conventus et Seminaria, si quae sint, dissipantor. V. Papistae nee Castrum Dubliniense nee portum maritimum, neve Praesidium ullum intranto; si quis in eorum ullo domicilium intra annum elapsum sibi comparaverit, inde pellitor. Et ne quis esset praetextus eo confluendi, jubet merces non intra maenia sed extra vaenum exponi. VI. Praemiis invitat ad


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78

deferendos, si qui essent vel Praefecti vel milites gregarii, Catholicis sacris addicti. (207) Consilium Sacratius frequentius habitum; alia facta, quibus facile sancita Pax, quam nemo sollicitabat. Captus etiam Olivarus Plunkett us ArchiEpiscopus Armacanus, Hiberniae Primas; cujus gloriosum certamen infra referemus. Petrus Talbottus, contracto carceris aerumnis morbo, animam Creatori reddidit, a quo earn acceperat. (208) DE JOANNE SERGEANTIO. * Ex Actis Superioris conc1avis Parlamenti, ad diem xxxi. Martii liquet Pro-Regem scripsisse ad Carolum, excussis omnium Chartis, nusquam invent am mentionem conspirationis, nisi in uno epistolae cujusdam Sergeantii apographo, manu ipsius Petri Talbotti scripto. Putat Pro-Rex alia scripta, audito detectae Conspirationis rumore, seposita; hoc inobservatum evasisse~; sed longe a vero aberrat ista suspicio, nam tantum abfuit ab illam supprimendi voluntate + Talbottus, + ut eandem publici Juris fecerit, in libro cui Titulus: Scutum inexpugnabile fidei, adversus Haeresim Blackloanam, et Clipeum Septemplicem Joannis Sergeantii, discriminantis Christian am Fidem a Divina. Authore M. Lomino, Theol. (209) Sergeantius iste in Haeresi educatus, Episcopo Dunelmensi, scriptis in Catholicos libris famoso, amanuensis fuit. Ortis Bellis Civilibus Catholicae fidei nomen dedit, et ad Ulissiponense:: nostrae gentis Collegium missus, sacris illic initiatus, Phylosophiae tradendae Provinciam subiit, sed ejus rudiment is vix traditis ob causas ab Ex. Dom. ac Mag. nostro Georgio Leyburno ยง traditas, For a further account of Sergeant and Talbot see M. V. Hay, op. cit.,

*

Chaps. I and VII, and M. V. Ronan, Irish Priests in Penal Times (which has a chapter on Talbot and an excellent bibliography). ~ L.J., xiii, 488, reads "which paper, 'tis probable, he desired should be found." On 14 Oct. 1678 Ormonde wrote from Dublin to Secretary Coventry concerning Talbot: " I find he suspects or at least seems to suspect that the Accusation brought against him is by the means of one Sarjeant betwixt whom and him there has been a controversy brought into print about some points of divinity, and though he had time and I believe Intelligence enough to dispose of any other papers he had no mind should b e found, yet he took care that the enclosed (which I take to be written in his own hand and for this occasion) should be brought mee; how far it will serve his End or enforce [what] he would have it, I submitt to ye Judgement of My Lords" (Bodley MS. Carte 146, f. 137). Ormonde thus makes it quite clear that Talbot had purposely left the copy of Sergeant's letter, after he had destroyed his other papers. Ormonde was blamed for the destruction of Talbot's papers. When Ormonde's officer called to arrest Talbot, he was too ill to be moved immediately. The officer took Talbot's parole not to make any attempt to escape, and returned to Dublin for fresh instructions. By the time he returned, Talbot had destroyed all his papers. (Cf. also H.M.C. Ormonde, ii, 277-8, and N.S. v" 15.) ~ I.e. Lisbon. Sergeant was ordained there 12 Mar. 1650. Kirk, in his Historical Account of Lisbon College (1902), refers to him, p. 30, as " this bright ornament and devoted son of Lisbon College." ยง For Dr. George Leyburne's account of Sergeant in his Catalogue of the English Secular Clergy see C.R.S . xi, 532 sq. Leyburne refers laconically to Thomas 'ยฅbite as "malus senex."


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Angliam repetiit. Illic fingendum se docendumque totum tradidit Albio, sive Blackloo,* magnum nomen tum sustinenti, cujus aliqui Errores ab Universitate Duacena censura notati, omnia scripta a S.S.A. damnata : hujus auctoritate in Capitulum Anglicani CIeri adlectus est Canonicus, factus ejusdem postea Secretarius. Varia opera edidit, tum vivo, tum mortuo ejus Praeceptore, in omnibus Praeceptoris sui Dogmatis inhaerens quantum illa capiebat. Inter alia justo Iibro probare conatus quaerendas in Fidei rebus Demonstrationes, absque iis neminem teneri ad Fidem aut amplectandam aut cum periculo vel vitae vel publicationis Bonorum profitendam. (210) Talbottus Anno Ix xii hujus seculi hunc ejus errorem (nesciens cujus esset) ~ Manichaeismi accusavit, dixitque ab Augustino (lib. Contra Epist. Fundam. et lib. de Utilitate Credendi) fuisse impugnatum. Ubi convenerunt Parisios, anno, ni failor, lxxvi, magno strepitu agitata est ista controversia, impari fructu. Paulo post ea ad S.S.A. delata. J ussus in de est Sergeantius mentem suam explicare; et Talbottus librum edidit, cum Titulo Haeresis Blackloanae ~ + Hystoria. + Et Sergeantius alterum, quem Clipeum Septemplicem ยง inscripsit. Eique respondit Talbottus libro illo, Scutum Inexpugnabile~ dicto, ut supra. In cujus Appendice altera, Pagina iv, haec habet: (( Litterae Joannis

*

Thomas White alias Blacklow, 1593-1676. Educated Valladolid l Seville, St. Omers and Douay. Ordained 1617. Second President of the English College, Lisbon, 1630. Professor of Divinity and Vice-President of Douay 1650. Soon after he returned to England, where he remained till his death . Gillow lists 38 theological works by him. ~ This is at least a partial explanation of Talbot's changed attitude to Sergeant. As late as 20 May 1674 Talbot recommended Sergeant to Card . Barberini as worthy of an annual pension. Yet by 22 July 1675 Talbot describes Sergeant to Barberini as one" who has uttered more errors against faith and morals than Luther or Calvin." In a letter of 13 Sept. 1675 he explains his volte face by saying that he was deceived by those who had recommended Sergeant's works to him-that is to say, he had evidently not hitherto read Sergeant's works himself. It is evident from Talbot's letters that Fr. Warner himself played a considerable part in the delation of Sergeant's works to Rome. Cj. MS. Barb. 8626 (P.R.O. Rom. Trans.), partly cited in Hay, pp. 21-30. ~ Blakloanae Haeresis.... Gandavi.... rvrncLxxv (B.M. 4255, e. 10). The work has been ascribed to Warner, but Warner's references to it here show that this was not the case. Talbot prints an account of the conference between himself, Sergeant, Fr. Stephen Gough and Fr. Warner, and states, p . 312, that the evidence may be consulted in England in the hands of Dr. William Fogarty. ยง Clypeus Septemplex. Authore 1.S. nno. 1677. See Gillow v, 495, n. 28, for full bibliographical details. ~ This work is rare. There is no copy in B.M., U.L.C. or Bodley. A copy is listed in the printed Catalogue of Trinity College, Dublin, from which I take the short title, viz.: Scutum Inexpugnabile fidei, adversus haeresim Blackloanam, et Clypeum Septemplicem 10. Sargentii . . . . auctore M. Lomino, theologo. Ludg. 1678. (It appeared in September of that year.) The actual letter to Talbot is in the Bodleian MS. Carte, vol. 38, f. 734, and cited in Hay, pp. 183-4.


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Sergentii aut suorum Blackloistarum ad deterrendum Lominum (quod nomen assumpserat Talbottus) ab Haeresis Blackloanae --I- Prosecutione, + traditae D. Fogarthio, ut mitterentur ad nobilem Anglum, * in cujus domo Blackloistarum adversarius hospitabatur: { Dat. Parisiis, xii Maii, MDCLXXVIII. Clarissime Domine. Quaeso dicas illi susurroni hospiti tuo, si perrexerit in Sergeantii convitiis, sub Lomini vel ullius alterius nomine, nos esse tres in tuto positos, quibus nocere non potest; habemus vero ipsius manu scriptas Epistolas, ad J esuitam primarium in Galli a , quas mittemus ad Parlamenti Prolocutorem, nec non exemplaria earumdem ad duos Parlamentarios, ne Prolocutor eas supprimat. Hae litterae continent crimen laesae Majestatis contra Regem et Statum Angliae. Nos tres jurati sumus, mutuamque dedimus Fidem, persequendi Susurronem ilIum [ j. 47J adeoque nunquam sciet a quo laeditur. MANSUETUDO D . Sergeantii ansam dedit hominis istius audaciae. Sed cum per quoddam stratagema venerint ad manus nostras praefatae litterae, minime parcemus illi, si molestus fuerit; si vero quietus, in tuto est. Opto ut Dominatio vestra tuta sit, in hospitando Susurronem adeo turbulentum. Vester Amicus incognitus. - Postscriptum. N ominabimus etiam Personas, quae norunt, ac testari possunt illius esse scriptionem. Habemus quoque Epistolium scriptum ab ipso contra Ormonium, continetque Crimen laesae Majestatis.'" Hactenus ilia epistola. (211) Habemus hic insigne Sergeantianae MANSUETUDINIS monumentum. Aliud dabimus infra. Quot continet ista Sergeantii Epistola Fabulosae Conspirationis Oatianae lineamenta! Iter Parisiense, Epistolae ad Primarium in Gallia Jesuitam, P. scilicet de la Chaize, Crimina Majestatis contra Regem et statum, sive Regimen Angliae, Rem ad Parlamentum deferendam, paratos Testes, in Ormonium agendum, etc, eadem paene; solum quod Author Epistolae crimen uni exprobrat, alter in plures spargit; et unum vegrande + Crimen + Majestatis Talbotti, Oates in plura frustatim concidit. + Et aliquid ejusmodi fieri potuisse} suadet tempus datae Epistolae, xii Maii, duobus fere men sib us ante quam Oates Audomari redux Amicum suum Tongum convenerit. + Hinc dixerunt aliqui} ab isto, quisquis fuerit, Epistolario editum, a Tongo et Oate exc1usum, ovum, unde prodiit Regulus totam Angliam percellens. (212) Talbottus, magno Innocentiae suae calumnia pulsatae firmamento, adeo non suppressit (quod quis vere Reus fecisset), ut Statim pUblici Juris fecerit, inserens Libro e prelo exeunti, addita eum ipsum in fin em Appendice. Viderint alii quid de Epistolae Authore + sentiendum sit, + qui, cum tantum crimen deprehendisset, paratus erat illud supprimere, modo Lominus a Persequendo Sergeantio desisteret. Si quietus, in tuto est, inquit. Adeoque non Regis incolumitas, non Regni salus, non boni

* I .e. Sir James Poole,

of Pool Hall, Cheshire.


' ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

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Publici studium ad crimen deferendum incitabat, sed quietis D. ergeantio quaerendae cura; sicut Oates ad inopiae suae supplementum. A Sergeantio script am Epistolam nec assero, neque scio, quanquam in suis ad Parlamentum epistolis id asserere videatur Hiberniae Pro-Rex. Ab aliquo ejus studioso prodiisse, ipsa c1amat. Sed de hoc satis. Deus Authori, quisquis fuerit, condonet, et ad eam perducat aeternam vitam, ad quam hujus Persecutionis vi tot boni Catholici pervenerunt, atque ad id obtinendum, det illi serie paenitere de tot malis, si vel causa vel occasio eorum extiterit, tametsi indubie praeter intention em suam. (213) Hoc tamen observatum velim, tametsi constaret ab ipso Sergeantio script am Epistolam, et inde natam fingendae Conspirationis famosae Idaeam, nullam tamen inde labem Doctissimis Pientissimisque CIeri secularis Anglicani sacerdotibus, nullam maculam, adhaesuram. Quis enim ita desipit, ut J udae proditionem reliquis Apostolis probro fuisse sapiat? Vitam Sergeantius vixerat, ab aliquot annis, a reliquis confratribus suis segregem, superiori, si quis erat, minus audiens, Paribus, si tantillum ab eo dissentirent, gravis, concanonicis, unanimiter consentientibus, refract arius , ut videre est in Epistola Richardi Russelli Episcopi primum Capitis Viridis in Guinea, tunc vero Portalegrensis in Lusitania; qua graviter de hujus imperio in reliquum clerum et despotico agendi modo conqueritur.~ Quis ejus viri Acta a clero praestari debere sentiet, qui in CIeri Potestate non erat ?

*

*

The compliment of Warner's public reference to the Secular Clergy should be noted. The claims of historical accuracy, as well as t hose of Christian charity, should prevent the ecclesiastical historian from inferring from the actions of individual priests the general policy of the religious society to which they belong. The evidence of Russell's letter and Jenks's notebook (see Appx.) shows that Sergeant and his adherents were but a small (albeit very vocal) faction of the Chapter-their actions cannot be fairly associated with the Chapter as a whole. And it is indeed open to question whether, at this period, the Chapter itself can be accurately considered as representative of the Secular Clergy as a whole. ~ This letter, probably of October 1667, is printed on p. 124 of Blacklo's Cabal . ... , by R. Pugh-The second edition enlarged ... MDCLXXX. It was in 1667 that Sergeant gave up the Secretaryship of the Chapter, and from henceforward his attempts to dominate the Chapter's policy met with increasing opposition. He did not, however, give up all association , with it, as Warner, in charity to the other Chaptermen, seems to imply. He evidently kept the Chapter minutes and acted as Secretary 10-13 April 1674 (Kirk, Biographies, s.v. Anderton R.), and in company with David Morris he signed the minutes of the Chapter Meeting of 3 June 1684 (Morris was still receiving Secret Service money, and Sergeant's allowance from the same source had only stopped in the February of the same year), and in an address of the Chapter to Bishop Leyburne, 16 November 1693, Sergeant's signature appears directly beneath that of the Dean (cf. West. Arch ., xxxiv, n. 218, and Lambeth Palace MS. 932, f. 59) . At the end of his life he made a renewed bid for power over the Chapter, as is shown by the extracts from the notebook of Silvester Jenks printed in the Appendix. Richard Russell was elected Canon of the Chapter shortly after the signing of the English-P ortuguese marriage alliance (in the negotiations for wbich F


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(214) [f. 48] Sic exeunte Anno MDCLXXVIII. fin em huic libro imponimus, quo quae passi sint Catholici in genere exposuimus; ad particularia descendere et singula persequi, infinitum esset. Constat enim vix ullam esse familiam, imo vix ullam personam particularem, quae non aliquid passa sit, et quidem valde grave. In hystoria MS. R.P. Gulielmi Culcheth bonae memoriae dicitur, quadringentos hoc brevissimo tempore carceribus clausos, miseriis et aerumnis periisse. Et Fidem facit huic Assertioni sparsus de contagioso morbo in carceribus grassante rumor. Dnde data Praefectis carcerum occasio Consilium Sacratius adeundi supplicatum, ne plures eo destinarentur, quod a certa pernicie vix abesset in talia loca compingi.

*

he had, as Secretary of de Melho, played a considerable part). By 1667 he withdrew himself from the affairs of the Chapter (presumably because he feared that, having been nominated for a Portuguese Bishopric, he might become personally involved in the Chapter claims for the appointment of an Ordinary). He appears to have devoted himself wholeheartedly to the administration of his Portuguese dioceses, first of Portallegre, and then of Vizeu. (For accounts of his life see Gillow v, 455 sq., and a series of articles in the Lisbonian, vol. xvii, No.2, to vol. xviii, No.3.) I. e. in his life of William Plessington referred to by Warner in Prae11,Otanda to A (printed in Appendix). This MS. does not seem to be now extant.

*


LIBER TERTIVS. A.D. MDCLXXIX. (215) ARGUMENTUM. Provinciae Anglicanae Societatis Iesu, et Seminarii Audomarensis status. Libelli famosi. Sumpta de Irelando, Pickeringo, Grovio, Hillo, Grino, Berrio, Harcotto, Waringo, Turnero, Gavano, Fenwickio, Langhorno, Postgato, J onsono, Plessingtono, Floido, Evano et Bakero supplicia. Item Actiones in Georgium Wakemannum, Jacobum Corkerum, Gulielmum Rumleium, Gulielmum Martium, Carolum Carnum, Andraeam Bromisium, Gulielmum Atkinsum, et Gulielmum Apologiae pro Catholicis. Eboracensis J onesium, institutae. Bruxellas abit; pia ejus illic exercitia; redit in Angliam. Monmuthius jubente Carolo Regno cedit; sed ipso invito revertitur. Quinque J esuitarum orationes; fides iis habenda. Impugnantur a Tongo, Pseudo-Episcopo Lincolniensi, Fimbria, E.C., et Joanne Sergeantio. Novi delatores Joannes Smithaeus et Robertus Jenisonus; hujus fratris Thomae ad eum Epistola. Oates S.T. Doctor, sodomiae arcessitur. + Parlamentum; Regis Papistae Auctoritas circumscribenda. Danbaei causa. Shaftesburii seditiosa oratio. Concilii Regii Mutatio. ~rimina Catholicis proceribus objecta. Quales Arnoldus, Cellaria, Dangerfeldus; horum negationes. Papistae larvati. Scroggius accusatur. Qualis Lestrangius, et Wallerus. Oatis Narrativa; ad earn responsio. Mortes Thomae J enisoni, Gerardi, Lusoni. Presbiteriani in Scotia rebellant. Eboracensis eo mittitur, eosque pacat.+ (216) Annum aggredior Factiosorum studiis turbidum, Libellor urn infamium copia pestilentem, bellorum intestinorum apparatu terribilem, Tempestatis saevitia barbarum, Catholicorum palantium exilio miserum, Regiorum frat rum ab invicem divulsione luctuosum, Innocentum corporum laniena immanem; sed Pugilum Christi, Fidei vindicum, selectorum Ecc1esiae filiorum certaminibus, victoriis, coronis, gloriosum. In eo enim multi e Societate, nonnulli ex aliis sacris ordinibus, vita mortali mulctati, immortalitate donati sunt. Licet enim in J esuitas praecipue debaccharentur Haeretici, non solos tamen persecuti sunt; et alios in paenarum atque suppliciorum participium vocarunt, et ejusdem etiam laudis et gloriae. (217) SOCIETATIS STATUS. Boni consulet, quisquis ista lecturus est, si speciatim Societatis Anglicanae Provinciae statum in Belgio paucis exponam, ut pateat, nec interjectum mare, nec Catholicorum Principum Praesidia, nec plebis in eos Amor, tutos adversus immanem Persecutionem praestare potuisse. (218) Manserat tota Provincia velut Acephala, ex quo intercisum cum Provinciali, vigilum ei impositorum diligentia, commercium; et hi ita subito irruerunt, ut spacium ei nullum factum

*

*

The places in which these are mentioned in this table do not correspond exactly to the places in which ihey are mentioned in the text.


84

E

-GLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLIC

nominandi, qui rebus adeo turbidis ej us vices gereret. lC percusso Pastore, dispersae erant oves gregis . Creatus a Praeposito Generali Vice-Provincialis J.W., Collegii Leodiensis Rector, qui visitanda statim adiens cismarina domicilia, omnia in venit perin de presentium angustiis ac futurorum metu anxia. Praevidebatur ex Anglia varios, qui Quadruplatorum effugere possent manus, in continent em evasuros, quibus nec recipiendis locus nec alendis opes adessent . (219) ET SEMINARII AUDOMARENSIS. Solatio fuit ViceProvinciali aliarum Provinciarum promptissima charitas, nostros summa Benevolentia excipere paratarum; licet certus esset nisi in extrema necessitate ad earn non recurrere. Omnium maxime misera et miserabilis Seminarii Audomarensis facies. Tum in eo vivebant circiter CL convict ores, multi ex primariis Catholicorum familiis . Capta a Gallis civitate, subduxerat Rex Catholicus, quam quotannis eatenus solverat Pensionem, nulla dum a Rege Christianissimo substituta; itaque nulla certa fundatione nitebatur; solis Juvenum Pensionibus cum ultroneis quo run dam piorum eleemosinis alebatur, cum Tempestate erumpente haec etiam spes exaruit, cum nec epistolas aut mitt ere aut recipere sine periculo possent. Ex solis Gazettis ali quid de statu Catholicorum in Anglia audiebatur, quae ferebant jam unius, jam alterius, tum variorum convictorum Parentes cognatosve in carceres conjectos, dissipatas familias, direptam supellectilem, bona alia rapi agique, nemine rapacibus praedonibus resist ere auso, ne Papistis patrocinando acerrimam factionem in se concitaret. Incredibile dictu, quam constanti animo haec audierint tenelli Juvenes; laetati etiam visi, quod eorum necessarii digni habiti essent pro nomine J esu contumeliam pati; et bonorum rapinam cum gaudio sustinuerunt, ubi sciebant eos nihil [f. 49J contra boni concivis in concives, boni subditi in Principem, boni Christiani in Deum, officia deliquisse. Eadem via rescitum intendi Legum rigorem . in eos qui filios in seminaria ultramarina amandassent; a redeuntibus inde utrumque Juramentum (Primatus Regii in sacris, et Fidelitatis) admittendum, atque Transubstantiationi renunciandum; propositam saepe in Parlamento novam legem, liberos omnes Parentibus auferendi Catholicis, quo certius in Haeresi educarentur, sed rejectam tantum quod Juri Naturae adversarentur, et quod nec Romae Pontifex suos J udaeis auferat. Nihil Subsidii, nihil opis uspiam apparente sine manifesto miraculo, ne Deum tentare viderentur, multi Authores fuerunt Vice-Provinciali, cunctos aut certe maximam partem dimitteret ad suos; satis esse in praesenti pecuniae ad vestes et viatica; si diutius expectetur, nec ad haec suffectura, quae haberent. (220) Cautum quidem, et secundum judicium humanum prudens consilium. Ast ubi comperit ille J uvenes ad quamlibet

*

*

"P. Generalis istis de diffieultatibus admonitus, in Joannem Warnerum Provineiae curam rejeeit, don ee libertati plane aut eerte regimini restit utus esset P. Provjneialis." A.


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85

inediam tollerandam paratissimos esse, institisse apud superiores, omnia victui subtraherent, quae non essent ad vitam alendam praecise necessaria; cum Procurator aliquibus eum omnium nomine consulentibus +dixisset, + ad tres forte suffectura menses quae haberet, istos respondisse: "Date nobis tantum Panem et Butirum, et sufficient ad sex; et interea Dominus Deus nobis aderit, vel aperta ad Parentes via, vel aliunde." Mores omnium invenit innocentissimos, Disciplinae domesticae tantam solicitudinem, ut majorem pauca Religiosorum monasteria exhibere viderentur, adeo ut fere superflua esset Superiorum vigilantia, dum qui que socios observarent, si uspiam a tramite praescripto deviarent; et probro erat, vel minimam Regulam violasse; observavit singularem in Societatem affectum, ex commiseratione aut or tum aut auctum quod tam indigna pateretur (eorum plerique cum Oate vixerant, et propria noticia varia ejus mendacia revincere poterant, ex quibus de aliis sibi ignotis judicium faciebant); adeo ut si par habuissemus omnibus recipiendis Tyrocinium, omnes eo migraturi viderentur. Discurrebant subinde inter se, quid quisque facturus esset, casu quo e Seminario necessitate cogente dimitteretur; nec unus e tanto numero inventus, qui in Patriam cogitaret, cunctis stipem ostiatim mendicare malentibus, aut in aliquorum nobilium obsequium se dedere quacunque conditione, quam in tam certa pericula fidem amittendi sese conjicere, de propria constantia incerti. (221) His compertis dec1aravit Vice-Provincialis nolle se ullum ex iis dimitti; malle se Altarium supellectilem vendere, vasa sacra conflare, domicilia cuncta oppignorari, quam Juvenes deserere, iis moribus imbutos; spem in Deo reponendam, qui sperantes in se, et de sua Providentia confidentes non derelinquit. Hinc aliorum etiam Seminariorum Praefectis accrevit animus, ut postea rescitum, suos retinendi; dicentibus non esse cur desperarent, dum sperarent J esuitae qui potissimum impugnabantur. Et brevi patuit utile fuisse consilium, tum quia parentes de suis liberis soliciti, ne tam importun~ tempore redirent, viis nobis ignotis pecuniam submiserunt ultro, etiam qui antea gravate solvebant; tum quia Pii ali qui Catholici largas dederunt eleemosinas, soli Deo noti certo, nobis tantum ex conjecturis; tum maxime, quia Rex Christianissimus Luctuosum Seminarii statum miseratus, Regia Munificentia pensionem suo ex Aerario quotannis solvi jussit. Unde difficultatibus eluctatum, etiam durante Persecutione ad tollerabilem statum emersit. (222) Cum aliis vix plures quam decem admitterentur, hoc an no duo supra viginti in Societatem admissi sunt, XVI. Wattenis,

*

*

Warner's gratitude to Louis XIV is quite understandable, but it should not be forgotten that Louis's policy of fomenting political dissentions in England by bribery of both political parties was in no small measure the cause of the plight of the Catholics in England at this time. (Cj. C. L. Grose, " Louis XIV's financial relations with Charles II and the English Parliament," Journal M od. H ist. , v ol. i (1929) , pp . 177-204.)


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ubi Tyrocinium est Provinciae Anglicanae, duos Provincia Mediolanensis, quatuor Provincia Germaniae Superioris, summa Charitate recepit nobis educandos. Sic pro Patribus nostris, quos nobis eripuit Persecutio, nati sunt nobis Filii. Haec eum in fmem a me relata sunt ut detur Gloria Deo, adjutori in opportunitatibus, in Tribulatione, et ut si quando Deus simili ventilabro suam iterum Aream purgare voluerit, sciant Posteri et quid et quo consilio actum sit. Publica videamus. (223) LIBELLI FAMOSI. Si quae res a Christiani nominis est professione aliena, ea est libellos vulgare, qui cujusquam existimationem vulnerent; quod Jure Romano Capitale censetur; et merito sane, cum eo modo quisque etiam innocentissimus odio publico objici possit, neque habere ubi se defendat, incognito Accusatore, qui eo mentitur impudentius, quod ad probanda crimina sciat se cogi non posse. Hujus anni initio inchoata, per ipsum totum et aliquot sequentes continuata est, effrenis licentia, ne dicam libido, scripta sine Authoris nomine vulgandi, quae nec Aulicis, nec Caroli primariis Ministris, nec ipsi Carolo parcebant, fomenta Discordiae, flabella seditionis, sementes Rebellionis.* lis acta publica, ubi minimus color aderat, [j. 50J coram populo traducebant; in illis ubi nihil reprehensione dignum occurrebat, in intentione, quod criminarentur, inquirebant, magna Majestatis injuria, cui debita Reverentia sensim minuebatur, qua tamen potissimum Auctoritas ipsa nititur; magistratibus minoribus aut non ausis resistere, aut clam audaciam foventibus. Nec deerant Senatores, qui clam mussitarent, dein clare praedicarent, Aulicos duo moliri, Papismum reducere, et Despotici Regiminis formam; se non ali am ob causam offendisse Carolum, quam quod horum conatibus fuissent refragati; aras et focos in discrimen adducta, Actum de Religione et libertate publica, nisi obviam eatur. Haec a populo pronis auribus accepta, quidvis credere parato, quae isti Patriotae viva voce dicebant, quae libelli spargebant, eo gratiores, quo malignitatis et maledicentiae pleniores. De Papismo suspecti, qui secus sentirent, aut Adulatorum, Palponum, atque Pensionariorum odiosis nominibus designati, quasi ob vilia compendia gent em prodere parati essent, nihil lucro antiquius habentes. Hinc facile persuasum, Parlamentum ob singulare boni Publici studium primo prorogatum, dein exauthoratum fuisse; inclinatus Plebis animus vel eosdem, vel alios prioribus similes ad nova comitia destinandi. Unde nihil ex ea Parlamenti dissipatione boni secutum; aucta potius mala, magis alienata Carolo populi voluntate. (224) GULIELMI IRELANDI, THOMAE PICKERINGI, ET JOANNIS GROVII CERTAMEN. Ut tandem testaretur se serio Papismum aversari, in subsidium accersivit crudelitatem in sacerdotes,

*

The uncontrolled flood of anonymous pamphlets and newspapers during the time of the plot is partly attributable to the fortuitous lapse of the Licensing Act in May 1679.


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aliquorum ex iis supplicio Plebi facturum se satis sperans. Primus, qui ad pacandum Populum immolatus est, fuit Gulielmus Irelandus, S.]., cum Joanne Grovio, laico, quos pone secutus est Thomas Pickeringus, O.B. Hi tres cum Thoma Harcotto et Joanni Fenwickio ad causam dicendam acciti +anno superiori, die XVII. Decemb. + Testes in eos dati Oates et Bedlous. Sed cum iste declarasset se nihil in Harcottum et Fenwickium dicere posse, eos vix sibi notos fuisse, debebant Jure defungi periculo et Libertate donari; sed obstitit Scroggius, jubens eos, in carcerem reduci. Oates juratus dixit Irelandum interfuisse Congregationi mensis Aprilis ad Equi Albi; illic in necem Caroli consensisse. Ad earn perficiendam animatos ibi Thomam Pickeringum et J oannem Grovium; ilIum premio triginta millium sacrorum, hunc sex millium scutorum; utrum que Sc1opetto ad id instructum +cum globis argenteis, quos masticari deberent dentibus, quo certius venenum vulneri adderent. + Pickeringiurn expectationem fefellisse, non exploso in Carolum opportune transeuntem schlopo, semel quod hunc solis globis implesset, secundo, quod solum pyrium pulverem indidisset; tertio, quod fiuitante silice ignem non excussisset. Hinc ira percitum Harcottum virgis eum cecidisse. Adfuisse Irelandum, quando cum Wakemanno transactum de medicata Carolo danda potione. Irelandum cum Fenwickio de promovenda Conspiratione egisse in hujus cubiculo Londini circa xv Augusti; i. vero vel ii. Septembris quatuor scuta sibi, Oati, dedisse. Bedlous dixit Irelandum adfuisse sub finem Augusti, quando missi Pickeringus et Grovius cum P. Coniero O.B.* ad trucidandum Carolum NeoMarketti rusticantem. Addidit Shaftesburium, Buckingamium, Osserium, et Ormondium ab ipsis fuisse morti destinatos. (225) Irelandus, facta sibi loquendi potestate, negavit Oatem congregationi interfuisse; in ea solum de mittendo Romam Procuratore tractatum, quod singulis trienniis fieri solet in Societate. Quae ab utroque teste dicta fuissent a se facta Londini vel circa xv. Augusti aut prope finem ejusdem mensis, falsa esse, cum iii. Aug. Londino exierit, et redierit tan tum xiv. Septembris; ad quod probandum dati ali qui testes; longe plures daturus, si per custodem carceris licuisset. Pickeringus dixit se nunquam in vita sua sclopum explosisse; et fidem fecit. Carolus ubi audivit illum designatum sui percussorem, ait: " Ille me ! nequidem pUlicem occideret, si inter digitos haberet." Omnes suorum Parentum et consanguineorum studia pro Rege difficillimis temporibus +retulere+; quae insuper habita. Omnes enim consueto Perduellium supplicio adjudicantur. Dum ista scribo, A.D. MDCLXXXV, revocata ad solemne examen ista Oatis testimonia, et totidem Perjuria dec1arata sunt, unanimini omnium Judicum suffragio. (226) Scroggius Duodecim viris quae audierat, retulit. More

* I.e.

Dam. Augustine Conyers, O.S.B. (Birt,

:po

56).


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ATHOLICS

suo variis in captivos dicteriis lusit, nimirum: (( Sacerdotis et J esuitae sitis propagandi suam Religionem (quae nihil est quam suum utile) tanta est ut nullo sanguine etiam humano satiari possit." Item: (( nulla illis debetur fides, quia credunt sibi licitum alios fallere." Et ad Pickeringum: (( Vide jam quid tua tibi prosint triginta Sacrorum millia." (227) Die xxiv. Jan. Executioni sententiae destinata, tracti sunt ad supplicium Irelandus et Grovius; ubi ille in haec verba locutus est: (( Venimus ad ultimam hujus mundi scenam; ideo tenemur aliqua dicere. Ac primo protestamur nos toto corde condonare omnibus et singulis, qui ad nostram mortem quocunque modo cooperati sunt. Secundo, declaramus nobis persuasissimum esse, si essemus vere Rei, nos illud agnoscere deb ere ; [f. 51J et si sciremus aliquem alium Majestatis Reum esse, etiamsi Pater noster esset, teneremur illum deferre, ejusque Criminis veniam a Deo et hominibus infimis precibus petere. Caeterum, quia video verbis nostris null am habitum iri fidem, ad Deum convertimur, peccatorum nostrorum veniam ab ipso sperantes per J esum Christum. (228) (( Quod ad me spectat, ubi xx. annis in Belgio vixissem, huc veni, mense J unii anni praeteriti, illuc rediturus, ni morbus impedivisset. iii. Augusti in Provinciam Staffordiensem ivi, unde reversus sum xiv. Septembris in hanc urbem *: quod testari possunt plusquam Centum homines, quibuscum egi illo tempore; qui vero potuerim simul illic esse, et Londini quae mihi objecta sunt egisse, sane non bene intelligo ! " (229) Interpellatus hic a Vice-Comite dicente nullam ejus asseverationibus habendam fidem, quibus honor Judicum minuebatur, alio conversa oratione dixit: (230) (( Deum supplex veneror, millies et millies benedicat Regem, Reginam, Eboracensem, totamque familiam Regiam. Catholicos, si qui adsunt, oro suis precibus a Deo nobis impetrent felicem ex hac vita ad aeternam transitum; sitque misericors omnium Christianorum animabus. Cunctis inimicis nostris toto corde ignoscimus; Deus illis itidem ignoscat. Denique oramus omnes bonos, ut pro nobis et nobiscum orent." (231) Grovius haec tantum dixit: (( Sumus Innocentes; vita nostra injuste nobis eripitur. Deum oramus, illis ignoscat, qui in causa sunt." (232) Sic mortem obiit P. Gulielmus Irelandus, primitiae martyrum, quos isto anna Deo obtulit Martyrum faecunda parens Provincia Anglicana S.]., ab Haereticis ultimo Perduellium supplicio affectus, ut isti dicebant, ob conspirationem in Regis et Regni perniciem; rever a in odium Fidei, et quod nollet falsum ferre testimonium, contra legem Decalogi illud prohibentis (quod etiam ad Martyrii Lauream coram Deo sufficit) anna Aetatis

*

Cj. Fr. Ireland's full itinerary, printed in Remarks on the Tryal of M,. I"eland, Mr . Pickering, and Mr. Grove . .. (signed T.A.), 1679, p. 53.


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suae XLIII, Religionis XXIV, Professionis quatuor votorum VI. Natus in Provincia Lincolniensi parentibus nobilibus vero nomine Ironmonger, litteris humanioribus Audomari, Phylosophicis et Theologicis Leodii, operam navavit, et utrobique Pietatis, Observantiae regularis, et mirabilis aequanimitatis in rebus maxime arduis, egregia reliquit exempla. Mense Julii A.D. MDCLXXVII. hujus saeculi vocatus a Provinciali in Angliam, factus que Provinciae Procurator, quicquid rerum temporalium curae supererat temporis, in procurandam animarum salutem impendebat. Quibus exercitiis dum vix xiv. menses vacasset, ad patiendum pro fide et veritate vocatus, omnium primus comprehensus est. Ubi sumptum supplicium, magno studio certatim Catholici vestium ipsius frusta, carnium particulas, strophiola sanguine tincta, sibi cqmpararunt a Carnificis ministris, quae ingentis Thesauri instar sibi servant; per quae Deul::. mira facere dicitur. (233) Grovius, vir Laicus et conjugatus, pius, probus, gnavus, cum conjuge Londini vivebat, et circiter a sesquianno Patres nostros juverat in distribuendis Epistolis, et dirigendis, qui in alia loca pergerent. Liberis ejus pia Fidelium Charitas adfuit. Unum in litteris humanioribus instructum Seminarium Audomarense altioribus studiis alio misit imbuendum; aliis alii prospexerunt . (234) Dissecta corpora ami cis relict a sunt, humo condenda. Non tamen illic quiescere Irelando concessum, siquidem Robertus J enisonus ipsius cognatus ilium post quatuor circiter menses mendacii accusavit, vere mendax ipse, et Perduellionis. De quo infra. (235) Doluit Pickeringus certaminis socius, se triumphi socium non fuisse; verum illi dilatum, non remissum, supplicium est, quod subiit ix. Maii. Ad patibulum, Deo in testem invocato, dixit nec cogitatione, nec verbo, nec opere, se eorum reum esse, quorum fuerat accusatus. Interrogatus an esset Sacerdos, respondit se solum esse fratrem Laicum. Tum, ubi pro Rege, Regni Pace at que seipso orasset, dixit Carnifici: (( Amice, fungere officio tuo." (236) N atus in Provincia Darbiensi piis et honestis Parentibus, a quibus jam inde a Pueritia Christianis est Moribus imbutus, mundi pericula ut vitaret, ipsum fugit, et ad sacrum S. Benedicti Ordinem velut ad tutum portum se recepit. Vir fuit antiquae simplicitatis et innocentissimae vitae, omnium judicio ad Provinci am ilii perjuriis Oatis impositam ineptissimus. (237) RILLI, GRINI, ET BERRII CERTAMEN. Post priorum et ante ultimi supplicium, evocati ad causam dicendam Laurentius Rilius, Robertus Grinus . et Henricus Berrius, nempe x. Feb .. necis Godefridi postulati. Advocatus Regius facinoris seriem prolixa oratione contexuit, viz: ubi Godefridus Oatis Accusationem excepisset, eo graviter offensos Papistas, eum minis ab officio absterrere conatos esse; inde datam [J. 52] ipsi occasionem


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affirmandi se primum fore martyrem. Catholicos exinde el msidiatos esse; horum unum +die xii Oct., + dum prope Reginae palatium transiret, invitasse in locum vicinum, ut rixantes sua authoritate sedaret; illuc ubi pervenisset injecto in ejus collum strophiolo strangulatum esse; cum tamen ex Pedum trepidatione et calore pectoris deprehendissent necdum expirasse, torto colla reducta in humeros facie, quod supererat spiritus expressisse. Homicidii facti narrationem absque dubio Romam missam, magno gaudio totam urbem replevisse . (Nec tamen addidit, quibus id auribus audierit, aut quibus narrantibus crediderit.) Cadaver inde in cubiculum Thomae Goddeni,:I: S.T. Doctoris, Reginae a sacris, delatum, inde ter aut quater alia translatum, tandem xvi Octobris circa mediam noctem in sellam gestatoriam compactum, per Principem dicti Palatii Portam eductum, et ad Graecorum Ecclesiam, evectum, ubi sellae extractum, divaricatis cruribus equo impositum, pone sedente Hillo, a quo in foss am dejectum sit, in qua sequenti die repertum est. (238) Dati testes, 1. Oates, retulit minas illi intentatas, quod Oatis Accusationes cuidam magno viro curasset ostendi. Quod Robinsonus confirmavit.:I: Hoc verum esse nemo negavit, sed minarum Authorem Catholicum esse nemo prudens credidit. Caeterum horum nihil Reos afficiebat, qui nec Godefrido minati unquam fuerant, nec a minis territantibus ullo modo pendebant. Hillus, in virili aetate, Godeno serviebat: reliqui duo capulares senes, mer a silicernia: Grinus in sacello Reginae pulvinaria dan do intrantibus pecuniolam aliquam aucupabatur; Berrius erat Palatii illius Janitor. (239) Auditus exinde Brunus, Pagi, in quo repertum cadaver, Praefectus, dixit tantum quomodo illud invenerit. Item duo chirurgi, qui dixerunt non gladio in cadavere reperto, sed laqueo expirasse. Quid haec ad reos? Auditus Vincentius Caupo et ejus famulus, Stringer, dicentes Reos cum aliquot sacerdotibus domi suae bibisse. Quid haec ad rem? si cum omnibus bibissent totius Europae sacerdotibus, num inde sequetur, hos peracti homicidii reos esse? Idem de Testimoniis Caraei, Evani, et Dethickii, qui dixerunt Prancium cum aliis Ostrea et Pisces comedisse, fuisse valde hilarem, factam ibi de nece Godfredi

*

Godden was livina in hiding shortly before the outbreak of the plot. and subsequently escaped to France (Hay, pp. 136-7). ~ In Soho. :I: Thomas Robinson, Chief Prothonotary of the Court of Common Pleas. The" Person of Quality" mentioned by Robinson in the printed trial as the person to whom Sir Edmundbury Godfrey gave Oates's depositions was, in fact, Scroggs himself. In his evidence before the House of Commons on 24 Oct. 1678 Robinson mentioned Scroggs by name (C.J. ix, 520, and H .M.C. 11 Rep. App., Pt. II, pp . 2-3). In this trial, therefore, in addition to his bullying of the prisoners and defence witnesses, and his endeavours to assist the prosecution to make out their case, Scroggs was in the curious position of knowing more about the state of Godfrey's mind before his death than probably anyone else in the Court.


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mentionem. Pudet pigetque haec referre, quae non puduit Advocatum Regium magna verborum pompa producere, solum ad fucum Populo faciendum, et Reorum Innocentiam Testium etiam nihil ad rem dicentium numero obruendam. (240) Supersunt Bedlous et Prancius. Prior dixit a biennio se cum sacerdotibus familiarissime conversatum; oblato xvi millium scutorum premio ad aliquem occidendum invitatum. Audisse postmodum facinus patratum, et vidisse cadaver,laterna maligne lucem emittente ostensum. Se cum aliis, ad illud efferendum concurrisse, viii. scutorum millibus oblatis inductum. Cumque Bradestrita Godeni neptis illi diceret alta voce, " Domine Bedloe, tute optirne nosti quaecunque dixisti falsa esse." Respondit iste: "Te non accuso." Aliunde etiam constat, quae dixit, Reis officere non debuisse, cum clare dixerit ibidem, Hillum et Grinum sibi ignotos; vidisse quidem eos aliquando in Reginae sacello, et visos sibi homines nequam, ad quaelibet facinora patranda paratos. Deinde, teste Smithaeo ministro Protestante, Oates de Bedloo praesente, dixit, eum nihil de nece Godfridi scivisse; aliqua tamen dicere voluisse, quo bis mille scuta a Carolo promissa reciperet. Quae verba Bedlous cachinno solo excepit. Successit Prancius, qui solus clare dixit, quicquid volebant factiosi, a se et tribus Reis patratum homicidium; adeoque solus ad rem locutus est. Nominavit alios criminis affines, nominatim quendam Vernatti nomine. Ejus tamen testimonio fides nulla debebatur, i. quia unicus testis erat, et omnia Jura cum Divina tum human a duos requirunt: Deut. xvii. 6: ÂŤ In ore duorum vel, trium testium stabit omne verbum: nemo occidetur uno contra se dicente Testimonium." Et c. Jusjurandi [sic] de Testibus *: vox unius, vox nullius. ii. Quia Prancius ejusdem erat Criminis Reus, adeoque a dando Testimonio excludi debebat. Utraque haec ratio conjungitur c. Veniens. de Testibus~: "Ille qui eodem crimine est infectus, in de contra eum testificari non potest .. . . nec unius Testimonium in condemnationem sufficiat alicujus." iii. Ipsemet Prancius Carolo protestatus fuerat omnia falsa esse, quae de Godfridi Percussoribus dixerat. + Quod confirmarunt Gulielmus Cheffins~ et Richardsonus, carceris Praefectus iste, alter secreto Caroli cubiculo Praefectus; quibus praesenti bus id a Prancio factum; sed de horum testimonio in causae hujus Actis Scroggii jussu vulgatis nulla mentio. + Hoc agnovit Prancius, sed addidit ea se dejerasse quod timeret, ne alias Regina et Catholici deinceps ejus opera non uterentur. Et Scroggius C. Iusiurandi [sic: for' iurisiurandi 'J de Testibus= Codex Iustinianus

*

4,20,9 (=Cod. Theod. XI, 39, 3), a constitution of Constantine of 334: "Nunc manifeste sancimus, ut unius omnino testis responsio non audiatur, etiamsi praeclarae curiae honore praefulgeat." ~ C. Veniens. de Testibus=Decretal. Greg. IX, 2, 20, 10. ~ The evidence of Chiffinch (as in a sense a very intimate representative of the Royal Household) is a significant instance of Charles II's attempt at intervention in the trial.


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addidit id non fecisse ex falsitate, sed ex metu. Unde unde fecerit, fecit certe, indeque se non fide sed paena dignus fecit. c. Qui falso. ff. de Testibus*: "qui falso vel VARIE Testimonia dixerunt ... a Judicibus competenter puniantur." iv. Totam hystoriam confictam esse prodebant varia indicia: i. quod vir strenuus, integris viribus, se strangulandum permiserit, sine resistentia, sine strepitu, idque in loco omnibus pervio, transeuntibus ultro citro que frequente. ii. quod nulla apparente causa cadaver tamdiu retinuerint, et ex uno toties in alia cubicula transtulerint. iii. Corpus demortui cum frigidum tum rigidum ftecti se permiserit, ut in sellam gestatoriam compingeretur (erat autem Godefridus valde procerae staturae), deinde sella extractum equo divaricatis cruribus imponeretur; tum in fossam conjectum, rectum et rigidum [f. 53J adeoque infiexibile inventum sit. Haec credat Judaeus Apella. v . varii Testes omni exceptione majores fabulosam hystoriam refutarunt. Ipsa Militum statio ad illam Reginae Palatii Portam ea nocte constituta, qua evectum Corpus dictum fuit, testata est nullum ea nocte sellam il1ac exiisse, nullam exire potuisse, ab ipsis inobservatam. Godeni neptis et ancilla testatae sunt Hillum, utraque nocte, cum qua creditur occisus, tum qua dicebatur evectus, fuisse domi, nec un quam exivisse. Similia de ali is alii, ringente Scroggio, cunctos pro virili turbante, quaestionibus interjectis, aliquando ridiculis, aliquando impudicis, aliquando malignis. Malignitatis fuit a Militibus sciscitari num essent Catholici; quo casu discingi debebant. Item annon desert a statione (quod militare flagitium est) cum combibonibus in popinas abivissent? Ridiculum, si in re seria ridere liberet, cum petiit num Catholici diebus Sabbathinis caenarent, et an ad hoc peculiare nacti essent a Sede Apostolica Privilegium. Impudicum, interrogare Godeni neptim, num cum Hillo totis illis noctibus concubuisset. Idem Scroggius, cum audisset pecuniam in defuncti sacculis aliaque preciosa reperta, dixit: "Papistae credunt Furtum esse Peccatum; non item homicidi urn. " Reis uni versim ai t : "Vobis non licet aliter aut loqui, aut sentire, quam placet sacerdoti; iste vobis ejusmodi facinora suggerit, et diabolus illi"; iterum, "libet meis lytaniis, hoc addere: Ab illusione Papismi et Papae tyrannide, lib era nos, Domine. Jugum enim illud +tale est ut,+ gustata libertatis dulcedine, nos nunquam patiemur: et onus, quod nemo feret, nisi jumentum ad onera ferenda natum." Denique," Mirum in modum ex isto homicidio confirmatur Fides conspirationis." Sic vicioso circulo ludebat bonus vir : ex cqnspiratione probans Homicidium, ex hoc Conspirationem. Cum jam tum crederetur, nunc vero luce elarius probatum sit, neutrum extitisse nisi in Oatis et sociorum capitibus et maculatis ab iis chartis. (241) Sententia sequenti die in eos lata, nempe xi feb., ut

* C.fl .=QuiDigest falso. fl. de Testibus=Digest 22, 5, 16-not an accurate quoin common form.

tation.


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Homicidii compertos, quando cum aliorum ingenti dolore Berryus declaravit se in Religione Protestantica educatum, corde fidem illam nunquam ej urasse; et yelle mori Protestantem. Rinc supplicium ad tempus indefinitum dilatum, alii xxi. feb. ad patibulum ducti, ubi RilIus dixit: "Veni ad fatalem supplicii locum, mox tremendo Dei omnipotentis, cuncta scientis tribunali sistendus; ubi spero mihi futurum bono, quod Innocens moriar. Et Deum enim et Angelos et Homines attestor me innocentem esse necis D. Godefredi. Profiteor, ut vixi, ita me mori Catholicum. Dignentur, qui tales sunt, pro me orare. Deus Regi benedicat, et huic miserae genti, nec ab ista mei sanguinis rationem reposcat. Valete omnes in Christo Jesu; in cujus manus spirit urn meum commendo.': Cumque parum orasset, addidit: "Audivi spargi in vulgus, me D. Floido homicidium agnovisse. Id ego pernego." Grinus ait, " Omnes rogo, pro me orent. Quod ad D. Godefridum attinet, an sit mortuus, an vivus, non scio, quia, quod sciam, nunquam in vita mea illum vidi. Si nequam homines adversus me jurare voluerunt, penes me non erat eos impedire. Deus et Regi benedicat et omnibus bonis." Cum que diceret aliquis, eum juridice fuisse condemnatum, subjumut: " Pre cor Deum omnibus ignoscat; Godefridum certe nunquam vidi, quantum ego scio." (242) Berryum aggressi varii Conspirationis confession em ab o exprimere conati sunt, impunitate et premiis propositis, si fateretur; sin vero minati mortem. Sed Probitatis quam Fidei tenacior, constanter negavit se quicquam +de ea+ scire. Unde octavo post die, xxviii. feb. socios secutus est, ad supplicii, non item ad premii locum, suspendio, ut illi, necatus. Ultima ejus verba fuerunt: " 0 Domine J esu, ut sum innocens, ita suscipe spiritum." (243) Ita pro Innocentia sua pro que vita pugnarunt, solo bonae conscientiae testimonio freti contra Perjuros Testes, imo contra non modo iniquos, verum etiam infestos Judices; qui cum ex Naturae lege et officio Accusatis favere tenerentur (enim vero alios eis Patronos Jura negant), horum Innocentiam tota Peritiae suae Arte confundere, tota Auctoritatis suae mole opprimere, conati sunt, ut fictitiae Conspirationi color em aliquem inducerent. Sed frustra; nam tres isti Litterarum rudes, et forte [J. 54] analphabeti. Deo opitulante, ita causidicorum solertiam confuderunt, ut vix ulli de Judicii totius iniquitate dubitarint, plerique bonos viros calumniis oppressos miserati sunt. Sic stulta mu.ndi eligit Deus, ut confundat sapientes; et infirma mundi, ut confundat fortes. (244) ApOLOGIAE PRO CATHOLICIS. Cum ubique Catholicorum, sed maxime Societatis, honor lacesseretur, quasi Majestatis comperti essent, inimicis id constanter affirmantibus, nemine contradicente, et hoc ipsum Catholicorum silentium in sequiorem partem a viris minime malis acciperetur pro tacita culpae confessione, tandem pravis rumoribus obviam eundum visum est.


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*

Haque exeunte Februario prodiit Epistola Amstelrodamensis a Gulielmo Morgano Anglice scripta, et i. Martii alia Montensis" gallice a J. Warnero, illa ut Anglis, haec ut exteris gentibus gallicam Linguam callentibus satisfieret. Et veroita satisfecerunt, ut intra duos menses vadis in locis, diverso idiomate decies typis impressa sit posterior, licet praepotens Calvinista cuipiam Principi supplicarit, earn in suis ditionibus edi vetaret, ne cunctis Calvinistis in iis degentibus periculum crearet aperta rerum in Anglia gestarum iniquitas. (245) In iis descripta paucis eorum qui Catholicos accusabant vita, refutata publicis Attestationibus praecipua Oatis mendacia, ostensum incredibile esse, quod Catholici Regi semper fideles, in Carolum de se optime meritum conspirarint. Adeo vero Veritatis a se propositae securi erant Epistolarum Authores, ut cum ad Catholicos non possent, ad horum hostes miserint recta varia exemplaria, per publicum Tabellionem, Shaftesburium nimirum, alios que Superioris Condavis Proceres, ad utrumque Caroli secretarium, +aliosque Carolo a consiliis, + ad inferioris Condavis Oratorem, aliosque praecipuos Senatores, Praetorem Londiniensem, Vice Comites, et Aldermannos, inscriptis cujusque nomine fasciculis, ut aut a persequendis insontibus desisterent, aut ablato vulgari ignorantiae praetextu, essent inexcusabiles.:t Sed nunquam magis clare patuit Augustianae Sententiae Veritas: Homines amare veritatem lucentem; sed non redarguentem. Ubi enim viderunt Catholicorum Innocentiam ita clare assert am, ut quid responderent, non occurreret, ipsi indignari inventos esse, qui Actorum Justitiam suorum in dubium revocarent, aut ab iis approbatam fabulam improbarent; inde frendere dentibus, iurere, debacchari in Catholicos, plebem ciere, Proceres Catholicos captivos adire, extrema illis minari, ni Apologistis Silentium imponerent; non ferendam eorum audaciam clamitare, qui Comitiorum honorem solicitarent totiusque Regni; nec culpam amoliebantur dicendo se insciis Apologias illas scriptas esse et injussu suo, neque penes se hominibus extra Regnum degentibus moderari,

*

A Letter from Amsterdam to a Friend in Paris (no date or place) (B.M. 101, c. 14). , Lettre Escrite de Mons d un Amy d Paris . .. (1679) (B.M. 860, i, 12 (1) ).

:t Shaftesbury sent his copy to the Lords Committee (H.M.C. 11 Rep. App., Pt. II, pp. 97-100). There is also a copy among the Domestic State Papers (C.S.P.D., 1679-80, pp. 86-7). Inside the title-page of his copy of AntiFimbria (B.M. 860, i, 12 (5)) Warner has inserted the following MS. note to show that his efforts to dispel invincible ignorance did not miss their mark: "Domestic Intelligence Dec. 19 . '79. We have an account that a Person of Quality lately received a Packet from Flanders by ye post, from an unknown person, with a blank cover, and two bookes enclosed therein, ye contents whereof were scandalous, and treasonable, vindicating ye Innocency of the five Jesuits lately executed, to ye dishonour of his Majesty's Government, and ye Justice of ye Nation, who are fully satisfied of their guilt: and they particularly inveighed against the King's evidences, especially Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedlow."


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in qU?S nihil imperii haberent; cum reponerent alii, si minus impeno, eerte suasu, id eos facile obtenturos; eas in eorum commodum factas, adeoque ab iis repetendam ration em, si ultra progrederen t ur. (246) Nee deerant e Catholicis, qui nihil contra dici contenderent, sive quod ea ratione Crabrones irritarentur, sive quod infirm as fabulae partes detegendo ad eas novis testibus muniendas dirigerentur Factiosi, sive Dei manum in tota Persecutione videntes, sicut Medici in magnis morbis quiddam Divinum inesse asseverant, Deo proinde relinquebant, quam ipse consciverat, sedare Tempestatem, quasi non liceret etiam in maximos morbos medicamentis pugnare a Deo creatis de terra eum ipsum in finem. [Caeterum visum est Vice-ProvincialiJ* Divinam quidem opem ferventibus precibus implorandam; non tamen negligenda remedia humana. Catholicorum hostes nec veri tat is amore, nec Zelo Religionis, nec boni publici studio moveri, nec homines neque Deum vereri; sola publica infamia et omnium gentium convicio ab insania revocari posse. (247) Erant illae Epistolae unguis in ulcere; nec modus occurrebat eum excutiendi; et velut armamentarium, unde deprompta amentata tela, quibus mendaciorum acies prostrata est. Submissi a Factiosis ali qui Audomarum, Parisios alii, alii Madritum, qui in facta particularia inquirerent. Ubi omnia constare viderunt nec ullum falsi vestigium uspiam apparere, Epistolis nihil unquam responderunt. (248) Allata [LeodiumJ ~ deinde Acta causae in Hillum sociosque institutae; quorum iniquitatem altera Montensi EpistoIa ~ ostendit prioris author, J.W., cui pro corollario addidit: novum non esse, quod filiis Lucis adversarentur filii hujus saeculi, eosve Calumniis ob-[f. 55Jruerent, vellentque ab iis Fortunae vitia et publicas calamitates praestari. Combustae Romae Invidia gravatos primi Saeculi Christian os ; Incendii quo Diocletiani Palatium arsit in eosdem crimen conjectum; captae a Gothis Romae iterum postulatos Christianos; quae videre est apud Taciturn, Tertullianum, Augustinum, aliosque. Sed et Christum

*

There is something wrong with the Cambridge text here. The words sedare Tempestatem are the end of a sentence in the MS., and are followed by a full stop, although the next sentence begins with a small letter. quasi non liceret .... in ftnem is Warner's comment on the last reason given against publishing vindications of the Catholics. The sentence Divinam quidem opem . ... contains Warner's own view of the matter, although he gives no indication that he has finished giving the views of those who disagreed with him. It has therefore seemed advisable to insert" [Caeterum visum est ViceProvinciali] " before Divinam opem. The Had. MS., f. 38v., has " Caeterum v. Provincialis in ssa (=sententia sua ?) perstitit, quod Catholicorum et Regis hostes ab insania non nisi publica infamia et communi generis humani consilio(?) revocari posse viderentur." ~ '[Leodium]' is added from A., to clarify the sense. :I: Seconde Lettre de Mons d un amy d Paris du 20 d'Avril 1679. Ou Factum pour Hil et Grine, deux Catholiques pendus en Angleterre (B.M. 860, i, 12 (3)).


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OF

CATHOLICS

ipsum Laesae Majestatis et Divinae et Humanae accusatum fuisse. Illud vero novum et hactenus inauditum, quod de atrocissimis criminibus accusatis venia daretur confessis, negaretur illa negantibus. Item quod a captivis nihil extra cubiculum suum gestum scientibus, praestari vellent, quicquid etiam extra Ditiones Regis ageretur. (249) Nec huic Epistolae quicquam un quam responderunt Factiosi. Ex his Epistolis illud Lucri factum, ut exteris Catholicorum Innocentia constaret, et plerisque etiam Anglis. Ne tamen concideret plane odium in Catholicos, ex antiquis Hystoriis et aliis regnis collegerunt [Acatholici]* quicquid saevum, quicquid crudele in iis invenire est : Laniena Parisiensis, Albani, saevities in Belgio, Gallorum in Tolosatibus adversus Albigenses, Rogi sub Maria Angliae Regina accensi, quicquid Seditiosi Valdenses a legitimis suis Principibus uspiam passi, in cumulum odiose conjecta, et Catholicis exprobata, futura non futiles tantae molis tibicines: quasi Catholicos omnes non praesentis modo saeculi, verum etiam praeteritorum, in unam massam conflassent, cujus omnia crimina a qualjbet parte praestari deberent; ut, sicut Christus inter suos discipulos meritorum constituit participationem, ita ista Anti-Christi Demeritorum instituerent. His addita quaedam dogmata supremis Potestatibus odiosa, ab aliquibus olim Theologis asserta, paucis modo cognita, plerisque odiosa. Hujusmodi aut gestis aut traditis, justum librum refersit, et in publicum emisit Barrous [sic] Theologiae Protestanticae Doctor Oxoniensis, Pseudo-Episcopus Lincolniensis,:t vir dubiae et in Deum et in Regem fidei, utpote de Judaismo suspectus, quod Botulis nunquam vesci voluerit, et Factiosis in Carolum I. pugnantibus, Carolo II. adversantibus semper adhaeserit, sacramentis, quaecunque rogarentur, dictis, etiamsi varia essent, et inter se pugnantia adversa fronte; tempori semper serviens et praesenti Potentiae adulatus. (250) OATES S.T. DOCTOR. Oates, quo majorem sibi circumdaret authoritatem S.T. Doctoris auctus titulo, Lauream illam in utraque Universitate ambivit; ab utraque repulsam passus, vindictam minatus, titulum sibimet assumpsit, ad alia hoc adjecto mendacio, se Salmanticae creatum Doctorem, licet Salmanticam nunquam adierit, et facultas ilIa maculam sibi injectam, probrumque ex tali homine promo to adhaesurum, eluerit instrumento publico typis edito, ยง omnium illius Facultatis Theologicae chirographis munito, testata nunquam a se visum Oatem; de eo nihil auditum ilIic, nisi ex publica fama, illi adversa.

*

[Acatholici] , is added from A., to clarify the sense. , I.e. Alvae. :t I.e. Thomas Barlow, Bp. of Lincoln 1675-91. The writer of his biography in D.N.B. concurs with Warner's judgement of the man. The work to which Warner is referring is presumably Popery: or the Principles and Positions Approved by the Church of Rome . ... , by T., Ld. Bishop of Lincoln; London, 1679. ยง Printed by L'Estrange in the Observator, vol. i, no. 225. t


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(251) LESTRANGIUS QUALlS. Jam tum apparebant insidiae Carolo Regiminique a Factiosis structae, pr¡a etextu utrumque a Papistarum conatibus defendendi. Hinc in scenam iterum prodiit utriusque vindex acerrimus, Fanaticorum hominum malleus perpetuus et implacabilis hostis, Rogeriu') Lestrangius. Is, antiqua et perillustri familia in Provincia Norfolciae oriundus, Carolo 1. militavit. Cujus mandato instructus, Lin Regis* (oppidum ad maris aestuarium N orfolciam a Lincolniensi Provincia dividens situm) dum occupare conatur, captus ipse, contra Belli jura de capite arcessitus, supplicio adjudicatus est; sed Sententiae diIata ad tempus indefinitum executio, ne exemplum daretur captis a Carolo perniciosum; tandem etiam libertatem adeptus est. In eo ,Mercurius Marte potentior, clarior calamo quam gladio factus; a Natura Ingenium facile et perspicax, longo rerum turbidarum usu Prudentiam maximam sortitus est; unde licet multis scriptis acerrimorum hostiUt]l iram in se provocarit, nemo [ j. 56J tamen aut cujuspiam violatae legis aut Falsi dicam impegerit. Scriptis variis utilissimis sine nomine editis, Carolo II. tum Exuli redituro port us aperuit. Reversum in throno stabilivit, detectis pravis factiosorum studiis, a quibus necessario abstinendum fuit , ubi viderunt quaecunque dicerent in angulis, ab isto vlgauri toti populo. Animi aequabilitate, morum innocentia, familiarum sermonum lepore, cunctis gratus; stilus Anglice castigatissimus et facaetus Lectorum oculos allicit; non temere creditur Regiae auctoritati magis profuisse, quam justus Exercitus. (252) Religionem Protestanticam in Paternis Aedibus cum lacte haustam retinuit etiam in familia Cardinalis Hastiae, in quam in spem conversionis, quae nunquam subsecuta est, admissus inter Nobiles Honorarios. (253) Percellebatur iste periculo a Presbiterianis imminente, cui occurri non posset, nisi disjecta conspirationi Papisticae habita fide; hanc tamen aperte convellere et intutum fore et infructuosum didicerat, exemplo Senatorum, qui earn in dubium vocando sibi multum mali, nihil boni publico, conciverant. Audendum tamen aliquid ratus, lib rum edit +cui titulus + Ulterior Conspirationis Papisticae Detectio,,. ipsi Oati inscriptum, in cujus fere initio haec habet: " Tantum de Conspiratione, quam detulisti, credo, quantum officiosus Regi subditus credere tenetur, quantum ullus mentis compos credere potest, imo, coram Deo Ioquor, quantum tu ipse, Domine Doctor Oates, credis. Caeterum totus orbis nunquam efficere potest ut aut credam, aut me credere dicam, quod nec credo nec credere possum .. . . Subinde velim rem ostendi, prius quam assentiar, ubi creditu perquam difficilis est. Pone aliquem mihi dicere, quod pluat caponibus assatis

*

I.e. King's Lynn. For a full account of L'Estrange's career see George Kitchin's Sir Roger Lestrange (1913). ,. A Further Discovery of the Plot in a lette" to Dr. Tit¡us Oates . .. . 1680 (Wing L. 1251-1255) . G


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larido suffix is , aegre non feret, si suspendam judicium meum, donec aperta fenestra dispiciam, num ita sit." (254) Haec ille. Qua cautela Delatoris perfidiam suggillat, Catholicorum fidem adstruit, insulsam Conspirationis fabulam irridet! Hic unus, cedentibus metu aliis, murum se opposuit pro Regia Authoritate, quam ita defendit, ut Catholicis oblique patrocinaretur, Acatholicus ipse ; adeoque majorem meritus fidem apud Haereticos. Resumptum hujus anni initio calamum necdum deposuit, dum ista scribo,* vir natu grandis sed cui viridis et vegeta senectus nihil abstulit praeter corporis vires et juvenilem fervorem (quo melius carere), cujus jacturam aucta Prudentia compensavit. Etiamnum ei ingenium vividum, memoria tenax, sermo facilis, sale conditus minime mordaci nisi in Regis Regnive hostes. Nunquam quiescere patitur, qui quietem aut privatam Bonorum aut publicam Regni perturb ant. (255) Tacuit iste dum in solos Catholicos debaccharentur Factiosi, Caroli Reverentia, e cujus Aula prima fabulae mentio prodierat. Silentium rupit, ubi ad Anarchiam inducendam gradum fieri vidit. Haec sementis olim copiosam mess em protulit, minori in praesenti fructu jactata, rerum novarum insano studio aures claudente, animos obsedente, ut nihil quam quod cuperent, audirent. (256) Cum reliquam Catholicorum aciem loco motam tam facile cessisse viderunt, aucta audacia in Eboracensem impressionem faciunt; ipsum cor, ipsum caput fuisse conspirationis in necem Caroli; absque illo fuisset, Catholicos tantum facinus nec animo designare nec mente concipere ausuros fuisse; +ab ipso profecta consilia Catholicis utilia, regno perniciosa; icta, ipso Authore, faedera cum Papistis, rejecta cum Protestantibus; auctam potentiam Gallicam vicinis formidabilem, futuram olim exitio, ni mature obviam eatur, amoto Eboracensi + ; frustra de reduviis laborare, ubi caput periculo expositum est; incassum dejici folia, ramos amputari, relictis radice et trunco, un de et prodierant illa et iterum pullulatura forent; Eboracensem loco movendum, jure successionis exuendum, patrio solo pellendum, si salvum Carolum, Salvam R.P., salvam Religionem velint. Haec non in urbis tantum angulis obscure, sed in Aula etiam, audiente Carolo, magna fiducia, maxime instante t empore Parlamenti Sessioni destinato, quo sem- [J. 57Jper audacius furere Factiosi soliti, Regii Ministri illis timidius resistere. (257) EBORACENSIS SOLUM VERTIT. Carolus, quo Senatores haberet pacatiores, rem exposuit Eboracensi; + monuit utriusque interesse, se Tempestati subduceret, in Belgium Hispanicum secederet, illic redituram serenitatem et meliora tempora operiretur;

*

In the Observator L'Estrange was engaged in a public exposure of the plot which culminated in Oates's trial for perjury, and was continued by L ' Estrange in A Brief History of the Times (in three parts), 1687-8 (Wing L. 1203), to which 'VVarner is probably referring here.


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non tamen, ut e regno discederet, imperavit. + Exinde, quod viva voce non poterat, mandatum Regno exeundi misit scripto xxviii. Feb. in haec verba: (258) "J am tibi exposui fusius, cur putem expedire te ad aliquod tempus trans mare versari; sicut autem mihi grave est datam ejusmodi necessitatem, ita certo credas velim, moram illic non majorem futuram, quam et tuum bonum et meum obsequium exigent. In praesenti, propria manu tibi significatum volui, exigere me, in hoc mihi morem geras, idque quam commode fieri poterit citissime. Facile tibi persuadebis, quanto hoc dolore tibi scribam; quam nulla res magis afficit, quam cons tans tua in me amicitia. Spero te ita juste de me sensurum, ut non credas aut absentiam tuam aut ullam aliam rem effecturam, ut minus sim vere et ex corde, Tuus Carolus Rex." (259) Paruit -e vestigio Eboracensis mandato, quantumvis gravi; cumque jam esset ad iter accinctus, invisitur a Carolo; in mutuos amplexus ruunt, et quem linguae dolore impeditae dolorem et tenerrimum affectum exprimere non valent, lachrimae mutuae testantur. (260) Sparsus fuerat antea rumor Monmuthium legitimo matrimonio procreatum fuisse, sed clam et susurris tantum; tunc vero apertius ea de re loqui caeptum, factiosorum viribus et audacia Eboracensis discessu auctis. Carolus ea re + percculsus, + convocatis extra ordinem conciliariis suis Regnique Judicibus, publice falsum esse rumorem ilium declaravit, seque nullam duxisse nisi Catharinam Lusitanam. Hanc declarationem de scripto legit, chirographo suo munivit, jussitque ipsum Authographum in Tabulariis Consilii Sacratioris asservari, eorum etiam qui praesentes aderant veluti Testium manibus subscriptum; ejus vero exemplaria authentica fieri et alibi servari. Hoc iii. Caeterum anna sequenti rumor revixit; Martii factum. dictum insuper extare scriptum a Carolo signatum, fidem faciens Matrimonium aut certe sponsalia ipsum inter et illam mulierem intercessisse. Addita nomina eorum qui illud vidisse [sic], et in cujus custodia esset capsula nigra illud continens, nominatim Gilbertus Gerardus eques auratus. Accitus ipse, fassus est de capsula nigra se aliquid audivisse et scripto ejusmodi; neutrum unquam a se visum, neque scire se unde natus rumor, aut quo fundamento nitatur. Alii de iisdem interrogati eadem reposuerunt : ignotos sibi fabulae Autores, vix notos, qui sparserant. (261) Priorem tum Declarationem Carolus repetiit secundo et tandem tertio (Junii secundo die), quando Deo in Testem invocato, in fide viri Christiani et verbo Regis, protestatus est nec matrimonium neque contractum ullum matrimonialem se inter et Domicellam Waters, sive Barroam (quae duo nomina sibi assumpserat Monmuthi mater), aut ullam faeminam, praeter Reginam superstitem, intercessisse. Jubet Jure agi in contrarium

*

* The declaration was first made privately on 6 Jan. 1678/9.


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*

asserentes. Haec satis esse debebant ad Eboracensis jus in tuto collocandum, ni cum cervicosa gente act urn fuisset, cui certum aliquem habere praetextum ad excludendum Eboracensis + Jus, + alius vero non occurrebat. Plebeculae proinde ilIa adhaesit opinio, quia vera credebatur; Monmuthio, Shaftesburio, et Ministellis Presbiterianis, quia utilis erat. Unde mortuo Carolo, Jacobo Regni habenas tenente, secuta Rebellio, Monmuthii et aliquot aliorum sanguine sopita. De quo infra. (262) PARLAMENTUM. Vi. Martii, Parlamentum novum celebratum; cui Carolus in hunc sensum locutus est: Se nihil magis in votis habere, quam ut ipsius subditorum omnium animi et sibi, et inter se, atque cum externis Protestantibus conciliarentur. Ipsorum (Senatorum, quos nimirum alloquebatur) culpam fore, si desiderio ipsius rerum exitus haud responderet . A se multa jam eum in finem facta : exclusos Parlamento Pro ceres Papistas, supplicium [ j. 58J de variis sumptum cum Conspirationis tum caedis Godefridi reis; in utramque ulterius inquisitum; militem discinctum, quantum per Aerarium licuit; reliquum exauthorandum, ubi huic fuerit prospectum. Et quod plus est, Fratrem a se amandatum, ne qua viris malevolis relinqueretur occasio dicendi aliquem in Aula relictum, qui Papistica consilia suggereret. Visum ex iis, quae fecisset, quam vere et sincere Regni Pacem et Religionis Protestanticae bonum quaereret. Visum iri, num et ipsi illud prae oculis habeant, si sepositis simultatibus privatis tempus in curando bono publico impendant. Se ulterius in Conspiratores et Godefridi percussores inquisiturum; ad quod auxilium poposcit utriusque consessus. Se jussisse summo Jure in Papist as agio Pecuniaria subsidia petiit ad militem exauthorandum, class em exarmandam, et in supplement urn eorum quae vini Gallici prohibitione amittebat, ipsi soli noxia, Gallo utili. Classem necessario parandam iterum, cum vicinae gentes in armis sint; absque qua nec in se tuta, nec exteris formidolosa esset futura Anglia. Se nihil eorum omissurum, quibus et Religio Protestantica et Jura publica sarta tecta serventur. EOl"Um esse et se et regimen suum ab eorum calumniis vindicare, qui utrumque traducerent. Reliqua Cancellario permisit. (263) Is ubi Zelum Caroli pro Religione et Papismi Extirpatione atque supplicia de aliis sumpta retulisset, dixit: Unicam spem Papistis reliquam esse) Parlamentum in remediis modum omnem excessurum, nec moderata et duratura consilia propositurum. Supplicasse Pro ceres Papistas dum nullum celebraretur Parlamentum causam dicere; quod a Carolo negatum, quo ea Solemnior esset eo praesente acta. Carolum eorum vota praevenisse, ablegato a se unico fratre. Inde constare nihil illis negaturum, qui talis fratris solatio eorum causa carere vellet.

*

This declaration is curiously omitted in Steele, though his own copy in B.M. contains a cutting of a letter from the Sunday Times of 14 Sept . 1930 relating to It. See also C.S.P.D., 1679-80, pp. 95 and 502.


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Typographis interdicendum sub gravi paena tot libellorum infamium a Papistis +aliisque Schismaticis+ manantium editionem, ne impune ferant. Reliqua Europa Pace fruente, ociosis exercitibus, periculum Angliae imminere, ideo gravius, quod Aerarium exhaustum militibus et classi impar sit. Parandam in sequentem aestatem classem; ad id pecuniam necessario dandam. Si defendenda Religio, si servandus Caroli honor , extinguendos esse vanos timores, sopiendas simultates, perpetuam Pacem ineundam. Nunc esse tempus et Ecclesiam et Publicam Rem ab hostium utriusque moliminibus asserendi. Pendere ditionum Caroli fata ab eorum consiliis, faelicitatem aut miseriam in multa saecula propagaturis. In eos totam Europam suos conjecisse oculos. Corda primum Deo exin Carolo offerenda, ut Rex sit eorum consiliis tutus, amore dives, armis victor, fide gloriosus, et ipsi vicissim illius regimine Beati. (264) Tum inferioris conclavis Pro ceres monuit, secederent ad eHgendum Oratorem, electum hora tertia vespertina presentarent, petitum a Carolo Electi confirmationem. Electum una voce Odouardum Seimerum,* eodem officio in Superiori Parlamento functum, Carolus confirmare noluit, quod diceret se ejus opera alias uti velIe. Id aegre tulit Conclave inferius, et statuit ratam habendam Electionem suam, earn a nullo rescindi posse. Tenuit ea de re nih iIi contentio octo dies, neutra altercantium parte alteri cedere volente. Cui tandem Carolus finem imposuit, Parlamento ad duos dies prorogato. Ubi notandum duobus modis Parlamenti sessionem suspendi, eo manente: Prorogatione et Adjournatione (quae sunt voces a Jure nostro desumptae). Cum adjournatur, manent omnia in eo deliberata in statu quo prius; cum prorogatur, in irritum mittuntur omnia in ea tractata, nisi quae Rex rata habendo confirmavit, perin de ac si nulla de iis facta fuisset mentio. (265) Ubi con venit iterum, monuit Russellus, Comitis Bedfordiae filius, alium in Oratorem eJigendum, et addidit Gregorium J.P.~ ad id sibi aptum videri. [f. 59J In ejus sententiam reliqui omnes pedibus iverunt, et Carolus ratum habuit. Sic finis huic viIi litigationi impositus. Non tamen revixit spes fructus ex istis Comitiis recipiendi. Quid enim ab iis boni sperari poterat, qui in re nullius momenti et manifesti juris pertinaciter Carolo refragati sunt? Cur suppliciter petitur Electionis confirmatio, si absque ea electio subsistat, aut confirmatio negari nequeat ? Deinde Orationis Caroli, tenerrimi affectus in subditos, summae

*

I.e. Sir Edward Seymour. It is interesting to note that the entries from 6-17 March 1678/9 have not been printed in the folio edition of the Journal of the House of Commons. They may be found, however, in A True Copy of the Journal Book of this last Parliament begun at Westminster the Sixth Day of March 1678/9 .... ; London, MDCLXXX (Wing E. 2748). For another account see H.M.C. 12 Rep. App., Pt. vii, p. 157. ~ Sir William Gregory. He held the post for only a few months, and was then appointed Baron of the Exchequer and knighted (D.N.B.).


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in senatores benevolentiae, prompte iis assentiendi, quantum salva Authoritate Regia fieri posset, voluntatis plenissimae, nulla habita ratio, imo neque mentio facta; cum alias levissimis de causis solemnes ei gratias retulissent. Sed ex eo constabat hominum genere Inferius Conclave, qui Regis humilitate ad superbiam, lenitate ad insolentiam abutuntur; nec norunt nisi fortiori et firma manu prementi cedere. (266) Subinde variis de rebus consultatum; de iis, quae Carolus proposuerat, nulla mentio. xx. Martii in conclave inferius acciti et auditi Tongus, Oates, et Bedlous,* in superius Prancius; et utrobique statutum Danbaeo scribendam Dicam, cujus capita superius data Lib. Ii. (267) DANBAEI CAUSA. Carolus xxii. Martii convocato utroque Conclavi, dixit Danbaeum nihil injussu suo feci sse , adeoque, quae fecerit, ei fraudi esse non debere; se tamen non aegre laturum, si ob querelas de eo sparsas officiis omnibus amoveatur, et declaretur aliorum omnium incapax. Hoc Conclavi Superiori satis esse visum est; non item inferiori, causanti paenas illas non esse Legibus statutas in ejusmodi criminum Reos. Dum ferveret ista inter duo Conclavia contentio, sparsus est rumor Danbeaum criminum omnium gratiam a Carolo plenissimam obtinuisse. Non tamen propterea inchoatam causam deseruere Conclavis Inferioris senatores, sed inquirunt primo, quomodo facta sit et qua forma, secundo, an magno sigillo munita et cujus manu. Qui Carolo a secretis, negarunt se quicquam de ea scire. Cancellarius negavit a se sigillum appensum; se, Carolo jubente, sigillum in mensa reliquisse, quod Carolus propria manu Diplomati addidit, se non observante. (Miseram et miserabilem Caroli conditionem, cujus Ministri nihil, etiam ipso imperante, Parlamento ingratum attentare auderent !) (268) Quaesitum deinde ab iis, num jure subsisteret ea gratia. Vt ut enim necdum negarent in Regis esse potestate, sententia lata, supplicium remittere, non tamen indicta causa Reum judicio subducere; quasi obliti essent seipsos ejusmodi gratias Oati, Bedloo, aliisque et petiisse et impctrasse, et validas esse velIe. Mandatum insuper in Conclavi Inferiori factum, ne quis e Populo A nglicano gratiam Danbaeo factam validam esse dicere auderet aut Jure subsistere; qui contra faxit contra populum A nglicanum facere censetor. (269) Danbaeus, dum haec agerentur, abdiderat sese; tandem semet dedidit, et a Conclavi Superiori captivus in Turrim Londiniensem missus est, ubi frustra desideravit captivitatis taedium Catholicorum concaptivorum consortio levare, ab iis constantissime repudiatus, quem omnium malorum fontem, dolosum Sinonem, arbitrabantur, Jure an injuria nihil dico; alii viderint.

* On 21 March Everard was heard as well.


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xxv. Martii sediti(270) SHAFTESBURII ORATIO SEDITIOSA. osam ad Pro ceres Superioris conc1.avis orationem habuit Shaftes[See translation.] burius. (271) Hic ille magna fiducia praesente Carolo, hujus orationi directe contradicens, contraria illi studia affingens, quos ille metus extinguere conatus fuerat, iterum exsuscitans et immensum augens, adductis quae in Scotia et Hibernia ad Factiosos in officio continendos et pacem servandam veluti servitutis illis in regnis Stabilitae in Anglia designatae argumenta. Nullam Caroli verbis habendam fidem; alia verbis + dicere, + factis alio tendere. Viderunt prudentiores quique frustra fore Caroli conatus ad tollendas suspiciones, qua alii majori labore, feliciori successu, fovebant . (272) CONSILII REGII MUTATIO. Cum crederetur Carolus in Shaftesburium ob effrontem audaciam animadversurus pari paena, eum grandi praemia remuneratus est. Refrixerat quidem spes aliquid boni ab ista factione recipiendi, necdum extincta erat; cui tandem Carolus se totum permisit, toto Consilio Sacratiori exauthorato, aliis in eorum Locum e Presbiterianorum numero surrogatis; quibus Praeses datus ipse Shaftesburius. ~ (273) Nihil tamen ista mutatione effectum; nec iis grata, qui ab officio defecerant, qui, cum Spe totam vorarant Authoritatem Regiam, ejus parte nulla implebantur; nec iis, qui in officio remanserant, qui aegra ferebant Carolum in aliorum se dedidisse Potestatem. (274) CRIMINA CATHOLICIS PROCERIBUS OBJECTA. Paratur Actio in Catholicos Proceres, qui in vinculis erant, cujus haec capita: I. A multis annis excogitatam et promotam proditoriam et execrabilem conspirationem cum intra tum extra Angliam ad mutandum et evertendum ejus antiquum Regimen atque Leges, veram Religionem supprimendam, ejusque Profess ores exterminandos. II. De istis tractatum cum Cardinali Norfo1ciae, Benedictinis, Franciscanis, Dominicanis, J esuitis, aliisque; statuisse Regem deponere, incarcerare, occidere, Regnum et Populum Papae tyrannidi subjicere, bona Protestantium publicare, et inter se dividere. III. Voluisse Monasteria et Abbatias, ob Superstitionem et Idololatriam pridem destructa, restituere, iisque reddere omnia bona, quae ab aliis Jure possidentur. IV. Statuisse nova monasteria erigere, eaque dot are ; et Episcopos Protest antes alios que viros Ecclesiasticos ab officiis et Beneficiis exuere. V. Saepius consultasse de modis regem e medio tollendi, veneno, sclopettis, aut sicis; misisse, qui facinus execrabile patrarent, Windesoriam Sicarios, iisque praemia data. VI. Ad haec perficienda, conscriptos milites, coacta pecuniam, equos,

*

*

Reprinted in Somers Tracts (ed. Sir Walter Scott), viii, 49, though there the date of the speech is given as November, 1678. ~ For the reconstruction of the Privy Council see E. R. Turner, The Privy Council of 1679 (Eng. Rist. Review, vol. 30).


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arma; actum cum Pontifice, Cardinalibus, Nunciis Apostolicis, et externorum Principum ministris, ut eadem aliunde suppeditarentur, ad ciendos tumultus, seditiones, bellum civile, unde miseriae bellorum civilium asseclae regnum totum inundassent. VII. A Papa aut aliis ab eo pendentibus Patentes Litteras obtinuisse, quibus ad maxim as Regni Dignitates promoverentur. VIII. Secretum Sacramento solemniter sumpto atque Juramento sanxisse; obtinuisse in Confessione Absolutionem a mendacio futuro, quo negaturi erant Conspirationem initam, et Perjurio, quo illam negationem erant confirmaturi. IX. Curasse e medio tolli Godefridum, quod ex officio sumpsisset de Conspiratione [J. 61J Informationes. X . Patrato facinore, sparsisse rumores primum eum vivere et uxorem duxisse; deinde reperto cadavere, dixisse eum sibimet manus intulisse. XI. Ista perpetrasse ad tollenda initae Conspirationis indicia, et magistratus alios ab ejus inquisitione deterrendos; hujus item aliorumque facinorum Invidiam in Protest antes avertere, quo Reformatos in Papistarum ditionibus agentes +popularium+ odio exponerent. XII. Horum criminum accusant Powiseum, Staffordum, Petreum, Arundelium, et Bellasisium; idque XIII. a Conclavi Inferiori, suo, et Populi Anglicani nomine. Quod XIV. servat sibi facultatem de aliis eos accusandi, data opportunitate. (275) Diem et illis et Danbaeo decrevit utrumque Conclave, sed in eo assignando discrepatum. A Catholicis ordiri volebat Superius Conclave; Inferius, a Danbaeo; cui Gratiam a Carolo factam, irritam et Jure nullam esse declaravit, et petiit hoc suum Decretum alterius Conclavis consensu confirmari, Episcopos vero suffragio privari, sub praetextu quod de Sanguine ageretur, cujusmodi causarum cognition em Canones Episcopis interdicunt, re vera quod scirent eos secundum Gratiae validitatem vindicias daturos. (276) Altercati etiam de Senescallo, sive Praeside Parium, qui de causis dictis cognituri erant. Hunc a Carolo petendum censebant e Conclavi Superiori Pro ceres ; alii neque petendum neque necessarium esse pugnabant. Sic lites e litibus serebant, contention urn avidi, nulla rerum quas Carolus impense commendarat, et quarum causa convocati fuerant, facta mentione. Datus tandem via Facti a Carolo Seneschallus: Shaftesburius, et ipse et Pro ceres consederunt, de Catholicorum causa cognituri;

*

*

The report of the conference between the Lords and Commons concerning the trials of the Catholic peers is given in H.M.C., 11 Rep. App. , Pt. II, pp. 30-35. Both Lords and Commons agreed that they could legally proceed with the trial, even if the King should refuse to name a Lord High Steward. The Lord Chancellor Finch was appointed by special warrant from Charles as Lord High Steward on 30 Nov. 1680 for Stafford's trial. Warner's reference to Shaftesbury as Steward is obscure, unless it refers to his presidency of the Committee which sat to discuss the general questions of procedure involved by the Lords' Trials. For Finch's appointment as Steward see L.]., xiii , 696 .


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cumque diu sedissent, paratis ad se defendendum Catholicis, nemine ex Inferiori Conclavi, qui hos accusaret, comparente, Curia ludibrio habita soluta est. (277) PAPISTAE REGIS AUTHORITAS CIRCUMSCRIBENDA. Carolus omnes altercandi causas praecisurus, quae ex metu successoris Papistae nasci videbantur, xxx. Aprilis, convocatis totius Parlamenti Senatoribus, per Cancellarium suum edixit: Paratum se ad quaelibet Jura confirmanda, quae ad Religionis Securitatem utHia videbantur. Sibi videri faciendum discrimen Papistae Principis a Protestante, quod illius Auctoritas certis limitibus coerceatur. Cujusmodi sunt quae sequuntur: 1. Ecclesiae Dignitates solis Protestantibus piis et Doctis obveniunto. II. Casu quo Rex rnoriatur, quando Parlamentum non actu sedet, Pro ceres illius quam primum ad conveniendum tenentor; si nullum plane sit, quod ultimo exauthoratum fuit, con venit or sine nova convocatione aut electione. III. Dum Papista regnat, Consiliarii Status et Judices a Parlamento nominantor et mutantor. IV. Item eo casu Eirenarchae, Provinciarum Vice Comites, eorum vices gerentes, Classi Praefecti, a Parlamento instituantor. V. Nihil aliud eo facturum Carolo occurrere, parato quae alii suggesserint audire, modo succedendi Jus ne tangatur. (278) De his Conclave Inferius ne deliberare quidem voluit, sed xi. Maii insidiosum et perfidum Decretum condidit: Casu, quo rex, quod absit, violenta morte e medio tollatur, vindictam sumendam de Papistis. Quo reipsa Impunitas datur cuilibet Protestanti eum percussuro, Exitium Catholicis etiam Innocentibus, et Carolo extrema parantur. Unde non van a conjectura deductum, eos jam tum eum e medio tollere statuisse. Ad leniendam quidem decreti compertae Perfidiae Invidiam in ejus Exemplari Carolo exhibito additum: vis A PAPISTIS illatae vindictam de ISTIS sumendam. Verum Carolo non latuit ea duo verba in Decreto non esse, ne quidem typis edito, Conclavis Inferioris jussu; et ex ejus additione patet ipsos vidisse quorsum spectaret absque iis; ne ignorantiam malignitati praetexerent. Carolus Decreto dissimulato monuit eos periculi Regno irnminentis: class em necdum instructam, elabi tempus illi armandae opportunum; naves bellicas e Mediterraneo reduces prope diem expectari, qui bus numeranda stipendia; Ae!'arium exhaustum solvendo non esse; haec expediri posse, minime neglectis aliis, si tanti momenti esse videantur, ut supersederi non liceret. Caeterum cum se surd is ista can ere videret, [J. 62] Conclave vero Inferius rem magis adhuc ingratam suscepisse, Decretum nempe propositum, quo jus Eboracensis ad Coronam elideretur, xxvii. Maii Parlamentum prorogavit ad xv. Augusti, et subinde alia Edicto dissolvit. (279) Talem habuere finem illa Comitia e solis fere Presbiterianis confiata, quorum causa Carolus nihil non facturus videbatuf, ipsa illius causa nihil. Quinetiam multa mota Regiae


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Potestati plane contraria. 1. Innovata postulatio convocandi militiam ordinariam; quod diserte negatum, ob rationes supradictas. II. Negatam Carolo potestatem irritam faciendi Electionemo Oratoris ab Inferiori Conclavi factam. III . Non minus injurium, negasse praefracte in Regis esse Potestate Reo ante causam dictam criminum gratiam facere; cujus Potestatis plura intra beinnium decreta ipsi a Carolo extorserant, quam alias exhibent duo saecula, etc. Altercationes istae negocia publica remorabantur, non tamen Catholicos sublevabant, cum utraque pars alteram tanquam ipsis faventem odiose criminaretur. Unde altera contentio nata, utra severiores in eos lp.ges rogaret, quo gravem favendi Papistis invidiam effugeret. (280) Reginam in suspicionem Conspirationis vocatam ab Oate et Bedloo supra diximus, nihil obstante constantissima singularis et Heroicae virtutis fama, licet hanc non intenderint Democratico Regimini addicti, ne, Divortio cum ista facto, locus fieret alteri prolem daturae successuram. Nec jam Carolo parcebant maledicae et praecidendae linguae; eum Conspirationis non affinem modo verum etiam Authorem fuisse; in necem quidem suam non consensisse, caeterum et Papistis favisse et Papismo. Sic superbia eorum, qui Deum, quique Regem, Dei Vicarium, et qui Catholicos, Dei domesticos, oderunt, ascendit semper, altiora impetit, ad summum nititur, omnia, maxime suprema proterens, summa imis, Principes Plebeis aequans. (281) PREMIA SACERDOTES CAPIENTIBUS STATUTA. Maxima in sacerdotes, potissimum vero Jesuitas rabies; quos ut comprehenderent, gemino stimulo apparitorum diligentiam excitarunt, Religionis odio et Avaritia. Publico Edicto lxxx. scuta quemlibet sacerdotem intercipienti, cc. J esuitam comprehendenti promissa et quasi tanta praeda nimis vili esset aestimata, paulo post Octingentis scutis J esuitam captum compensandum decernitur. Hinc nihil mirum multos intercept os esse; mirari potius possumus ullum evasisse. (282) GULIELMUS WALLERUS QUALIS. Inter Factioni deditos Eirenarchas Catholicis molestos enituit Gulielmus Wallerus, alterius Gulielmi filius, qui Bellorum Civilium initio contra Carolum 1. Parlamento militaverat, a quo tribus Exercitibus Praefectus, omnes aut ignavia aut rei militaris ignorantia aut infortunio amisit, semper caesus, saepe a copiis longe minoribus. Hinc improsperis armis exutus, sua sibi habere jussus, inglorius mortuus est. Filius, haeres ex Asse, non minus odii in Regem et Catholicos, quam Paternorum bonorum, quae angusta recepit, et discinctus nepos cito dilapidavit, multo contracto aere alieno, hac Persecutione ad Licentiam, licentia ad rapinas, usus est. Credebatur rapta praeda nomina expuncturus, et rei familiaris laxaturus angustias; sed nulla nomina delevit, et fere cunctam sibi retinuit. Is est, quem retuli ad centesimum ab Urbe lapidem

*;

* Cf.

Steele 3698, 3700, 3719 et al.


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excurnsse comprehensum Beddingfildum pridem in carcere mortuum, et Londini sepultum. Aliquando ab Oate admonitus in hospitio quodam esse duos J esuitas, eos comprehensurus statim advolat, et Oatem cum duo bus Apparitoribus invenit, eum in carcerem injecta manu statim deducturis, ni solveret DC. scuta, Oati debita, cum praedis ditatus esset solvendo; et solvere maluit quam carcerem subire. Sic caeco ejus Zelo etiam amici ilIuserunt. Hic diu noctuque Catholicorum Aedes circumibat, ut sacerdotes comprehenderet aliosve, quos libebat, injuriae obnoxios. Angulos omnes scrutabatur, arcas perfringebat, omnia sursum deorsum vertebat, ut sacram supellectilem atque vasa sacrosanctae Missae Sacrificio destin at a absportaret; nec rapaces [f. 63J manus effugiebat Supellex argentea, etiam communi mensae deserviens. Sed maxima solertia quaesita Numismata Romana (Medallias appellant) quo nomine designabat quidquid erat Monetae aureae, maxime quas Guineas appellamus (singulae quatuor scutis aestimantur) ; harum quicquid occurebat in Catholicorum loculamentis, in sua transferebat Religiosus Praedo, superstitionis Averruncus, verus Calvinianae ut Doctrinae sectator ita et Pietatis. Pari jure, si quos uniones filo insertos, si armilIas ex Adamantibus auro intertextis invenisset, sibi capiebat, Rosaria sacra vocitans, sive coronas, fundendis superstitiosis precibus destinatas. Ubi et suppellex preciosa et opima praeda obvenerat, earn justo precio redimendi parata pecunia aurea Catholicis permittebat; si quid vile aut parvi pretii, constructo rogo in foris et compitis cremabat, ut populum tali spectaculo sibi devinciret. Auditus aliquoties gloriari (cum horrore refero) se Christum i n Ejjigie combussisse. Summo furore debacchatus est in Catholicos, modestioribus quibusque etiam Acatholicis gravis, donec redeunte paulatim Populo sana mente, ne Furti arcesseretur, solum vertit, Bremae primum exceptus, et amplo officio donatus, spe per ilium alliciendi eo multos Opifices Anglos. Verum cum viderent Bremenses eum multa polliceri, nihil praestare posse, inde pulsus, serenissimos Duces Luneburgii~ adiit; a quibus etiam rejectus, velut alter Cain, vagus et profugus terram circumit dissimulata Persona, ut ei videtur, sola sui ignorantia tutus; quia semper praesumit saeva conscientia perturbata, et ]ugit imp ius , nemine persequente. Exilii solatium habet praedam Catholicis ereptam, paenam vero conscientiae vermem, quem non Calvini fides justificans, sed sin cera Paenitentia facta Restitutione + interficiet. + ~ (283) Portus omnes, quae Portae sunt Regni, vigilantissime observabant Vigiles adventantes sagaciter explorabant, ne

*;

* For 'Luneburgii'

A reads 'Brunswicenses.' Waller was made a burgher of Amsterdam, and in 1683 became Governor of Bremen. He returned to England at the Revolution with William of Orange, but William would give him no employment. He died July 1699. (D.N.B.) Cf. Warner's letter to Cardinal Howard, printed in Introduction. ~

*


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quis in Insulam sacerdos penetraret; singulis Juramenta famosa exhibebant; ea repudiantes carcere c1audebant, donec aut vades dedissent, aut alias illis facerent satis. (284) RICHARDI LACAEI MORS. In horum manus incidit Richardus Lacaeus S.]., vero nomine Prince dictus. Is Catholicis ortus Parentibus Oxonii, ea humilitate enituit, ut licet omnium judicio magnos in altioribus studiis faceret progressus, identidem tamen a Provinciali petierit in album Coadjutorum Temporalium referri. Factus sacerdos in Angliam missus est, cum instaret ista Persecutio; cui magis aliorum hortatu, quo ad meliora se tempora servaret, quam propria sponte cessit, Audomarum reversus. Illi.c orto scrupulo oves sibi creditas instantibus undique lupis non recte a se deseri, nec expectato neque petito ViceProvincialis consensu (quem negatum iri certo sciebat), quod a P. Provinciali illi assignata esset statio, quam ipse solus mutare posset, in Angliam rediit, et Doroberniae oblatum Fidelitatis Juramentum rejiciens, custodiae committitur; inde Londinum missus +ibique ab Oate conspirationis accusatus+ carceri mancipatur; in quo non hominum modo alloquio, sed etiam Iucis beneficio, totis quinque mensibus caruit. Hic inedia, squalore, paedore, aliisque aerumnis contract a febris Lethalis; nec medicus admissus, obstante Shaftesburio, donec esset de Aegro conc1amatum. Is cum aegrum ad medicinam +seram ideoque nihil profuturam+ hauriendam inducere nullo modo posset, tandem jussit exhauriret [j. 64J ad sanitatem Regis. Aeger e vestigio totam exhausit. Tum Medicus, "fieri non potest," inquit) " ut iste in Regis conspiraverit necem, qui etiam delirus ad propinatam sibi Regis sanitatem tam prompte respondit." Paulo post reddito rationis usu, quem morbi vis impedierat, sacris Ecc1esiae ritibus munitus ~ animam Deo reddidit. (285) FRANCISCI NEVILLI MORS. Hoc eodem anno:!: diem obiit Franciscus Nevillus, emeritus senex, qui XLVII annos in colenda Domini vine a posuerat. Is sibi putavit a Deo dictum, quod Abrahae: Ambula coram me et esto perjectus. Hinc et Deum semper prae cordis oculos habere visus est, et voluntatem suam ejus voluntati subjicere. Orto Conspirationis rumore, ab Apparitoribus quaesitus, in suprema aedium contignatione com-

*

*

Fr. Lacey was stopped at Dover on 15 November 1679, and refused the Oaths (C.S.P.D., 1679, p. 282). Is it merely a coincidence that after John Sergeant had been before the Privy Council on 31 October a warrant was issued on 4: November to John Bradly, messenger, " that as more than prob¡ able information has been received that several Jesuits and other Romish priests are designed from beyond the sea to come speedily into England, to repair forthwith to Dover," and that 11 days later Fr. Lacey was arrested? ~ He was attended in his last moments by Fr. Edward Petre, S.J. (Foley, v, 256 sq.). :!: Fr. Lacey died 11 March 1680 (Foley, ut sup., and Bowler, C.R.S., xxxiv, 288). Fr. Fris. Neville (ve1'e Cotton) died 28 February 1679 (Foley, v. 872 sq.). By" hoc eodem anno" Fr. \Varner refers to 1679, the year of Fr. Lacey's capture.


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prehensus, ea violentia inde per gradus detractus, ut deliquium passus sit. Hinc illis metu diffugientibus, ne homicidii arcesserentur, ad se rediit quidem, non tamen diu superstes fuit. Nam accedente ad gravem senectutem, et quos ista morbos invexerat, i1la violent a concussatione, placidissime ut vixerat ita mortuus est, anna Aetatis suae LXXXIV. , Professionis quatuor votorum XLVII. (286) CERTAMEN P. PROVINCIALIS, ET QUATUOR SOCIORUM. Sitis sanguinis Catholicorum tot Innocentium caede satiari quidem poterat; at Presbiterianorum magis irritata est. Quam ut sedarent, ad macellum, Scroggio disponente, +xiii Junii+ quinque simul producti e Societate sacerdotes: Thomas nimirum Harcottus Provincialis, Gulielmus Waringus, Antonius Turnerus, J oannes Fenwickius et J oannes Gavanus. Fenwickium primus turbo involverat, et e cubiculo, e lecto extract urn, in tetrum carceris specum abdiderat. Harcottum tum an imam aegre trahentem offendit Oates, custodibusque sepsit, donec xxx. Novembris, ubi parum convaluisset, inter plebis insanientis clamores et convicia delatus est ad carcerem, ubi manicis pedicisque onustus asperam hiemem sine igne transegit. Waringus, Londiniensis Collegii Rector, aliis omnibus, ut discederent, author, ipse mansit, ut captivis pro virili necessaria curaret, exeunt hieme, auxit capitivorum numerum. Turnerus ultro sese dediderat, se et sacerdotem et J esuitam coram Eirenarcha ultro professus. Gavanum facundis concionibus notissimum; jusserant ejus Superiores Tempestati se subducere; cumque Londini navem expectaret, illic Peregrinationem absolvit, in carcerem conjectus. (287) Harcottus et Fenwickius eo Juris remedio uti voluerunt, quo statuitur, neminem de eodem crimine bis accusandum. Contra jus factum, ut qui pridem litem contestati erant, nec comperti criminum, de quibus accusabantur, iter urn carceri manciparentur. Bedloum in eodem loco coram iisdem judicibus asseruisse se illos vix nosse, nullius culpae, quod sciret, reos esse, idque sub Juramento; +adeoque eum saltern ad testimonium ferendum admittendum non esse. + Bedlous respondit ea se tunc dixisse, quod e re sua esset; nunc alia audituros. Ubi Actores causam exposuissent suo more, tragice, Primus testis datus Oates, qui fabulae suae telam orsus, dixit: 1. Harcottum, recens factum Privincialem, imperasse Coniero in festo S. Thomae Cantuariensis concionem haberet contra Juramentum Fidelitatis (quod erat +a vero alienum,+ tum quia nec verbum est in tota illa concione de Juramento ilIo, tum quia uno fere mense post concionem illam habitam, Provincialis renul1ciatus, quod ostensum alibi). II. Convocasse Congregationem mense Aprilis, cui ipse

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Since Challoner, the usage has become established of using the names Whitebread for the Provincial and Harcourt for the Superior of the London District. Harcourt's real name was Barrow, and he also used at some time the name Waring, perhaps to avoid confusion with the Provincial.


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interfuisset, ubi actum de Carolo occidendo. (Et hoc falsi compertum, ut supra dixi.) Eidem interfuisse Waringum, Turnerum, et Fenwickium, et ejus Actis subscripsisse. Gavanum ea suo Chyrographo munivisse, licet an adfuerit nesciret. (Et hoc falsi certum, cum solus Provincialis Actis subscribat; Fenwickius vero interesse non poterat, qui nec professus erat quatuor votorum, nec ullius Collegii Rector. Postea re Juridice examinata, patuit Oatem toto ilio mense fuisse Audomari.) Et aderant xiv. adolescentes Audomarensis seminarii convictores, qui id testati sunt nihil crediturae coronae, ad eo praejudiciis obcaecati erant adversus Papistas. + Alii Leodio acciti, qui alia ipsius Perjuria confutarent, sed incassum omnia. + Aderant etiam qui Oa-[j. 65Jtem in variis testimoniis a se alias dictis contradixisse +et suo testimonio et Actis publicis a Scroggio vulgatis ostenderunt+; sed nec hi auditi, quod diceret Scroggius se de iis tantum cogniturum, quae Oates tunc diceret; Oatem ad alibi dicta etiam sub J uramento non teneri respondere; nullam deberi Iibris vulgatis fidem, quia falli possunt typographi. Turnerus et Gavanus dixerunt Oatem ad eos accersitum, negasse se eos cognoscere. Oate dicente id verum esse quia non cognoscebat eos ob adscititium capillitium, ostendit Turnerus se nunquam ejusmodi capiliitio usum. Varia dixit alia ejusdem plane farinae, id est aperte falsa. (288) Accessit deinde Dugdallus, qui dixit Rarcottum epistola ad Everium data et ipsius et aliorum Jesuitarum manu signata jussisse, viros conquireret manu promptos, vitae suae prodigos, qui Carolum trucidarent; nobiles an ignobiles, nihil referre. Se cum J esuitis saepe consultasse ea de reo Se +vidisse+ scripta eo die quo videri desiit Godefridus, haec verba ab Rarcotto ad Everium : " Rodie occisus est Godefridus." Exercitum adfuturum e vicinis regionibus, saepius a se auditum; collectam a Gavano magnam pecuniae vim ad eum alendum; semet eum in finem mille ducenta scuta dedisse, addixisse alia quadringenta. Gavanus conscientia sua et veritate fiduciam dantibus ei dixit: " Respice me, sodes, fixis oculis dum ista verba pronuncias." Quae verba ita hominem + Perjurii sui et 1nnocentiae Gavani juxta conscium + sideravunt, ut nec hiscere nec oculos attollere posset, sed attonito similis haereret. Unde Judicum unus Gavanum increpuit, dicendo: " Non permittet Curia Regiis Testibus miniteris." Bone Deus! quae in illis verbis minae? Quid damni facere poterant viri imbelles, non inermes tantum, sed insuper manicis pedicisque vincti, et catenis onusti, viro robusto, expedito, et armato, satellitibus et infesta aliis plebe stipato ? (289) Prancius successit, qui deposuit Waringum + dixisse, + cum precium solvisset statuae argenteae in Marilandiam, quae Lusitanis paret, mittendae, Carolum brevi e medio tollendum. 1nterrogavit + Waringus,+ " Quando hoc tibi dixi ?" Reposuit alter: "Quando precium solvisti quatuor candelabrorum."


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Unde mirati omne , et quomodo Marilandia, Anglorum colonia non ignobilis, in Lusitanorum migrarit Potestatem, quaque metamorphosi statua unica in quatuor candelabra mutata fuerit. (290) Bedlous evocatus dixit: Harcottum de Caroli nece locutum; scripsisse ut cum Wakemanno, de danda medicata potione convenirent; egisse de premio Grovio et Pickeringo, de quibus supra, dando. Waringum dedisse sicarijs Carolum Windesoriam secutis ducenta quadraginta scuta, &c. (291) Frustra fuit Reis anteactae vitae criminis minimi purae allegare Innocentiam, cunctis, quibus ipsi noti, contestatam; frustra suorum necessariorum perpetuam in turbis civilibus fidem; frustra pugnantia Testium verba ostendere, unde irrefragibiliter ,constabat Perjuros esse; frustra dicere : tanti apparatus nullum indicium praeter mera Testium verba, nusquam inventos milites, nus quam arma, equos, pecuniam, imo nec un am Epistolam, nec Epistolium, licet tam frequentes se vidisse assererent illi; +frustra Testium Regiorum improbos mores fiagitiosam et infamem vitam, exhibere; + frustra tempus et locum allegare, ubi fuissent, quando fingebantur Londini fuisse, (et ad id accersiti testes omni exceptione majores); frustra dicere, non apparere quem in finem Carolo de se, de Religione optime merito struerent insidias sibimet suaeque Religioni nocituras; quia surdis ista dicebantur, et Har;cottus vere dixerat ante quam Judicio sisteretur, nec Angelum de caelo fidem I nnocentiae suae facturum, si adesset; sanguinem suum sociorumque peti, nee quieturos donec hausissent. Scroggius, quo certior esset Patrum condemnatio, ut duodecim viros jam amentes amplius dementaret, prolixam habuit orationem, qua atrocissime in Catholicos debacchatus est: Papistarum dogmata nota, quibus nedum Haereticos fallere, eum in finem Jurare et Pejerare, sed et occidere etiam Reges ubi a summo Pontifice proscripti sunt, [ j. 66J Jus et fas est, imo necessarium, pium et meritorium, ubi jusserit Papa. Accersitis pro Reis Testibus, nullam deberi fidem, potissimum Seminariorum Alumnis, quos ipsorum Praeceptores ea doctrina dement assent. Testibus Regiis in tali causa majorem habendam fidem, quo magis improbi ac fiagitiis cooperti videntur. Reos egregios se ostendere sophistas, dum Accusationis omissa substantia, circumstantias impugnant, quae non sunt objectum juramenti; de loco, scilicet, et tempore movent Litem, se alibi fuisse quando dicuntur in Regem conspirasse. Quid hoc ad rem, qua de agitur ? Conjurasse vere potuerunt, licet alibi fuerint, et Parricidii Accusatio subsistere, licet constet alibi extitisse. Porro Parricidium et conspiratio sola est id quod juratur. Proinde licet Oates dicatur falsus in aliquibus, aut mendax atque perjurus, non in de sequetur ei nec in aliis fidem habendam. (Quis unquam aliquid ejusmodi audivit, non sufficere scilicet ad purgandum Petrum homicidii Pauli, i. Junii Parisiis occisi, ostendere Petrum eo ipso temporis momento fuisse Romae?) Papistas Protestantium omnium sanguinem sitire,


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Regium juxta ac Plebeium haUl"ire paratos. Godefridi caedem tragice retulit. Cum diceret Waringus, tametsi vere fuisset ab aliquibus Papistis occisus, id ad se sociosque nihil attinere, qui ejus rei nequidem accusati fuissent, solita ferocia respondit Scroggius et illos et omnes Papist as alios illo facinore reos peragi; fuisse Papistas, qui Godefridum occiderunt; esse Papist as qui pro Tribunali starent; quod aliqui in Godefridum patrarunt, id in quemlibet Protestantem paratos alios omnes facere, si vires adessent. Eo facinore totam gentem Protestanticam in effigie trucidatam; patefacta horrenda consilia; confirmatam totam Conspirationem. N otum, quid Papistarum Concilia, quid Pontificum Romanorum edict a in Principes Haereticos decernant. Papistis nullum relinqui Judicii proprii us urn ; obedientiam caecam ab iis exigi. Tandem Duodecimviros alloquens, hoc Epiphonemate totam clausit Orationem: "Vobis judicium de his homicidis permitto: quos nisi Reos pronuncietis, vos omnes homicidos arbitrabor." Desideratur ista periodus ultima in vulgatis causae Actis; edita tamen est, ex testium, qui aderant, fide dignissimorum relatione, ab aliquo, qui Eboracensem Bruxel1as secutus fuerat, in notis ad ea Acta editis, recenti rei memoria; et consequi videtur ex verbis anterioribus, quae Acta vulgata continent; nec unquam Scroggius aut ullus alius notarum Authori Falsi dicam earn ob rem impegit. (292) Toto Actionis tempore confusissima erant omnia, adeo furente concione, ut nec manibus temperarit; in discrimen adducti Catholici Testes, a plebe discerpti fuissent Audomaro accersiti Adolescentes, ni Judicum, quorum opem implorarat Illustrissimus Comes de Castlemaine, Reverentia plebem retinuisset. (293) PETRI CARILLI EPISTOLA. Sequenti die, Junii xiv., lata in V. Patres mortis sententia; qua audita, reliqui Gratias egere Deo; Gavanus ait: "Modo Gratia Dei nobis adsit, nihil interest, in Patibulo an alibi moriamur." Actionem totam paucis complexus est Venerabilis P. Petrus Carillus,~ O.B., ex

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I.e. Remarks on the Tryal oj Mr. Ireland, lVIr. Pickering, and .1l1r. Grove, which was Lately Published by Authority . ... Printed in the year 1679 (signed T.A., and dated June 10/20, 1679. Warner's own copy is in U.L.C., A.B., 5,17 (1), Sel. c). On p. 48 the anonymous author quotes Scroggs as saying to the Jury " And now Gentlemen, to your hands we commit these Murtherers, and if you do not find them Guilty, you are all Murtherers," and he comments" This was that Blow, by which his Lordship, like an expert man in his Trade, knockt them All on the Head, leaving only to the Jury to let out their Blood." ~ Fr. Peter Alexius Caryn, O.S.B., 2nd son of John Caryll and his wife Catherine, da. of William, 2nd Lord Petre. Fr. Caryll was subsequently chaplain at West Grinstead (Birt., p . 57). This letter is referred to in Foley, v, 44 (though wrongly ascribed to Fr. Nicholas Blundell, S.J.), and is fully reprinted from the original printed version by Fr. Hugh Bowler, O.S.B., in The Month. March 1933, with the correct ascription and a note on Fr. Caryll. Fr. Bowler refers to a French translation of this letter in the Harangues des Cinq Peres . .... (1679) (B.M .â&#x20AC;˘ 860, i, 12 (4Âť. This pamphlet is clearly by Warner hiD).seli. The' Blundell ' letter had already been correctly ascribed


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Illustrissima familia in Sussexia natus, qui toti praesens adfuit, et omnia curiose observavit, epistola ad Catharinam Hallam ejusdem ordinis Cameraci Monialem; qua, relatis quae Testes Regii dixissent, addit [see translation]. (299) Haec et id genus alia pius ille Pater; qui dum Martyres, ut pie credebat, praeconio celebrat, paene martyr evasit. Comprehensus* enim ab Apparitoribus cum hac Epistola, dum illam ad Tabellionum officinam deferret, ad Oatem deductus, ab isto delatus ad Consilium Sacratius, quod Nicolaus Blundellus esset, J esuita, unus e precipuis conspiratoribus, quem saepe viderat sacco pyrobolis ad spargenda incendia paratis ~ pleno onustum, quem frequenter convenerat, et cum eo, uno in lecto saepe dormierat. (300) Haec et id genus alia, solita, id est, maxima, fiducia blaterante Oate, accitur Carillus, et statim a Carolo, Shaftesburio, aliisque agnoscitur (vixerat enim in Aula Reginae Serenissimae a Sacris). Un de Shaftesburius Consilii Praeses, eum interrogavit, a quo tempore Benedictinus in Jesuitam, Carillus in Blundellum mutatus esset. Respondit Carillus: "Ex quo placuit D. Oati mihi personam illam cum Juramento imponere." Captum fuisse doluit Shaftesburius, ex animo ei favens, ob aliquam suam inter et alterius familiam necessitudinem, sive ex vicinitate tantum, sive aliunde ortam; [ j. 68J un de eum Judicio subduxit, quod eum alii subire volebant, ut sua constaret Oati fides, quam tanta ignotum hominem accusandi temeritas affiigebat. I taque sopitis ea de re rumoribus, tandem clam eum libertati et amicis restituit. (301) Patres ad patibulum deductos oratione nostra prosequamur, illic excepturi quae dixerunt. Agmen ducat Harcottus, dignitate primus, cujus memoria in benedictione. Is nobili loco in Essexia natus, anna vitae suae LXI., Religionis XLIV., Professionis quatuor votorum XXVII., Missionis XXXI., metam attigit , post quam et concionibus unctione spiritus plenis et libris editis Catholicos confirm asset, confudisset Haereticos, bravium supernae vocationis, uti pie speratur, accepit. Mortem suam asseveranter multo ante praedixerat ejusque modum; cum medicus eum graviter aegrotantem praedixisset certo moriturum, adeoque Sacrament is quam primum muniendum monuisset, Pater ut potuit clara voce dixit: " Non moriar, expertissime Domine, isto morbo; sed vivam, et in patibulo narrabo opera Domini." Quoties adversa tempestate, dubia valetudine, alios adjutum circumiret, de se solicitis

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to one of the Carylls by Castlemaine in his Comp endium, p. 66, and t o Fr. P eter CaryU himself by Anthony Wood (A. Wood, Life &- times (ed . Clark), ii, 453). The principal references to Fr. Caryll in the Caryll papers at t he B .M. are in MSS. Add. 28277, f. 5, and Add. 28240, f. 99. He was arrested at Lambeth, 23 June 1679. ~ These were the famous " Tewksbury mustard balls." ~ Fr. Caryll was arrested a second time on 8 Nov. 1679 (H. M.C., 11 R ep. App., Pt. II, p . 147).

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dicebat: "Deponite mei curam; mihi in Patibulo, idque pro fide, moriendum est." (302) Eo perductus, in haec verba locutus est [see translation]. (303) Cum eo passus est P . Gulielmus Waringus, aetatis suae anna LXX., Religionis XLVIII., Profession is quatuor votorum XXXIII., Missionis XXXV., quo tempore vineam Domini strenue et sine querela coluit. Erat Collegii Londinensis Rector, quando subiit supplicium. Bonum sen em captum esse doluerunt Consiliarii Regii (licet plecti jusserint, quod esset Jesuita), adeoque petierunt quare saluti suae fuga non consuluisset, num ignoraret periculum sibi imminens. Respondit iste periculi illius cogitationem nihil sibi novi afferre potuisse; quae singulis diebus a xxv. annis sibi recurrerat; mansisse se Londini, quo captivis Patribus pro virili subveniret, aliorum omnium ope destitutis. (304) Patibulo alligatus, his verbis circumfusam plebem allocutus est [see translation]. (309) Gavanus ait [see translation]. (312) Loco ultimo locutus est Fenwickius. Haec fuerunt ejus verba: "Expectatis, opinor, dilecti cives, aliquid dicam de crimine ob quod huc adductus sum, meque vel agnoscam Reum, vel declarem 1nnocentem. Quapropter coram Deo et toto mundo declaro, et Deum test or, me verum dicere, me, perinde ac infantem necdum natum, purum esse criminum, de quibus fui accusatus, voluisse nimirum Regem e medio tollere, praesens Regimen evertere, aut extern am Dominationem introducere. De quibus omnibus nihil plane scio, nisi quae ab Oate ejusque sociis didici, fictae Conspirationis primis et solis Authoribus." Hic a Vice Comite interpellatus est, scire cupienti, numquid de Epistolis inventis deve caede Godefridi dicendum haberet. Cui respondit Fenwickius epistolas sibi prorsus ignotas; se de Godefridi nece nihil scire; si quid in Actione contra se sociosque instituta perperam a Judicibus, Duodecim Viris, Testibusve actum esset, se illis toto corde condonare. (313) Tum prose cut us orationem ait: " Quod vero passim et dicitur et creditur, nullam Romano-Catholicis fidem adhibendam esse, quod Dispensationes habeant ad mentiendum, pejurandum, Reges occidendos, et ejusmodi enormia crimina, ego omnibus id genus Dispensationibus Indulgentiisque simpliciter absoluteque renuncio, simulque declaro per iniquissimam malignamque Calumniam ista Catholicis objici, ej usmodi Doctrinam et nequam praxes toto corde et animo detestantibus et damnantibus. 1nsuper, verbis viri morientis, sicut misericordiam a Deo me inventurum spero, cujus conspectui brevi praesentabor, Actionum totius vitae meae rationem redditurus, iterum declaro, quae dixi omnia vera esse. Spero vero non permissuram Christian am Charitatem, existimetis me hoc ultimo vitae meae actu animam


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meam velie Daemoni aeternisque suppliciis devovere, detestando mendacio ultimum obsignando spiritum." (314) Haec iste, haec alii dixerunt. Typographorum Avaritiae et Populi Curiositati debemus has orationes, typis sequenti die subj ectas. (315) JUDICIA DE QUINQUE PATRIBUS. Nemo miretur, tot adhibitas a Patribus B.M. Contestationes, Protestationes, Pejerationes, Juramenta, Vota, Indulgentiarum Renunciationes, aliquos negasse se crimina Majestatis confess os esse, ab iis Absolutionem petiisse, et [J. 72J id genus alia, a communi Sermone alienissima. Haec ad faciendam fidem visa sunt Catholicis necessaria, Haereticis alias eorum dictis nullam fidem habituris. (316) Horum supplicium omnes cum maerore, multi cum lachrimis spectarunt. Cum iis fere concidit Conspirationis fides. Shaftesburius ipse dixit imprudenter factum, quod tam multi simul essent plexi; sedatos enim Plebis animos nonnisi magno cum labore, diuturno tempore, singulari industria posse iterum commoveri; quod tamen factu necessarium si fructus tot tumultibus expetitos adipisci vellent. (317) Adamus Eliotus, ministellus Protestans, Ecc1esiae Cathedralis Dubliniensis Canonicus, non dubitavit eos Martyres pronunciare, quod mori quam contra Decalogi Legem falsum ferre Testimonium maluissent. Idem eandem ab causam dixerunt varii Protest antes. Eminentissimus S.R.E. Cardinalis Retzius: olim Parisiensis Archiepiscopus, ait, si ea potiretur tunc quam olim habuerat authoritatem, se iis tanquam indubitatis Martyribus evecturum Sacellum. (318) De orationibus ipsis, quin vere fuerint a Patribus pronunciatae nullum potest esse dubium, cum fuerint a Protestantibus exceptae, eorum saepe typis vulgatae, recenti rerum memoria (alioquin istae nobis periissent) in illorum officinis vaenum expositae. Una Editio facta ab Episcopo Lincolniensi, Catholicorum infensissimo hoste; qui ne quis eum causae suae praevaricari censeret, maligna scholia addidit. De quibus paulo post. Unde omnis abest fraudis suspicio, cum eas saltern in nostrum favorem non immutarint Haeretici; nec vero Locus ullus illi datus, quod vixdum elapso auribus verborum sono, istae praelo datae sunt. (319) FIDES MORIENTIBUS HABENDA. Magnam, imo maximam, habere vim ad fidem faciendam, morientium voces etiam nequissimorum, constat apud omnes; licet non perinde viventibus et valentibus habeatur. Dum enim prospera valetudine fruuntur homines et longam sibi vitam pollicentur, dum variis trahuntur studiis, dum Honores, dum opes appetunt, dum de inimicis vindictam sumere, Amicis benefacere conantur, dum praeteritorum

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There can be little doubt that the speeches of the five J esuit F athers produced a strong and favourable impression on their audience. The publication of the speeches by the Whig Press was a major t act ical blunder.


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obliti altiora ¡ semper ambiunt, nulla aut exigua illorum verbis habenda fides; nee enim vere loquuntur ipsi, sed eorum lingua utitur spes, metus, odium, amor, aemulatio, livor, etc.; nee ea dieunt quae revera in ipsorum sunt cordibus, sed quae illic esse eredi velint. Omnia fueus, fraus, mera hystrionica, purae putae larvae. Ast ubi certa, et inevitabilis mors instat, +rerum presentium+ met us fugit, spes evaneseit, amor, odium, ambitio, ira cedunt, larvae cadunt; deponitur persona ad alios decipiendos assumpta ut exinde inutilis, et homo qualis et quis vere in se sit, apparet. In hac vita sinceri nihil, omnia fucis illita; in altera nullus hypoerisi locus : in hac nemini creditur de se loquenti; in altera euilibet de se creditur, quia tantum abest a Voluntate, quantum a Potestate de se mentiendi. Et ista sineeritas cordis possessionem adit, in eonfinio vitae et mortis, quando homo vitam mortalem absolvit, immortalem auspieatur. Nec tantum alios fallit homo in hac vita, sed insuper saepenumero seipsum. Dum enim prae validis Passionibus Amoris aut odii, spei aut metus, si non tollitur omnia, debilitatur tamen Rationis usus, Veritatem cognoscit obseurius, de ea judicat corruptius, earn supprimit diligentius, exponit malignius, clissimulat cautius, impugn at ferventius, odit vehementius. Ast ubi praesentem mortem intuetur, ubi pervenit ad extremum praesentis et initium sequentis vitae, quando versatur, ut utar Gavani verbis, in horizonte Temparis et Aeternitatis, et sicut Janus in Fabulis, Praeterita et Futura respicit simul, Terram, quam deserit, et Caelum aut Infernum, quae adit, Veritatem cognoscit clarius, de ea judicat rectius, earn amat vehementius, exponit sincerius. Hinc audimus multos instante morte occult a crimina confess as esse, quorum agnitionem nec astuti Causidici artificiosis interrogatoriis, nee acerbi carnifices equuleis, fidiculis, membrorumque torturis, extorquere potuerunt. Magna Veritas, et praevalet. Si enim in sola Veritate, omni ope humana destituta, tanta vis fuerit, ut Dugdallum, hominem alioqui audacem et efirontem, perculserit, ut dicente Gavano: " Respice me fixis oculis, si pates, dum ista de me dieis," ille nec hunc respicere, nec verbum amplius proferre potuerit; si, inquam, tanta fuit Veritatis vis, etiam ubi premia ad mentiendum allicerent, Judices invitarent, Populus applauderet, omnes animarent; quanta ejus vis erit, ubi ista transierint et locum cesserint melioribus ? ubi premia mendaciis nulla prostabunt, Populi plausus non audietur, Judex aequus apparebit Deus ipse, Veritas incommutabilis, Perjuriorum maximus osor, acerrimus¡ vindex ? (320) Hinc summa Morientibus fides habita, maxime ubi verba summa verosimilitudine nituntur, ut in praesenti. Reorum enim irreprehensibilis et inculpata vita, testium e contra perditissimi mores, nemini latebant. Testimonia eorum adde secum pugnantia perpetuo. Auxit fidem ipse Patrum aspectus, sedatus animus, [f. 73J vult us serenus, cujus nulla lineamenta mors


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instans mutarat, Orationes firmae, discursus solidi, preces piae; unde spectatores omnes vel siluerunt stupore defixi, vel in Patrum laudes et Judicum Testiumque detestation em ora solverunt. (321) SCRIPTA CONTRA ORATIONES. Qui tamen nec propter Deum, neque propter Regem, neque Justitiae aut Veritatis amore, Fabulam instrui curaverant, eique summa Arte fidem conciliaverant, in tanto rerum cardine non se, non causam quantumvis iniquam, deseruerunt ; sed easdem ob causas, earn instaurare conati sunt, scriptis adversus Patrum Orationes editis. Eorum praecipui fuerunt Tongus et Lincolniensis Episcopus, qui in eas calamos strinxerunt, solita malignitate et furore. Sed sagittae parvulorum factae sunt plagae eorum. Ita quippe vana, ita futilia, ' ita puerilia sunt, quae dicunt, ut miremur a viris doctorali Laurea Theologica donatis ea man are potuisse, ni et cons tans fama et ipsorummet confessio fidem faceret. +Quin et Tongus suum nomen inscripsit scholiis. + Sed quae dixerunt audiamus, et subjectis cuique objectioni responsionibus ad vitandum taedium brevissimis. (322) TONG!. Tongus ait *: I. Facinorosos omnes suam I nnocentiam simili ratione in morte contestari. Responsio: Contrarium quotidian a experientia constat, et tui socii verae Conspirationis comperti earn agnorunt ad patibulum, quam obstinate negarant in Foro. II. Sacerdotes discipulos suos docere, omnia negent, etiam apertissima; Roma didicerunt fraudem istam infernalem et Diabolicam. R: Quis unquam Catholicorum docuit mentiri et pejerare licitum esse? III . Ni ita locuti fuissent, actum fuisset de Proceribus Catholicis captivis, de honore Ordinis ejusque bonis, item de Ordine ipso. R: Num haec tanti apud morientem momenti, ac aeterna animae salus? IV. Mira Papistarum obstinatio! quorum plerique Rei, et tamen soli quatuor crimen agnoscunt. R: Mirabilis vere est Catholicorum constantia, ex conscientiae omnis criminis in Regem purae testimonio nata, in asserenda sua sociorumque Innocentia. Hos Reos esse pronuncias, quia accusati fuerunt. Tamen si accusasse sufficiat, quis erit Innocens? Nec Martyres, nec Apostoli, nec ipse Innocentiae omnis fons et exemplar. Christ us Dominus. Ais quatuor Papist as crimen Majestatis agnovisse; et constat iliorum duos nunquam fuisse Papistas, Oatem et Bedloum, neminem veritatis Amore, sed unum ad vitanda tormenta, reliquos tres ob vilia compendia Delatores egisse. V. Impudentiae est negare Oatem fuisse Landini mense Aprilis MDCLXXVIII. R: Impudentiae est id asserere contra fidem CC hominum, qui cum ino vixerunt Audomari toto ilio mense; quae Veritas publico jam judicio confirmata est. VI. Gavanus ait, Se toto corde Oati et Dugdallo ignoscere ; quod mendacium est, nec scio quomodo id excusari possit. R: Qua Revelatione

*

The New Design of the Papists Detected: or, an Answer to the Last SPeeches of the Five Jesuites lately Executed . ... by Ezrael Tongue, D.D ., London .. . . 1679.


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didicisti Gavanum non toto corde ignovisse, contra ipsius expressa verba? Cum enim de secreto cordis agatur, soli Deo noto, illud nisi ipso revelante cognoscere non potuisti. VII. Gavanus nec facta ipsa, nec ea jure facta fuisse negat, de quibus fuerat accusatus. R: Legantur ipsius verba. Constat ex illis omnia prorsus negasse, quorum fuerat arcessitus. VIII. Non negat Gavanus Papam J'us habere ad Regnum Angliae, neque jus illud in actum reduxisse, neque Regem deposuisse, neque ejus Ditiones Gallo possidendas exposuisse. R: Neque negat Turcam, Chamum Tartarorum, aut Diabolum tale jus habere. Num dices propterea eum istorum jus agnovisse? Si de aliis fuisset accusatus, alia quoque negasset. Nunc vero ilIa solum negare debuit, quae perperam illi fuerant sociisque afficta. IX. Dum de falsitate Accusationum loquitur, I ndulgentiis et A equivocationibus non renunciat. R: Ad paenam libri; legantur tantum ejus verba; ea mendacium istud confutant. X. Res erat summi momenti, Reos suam Innocentiam eo modo testari. R: Si quidem vere erant Innocentes; alioqui omnem salutis obtinendae spem amisissent, quod majoris incomparabillter momenti erato XI. Ecclesia Romana, in omnibus rebus accurata, sicut Pre cum formulam in Breviario et Missali instituit suis sacerdotibus, ita formulam Orationum suis Martyribus praescripsit, quam in morte sequerentur. R : Haec aperta mendacia demonstrant, quis spiritus cor tuum obsideat; tibi magis quam nobis nocen t. XII. Orationes istae in multis [f. 74J conveniunt; unde patet, ex una eademque formula desumptas esse. R: Hoc ostendit omnes de iisdem criminibus accusatos, aeque fuisse Innocentes. Nec Deus e machina accersendus, ut homines varii de iisdem rebus locuturi, un am eandemque Veritatem asserturi, eosdem sensus, aut eadem subinde verba proferant. Haec Tongus, pro domo sua, qui fabulam contexuit, quam defendit. (323) ET LINCOLNIENSIS EPISCOPI. Lincolniensis Episcopi scriptum examinemus. Ait i. N e noceant istae ] esuitarum orationes, eas edo cum Antidoto contra Venenum quo plenae sunt. R: Rem Catholicis fecisti gratissimam, eas edendo; nec enim deinceps aut tu aut tui similes eas negare poterunt, quae tuo etiam testimonio confirmantur. H-inc tibi dicere licet, quod Josephus fratribus suis: Vos cogitastis de me malum; Deus convertit illud in bonum. ii. Omnes Deum testem invocant, negant pravam doctrinam a se doceri, orant pro Rege et seipsis, etc. R: Quid in his omnibus mali, quid veneni? Ubi illos ad mortem canum condemnaveratis, velletis eos canum ins tar illam subire, absque uila Dei mentione, ulla animarum suarum cogitatione? Hoc optaret forsan Diabolus, at non Christianus, non homo mentis compos; et tamen optasse videtur iste Ecclesiae Protestanticae, si Deo placet, Episcopus. iii. Si sincera sint ipsorum Protestationes et Juramenta, habendi sunt A postatae et Desertores Ordinis sui. R: Longe aliam de iis habent opinionem et ipsorum socii

*

* So also A.

Presumably' paginam ' should be read.


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superstites et Orbis Catholicus, qui melius quam tu norunt, quae sit illius Ordinis doctrina. iv. Verus J esuita suo superiori loquenti perinde ac Deo revelanti credit. R: N ullus un quam J esuita ita locutus est. Jesuitae norunt superiores suos homines ess~, qui et falli et fallere possint. Cunctis tamen et spiritualibus et temporalibus parendum esse docent, ubi nihillegi Dei contrarium imperant. Ubi quid tamen jusserint Legi Dei repugnans, sciunt Deo potius quam hominibus obtemperandum esse. v. Tota J esuitarum caelestis Doctrina huc reducitur: non solum licere mentiri, verum etiam M endacium juramento conjirmare. Unde lemma Jesuiticum est : Jura, perjura, secretum prodere noli. R: Cum Antiquo Patre dicere possunt Jesuitae, se Apologias non scribere, sed vivere, adeo totus eorum vitae tenor in Anglia hanc tuam Calumniam refutat; eorum enim aliqui exilio, carceribus alii, alii morte mulctati fuerunt, ob repudiatum Juramentum aliqua falsa continens. Sed admodum imprudens, hoc J esuitis vitium exprobas, quam ab illis alienum, tam tibi proprium atque vernaculum, qui nullum un quam Juramentum rejecisti, modo e re tua esset, quantumvis injustum, quantumvis falsum; aliqua admisisti plane contraria, et adversa fronte pugnantia, seque mutuo interimentia. Quippe tempore motuum civilium saepe translata ab uno in alium summa potestate, cum praesens quisque Tyrannus perpetuam sibi sub juramento Anglorum fidem, cum aliorum omnium, etiam legitimi Principis Exclusione, obstringi vellet, tu, Domine Barloe, tu, in quam, Potentiori semper adulatus, nullum ab ea oblatum Juramentum recusasti, omnia libens admisisti. Nihil ignotum loquor, nec effodio parietes ad detegendas abominationes majores; ista cunctis assentandi pudenda far ilitas in Universitate tua, ea tot a praesente, cunctis plaudentibus, tibi fuit in os palam clarisque verbis exprobata. Quod si ex praeteritis de futuris conjecturam facere liceat (cur autem id non licebit ?), si aut Turca, aut Diabolus, aut qui tibi utroque iUo pejor videtur, Papa, rerum in Anglia potiretur, et Juramentum quo de un que exigeret, illud non esses repudiaturus. Habe proinde tibi bellum illud Priscillianistarum lemma, tibi inquam, cui tam bene convenit, ac Asino Clitellae. vi. In sacris Paganorum nihil tam horrendum occurrit, ac J esuitarum ceremoniae, quibus hominem et sicam consecrant, Regibus e medio tollendis paratos. Hominem in cubiculum separatum inducunt, illic in mensa sic am deponunt, vagina eburnea ignotis characteribus insignita tectam, prope jacente amuleto, quod Agnus Dei vocatur. Tum sicam vagina liberant, aqua benedicta aspergunt, et Rosario ex Coralliis facto involutum homini in manus tradunt, dicentes: Accipe, Fili Dei, gladium J ephte, gladium Samsonis, gladium David, quo caput amputavit Goliae. Vade, macte animo, et Prudentia. Tum jlexis genibus hunc exorcismum obmurmurant: 0 Cherubim et Seraphim, [j. 'is] Throni et Potestates, omnes sancti Angeli, descendite et hoc sacrum vas

*

* Cf. The j esu,it Oath, by Fr. John Gerard, S.J. (C.T.S., 1901), pp. 15, 16.


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aeterna gloria replete. Offerte illi quotidie coronam Beatissimae Virginis !dariae, sanctorumque Patriarcharum et Martyrum; quia ex hinc vester est, nec ad nos amplius spectat. Eum inde ducunt ad altare Jacobo Clementi dicatum, hujus imaginem illi ostendunt, alta voce dicentes: Fortifica, Domine, brachium istud, tuae instrumentum vindictae; exurgant omnes sancti, et sua illi loca cedant. Commentum hominum ipsis daemonibus nequiorum. R: Haec censura justissima est; sed aut te, Illustrissime Domine, aut aliquos tui similes Novi Evangelii precones, antiqui hostes, ferit, e quorum officina mendaciis refertissima prodit. Locum in ista Hystoria nunquam habuissent ejusmodi nugae (si nugas vocare liceat splendida mendacia), ni palam ostenderent qualibus cum hostibus nobis pugnandum fuerit. Enimvero si tam insulsa, tam ab omni veri specie aliena, fingere potuit, et sine pudore nobis exprobare scripto in lucem emisso is, qui Theologiae Doctor est et ad supremam in Ecclesia dignitatem Ecclesiasticam evectus, quo studio fervere, qua bili aestuare, quae mendacia in Angulis fundere censebimus Prophet as minores? vii. Si Jesuitis Catholici patrocinantur, pessimam Causam agunt. R: Non es Judex competens causae Jesuitarum, neque Catholicorum, qui bus bellum indixisti. Incorruptius alii judicant, qui secundum Catholicos vindicias dederunt. viii. Jesuitae Anglia, Gallia, Venetiis, Bohemia, Moravia, Transylvania, Belgio exulant. R: Quid ergo de illis solicitus es? Si haec vera essent, essent J esuitae Misericordia, non odio, nec Invidia digni. ix. Litterae Waringi, tribus horis scriptae post occisum Godefridum, quibus illum e medio sublatum esse retulit, ostendunt quaenam illi fides habenda sit. R: Quare nunquam producta est ilIa Epistola, ut aliquid haberemus ad faciendam fidem praeter nuda nequam hominum verba? Waringus certe et coram Judicibus et ad Patibulum diserte negavit, se ullam ejusmodi Epistolam scripsisse, et ad illam ostendendam provocavit; sed frustra. Si nullam habetis, quare vos habere fingitis? Si habetis nec producitis, causae vestrae praevaricamini. x. Debuissent J esuitae preces omittere pro ] udicibus et T estibus. R. Quid audio? Damnas in iis, quod Inimicis ignorint. quod pro iis orarint, quod Dei legem, quod Evangelium observarint! Haeccine verba, hi sensus, Episcopi, an Christiani, an Judaei, an Turcae, an Daemonis? Damnas in illis Charitatem, quae anima est Evangelii, dum Evangelium purum putum docere te simulas, deque eo gloriaris, licet in sensis tuis, in verbis, in operibus, nihil Evangelii occurrat praeter merum nomen! Haec de ista + Barloi responsione + olim vulgata, ejusque Antidotis (quae longe potiori jure venenum censeri possunt quam Jesuitarum Orationes); quae ad eum pervenisse nullum est dubium, quia Tabellioni publico tradita, ipsi inscripta; a quo nihil responsi retulimus.


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TERTII, FIMBRIAE. Tertius dissimulato nomine A nimin easdem orationes edidit. Patres suam 1nnocentiam asseruisse indignatus, eos ait aequivocis ludere, quia nonnulli Authores aequivocationes aliquando licitas esse docuerunt; aliquos etiam iis usos. Addit aliquos Casuistas homicidia probare. Denique conc1udit, indignurn dictu esse, quod sint qui fidem adhibere malint quinque Perduellibus conspirationem negantibus, quam duobus Parlamentis earn asserentibus. Huic Fimbriae nomen impositum a Responsi ei facti Authore J.W. ob studiorum similitudinem., Fimbria enim in Jus vocavit honestum civem Romanum, quod non totum corpore telum excepisset, ut alter optarat; ita his J esuitis, quod non permisissent cum vita naturali etiam moralem; sive Innocentiae suae farnam, extingui. Osten sum deinde pleraque ex variis Authoribus allata Testimonia falsari, nulla Jesuitas mortuos afficere. Denique probatum, non recte institui comparationem J esuitas inter et Parlamenta, cum haec non fuerint conspirationis Testes, sed Oati de ea testanti fidem habuissent. Haque comparationem institui debere Oatem solum inter et quinque J esuitas: illi, an his adhibenda fides? In quo non difficile Judicium, cum ex una parte stent i. quinque, qui nunquam sciuntur aliquid falsi dixisse; ex altera unus, qui vix unquam dixit aliquid veri; ii. quinque, qui forte nunquam jurarunt, contra unum, qui saepe pejeravit; iii. quinque, qui essent inevitabiliter damnati, si mentirentur, contra unum, qui fame periret, nisi mentiretur; iv. quinque, qui mori quam mentiri maluerunt, contra unum, qui vitam mentiendo sustentabat; [f. 76] v. quinque, qui semper eadem dixerunt, contra unum, qui semper diversa, saepe contraria dixit et juravit; vi. denique, quinque qui nihil nisi verosimile et probabile dicunt, contra unum, qui plurima dixit fabulosa, improbabilia, et non pauca impossibilia. His bene expensis, non difficile dictu est in quam partem inclinanda sit Trutina. (325) QUARTUS, E.C. Quartus eas impugnavit E.C.,:I: Juris Civilis Doctor, qui librum composuit satis magnum ex sententiis quorundam Authorum. Caeterum et huic responsum i. non constare quinque J esuitas un quam vidisse eos Authores; ii. nec eorum dogmata probasse; iii. multo minus constabat eos, eorum sententias in ultimis suis orationibus secutos esse; iv. nulla probabili ratione confici a quoquam Anglo praestari debere, quaecunque vel a Siculo vel ab Hispano scribuntur; adeoque (324)

adversiones

*

* A nimadversions

on the last speeches of the Five Jesuits. London, (Wing A.3199.) , Anti-Fimbria 01' an A11-SWer to the Ani madversions uppon the Last SPeeches of the Five Jesuits . . .. by A.C.E.G. , Permissu Superiorum. MDCLXXIX. :I: Cf. A True Narrative of the Inhumane positions . .. , 1680 (Wing C.6003), and A True and Perfect Narrative of the Inhumane Practices . . . 1680 (Wing C.6002). E.C. has been variously identified as Edward Chamberlayne (author of Anglia Notitin ), or as Edward Cooke of the Middle Temple. 1679.


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nihil probare, quae toto libro continentur. Cum videret ex isto Responso bonus vir primam impressionem male cessisse, alteram parat, edito libro, cui Titulus: Plena et finalis Probatio Conspirationis ex Apocalypsi, ex qua demonstratur, Testimonia Titi Oatis et Gulielmi Bedloi esse Juris Divini. Londini, apud Thomam Simmons ad insignia Principis. Verba, ex quibus hoc nov urn Jus Divinum derivat, habentur Apocal. xi. 3: Dabo duobus Testibus meis, et prophetabunt diebus mille Ducentis Sexaginta, amicti saccis. Haec sacer textus. Hanc Prophetiam necdum impletam esse colligit, ex eo quod necdum cecidit Roma, quae illic Babylon vocatur; implendam jam, quia isti duo Testes Papismum non ex Anglia modo, verum etiam ex tota Europa sunt fugaturi . Fatetur multa falsa a bellis istis Prophetis dicta fuisse; quae contendit nihil eorum authoritati officere, quod ali qua saltern vera dixerint. Quae adeo certa illi visa, ut concluserit solos Atheos de suo dis cursu dubitaturos, qui rejici non potest, nisi dicendo Joannem Apocalypseos Authorem fuisse Impostorem. Haec somniavit vigilans bonus iste E.C., quisquis fuerit, Juris Civilis Doctor; qui nisi melius jus humanum calleat, quam Divinum, ne illi magna facta est gratia, quando Doctorali laurea donatus fuit. (326) Hactenus nihil occurrit quod festinantem remoraretur, aut maerore multum afficeret; si enim affiigebant supplicia, coronae recreabant, et ii in quos agendum erat, hostes professi cum essent et Jesuitarum et Catholicae Romanae Ecclesiae, libere, et quae illos audire, et me dicere, dignum erat, effari potui. Nunc sustinendus est impetus, cum videre incipiam ex altera parte pares aquilas, et pila minantia pilis. Hoc unum malis, quae Societas infracto animo tulit, deesse videbatur, ut etiam ips ius M atris filii pugnarent contra ill am , Deo omnibus modis exercere volente, non ad illius destructionem, quicquid isti designarint, sed ad majus ipsius meritum in hoc mundo, et gloriam in altero. (327) Antequam ulterius pergam, omnes enixe rogo, qui ista lecturi sunt, ne unius crimen in aliorum trahant opprobrium, quorum plerique illud detestati sunt, etiam qui, ob Characteris sacerdotalis dignitatem inamissibilem, alterius personam honore prosequi perrexerunt. Non fuit probrosum Apostolorum Collegio unum habuisse Judam, nec Davidi incaestuosum genuisse Amnonem, aut rebellem Absolonem, nec Jacobo, quod filius ejus Reuben ipsius lectum maculavit, nec Isaaco procreasse :ÂŁilium odio habitum, nec Abrahamo filium ejus domo ejiciendum tulisse. Bonis nihil officit malorum consortium, nisi probrum sibi accersant, malorum facta probando, et ea ratione ea sua faciendo. (328) QUINTUS, JOANNES SERGEANTIUS. Quintus, qui laboranti et evanescenti Conspirationis fidei opem ferre conatus est,

*

* A full and final Proof of the Plot . .. by E.C .... 1680 (Wing C.23).


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*

fuit Joannes Sergeantius, de quo aliqua in fine superioris libri. Is a multis annis ab aliis Catholicis segrex vixerat. Cum enim alii sacerdotes tam secure viverent Londini, excepto vestium discrimine, +ac Romae aut Parisiis,+ ille lucem fugiebat, diverticula quaerebat, jam in Galliam transiens, jam alio se recipiens, ut pericula, quae dicebat sibi imminere, declinaret. Orta vero Persecutione ista, cum alii Sacerdotes etiam e Clero Saeculari, non vano metu territi in latibula se recepissent, iste clara luce, detecta facie, Plateas Londinienses absque metu [ j. 77J terebat., Extra Angliam egisse videtur, quando quinque Patres plexi sunt. Paulo post Lovanium invisit, inde rediit Bruxellas, ubi Illustrissir,num Internuncium invisere nullo modo voluit, tametsi ad id a communi utriusque amico instantissime urgeretur, etiam interposita securitatis sponsione, quod se diceret aut vitae aut certe libertati suae timere, illum si adiret. Inde Gandavum venit, sed nec J esuitas Anglos, illic habentes domicilium, nec Moniales nostrates invisere dignatus est. Causam ipse hominum solus novit. Rollandiam inde petiit, et Raga Comitis rescripsit, falli eos, qui putarant se Delatorem acturum, aut famosam Conspirationem suo Testimonio confirmaturum; ad majora se pergere, quae non ita multo post essent apparitura. :I: Excusatio ista non petita, multis visa est Accusatio manifesta.

*

A. (f. 73) gives the following details, which are mostly reproduced in the account of Sergeant in Book II: "In haeresi educatus oHm Mortoni PseudoEpiscopi Dunelmensis, (qui varia contra Catholicos scripsit opuscula) Amanuensis, ejurata haeresi Catholicae Religioni nomen dedit. Ulissiponem missus ad nostrae gentis Collegium, illic omnibus ordinibus ad sacerdotium usque inclusive initiatus, Phylosophiam docere jussus est: sed brevi post dismissus, quod aliqua singularia traderet, quae Inquisitioni displicere forte possent. In Angliam reversus Thomae Blackloo adhaesit, omnium + (quantum capere poterat) + doctrinae ipsius arcanorum (quae Serenissimus D . Alex. VII damnavit) particeps factus +in Capitulum cleri Anglicani adlectus, illius etiam Secretarius factus, et odii in Soc. J. plusquam Vatiniani haeres ex Asse. + Libros varios adversus Haereseos scripsit non malos, nisi bona, quae continent, et ingenito typho, et quorundam errorum admixtione corrupisset. Qui fuerunt Haereseos accusati ab Archi-Episcopo Dubliniensi, et ipse jussus eosdem explicare, (quod perinde erat, ac eos retractare) ab Aula Romana. Non doctrinam modo; sed etiam odium in Societate a Praeceptore suo hausit." Then follows the account of Sergeant's coming to England with the story about Fr. Gavan. ~ Sergeant, together with several other priests, had been 'protected' by the Government since 1671 (see Appendix). The reason for his excursions abroad, therefore, can hardly have been the threat of persecution in England (as he himself claims in his Autobiography). Hay, p. 137, quotes a letter from Sergeant in London, dated 9 May 1678: "I walk everywhere like a mad fellow that fears nothing" (Blair's Archives). With a government protection to rely on, there was method in Sergeant's madness. :I: But cJ. Fr. John Clare, S.J. (Sir John Warner), to Fr. Warner, Paris, 11 Dec. 1679: "Dr. Gauden (? Godden) received a letter the last post from him (Sergeant) which he writes he is accused by Rookwood and another woman for saying he knew of the Plott, which he declares he knows nothing of, and he fears this accusation will go near to take away his life, notwithstanding his pardon" (Stonyhurst MS., Cardwell II, f. 171).


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(329) Orta hinc magna expectatio, mirum in modum aucta, ubi rescitum Caroli Legatum ad Faederatos Ordines, conscensa navi, Sergeantium secum Londinum deduxisse, et Sacratiori Consilio praesentasse.* Parturiebant montes, natus est ridiculus mus. Notum enim non ita multo post, ips urn Falsi dicam Gavano impegisse ob aliqua verba a Gavano prolata, ut aiebat quaedam faemella Sergeantii Paenitens. ~ Accusatio cum risu excerpta ab aliis, a Carolo cum indignatione rejecta, his verbis: "Vultis potius uni stultae mulierculae fidem adhibeam, quam quinque viris morientibus?" Qui praesentes adfuerunt dum ilIa verba prolata dicuntur, constantissime negarunt ea se audivisse, aut ullam datam eorum occasionem. (330) In Parlamento Oxoniensi, de quo infra, auditus Sergeantius; cui illic imperatum hanc qualem qualem Accusationem publici Juris faceret + (earn infra dabimus ubi ad illud Parlamentum deveniemus) +; quod majori cessit ipsius quam Societatis probro. Creditur alia designasse, nempe primum Societatern, deinde alios Religiosos ordines, ex Anglia pellere; tum certo numero ~ Sacerdotibus Saecularibus, qui Juramentum emitterent , libertatem obtinere, sub certis conditionibus. Adfuit illi

*

Though Sidney, the Ambassador at the Hague, had received permission to return to England on private business, he appears to have been under instructions to bring Sergeant across and to escort him throughout the journey into the Royal presence. Presumably this was to ensure that Charles might interview this new informer before he could get into the hands of the Whig plot-managers, whose representative, College, did indeed make preparations for his reception (C.S.P.D., 1681, p. 483, which Sergeant confirms by his own account in the Blatant Beast). Rumour had been rife for weeks about the arrival of Sergeant with his informations. His tale of the Queen's bed," assassination, and Jesuits, imparted to Sidney on Oct. 13th, was reminiscent of the impudent and highly dangerous attack made by Oates and Bedlow on Queen Catherine in the previous November, which Charles had been able to repel only by the strongest assertion of his own personal initiative. In the meantime, the dismissal of Shaftesbury from the Council and the prorogation of Parliament had disorganised the plans of the opposition, and had made it very difficult for them to deploy the informers, whose use depended largely on the Parliamentary Committees. Cf. Hay, p. 153; B.M. Add . 15643, f. 14, 15; and Diary of Henry Sidney, i, 82, 163-176. ~ Mary Skipwith. She was wife of John Whitehouse, a servant of Lady Howard of Escrick, and seems to have involved her husband in her :financial difficulties (cf. H.M.C., 11 Rep. App., Pt. II, p. 60). ::: Approximately thirty. For this scheme see Warner's letter quoted in I ntroduction and Sergeant's letter of 1680 in C.S.P.D., quoted in Hay, pp. 159162 (the full text should be consulted) . John Bully, in pleading to an indictment for priesthood at the Old Bailey, 13 April 1681 , is reported as saying that since his having taken Orders, he had wrote a Treatise against the Popish Doctrine of Deposing Kings, and that he had convinced about thirty Catholicks of the unlawfulness of that tenet, and had obliged them to take the Oaths" (Bowler, C.R.S., xxxiv, 308). Is the mention of the number thirty merely fort uitous, or was he connected with Sergeant's 9cheme ? <t

<t


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125

*

qui suum quoque Symbolum ad Achates, quidam Mauritius, augendum Accusationum cumulum attulit; cujus Depositio una cum Sergeantii typis edita est. ~ De qui bus infra. Caeterum sive hoc sive aliud quidpiam designarit, haud facile mihi persuaderi patiar eum sua consilia confratribus suis communicasse; longe minus ea illis probasse. Imo mihi persuadeo ipsummet illa damn are , adeoque plane resipuisse. Utinam quam graviter scandalizavit, tam seria et publica Paenitentia satisfaciat! Hoc obiter observo, peticulosum esse Catholicorum quorumlibet .animis odium alterius Catholici, maxime ordinis Religiosi, insinuare. Nisi enim maximam adjunctam habeat animi moderationem, quae cum tanto odio vix invenitur, aut summa adsit Prudentia, quae intra rationis orbitam effrenem animum contineat, fieri vix 'p otest, quin serius ocius monstrum aliquod pariat (si ingenium adsit) quo boni percellantur. (331) Haec de quinque Patrum B.M. orationibus. Eodem quo plexi sunt die, Thomae Armestrongi= (qui Monmuthi et consiliorum particeps et itinerum comes individuus) filia officinam cujusdam Argentarii Catholici adiit. Cumque vidisset solito more labori incumbere, petiit: '''-Cur ,Ihodie non festum celebratis in honorem quinque Martyrum?" Respondit Argentarii filia: " Necdum illum diem celebramus; at ubi Pater tuus eodem die fuerit simili supplicio affectus, tum festum diem agemus." Contigit autem quinto post anno, eadem d.ie recurrente, idem supplicium eodem in loco +istum + subire, ut suo loco Deo juvante dicetur. (332) RICHARDI LANGHORNI CARTAMEN. Haec de quinque Patribus e Societate. Una cum iis sente6tia in Richardum Langhornum pronunciata. Is Juris Anglicani peritus, [f. 78] Catholicae fidei sincerus Professor, ea re Catholicis commendatus, varia eorum negocia curabat, aliqua etiam J esuitarum. Initio fere Persecutionis in carcerem conjectus, xiv Junii ad causam dicendam evocatus est. ยง Testes in eum dati Oates et Bedlous

*

David Morris or Maurice, alias John Campian, came to England from the English College, Rome, in 1655. An entry against his name in the Liber Ruber has been heavily deleted (C.R.S., xl, 42). Like Sergeant, he was elected member of the Chapter, 1677. His name occurs on a Roll of Chaptermen of 1684 (West. Arch., xxxiv, f. 793) as Archdeacon of Northants, Hunts., and Cambs., with the note (deleted) "where he resides unknown ." He was sent for from Flanders by Dr. Tonge in 1680 (Hay, pp. 164-5) and seems to have made more from the secret service funds than Sergeant himself. He died 1703. ~ The Informations of john Sergeant and David M aurice, Gentlemen, relating to the Popish Plot. . .. Reported to the House of Commons, upon Saturday the 26th Day of :March 1681 . . .. London 1681. Described in Dodd (iii, 220) as " a debauch'd bully and bravo, who had forfeited his life and distinguished himself by murdering Mr. Scroop, a considerable gentleman, in the playhouse" (at the opening night of Davenant's Macbeth) . He was outlawed as a Rye House Plotter, captured, and executed without trial by a jury. ยง He was committed on 7 October 1678. For records of commitment and indictment see Bowler, C.R.S., xxxiv, 245 sq., and J effreason, iv, 91.

=


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dixerunt eum Jesuitarum aliorumque Perduellium consilia prava pro virili promovisse; librum habuisse, in quem cuncta J esuitarum consult a referebat; in eodem descriptas Colmanni ad P. de Ia Chaise Epistolas, vidente Bedloo (dum in Langhorni cubiculo cum Colmanno obambularet) eum in ipsius Musaeo scribentem. Hoc non falsum tantum, sed etiam impossibile, patebat, cum in Musaeum ex ejus cubiculo nullus sit prospectus; nec tamen dignati Judices mittere, qui inspicerent, licet vix ccc passibus distaret, +et captivus id enixe peteret. + Oates dixit ad Reum missas Litteras Patentes Generalis J esuitarum, Proceribus distribuendas; hunc illas sibi ostendisse e Pluteo in ipsius Musaeo extractas. Reus ad hoc respondit se nec habere nec un quam habuisse Pluteum in ipsius Musaeo; et varios compellavit praesentes, qui id testarentur. Sed hi non auditi. Petiit Reus a Testibus, numquid Lucri ex istis Testimoniis aut accepissent aut sperarent. Respondit uterque audacter: tantum abesse spem lucri inde recipiendi ex praestito Rei publicae obsequio, ut quisque jam expenderit de suo bis mille octingenta scuta. Hoc iis mirum est visum, qui sciebant Bedloum sex menses continuos in carcere Londini solis eleemosinis victitasse, Oatem vero, ex quo a J esuitis sibi relict us fuisset, veri mendicabuli instar, panem ostiatim mendicasse. Ad probandum Oatem sibimet contradixisse, productum a Reo Instrumentum authenticum, eorum quae deposuerat in Conclavi Superiori Parlamenti; quod legi vetuere Judices. Adduxit Acta in alios Reos, ad idem probandum, ipsorummet J udicum jussu vulgata; sed nullam illis fidem deberi dixerunt iidem Judices. * Magis hinc enituit Rei Innocentia, cujus defendendae praesidia omnia Judices ipsi tanto studio praecludebant. A duodecim viris tamen vindiciis secundum Accusationem datis, Reus renunciatus est, et lata statim in eum mortis sententia; quae tamen non nisi post integrum mensem executioni data est, scilicet xi v J ulii. (333) Interjecto tempore Shaftesburius identidem illum convenit, conjugem et parvas proles opis ipsius indigas exposuit; mortem vitari posse, modo conspirationem agnosceret, quo non solum vitam, sed etiam honores et opes adipisci posset. ~ Cui Reus iterum iterumque protestatus est se de Conspiratione nihil

*

A. adds" Claius, ille senex, qui jurarat Oatem Londini fuisse Aprilis 1678 idem juratus comparuit; sed Carolus Howardus, Ducis Norfolciae frater, convicit eum elTare toto anno; cum Oatem vidisset Aprilis mense 1677 ." ~ Langhorne's wife seems to have lacked a sympathetic understanding of her husband's situation (cj. transcripts of Langhorne's correspondence in the Farm St. Archives). Langhorne did in fact make a " discovery of Jesuits' means" to the Government on 27th June (a copy is among the documents of the Processus de Script?:s in Westminster Archives), but happily we have evidence (see letter from the Hatton Correspondence, quoted in Appendix) in support of Foley's conjecture (Foley, v, 59-60 note) that this was made with the consent of Fr. Whitebread, who realized that Langhorne's knowledge could add little or nothing to the information the Government had already obtained from the other captured documents of the Society.


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CATHOLIC~

prorsus scire. Addidit tam insulse descriptam ad Oate Conspirationis Aream, ut ipse, si tam nequam, tam a Deo derelictus esset, ut vitae suae consulere vellet mendaciis et perjuriis, nihil tamen ei superstruere posset, quod ulli viro mentis compoti faciat satis. (334) Patibulo alligatus Vice-comiti dixit se chartae commisisse quae dicenda haberet, tum quod memoria diffideret, tum quod ei incertum esset num ei danda esset loquendi facultas. Tum chartam ips am legit, ista continentem: [See translation]. (344) Ubi totam praelegerat, chartam tradidit Vice-Comiti. Petivit iste, numquid de Patentibus sciret? Respondit alter, se nihil omnino scire neque credere ullas unquam fuisse. (345) Hanc etiam Langhorni Dec1arationem Typographis Protestantibus accept am ferimus, qui illam ediderunt una cum commentariis rerum, quae ei in carcere contigerant, potissimum ex quo lata in eum est sententia, piis insuper cogitationibus qui bus se ad supplicium Christiane subeundum praeparavit. Extant etiamnum et cum fructu leguntur. (346) OATES NARRATIVAM SECUNDO EDIT. A suppliciorum horrendo spectaculo parum amoveamus oculos, (alia, quae secuta sunt frequentia, postea spectaturos), et ad alia, gravia quidem et illa, sed minus truculent a transferamus. Oates jubente Superiori Conc1avi alteram Narrativae suae editionem ornavit~ (priorem imperfect am fuisse conquestus est), magno Catholicorum juxta ac Presbiterianorum gaudio susceptam. Laetabantur isti in tuto videre damna, quae Papistae ferebantur intulisse, pericula illis impendentia ab iisdem, quibus Oatis opera faeliciter defuncti essent: illis gratum videre simul, quae Catholicis objectarentur: nova deinceps non cudenda men dacia, effusa in hunc alveum eorum sentina. Anguillam, ubi premebatur elabentem se ficulno tenere. His adhaesurum Oatem, quae suo chirographo testatus erat vera esse, quae coram Parlamento solemn iter jure jurando confirmarat, quaeque illius Augusti Senatus authoritate

*

*

See An Account of the Deportment and Last Words of Mr. Richard Langhorne . .. 1679 (Wing A.274), lVIr. Langhom's lVIemoires, with some Meditations and Devotions of his, During his Imprisonment : as also his Petition to His Majesty, and his SPeech at his Execution . .... MDCLXXIX (Wing L.297), and Corker's Remonstrance of Piety and Innocence . ... . 1682 (Wing C.6301) . No printers' names are given. Therefore, though they may have been Protestants, they were clearly not 'official' ¡Whig printers. Whatever their religion, the printers were clearly sympathetic to the Catholic cause. Corker, who prepared Langhorne's Memoires for the press, says there (p. 21) that the Sheriff took Langhorne's speech away from him before he was put on the hurdle, and that therefore Langhorne was able to speak only from memory when addressing the crowd from the scaffold. ~ Cj. the note dated 9 April 1679, prefaced to A True Narrative of the Horrid Plot and Conspiracy of the Popish Par~y ... by Titus Otes, D.D., London. Printed for Thomas Parkhurst and Thomas Cockerill .... MDCLXXIX (Wing 0.59) . Besides the version printed in the Lords Journals, the other printed editions are listed in vYing 0.34 (Wing fails to mention the B.M. copy of this), 0.41, 0.60-61.


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vulgata erant. Verba volare, et quantumvis tenaci memoriae commendata testiumque Proborum assertione probata, effugia patere fugere volentibus, ubi Veritas nec unice nec praecipue quaeritur. At manu scripta, quae tanta authoritate in lucem emissa, neque negari neque mutari possent. Sed 0 fallaces isto tempore Catholicorum spes! Non enim magis ista sua Narrativa se adstringi passus est Oates, quam testimoniis viva voce alibi prolatis, quasi solum ina praestare teneretur, quae quoque die dicebat, de alibi aut tempore dictis iniquum esset ab eo rationem exigere. Haud exiguus tamen inde Catholicis fructus, maxime cum edita fuisset Catholicorum Defensio, Authore ].W., qui Att-[J. 81]estationibus, qua publicis civitatum, qua privatis Particularium fide dignissimorum, qua Argumentis ex rerum natura, Societatis aliarumque Religionum consuetudine ductis, mendacia et Perjuria confutavit; ea tam crebra occurrerunt, ut numerum Apocalypticum Bestiae aequare crederentur; cui pro lemmate praefixit illa Cypriani verba (Epist. Iv.): "Nec nobis ignominiosum est pati quod passus est Christ us, nee vobis gloriosum facere quod fecit Judas." Et tanta mox infamia nostrates apud exteras gentes affJ.avit, ut Anglorum multi se Anglos esse negarent, ne opprobria cogerentur au dire nulla arte refellenda. Nisi qui viderit, nemo facile credet tot tamque crass a mendacia in non magnum librum congest a fuisse; etiam subinde quae nihil causam juvarent, et quae ex ipsomet libro refelluntur. Exempli causa, in Praefatione dicit N arrativam ipsam Carolo datam a Kyrbio xv Augusti; et varia continet mense Septembris sequentis gesta. Item ait eandem coram Godefrido a se jurejurando confirma tam vi. Septembris, et ex Chyrographis Godefridi, Kirbii, Tongi, et ipsius Oatis in Narrativa vulgatis, liquet id non nisi xxvii. Septembris contigisse., Unde non immerito dixit Catholicorum Apologista, tam naturale videri Oati mentiri ac respirare. Narrativa ipsa qua qua respicitur, videtur rudis indigestaque Mendaciorum congeries, quae toto opere sparsa, marinorum instar fiuctuum, qua ventus et aestus rapit, temere ac sine lege feruntur. (347) Nec Caroh ipsius optimi Principis, famae parcit. Solicitat matris ipsius Henriettae Borboniae, pientissimae Heroinae, honorem, qua Caroli natale jus ad coronam in dubium oblique vocaretur. Si quid ipsi, si quid ipsius Parenti Carolo I, utriusque et Monarchiae infensissimi hostes toto bellorum tempore, non ratione sed rabie acti exprobrassent, ea omnia in istud opus con-

*

*

Warner refers to the book in A. as "Catholicorum Vindicias," thus making it clear that he means his Vindication of the English Catholicks, first ed. Antwerp 1680; second ed. , with additions (St. Orner ?). 1680; third ed. (referred to on title-page as the second ed.) (St. Orner?) 1681. The third edition has the quotation from St. Cyprian. , Oates and Tonge did most certainly visit Godfrey on 6 Sept., and swore to some' Narrative,' if not the one printed. Warner also fails to distinguish between the two visits supra, ยง1l0.


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gessit, et securus in populum sparsit, tanquam a J esuitis dicta, qui de iis nihil unquam audierant ante edit am N arrativam; una fidelia duos parietes deal bans; nam J esuitis creabat Invidiam apud Carolum, Caroli minuebat Reverentiam apud Populum. Utrum istorum illi antiquius habuerint, qui eo ut organo utebatur, non difficile Judicium. Enimvero eorum studia statim in libri limine apparent, in ipsa libri dedicatoria ad Carolum epistola. Ubi enim hystorice retulisset a Papistis sublatum e medio J acobum avum veneno, ab iisdem excitata in Carolum parent em bella civilia, ab ipsis carceri mancipatum, damnatum, capite truncatum, ipsos conatos esse hunc etiam Carolum ex infaelici Worcestrensi praelio elapsum comprehendere, &c (quae totidem sunt luculenta mendacia), deposita Hystorici Persona, assumpta Monitoris Caroli, hunc graviter admonet studia Despotici Regiminis deponat; contentus sit juxta leges imperare; Parlamento praesenti se solum permittat; ejus in eum sinceram fidem, sibi (Oati) exploratum, pro qua semet Vadem offert. Imperia summa eum in finem praecipue instituta, ut in eorum subditis vitia supprimant, virtutes promoveant; quod efficaciter fit extra, si intra eorum familias solos bonos tollerent, malos omnes ex eorum convictu et praesenti a faces sere jubeant (Reginam, Eboracensem, et fideles quosque Caroli ministros ista respiciunt); "Cujus officii neglectu Principes, tanquam inutiles, sese deponunt, coram Deo et eorum conscientiis," ait, "qualiscunque coram hominibus et ex jure humano appareat de facto, eorum status et gloria." (348) Haec ipse. Ubi usurp are licet illa Augustini verba: " Qui ad tale tonitru non expergiscitur, nae ille non dormit; sed mortuus est." Quorsum ista tenderent, nemo non videbat. Assertum quidem, licet obscure, Principibus jus divinum, sed sub conditione tantum impossibili neminem improbum ad suam Praesentiam admittendi; alioqui restare solum Jus humanum, quod vel a Parlamento vel etiam a Plebe pendere dicebatur passim; unde Carolo + aliis Principibus+ mere precarium Imperium superesset, idque non amplius duraturum quam populo placebit. Minus in summas Potestates iniquus fuit Wicleffus, mitiusque deliravit, qui personalem ab iis sanctitatem exegit, quod penes ipsos utique est praestare; cujus tamen doctrina jure meritissimo damnata est a Concilio Constantiensi ut Seditiosa et Potestatibus cum Civilibus tum Ecclesiasticis periculosa. Quid de Christo D. dictum est, Oates, qui cum Publicanis et Peccatoribus egit? Qui ad convictum, ad discipulatum, ad Apostolatum, ad mensam etiam Sacram, Proditorem Judam admisit? (349) Carolo, qua [j. 82J erat ingenii perspicacia, ista in oculos incurrentia latere non poterant; ea tamen dissimulavit, sive necdum extincta pecuniae spe, sive ne Plebem jam insanientem in furorem ageret, rebus eo jam progressis, unde non facile regredi neque subito. I


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(350) JOANNIS SMITHAEUS DELATOR ET ROBERT US JENISONUS. Hono'r Regiis testibus habitus, criminum omnium impunita licentia, ampla premia data, magno Catholicorum dolore, omnium scandalo, Joannem Smithaeum in partes traxit. Is Parentibus Haereticis natus, Genevae aliquandiu studuerat. Inde facta Aquis Sextiis in manibus Archiepiscopi loci, Eminentissimi Cardinalis Grimaldi, Haereseos abjuratione, Romam petiit, un de sacerdotio initiatus, in Angliam missus, ~ exceptus hospitio a Joanne Jenisone est, quj tres filios et duos patrueles in Societate habebat, quorum unus J esuitis in ea regione viventibus praeerat. Smithaeus statim haustum vel Genevae vel alibi in Societatem odium ostendit, interdicto omnibus J esuitis illius domus usu, etiam Patroni sui cognato, cui fustuarium minatus, si unquam illos intra parietes occurreret. Paulo post suos etiam confratres e Clero Saeculari exclusit, causatus eos J esuitica doctrina imbutos esse, fortasse jam tum monstrum parturiens, quod majori suo quam aliorum detrimento tandem peperit. Orta siquidem Persecutione, vale Ecclesiae fideique dicto, ad pristinam haeresim, ut canis ad vomitum, rediit, et Patronum suum J oannem reliquamque familiam fere totam secum abduxit; unam ejusdem filiam sacrilegis nuptiis sibi duxit; alia virilis animi virago constans in fide fuit, ejus persuasionibus precibus minis major, non parvo virorum his cedentium probro. Primogenitus Thomas, relicto Fratri suo Roberto successionis jure, pridem Societati nomen dederat, et inter primos carceri mancipatus fuerat. Robertus:I: Jus Anglicanum Londini discens aes alienum sat magnum confiarat; cui Pater, antiquitate familiae et Domus magnificentia quam opibus clarior, parce pecuniam suppetitabat. Huic Smithaeus Author fuit Delatorem ageret; earn expungendorum nominum expeditissimam viam. (351) DIVINA PROVIDENTIA. Mihi istis de rebus identidem cogitanti, semper occurrit singularis Divinae Providentiae istam saevissimam Persecution em in Ecclesiae bonum dirigentis admirabile consilium, quod non primam et fortissimam impressionem in minus solida minus que firma Ecclesiae membra fieri permiserit,

*

*

Cf. The Narrative of Mr. john Smith of Walworth, in the County Palatine of Durham, Gent., . . .. London, 1679. He also wrote No Faith or Credit to be Given to Papists . .. With particular reflections on the perjury of Will., Viscount Stafford . . .. London, 1681. ~ John Smith, vere Portman, son of William Portman of London, entered English College, Rome, 15 April 1673, aged 22. Was made priest 13 April 1675, and left 10 July 1676, before completing his studies, on account of weak eyesight (C.R.S ., xl, 88). :I: For his information concerning the plot see A Narrative of the Depositions of Robert jenison . ... Collected by Charles Chetwind .. . . 1679 (Wing C.3792), The Narrative of Robert jenison of Grays Inn, Esquire . ... 1679 (Wing J .561-562) (this contains a preface very favourable to the secular clergy), and The Information of . ... 1680 (Wing J.559-560). Robert Jenison of St. Andrew's, Holborn, Gentleman, entered into recognizances for good behaviour as a suspected papist on 31 December 1678 (Jeffreason, iv, lll).


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quorum ruina plures traxisset. At vero dum alios tum e Societate J esu, tum e Benedictina familia irrito conatu aggrediuntur, horum constantia et Fortitudine animati alii exilia carceres supplicia in fracto animo tulerunt. (352) Erat Robertus Irelandi (cujus supplicium supra retulimus) cognatus, et eo nomine saepe ilIum invisebat. Un de fiducia illi facta, ipsius Testimonio veluti tibicine fu1ciri posse illam Oatianae fabulae partem, quae maxime ruinam meditabatur, qua dixerat Irelandum Londini fuisse post medium Augusti et initio Septembrjs anna Dom. lVIDCLXXVIII., contra fidem omnium fere nobilium Provinciae Staffordiae; cumque Oates asseruisset quatuor Hibernos sicarios Windesoriam missos ut Carolum oeeiderent, nee eos nominasset, iste quatuor nominavit in jure eondiscipulos suos, ob privatam fortasse aliquam simultatem, quorum unus erat Anglus, omnes Protestantes, et notae in Regem fidelitatis; qui tamen non satis Praesidii in innocentia sua habere se sentientes, solum verterunt, redituri ubi Justitia Tribunalibus restituta esset. Ausus insuper Thomam fratrem suum primogenitum captivum aggredi, eique suadere eonspirationis agnitione earceris sibi portas aperiret; sed ab eo acriter rejectus est. (353) THOMAE JENISON I AD FRATREM EPISTOLA. Juvat huie hystoriae inserere epistolam a Thoma datam, ad Robertum, qua hujus nequitiam severe eastigat, magnitudinem peecati ob oeulos ponit, monet ut resipiseat et serio Paenitentiam agat. Videtur enim lectu digna ob Apostolicum Zelum quem spirat. Data est xi Julii ex carcere Newgate.~ [See translation.] (357) Hane epistolam una cum duabus aliis ab ipsius Matertera:r: et hujus filia datis eundem in fin em, ut Perjurium retraetaret, ipsis etiam eompertum, quae cum Irelando egerant ipsissimo ilIo tempore in Staffordiensi Provincia, quo dietus fuit esse Londini, ipse Robertus typis edidit, Faetiosis suam constantiam venditans, quae talibus arietibus pulsata non cesserat. Ultra progressus, juravit Irelandum sibi Conspirationem in vitam Caroli notam fecisse clare, Thomam fratrem de eadem, sed obscurius, loeutum. [j. 85] Sic curabant isti Babilonem, sed non est sanata. Enimvero Dei, qui suprema veritas est, in eonfirmationem eompertae falsitatis AppelIatio, ex lis videtur in Spiritum Sanctum peceatis, quae nec in hoc saeculo remittuntur nec in futuro. Joannes, utriusque Pater, vir caetera bonus, de se alios aestimans

*

*

I.e. "Mr. Levallyn, Mr. Thomas Brahall, Mr. Karney, three Irishmen, and Mr. James Wilson, being all gentlemen of Gray's Inn" (The Narrative of Robert Jenison, p. 33). Donogh Kearney, son of Michael Kearney of Tipperary, married the Marchioness of Worcester. In January 1682 he volunteered to stand trial to vindicate his innocence of the plot (C.S.P.D., 1682, p. 16). On 22 June 1682 he was tried and acquitted at the King's Bench. No evidence appeared against him; Oates and Jennison were called, but did not appear (C.S.P.D., 1682, p. 261). ~ Printed in The Narrative of Robert Jenison, p. 17. The letter is dated 7 July 1679. :r: I .e. Mrs. Jane Harwell.


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fraudis expertes, in eo peccasse videtur, quod nimium Smithaeo crediderat; detecto errore, huj us Authorem detestatus (quem dicebat familiae suae calamitatem et min am), eum cum propria filia ipsius consorte domo sua pepulit, et paulo post maerore confectus obiit, et condito Testamento quintam scuti partem, Genero filiaeque legavit, ne quid amplius sperarent, Juris Anglicani beneficio, quo liberi in Paterno Testamento penitus omissi certam in familia erciscunda bonorum mobilium partem repetere possunt, quasi solo memoriae defectu relicti, qui nemini fraudi esse debet +(quod et Juri Civili conforme est, ut videre est 2. Instit. t. 13. et t. 18.) + Robertus haereditatem quidem adiit; sed in omnibus Deum sibi adversantem sentiens, non tam minas quam Prophetias expertus quae Thomas scripsit. Cancellarium adiit petitum premia Delatoribus promissa, hoc solum retulit: venalem animam dedecere viros nobiles, quibus sat premii debet esse, Officio suo in publicum defungi. Variarum virginum ambivit conjugium; a singulis repulsam passus cum probro, dicentibus: Nolo nubere Delatori. Mutata rerum scena, cum dicae Perjuris scriberentur, veniam a Carolo ejus criminis supplici libello petiit, quae et fratris Thomae in gratiam non iniquis conditionibus offerebatur; verum cum eas ille accept are detrectaret, ex Anglia Judiciorum instantium metu aufugit, et nunc vagus et erro terras alien as incolit, e tabernaculo suo Wadsworth ejectus: et ejus radix de terra viventium evulsa, + quod praedixerat ei Thomas.+ (358) THOMAE J ENISONII MORS. ~ Iste Evangelicam in Societate Paupertatem Patrimonio pra.eferens, Audomari Humanioribus Litteris, Leodii altioribus insigniter instructus, ante quatuor annos in Angliam missus fuerat; Londini comprehensus et carceri mancipatus, ubi, accedente ad alias aerumnas captivitatis maerore, quod ejus Pater, Frater et una soror a fide defecerant, animam Deo reddidit xxvii Sept. Dum aeger decumberet morti vicinus, fore dixit constanter ut Deus Catholicorum cito misereretur; tempus hoc chronographo signari::: tr I stltIa Vestra Vertet V r In gaVDIVM, aLLeLVIa. Quod statim vulgatum inter Catholicos.

*

*

In 1684. I.e. Walworth . For an account of Fr. Thomas jenison and the jenison family see F oley, v, 614 sq., and 633 sq. Fr. jenison was committed to Newgate on 30 September 1678 (the name of one john Smith appears among those committed with him) and died on 20 September 1679 (Bowler, C.R.S. , xxxiv, 274, and j efireason , iv, 90)-not 27 September, as in Warner and Foley. :: This was the family motto of the Haydocks, and had been inscribed by the martyr George Haydock on the wall of his cell about a hundred years before (Gillow, iii, 210, quoting Corker's R emonstrance of Piety and Inn ocence, p. 104). The explanjition of the chronograph seems to be as follows: (III + VVV + IV + D + IV) + (M + LLL + VI) = 1686. The secret of ~

<

<

>-- - --->

<

>

it is that you must add from the M in both directions. Thus the left-hand bracket equals (6 + 500 + 6 + 15 + 3). Gillow says that Fr. jenison worked out the following translation, which admits of a similar solution: "yoVr sorroVV shaL be MaDe Very IoyfVLL Vnto yoV" (V + V + V + L) + (M + D + VI + V) + (LLVV) = 1686.

<

>

>-->


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(359) JOHANNES SMITHAEUS. Verum fuisse Vaticinium declarat eventus; dum ista scribo anna signato, nimirum MDCLXXXVI, Smithaeus, Jenisonorum Calamitas, ad Apostatiam et sacrilegas nuptias Perjuria addidit, edita Narrativa,* qua probare conatur: i. Doctrinam Papisticam cum Pace publica incompossibilem esse; ii. Statibus Reformatam Religionem amplexis exitiosam esse; iii. Eboracensis conversion em Papistas ad ineundum Conspirationem animasse; iv. quantum in ea progressi fuerint; v. cur Carolum e medio tollere statuerint; vi. jure plexos qui ultimo supplicio fuerunt affecti. Magnum pro Religione prae se fert Zelum, cum qui eum intus et in cute norunt, sciunt [sic] eum Religionem omnem sus que deque habere; et Catholicis Eboraci captivis dixit: (( Si vestra Religio olim praevaleat, ad earn rever¡ tar." Tandem cunctis invisus, etiam socero aliisque domesticis, cum praetensa conjuge in Hiberniam se recepit, ubi professione medicinae, quam nunquam didicit, utriusque vitam aegre sustentat. (360) ROBERTI PUGHI MORS. Contigit hoc anno, incertum quo die,~ preciosa in conspectu Domini mors Roberti Pughi, sacerdotis, U.]. Doctoris. Is in septentrionali Wallia natus, sacerdotio suscepto diu vineam Domini coluit indefessus operarius. Illustrissimo Comiti de Castlemaine comes adhaesit individuus in utraque fortuna. Doctrinam testantur scripta opuscula contra varias haereses, potissimum recens natam Blackloi, cui et viva voce, et libris edit is se murum opposuit pro domo Dei.~ Pectus ei vere Catholicum, omnes Ecclesiae Catholicae filios ut fratres amans et in sinu fovens, maxime vero sacerdotes, absque vestium aut Instituti discrimine, omnes dictitans filios esse ejusdem Patris

* Ct.

§ 350 and note. He was committed to Newgate on 20 November 1678 (under the name of Pugh Vaughan) for being in the city contrary to the proclamation of 30 October 1678, and for refusing to take the oaths. He died there 22 January 1678/9 (Bowler, C.R.S., xxxiv, 210, 227). There is a reference in H.M.C., 11 Rep. App., Pt. II, p. 89, to the seizure of a priest called Pugh in Monmouthshire, on 26 December 1678, but this must refer to Fr. William Charles Pugh (also Philip), O.S.B., who was stationed at Blackbrook, Mon., where he died 17 March 1680 (Birt., p. 54). Robert Pugh had been a Jesuit, but was dismissed the Society for taking up arms and serving as a captain during the Civil War. He was known personally to Wood, who mentions him in Athenae under his accounts of Lewgar and Bates, and who says of him" He was a person of most comely port, well favour'd , and of excellent parts, and therefore he deserved a better end." :I: Thomas White's (als. Blacklow) Grounds of Obedience and Government, 1656, which favoured a Catholic policy of non-resistance to Cromwell, was a considerable obstacle to the policies of the Catholic nobility and gentry who sought for religious toleration as a reward for their support of the Royalist cause (Cf. Cal. Clarendon State Papers, iv, 56). It seems more than probable that Pugh had a considerable share in The Catholique Apology with a Reply to The Answer . ... MDCLXXIV (Wing C.1240-usually attributed to Castlemaine), which deals, inter alia, with this aspect of White's teachings. For a full bibliography of Pugh see Gillow, v, 373. ~


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ejusdemque Matris, Dei et Ecclesiae, omnes eadem studia fovere, Dei gloriam, morum emendationem, animarum salutem . . Hinc ut id facerent humero uno, Zophoniae vocibus hortabatur,* et exemplo praeibat. Contracto in carcere morbo extinct us est. (361) [1. 86] FRAN. GERARDI MORS. Ibidem mortuus etiam Franciscus Gerard, Staffordiensis, ex Antiquissima et Nobilissima Gerardorum de Garswood Lancastrensium genus ducens. Is ubi audivit diem quinque J esuitis dictam, Londinum suapte sponte properavit Oatis aliqua Perjuria confutatum.~ Shaftesburius probe sciens quanti in eo esset momenti, tum ob generis claritatem, tum ob Probitatis notissimae farnam, ut ei os c1auderet, in Conspiratorum album referri curavit. Hinc carceri Newgate mancipatus vir gran dis natu, nec antea prospera valetudine usus, facili contracto morbo, Sacramentis Ecclesiae pie susceptis,:I: obdormivit in Domino. Petierat vivus ad quinque Patrum pedes sepeliri, quod etiam factum. Quam ipsi non licuit Innocentiae Catholicorum asserendae operam impendere, impendit ips ius filius Primogenitus, Illustrissimus Baro Bromleius, cum Perjurii Actio in Oatem instituta est. (362) NICOLAI POSTGATE SUPPLICIUM. Contigit hujus anni mense Augusti gloriosa victoria Nicolai Postgate, sacerdotis e Clero Saeculari, Eboraci. Quando, ubi, quo modo captus fuerit, quorum accusatus, quid responderit, nulla diligentia facta rescire potui. ยง Prolatam in se mortis sententiam magni instar beneficii excepit. Hinc ea audita Judici dixit: "Clarissime Domine, admodum provectae sum aetatis, ut vix spes sit ad unum aut ad summum ad duos annos vitam meam produci posse. Nunc c1aritas tua me ad caelum transmittit via compendiosiori." Auditus, dum in carcerem reduceretur, identidem dicere, "0 insignem virum! 0 egregium virum!" Exinde totus fuit in cogitationibus de Morte et earn secutura Beatitate, Apostoli verba saepe repetens : CuPio dissolvi, et esse cum Christo. Patebat carcer, Praesidis indulgentia, cunctis eum adire cupientibus; omnes ipse latissimis charitatis brachiis complectebatur. Intimam

* Cj. Sophonias (Zephaniah), Chap. III, ver. 9.

~ He appears most frequently in the records as Richard Gerard (or Gerrard). He was imprisoned at Stafford for refusing the Oaths, but was called to London on a warrant from the House of Lords Committee. Information was laid against him by Dugdale on 13 May 1679, and after being examined by the Lords, he was committed to N ewgate on suspicion of treason on 19 May, and thus his evidence for the Lords in the Tower was blocked. He died in Newgate 11 March 1679/80, without ever being arraigned (Foley, v, 49, 434--5; H.M.C., 11 Rep. App., Pt. II, pp. 39, 40; Bowler, C.R.S., xxxiv 288; Cockayne, ed. Vicary Gibbs, v, 637). ~ Administered by Fr. Edward Petre, S.J. (Foley, v, 260). ยง Fr. Postgate was arrested at the house of Matthew Lyth, at Littlebeck, near Whitby, by John Reeves, an exciseman. He was taken to York Castle, examined 9 December 1678, and indicted at York Assizes for priesthood. (See further Foley, v, 757 sq.; Raine, York Depositions (Surtees Soc.), p. 230; and Camm, Forgotten Shrines, p. 284 sq.)


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cum Deo unionem et de Divinis cogitationem sola suspendebant misericordiae opera. Augusti vi. ei nuntiatum supplicii subeundi tempus, quo nihil gratius accidere potuit viro temporalia fastidienti, Aeterna sitienti; et statim gaudii sui participes effecit amicos omnes, notos, et Catholicos in vicinia degentes; qui omnes condicto die tanto numero convenere, ut ad Patibulum progressio Triumphantis quam supplicium subituri similior videretur. Vestes novas, prae fidelium devotione paratas (quo veteres et detritas reciperent) libens admisit, quo ad nuptias Agni cum veste nuptiali intraret. Ad patibulum alligatus, cum longam orationem non permitterent affiictae vires, brevem sed nervosam habuit, qua haereticos ad fidem invitavit, Catholicos ad pi am vitam coh9rtatus est. Deinde implorata B. Virginis omniumque caelitum ope, Deo animam commendavit, carnifici corpus suum permisit. Qui ubi suo functus est officio, Catholici corpus sacrum, vestes alias que reculas magno pretio redempta sibi servarunt. Corpus rheda delatum ad sepu1chrum, Catholicis et Haereticis magno numero funus prosequentibus. "Justorum animae in manu Dei sunt, et non tangit eos tormentum mortis. Visi sunt oculis insipientium mori, et existimata est affiictio exitus illorum, et quod a nobis est iter, exterminium: illi autem sunt in Pace." (363) FRANCISCI LUSONI MORS . Suos etiam habuit et Martyres et Confessores Seraphici Patris B. Francisci familia religiosissima. N am Franciscus Lusonus, in Provincia Staffordiensi nobili stirpe natus, dum haustam Duaci Pietatem in Patria sua aliis communicare studeret, captus et Staffordiae carceri mancipatus, morte assertus est in libertatem filiorum Dei J anuarii ultimo., Vir pectoris candore et morum innocentia cunctis gratus, etiam Fidei hostibus. "Consummatus in brevi, explevit tempora multa." (364) FRANCISCI J ONSONII MARTYRIUM. Idem sacer Ordo martyrem caelo dedit Franciscum J onsonium, vocatum in Ordine Joachimum a S. Anna. Huic vitam dedit Norfo1cia, ~ nobili familia natum [sic], mortem Worcestria. Tempus et causam mortis exponit ipse data ad Provincialem suum Epistola tertio ante supplicium die, in hunc sensum: "Nunc ultimo hoc Religiosae observantiae officio fungor in hac vita. Nam priusquam

*

* He was executed the following day.

, Fr. Francis Levison (or Luson) died 11 February 1680, n.s. (Thaddeus, Franciscans in England, p. 73). Gillow, iv, 200, says that he was committed to Worcester Castle with Fr. Francis Johnson. But there is no positive indication from the letter of Fr. William Levison, which Gillow quotes, that Fr. Francis Levison was actually with Fr. Johnson at Worcester, or that he died there. ~ The entry in the Liber Ruber of the English College, Rome, describes him as 'Lancastrensis.' He was brother to Fr. William Wall, O.S.B., alias Marsh or Marshall (C.R.S., xl, 25 and 35, and Thaddeus, Franciscans in England, p. 70). The family were resident in Lancashire at the time of Fr. Francis Wall's birth, but retained their estates in Norfolk (cf. Camm, Life of Blessed John Wall, D.S.F. (1932)).


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istae pervenerint ad manus tuas, ero in altera. His disces, quod status mei a me ratio postulat, ultimam me petere benedictionem tuam ferventibus votis, meorum etiam defectuum gratiam, quorum reus fui, ex quo beata illa sors mihi contigit, inter filios [f. 8'i] tuos numerari. Peto etiam veniam ab omnibus fratribus meis, quos unquam offendi. Post istum, quo epistolam istam scribo, unicus mihi superest vitae dies. Toto captivitatis tempore non licuit ad te scribere, neque de meo statu et Actione in me instituta certiorem facere; jam cum me solidis novem mensibus sancta Mater Ecclesia tulerit in carcere, earn paratam spero ad me Deo et aeternae luci pariendum. Captus fui uno alterove die post fest urn Conception is B. Virginis, supplicio afficiar Octava Assumptionis. Unde mihi spes, quod me cum prole pia benedicet Virgo Maria. Officiose toto corde saluto Fratres meos omnes et sorores, a quibus iterum veniam precor, et a Seraphico P.S. Francisco. xx Augusti. Humillimus et obsequentissimus filius in ].C. Joachimus a Sta. Anna." (365) Toto captivitatis tempore semper hilaris visus, vultu ipso internum gaudium osten dens, magna Catholicorum aedificatione. Unicum ei crimen objectum, sacerdotium Catholico ritu susceptum. Audita mortis sententia, gratias egit primum Deo, dein et Judici. Secuto ad supplicium usque spacio ferventibus et longis orationibus tum mentalibus tum vocalibus ad mortem se preparavit, frequentibus insuper Amoris Divini actibus. In supplicii loco longam habuit orationem, qua docuit, Divina Ordinatione ad vitam aeternam obtinendam necessarias esse Fidem, Spem atque Charitatem. Earum vim et naturam exposuit; ostendit Fidem unam esse debere, quia Apostolus ait: Unus Deus, una Fides, unum Baptisma. Unde intulit inter Protest antes nullam esse, quia tam multiplex, tam varia est, ut vix duo in unam consentiant. De Conspiratione interrogatus, respondit se non fuisse de ea accusatum; ipsum J udicem ei vitam obtulisse, modo earn agnoscere vellet. Caeterum se de ea nihil scire (scilicet nisi ex publica fama Oatis delation em secuta). Se futurum mortis propriae reum, casu quo aliquid sciret, nec revelaret, cum ei esset oblata vita ea conditione. Praeterea scire se, peccati mortalis adeoque mortis aeternae reum esse, quisquis novit aliquid contra Regem Regnive Pacem vel cogitatione designari, nec illud defert ad eos, quorum est iis pravis studiis occurrere. Optavit sibi Davidis, Jeremiae et Magdalenae lachrimas, quibus peccatorum suorum maculas elueret; suas tamen cohibuisse, ne potius mortis instantis quam peccat0rum suorum sensu fluere viderentur. Optavit sibi longanirnitatem omnium Confessorum, tormenta Martyrum, lampades Virginum, ut omnia Deo in odorem suavitatis offerret. Oravit ut Deus benedicere dignaretur omnes Arnicos cum temporales tum spirituales, omnes item a quibus aliquid vel boni vel mali toto vitae tempore recepissct omnes ipsius curae commendatos, totamque Ecc1esiam l


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Catholicam, ejus caput in terris, Episcopos omnes, sacerdotes et clerum universum, populum item Anglicanum, ut Deus illos omnes et sibi et inter se uniat per veras Fidem, Spem et Charitatem. Item eos, qui Carolo a Consiliis, ut omnia eorum studia eo tendant, ut Carolus in terra, Deus in Caelo et Terra honoretur, quo gaudium sit in Caelo coram Angelis Dei. Item Parlamentum jam electum, ut taliter judicent in praesenti, qualiter de se judicari velint in ultima die. I tern eos qui Persecution em patiuntur, ut qui nunc eunt et flent mittentes semina sua, cum gaudio revertantur portantes manipulos suos. "Converte," ait, "Domine, captivitatem nostram, sicut torrens in Austro; et qui nunc seminant in lachrimis, cum exultatione metant. Et pro hac vita temporali, 0 beata Trinitas, da mihi vitam sempiternam; mundo moriatur corpus meum, ut anima mea vivat et semper te amet, Deus meus, et Redemptor meus. Amen, Dulcissime Jesu, Amen."* (366) GULIELMI PLESSINGTONI MARTYRIUM."" xix. Julii Cestriae passus est Gulielmus Plessingtonus e florentissimo Angliae Clero. Is in Provincia Lancastria natus, Audomari minora, Vallisoleti majora studia percurrit, quantum adversa plerumque valetudo et provecta aetas permisere; quibus cogentibus citius solito sacris initiatus, Theologiam abrupit, in Angliam missus; doctrinae quod deerat, solidum judicium et arctior cum Deo unio supplebat.:I: Laboribus Apostolicis captivitas fin ern imposuit. Dies Actioni in eum destinata mihi latet; in illa nulla Conspirationis mentio; necdum enim illa mentiendi pejerandique temeritas absque judiciorum humanorum pudore aut Divinorum metu, remotas Londino Provincias affiarat, quae Regiam urbem occuparat, ubi majora premia, opibus, malorum irritamentis, eo confluentibus. Solius ergo Sacerdotii fuit arcessitus; ejus eum accusavit Margareta Plat, cujus Pater et Judici et duodecim viris totique coronae dixit ei nullam deberi fidem ob notissimum toti viciniae delirium; [J. 88J quod multi confirmarunt. Accessit Georgius Moseleyus, quem sancte juravit Plessingtonus se nunquam antea vidisse. Tertius Robertus Woodus; qui paucis inde diebus, durn navem in latus conversam reficeret cum aliis, ab ea oppressus est, sociis laboris incolurnibus. (367) Hi tres deposuerurtt eum se vidisse sacra facientem, ei se confessos esse, et similia. Sanctus vir, tametsi dissolvi cuperet et esse cum Christo, et optaret aerumnosum vitae cursum tam faeliciter absolvere, rat us tamen officii sui esse vitam suam quo dabatur modo defendere, dixit se solius sacerdotii arcessi, quod crimen non est, multo minus capitale, etiam cum Roma petitur;

* Cf.

Mr. Johnson's SPeech . .. (London, 1679) (Wing J. 774:-775) . .,.. Warner is presumably basing his account on the MS. life of Fr. Plessington (as yet untraced) by Fr. William Culcheth , S.J. Fr. Plessington' s Christian name is sometimes given as John. :I: He was born c. 1637, entered English College, Valladolid, November 1660, and ordained priest March, 1662. He left for England in April, 1663 (C.R.S., xxx, 169. and Gillow, v , 522).


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alioqui Reum fore totum clerum Anglicanum, qui suos inde ordines repetit. ldipsum non sufficienter probari, nam Delirium unius eum accusantis earn a Testimonio ferendo removere; alterum a se certissime nunquam visum; unum et unicum superesse ad fidem faciendam inidoneum, quia solus est, cum omnia Jura duos ad minimum requirant. (368) His tamen non obstantibus a duodecim viris Reus renunciatus est, et ad consuetum Perduellium supplicium a Judice damnatus. Supplicii loco haec locutus est* [see translation]. (377) Haec pius ille sacerdos. Non alienum ab instituto mea videbitur, spero, admonere, Juramenti Fidelitatis Patronos de hujus in conspectu Domini preciosa morte gloriatos esse, quasi ex eorum numero unus martyrii laurea donatus fuisset; quod constanter negatur ab iis, qui J uramento adversantur. Fatentur equidem hunc sanctum virum Juramento favisse, antequam carceri manciparetur; etiam suis Paenitentibus Authorem fuisse ilIud admitterent. At paulo ante mortem, quidam sacerdos senex, spretis quae impendere videbantur periculis, ilIum adiit, ac, ubi fecerat quae fieri praescribuntur ab Ecclesia, facta J uramenti mentione, hoc multis titulis illicitum esse ostendit, potissimum quod fuisset a variis summis Pontificibus damnatum. Quibus auditis sanctus vir respondit: "Agnosco multis me titulis tibi obstrictum esse, quod me tanta charitate dignatus es invisere. Conabor charitati tuae vices rependere precibus in hac vita et, si quidem dignus sim ea morte, ad quam fui damnatus, etiam in altera. Fateor me nunquam antea rnulta a te dicta audivisse. Jam sentio Juramentum illicitum esse; quapropter humilIime me Ecclesiae ejusque decisionibus submitto." Haec ille. Absque dubio fuit in eo venialis error, quem ostensa veritate tam prompte ejuravit, fortasse etiam magis aliorum suasu quam proprio judicio a recta via defecerat. Sed in re parum cornperta nihil assevero. Assero huic Pontiftciis decretis submissioni nihil officere, quod dixerit potestatem Pontificis ad deponendas Reges non esse fidei Catholicae articulum. Id enim quivis J uramenti hostis dicet, et, ni faIlor, dixit diserte Bellarminus. (378) JOANNIS FLOIDI ET PHILIPPI EVANI CERTAMEN. Triduo~ post hunc simili supplicio affecti sunt duo alii, J oannes Floidus et Philippus Evanus, ille CIeri Secularis, iste Regularis Societatis J esu, sacerdotes, similem ob causarn Cardiffae plexi. Evanus Monumettensis, exacta innocenter Juventute, Societatem ingressus, in qua Zelum suum et virtutes Apostolico muneri pares ita probavit, ut decursis studiis et Tertia Probatione, statim in vastum laborum et aerumnarum campum, patriam suam, remissus sit. Attulit ad munus Evangelicum egregias naturae dotes,

*

H is speech is reprinted b y Challoner: lVI emoirs of Missionary Priests (ed . J. H. Pollen, S.J., 1924), p. 542. Challonerreads t Massey' for t Moseley.' ~ I .e. 22 July 1679. For biographical and bibliographical details see F oley, v, 882, and Gillow, ii, 186, and iv, 289 .


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*

morum simplicitatem nativam, sermonem elegantem, et innubem exporrectae frontis amaenitatem. Longe magis eminebant in eo gratiae dona, quibus eum ad curandam animarum salutem divina Bonitas cumulaverat. Vinea, quam coleret, assignata Australis Waliia, ubi laboribus par fructus. Sed crescente segete, crevit et Invidia. Hinc ultra premia a Carolo statuta J esuitam intercipientibus, quid am Privatus~ de suo CC scuta addixit, ei qui Evanum comprehenderet. Haec ad eum relata nihil moverunt ad deserendam ab obedientia sibi designatam stationem. Paulo post captus et ad Eirenarcham ~ ductus, qui ilium in tales manus incidisse dolens, se pro eo Vadem obtulit, dummodo Juramentum Fidelitatis emitteret. Evanus gratiis pro humanitate actis, ait nolie se vitam suam ulla re redimere, quae conscientiam oneraret. Unde Cardiffam missus, in teterrimum specum subterraneum conjectus est, compedibus insuper vinctus. Non ita tamen multo post, quorumdam nobilium rogatu eductus, in eodem cum Floido, captivitatis et supplicii socio, asservatus est cubiculo. (379) Quaesiti undique, qui in eum dicerent Testes ex iis, qui malorum imminentium timore Catholica sacra reliquerant, qui eum sacerdotii accusarent, angustioris omnes fortunae, quod magis viderentur injuriae obnoxii, minus officii tenaces. Primum, quem aggressi sunt, facinus execrantem ita fustibus contuderunt, ut una e costis fracta, fere inter verbera expirarit. Ab aliis saepe repulsam passi, a quadam Anu ejusque filia quod petebant impetrarunt. Adfuit testis ab Arnoldo, de quo infra, submissus nanus, a fide Apostata. Dies Actioni destinata iii. Maii Inventae Crucis sacra. Duae mulieres Evanum sacerdotii simpliciter accusarunt, se ejus sacra audivisse, ab eo Paenitentiae et Eucharistiae sibi Sacramenta ministrata. Ad haec Evanus nihil; sciebat enim vera dici. N anus dixit Evanum sibi occurrisse et dixisse: " Si Catholicis sacris renunciasti legum metu, stulte fecisti; nam tempora brevi videbis Catholicis laetissima." Sentiens Evanus Perjuri malignitatem, eum iis verbis conspirationis famosae insimulantis, sancte Deum contestatus est se nihil ejusmodi unquam dixisse. Sed Judex ipse earn illi solicitudinem ex emit dicendo testimonium esse unius singulare, ideoque nihili faciendum; videret quid mulieribus responderet. Evano tacente, [1. 90] dixit idem duodecim vir is : "Si mulierum dictis fidem adhibetis, debetis Evanum Reum dicere." Richardus Basset Duodecimvir statim concrepans digitis alta voce dixit, "Hoc nobis permittas licet; per Deum, eum Reum renunciabimus." Et fidem liberavit. (380) Audita mortis sent entia inclinato capite, gratias egit

* A adds 'semper' here.

~ I .e. John Arnold the magistrate himself. It is interesting to note that Arnold laid evidence before the House of Commons against numerous priests in Monmouthshire and Herefordshire (including Lloyd, Evans and David Lewis) on 29 April 1678, i.e. five months before Oates's depositions appeared (C.] ., ix, 466 sq.). :t Sir Edward Esterling.


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primum Judici, deinde duodecimviris, speciales Bassetto. Statim ei catenae et compedes injecti, quos ille multis oscuJis, quasi J esu sui insignia, veneratus est; et de tanto sibi honore moriendi pro Christo gratulatus est, utque in alios concaptivos suae laetitae partem derivaret, barbiton, quem scite pulsabat, adeptus, qua voce qua instrumenti sono sacros hymn os concinens, indesinenter singulari mentis jubilo Deo laudes canere perrexit. Atque hanc quasi congenitam imperturbabilis mentis serenitatem ad decretoriam supplicii horam toto trimestri conservavit, quam nec incommoda, nec subterranei specus paedor, in quem subinde dimittebatur, nec crudelis supplicii expectatio tantisper interrumpere potuerunt. Cujus rei testes sunt Catholici e vicinia singulis fere diebus invisentes; a quibus vix aliud petebat, quam ut se in referendis Deo gratiis adjuvarent; testes omnes Cardiffae cives, qui ad spectaculum adeo stupendum confluebant, ut in homine Angelum quendam, humanis certe Passionibus, terrenis rebus omnibus excelsiorem contemplarentur, dum haustum liberiorem auram ad ostium specus prodiret, ne aere inferno in teterrimam mephitim condensato suffocaretur. (381) Dies supplicio destin a tus xxii. J ulii, B . Magdalenae sacer. Eo die carcerem adit cum fabro ferrario Vice-Comitis locum tenens, jubetque compedes auferri, quibus ejus tibiae arctissime stringebantur. Qui horam integram mallei ictibus clavos e commissuris extrudere frustra conatus, acerbissimo quassatae tibiae sensu, illius miseratione ferramenta abjecit, nec ullis aut jussis aut minis locum tenentis adduci potuit, ut saevum laborem repeteret, donec Evanus ipse, ut id faceret, insuper habito dolore suo, impensius orasset. Manibus a tergo revinctis, uterque Christi miles uni carro imponitur ad patibulum deducendus; ad cujus conspectum exclamavit uterque, cum B. Andraea: Salve, 0 bona crux, diu desiderata. Sub ilio depositi, flexis genibus illud amplexati osculati sunt, sub miss a voce suum agonem Deo commendantes. Surgunt inde, et a Vice-Comite quaerunt utri primo loco moriendum esset (quae omnia ab utroque simul ita peracta, quasi unus utrumque spiritus animaret) ; et eo respondente Evano, iste, socium beatae sortis amplexus, ad circumfusam plebem ita locutus est. [See translation. ] (382) (( Nihil opus est dicere, cives charissimi, quam ob causam huc adducti simus; ex Actione enim in nos instituta, cui vestrum multi interfuerunt, liquet non ali am esse quam Religionis et Conscientiae. Un de cum vobis perspecta sit causae bonitas, nihil de ea loqui necesse est. Ea certe mihi adeo probatur, ut beatam sortem pro ea moriendi, nec cum totius mundi regimine commutarem; fidem mihi habeatis velim jamjam morituro. Spero me nullos habere inimicos, qui conatus fui de omnibus bene mereri; si quos tamen habeam, toto corde doleo; adeoque

*

* The J.speeches are reprinted by Challoner: H. Pollen. S.]. , 1924). p . 54:5.

P r ijst& (ed.

Memoirs of Missiona"y


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humillime rogo mi.hi ignoscat, si quem unquam inscius offendi. Deum veneror, Regem benedicat, eique omnia fausta largiatur. Oro omnes praesentes, maxime vero Catholicos, pro me orare velint." Tum fiexis genibus tantisper oravit, Catholicis circumorantibus. Deinde surgens his valedixit, et summa alacritate cala conscendit, e cujus fastigio ita locutus est : "Ex hoc suggestu, quo melior ad concionandum nullus obtingere potest innocenti viro, iterum edico me Dei et Religionis causa mori; qua sorte ita me faelicem arbitror, ut si decies mille vitas haberem, omnes pro ea libentis~ime darem. Si supplicium mihi remitteretur, tametsi non valde provectae sim aetatis, non tamen diu vivere possem; nunc vero quanta mihi faelicitas brevis vitae jactura aeternam per Dei gratiam mereri! Omnibus toto corde, qui mortis 'meae causae fuerunt +ignosco, + rogoque in-[f. 91J stanter Deum, ut et illis et Benefactoribus meis omnia bona cumulatissime retribuat, etiam et tibi, Domine Vice-Comitis locum tenens. Vale, Domine Floide: brevi iterum conveniemus. Sed interea memento quid promiseris," nimirum ut discedentem jamjam animam absolveret; ad quam fere suscipiendam perbrevi sese contritionis Actu praeparavit. (383) Spectavit immoto et hilari vultu Floidus morientem socium. Tum necdum conscensa scala, distinctiori quam unquam voce, ut multi referunt qui cum eo diu fuerant conversati, circumfusam multitudinem his verbis a1locutus est: (( De causa mortis nostrae nihil dicam; earn exposuit socius meus; et praeterea nunquam fui bonus Orator. Solum addam, me mori in vera Catholic a et Apostolica Ecc1esia, quam illa symboli verba indicant: Credo sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam. Tribus illis virtutibus, Fide, Spe et Charitate, cunctis, qui me offenderunt, ignosco. Si quem offendi, doleo; et ut mihi ignoscat, oro. Rogo omnes, potissimum vero Catholicos, ut pro me orent. Patienter ferant cruces suas, memores eorum verborum: Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur propter justitiam, quoniam ipsorum est regnum caelorum." Tum conscensa scala, Benefactoribus suis gratias egit, tum pectus tun dens ter, toties dixit: Deus propitius esto mihi Peccatori, et ultimo addidit: In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum. Quae ejus fuerunt ultima verba. (384) Litteras Humaniores didicerat Gandavi, Phylosophiam et Theologiam Vallisoleti,* cunctis utrobique gratus ob amabilem morum Innocentiam et Humilitatem. Alia virtutum ejus exempla rescire nullo modo potui, alioqui ilia ad posterorum aedificationem non omisissem. Magna tamen fuisse nullus dubito, cum observatum in Anglia fuerit non nisi optimos a Deo ad patiendum pro ipso vocari, et Martyrium non tantum meritum, sed et premium meritorum esse. (385) CAROL! BAKER! CERTAMEN. Octavus et ultimus e

*

He entered the English College, Valladolid, in 1649, was ordained June 1663, and went to England April 1654 (C.R.S., xxx, 164).


142

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Societate, qui in hac Persecutione effuso sanguine Deo gloriam dederunt, fuit Carolus Bakerus, vero nomine Lewis, sive Ludovici, Monumethensis, hones'tis parentibus, Catholica matre, patre haeretico, natus*; quo mortuo, ipse ejurata haeresi Romam perrexit, et in nostrae gentis Seminarium admissus est. ~ Finitis studiis, posito ad S. Andraeae Religiosae vitae tyrocinio, in Angliam missus, Provinciam Monumethensem et vicinas indefesso labore coluit. Collegio S. Xaverii bis praefuit. Pauperum curam singulari et plane paterno affectu gessit. (386) ARNOLDUS QUALlS. Hujus amicitiam e multis annis coluerat Arnoldus Eirenarcha, sed fide Calviniana, ut quo tectius eo gravius noceret, plures interea nocendi vias exploraret. (De quo aliqua supra, plura lib . sequente, Deo dante.) Visus iste aliquandiu Catholicis favere, nec pro cuI a Regno Dei esse; ut alia ipsius Benevolentiae signa omittam, in hospitio publico a se constructo, cubiculum unum in sacelli modum ornari voluit, sacris Catholico ritu celebrandis destinatum. Sed orta Persecutione ista, amicitiae larva deposita, quod semper fuerat, hostem professus, bellum Catholicis omnibus in dixit et eorum fautoribus, non alium ipsius vitae finem habiturum. Auditus saepe dicere, ostenso grosso (pars est deeima quinta seuti): " Donec hujus valor mihi supererit in loeulis, Papist as persequi non desinam." :I: (387) Iste xvii. Novembris anni superioris Bakerum comprehendi curavit. Et statim operae precium Factiosis visum, sinistris rumoribus integerrimam ejus farnam minuere, majori tamen ipsorum quam captivi probro. Sparserunt ergo primo, eum effracto carcere aufugisse, secundo custodem suum, carceris Praefectum, toxieo necasse. Quae cum quantum a vero abessent, ipso sensu deprehenderetur (cum et ipse semper in carcere mansisset, et Praefectus optime haberet), tertium rumorem vulgarunt, etiam lib ellis impressisยง et cantiunculis celebratum, peeuniolam a vidua quadam abstulisse, stipulatum se ejus mariti animam in

*

For further biographical information see Foley,v, 912, and Collectanea, p. 456, and Gillow, iv, 205 sq. ~ Entered English College, Rome, November 1638, ordained priest July 1642, entered Society of Jesus, April 1645 (C.R.S., xl, 20) .

:I: A adds here, "Dum caeco Zelo hac re furibundus absque discrimine personarum obvios quosque proterere moliretur, Catholicis gravis, honestioribus etiam Protestantibus violentiae inimicis, moderationis amantibus infestus. Inferiores opprimens, pares pulsans, nec melioribus se parcens, (earn dabat fiduciam auctoritas Shaftesburii, cui suam operam probarat) ut tandem in Ducem de Beaufort totius Walliae, et Provinciae Monmuthensis Gubernatorem, gravia pro bra jaceret; ob quae in carcerem conjectus, damnatus, causa audita, in mulctam 10,000 librarum nostratmm, sive 40 m. Scutorum, Beaufortis solvendam. Sed ea remissa, ut Generosissimo Duci satis esset virum superbum humiliare, ferocem domare, +compescuisse violentum+ ; tandem quiescere invite. is coactus, cunctis invisus, magistratus auctoritate exutus, privatem vitam agitat." (Cj. inj., f. 119.) ยง Cf. A Short Narrative. . .. 1679, by Herbert Croft, Bishop of Hereford (Wing C.6977) .


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Purgatoriis flammis a sesquianno tortam inde liberaturum. Catholicis insulsa fabula ex haereticorum officina prodiens probari non potuit; deinde magno falsitatis praejudicio, nec locus, nec tempus, nec ulla persona designata, ut fieri solet, ubi hystoria veritati nititur et inquisitionem ferre pot est. Interea mens injecta Vice-Comiti, custodias omnes [f. 92J Monumetho Iscam transferendi; et Providentia Dei id factum patuit ad solatium Catholicorum, qui frequentes illic custodiebantur ob repudiatum Fidelitatis Juramentum. xxviii. Martii causis capitalibus desti- . nato, Tribunali sistitur Bakerus, sacerdotii arcessitus. Judici a dextris assidebat Arnoldus ejus cognatus et Amicus. ViceComes viros probos et honestos arcesserat, pro officii sui ratione, e quibus du.odecim viri assumerentur. Eos omnes Arnoldus nullo jure sola malignitate et in Bakerum odio motus, Judicis favore abusus, exauthorari curavit, et alios substituit sui similes, ViceComite juxta ac Bakero frustra conquerentibus de injuria lltrique facta. (388) Lite contest at a, dati Testes; primus Pricius juravit se Reum Sacra facientem vidisse, ab eo Paenitentiae et Eucharistiae Sacramenta suscepisse in aedibus Mortonianis Dominae Barc1et. Ei respondit Bakerus, Deo in Testem vocato, se nunquam illic fuisse, nec scire in qua mundi parte sint, aut an uspiam dentur illae aedes. Addidit, eodem mane in carcere ad se invisisse, et ubi se fuisset :ÂŁixis oculis intuitus, dixisse: " Multum diversus est iste ab eo, quem ego novi; nam ille crines habet crispos, nigros, et perbreves; in isto alia omnia video." Producti Testes, qui eum ista dicentem audierant. Vocatus pro forma Pricius, qui ad haec responderet, sed ille, quod res erat, suspicatus se Perjurii convincendum, sese subduxerat; nec Arnoldi, qui omnia dirigebat, intererat, illum operosius inquiri. Alii Testes auditi, de iisdem criminibus Bakerum accusantes; unde Bakerus, a duodecim viris Reus dictus est, et sent entia mortis in eum lata. Shaftesburius, de re tota certior factus ab Arnoldo, jussit captivum sub firma custodia mitti Londinum, visum num aliquid fabulosae Conspirationi fidem facturum ab eo expiscari posset. ~ Illic eum convenerunt famosi Testes, convenit et Sh3.ftesburius; eum solitis modis, premiorum et paenarum ostentatione, aggressus est. Ubi frustra omnia vidit, Reum jussit Iscam reduci supplicio afficiendum; et cum Vice-Comes variis quaesitis praetextibus prolataret, increpitus a Shaftesburio, pecunia etiam notabili mulctatus, Bakerum plecti necessario curavit, invitissimus licet. (389) E patibulo his verbis populum allocutus est ~ [see translationJ.

*

* Sc.

"Pricium istum" (as in A). Five of the priests who had been condemned on the country circuits were brought up to London in the hopes that they might be induced to make a ' discovery' (H.M.C., 11 Rep. App., Pt. II, p. 151, C.]., ix, 627). ~ Reprinted in Foley, v, 925. ~


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(403) Haec verba magnis animorum motibus audita, plerisque ipsius, omnibus suam vicem dolentibus, quibus maxima mala ex hac innocentis sanguinis effusione augurati sunt. (404) Suspensus igitur fuit, non tamen corpus in partes sectum, ut ferebat sententia, plebe id non permittente, nec ViceComitis locum tenente id urgente, qui invitissime huic supplicio adfuit. Corpus itaque cum honore tumulo illatum, tota corona Sic funus persequente, in Ecclesia Parochialis ingressu. Judaeorum ins tar, Prophetas lapidabant, eorum ornabant sepulchra, memoriam celebrant. (405) MISERA ANGLIAE FACIES, VERUM ACELDAMA, AGER SANGUINIS ET INNOCENTIS. Quam misera Angliae facies! Qualis olim Judaeae, referente Osee iv. 2: Judicium Domino cum habitatoribus terrae; non est VERIT AS, et non est Misericordia, et non est Scientia Dei in terra . Maledictum et Mendacium et HOMICIDIUM et Furtum et Adulterium inundaverunt: et SANGUIS SANGUINEM tetigit. (PERIURIA omissa, tam crebra, quam horrenda, caeteris, etiam Homicidiis, paria). Propter hoc luge bit terra, et infirmabitur omnis qui habitat in ea. Haec omnia Presbiterianorum furore promota. Quae ne Dei judicia et celerem vindictam in totam gent em Anglicanam accersant, obstabunt, [f. 95] uti voveo, cum quod populo extra Regiam civitatem invito, renitente, et deplorante fierent, paucis qui Regiam obsederant urgentibus; tum etiam, et maxime, ipse sanguis innocens effusus, melior a loquens quam qui fuit Abelis, non vindictam petens, scilicet, sed misericordiam, sicut petivit sanguis JESU; tum denique ferventes morientium preces, in hoc mundo sub ipsam mortem inchoatae, nunquam in aeterna Beatitudine cessaturae. (406) ACTIo IN GEORGIUM WAKEMANNUM ET TRES BENEDICTINOS. ~ Excursione per divers as Provincias facta, Londinum revertamur, illic quae fierent in Catholicos spectaturi. Videbimus non frustra faetas a quinque J esuitis et Langhorno Dei contestationes, non frustra fusas preces, non frustra datum sanguinem, non frustra mortem Christiane toleratam. Plebs, fraude fere detect a, non ita Testibus Regiis, etiam novi aliis minus mali (J enisoni) accessione auetis, obnoxia erato xxviii. J ulii (quinta a Langhorni supplicio die) acciti ad causam dicendam Georgius Wakemannus, Eques Auratus, Reginae Archilater, Jacobus Corkerus, Gulielmus Rumleyus, et Gulielmus Martius, sive MarshalIus,:I: e familia S. Benedicti, omnes Conspirationis accusati. + Primi docuerunt Oatis Perjuriis resisti posse.+

*

*

His body lies just outside the west door of the old Priory Church at Usk (Camm, Forgotten Sh'Yines, p. 366) . ~ See The T'Yyals oj Si'Y Geo'Yge Wakeman, Barronet, William Marshall, William Rumley and James Corker, Benedictine monks. Published by Authority .... London 1679. :I: Brother of John Wall, O.S.F., the martyr, with whom he is confused in the Liber Ruber oj the English College, Rome (C.R.S., xl, 36, and Birt., p. 68).


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OF CATHOLICS

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*

(407) Testes dati Dugdallus, Jenisonus, Oates, et Bedlous. Duo primi, ut levis armaturae milites, primam impression em fecerunt, quae captiv~s vix perstrinxit, in quos nihil dixere, conati solum labantem undique fabulae fabric am novis mendaciis iuIcire. Sed ut evenit iis qui in caenosum gurgitern lapsi, dum eluctari conantur, profundius immerguntur relapsi, ita isti tam absurda, tam falsa dixerunt, ut earn plane diruerint. Oates dixit Wakemanno oblata X L. scutorum millia, modo Carolum veneno tolieret; eo causante tantum facinus nimis parva mercede compensari, add ita alia XX. millia. Asbaeo J esuitae ob nervorum debilitatem, praescripsisse Thermarum usum atque Lactis sextarium mane et vespere. Haec in epistola a se visa, cui additum Reginam sibi fore adjutricem ad miscendam Carolo medicatam potionem . 'Runc contractum cum Wakemanno initum, Langhornum in suum librum retulisse, hisce verbis: "Nota bene ... die Augusti, proposita Georgio Wakemanno LX. millia scutorurn." Et infra: " Recepta in partem solutionis XX. millia, a Gulielmo Rarcotto, ex mandato Colemanni." (408) Petiit ab isto Wakemannus quare coram Consilio Regio non eum de istis accusasset? Ubi dixit e contra : "Absit ego Wakemannum accusem, quam vix novi. " Adfuit Consilii Secretarius" qui haec confirmavit. Cui respondit Oates, se tunc fuisse fatigatum, et vix mentis compotem. +Et Scroggio dicenti, non majores vires requiri ad dicendum " Ric Majestatis reus est," quam" Absit ego ilium accusem &c.," Oates Consilium Regium perstrinxit, quasi nollet Reos carceri mancipare. Unde Scroggius: "Quo Jure omnium Ordinum censorem agit iste ? " Quae verba in Oatis animum alte descenderunt. + (409) Quod ad Epistolam Asbaeo datam attinet, Pharmacopaeus + Bathensis, tum ejus urbis Praetor, cum filio, +cui earn Asbaeus tradiderat, dixerunt in ea de lacte nuliam fieri mentionem (quod cum Thermis nunquam praescribitur), neque de Regina, aut ulio contractu. Earn denique nihil quam praescriptiones continere, quales suis aegrotis Thermas petentibus solent dare Medici. (410) Oates Corkerum dixit esse Benedictinorum Anglorum Praesidem Generalem; ut talem XXIV. millia scutorum conspirationi promovendae addixisse; doluisse, ubi audivit Pickeringum ad occidendum Carolum +electum,+ tum quod avocaretur ab altari ornando (erat Aedituus), tum quod dum Solemni Sacro adsisteret, esset pulcherrimas bene gerendae rei occasiones amissurus. Ad haec Corkerus + respondit, + se nec esse nec un quam fuisse Benedictinae Congregationis Praesidem Generalem; id officii commissum venerabili P. Benedicto Stapletono, S.T.D., jam a multis annis, quo etiamnum fungebatur. Ita vere erat, et acciti varii qui id testarentur. Martium accusavit Oates, eum

* And

Prance. , Sir Philip Lloyd.

J

(Cj. H.M.C., Ormonde, N.S . iv, 53:3, 546.)


ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS

deposito pignore certasse, Carolum proxima natalitja non visurum; unde intulit, noticiam habuisse conspirationis. Romleium vero dixit consensisse in XXIV. millia scutorum a Corkero promissa, cujus erat assistens. Isti duo responderunt i. Oatem jurasse coram Parlamento se neminem alium posse +accusare+ praeter jam nominatos, inter quos ipsi non erant. ii. Cum Pickeringus esset captus, utrumque adfuisse, utriusque nomen et Oati et aliis eum comitantibus recitatum, visam personam, ilIum dixisse se nihil contra illos habere. iii. Martium alias Oati occurrisse, [f. 96J hunc autem petiisse quis esset: unde constabat non tam familiariter simul conversatos fuisse, ut de tan tis rebus inter se libere conferrent. Bedlous solum confirmavit quae dixerat Oates. (411) Martius ait intra quatriduum adfore varios Testes, modo causae decisio differretur. Quod diserte a Curia negatum. Tum Martius continua oratione Conjurationis falsitatem, et suarn Catholicorurnque omnium Innocentiarn+ ostendit, ex quinque J esuitarum aliorumque morientium Orationibus. Fidem morientibus deberi, quod prae oculis habeant mortem instantern, Dei Tribunal, sententiarn irrevocabilern, paenas Inferni rnendacibus atque Perjuris paratas, caeli gaudia veritatis Assertoribus aperta .... Totam Europam in Angliam conjecisse oculos, innocentis sanguinis illic effusi clarnores ubique audiri. Morientiurn Protestationes ubique fidem invenisse. Dubitari passim an Christi ani sint, qui talia aut facerent aut permitterent. Persecutionem patientium causam ubi que probari .... (412) Plura dicturum interpellavit Scroggius: " Si haberetis," ait, " Religionem, quae ita vocari digna esset, non esse tis toti ex aequivocationibus et mendaciis conflati. Si non haberetis in promptu Indulgentias et Dispensationes, quibus ea licita redduntur, si Regicidia non essent inter vos meritoria, si haec omnia non essent a vobis ipsis impressa, si ea non agnoscerent et Papae et ornnes Doctores vestri, aliquid diceres. Sed si ad manum semper habetis Dispensationes ad pejerandum, si propter crimina Majestatis sancti declaramini, quod Colmanno contigit, frustra sunt voces istae vestrae. Est Deus, inquitis; et, qua ad illum transitur, portae vos clavem geritis, eamque vobis aperitis, aliis pro libitu clauditis, .... Consessum habemus Londini Scabinorum (Aldermannorum), Sapientia et Prudentia nihil cedens Conclavi Cardinalium; tamque Infallibilis est Praetor Londinensis, ac ipse Papa vester, &c." (413) Tum ad xii. viros conversus ait, "Si fidem adhibetis Testibus Regiis, debetis hos captivos Reos renunciare; sin vero, non Reos." Et illi deliberatione praemissa, non Reos pronunciarunt. (414) Debebant quidem omnes statim dimitti; sed id soli Wak~manno contigit, Benedictinis in carcerem remissis, utpote sacerdotii compertis aut vehementer suspectis. Nec alteri libertate adepta diu frui licuit: cum enim audiret aliam in se

+


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scribi Dicam, Parisios magno Catholicorum illic residentium bono se recepit, unde non nisi post septennium in Angliam reversus est, ubi Jacobus Carolo fratri successit. (415) Gloriatus fuit Scroggius se condemnasse Colmannum in vita Aula, absolvisse Wakemannum invita civitate, retenturum officium suum invito Diabolo. Non tamen diu retinuit, invito Oate, Wakemanni dimissione et audaciae ipsius reprehensione offenso; qui exinde Accusationem in eum paravit, cujus capita dabimus ante fin em hujus libri. (416) CAROLI CARNI CERTAMEN.* Scroggius Herefordiam delatus, administratum Justitiam, Carolum Carnum captivum invenit, sacerdotii suspectum, cujus tritavus Mariae Reginae legatum agebat Romae, ~ quando illa mortalitatem exuens Thronum Regni vacuum Elizabethae reliquit, et illic in Anglicani Collegii Ecc1esia sepultus est. Hunc ad causam dicendam iv. Augusti accersi jussit Scroggius. Dati in eum tres Testes. Primus Odoardus Biddulphus, qui simpliciter se captivum cognoscere, aut ali quid contra eum dicere posse, negavit. Secunda, Margareta Edwardi, juravit se illum a - sexennio cognovisse; saepe ipsum sacra facientem vidisse in aedibus Dominae Moningtonae; sacelli situm, altaris locum, ornamenta, fenestras, portam, alia descripsit, modo a rei veritate alienissimo, ut Moningtona praesens, ejusque domestici, jurarunt, Deum contestati Margaretam nunquam domum suam intrasse. Tertia alia muliercula; sed rogante Carno ab alia seorsim examinaretur, quod inter se contulissent quid quaeque dictura esset, et varii hujus rei Testes producti, factum ut sua mutuo testimonia destruerent in multis dissonae. His nihil obstantibus, Scroggius iis fidem adhibendam contendit, quod in substantia convenirent, differrent in circumstantiis tantum. Sed aliter visum xii. viris, qui Carnum non Reum dixerunt. Ferunt Acta Scroggii jussu typis edita, Carnum, ad leniendam scilicet [1. 9'i] Sacerdoti et Catholicae Religionis Invidiam, dixisse se utrumque Juramentum, Primatus nimirum Regii in sacris, et Fidelitatis, emisisse. Cui fidem tardius adhibeo (spero certe verum non esse) ob notam olim Carni Pietatem, et Orthodoxiam, dum Duaci studeret.~ (417) ANDREAE BROMISII ET GULIELMI ATKINSII CERTAMEN. Staffordiae captivi erant novem sacerdotii accusati, quorum duo Londinum missi, in nobiliori scena pugnaturi, in quam tamen

* Cf.

Foley, v, 908. Edward Kerne (or Kame. or Carne) had originally been sent to Rome with Bonner by Henry VIII over the divorce question in 1530-1 (Life of John Fisher, ed . R. Bayne, E.E.T.S .â&#x20AC;˘ Extra Series. cxvii, 1921. p. 86, and Tierney-Dodd, ii. 120; vol. iv, pp. iii sq.). In 1555 he went as ambassador to Rome for Philip and Mary. On the accession of Elizabeth he was, at his own request, officially' detained' by the Pope in Rome, where he died in 1561 (D.N.B.). ~ Charles Carne entered Douay on 30 March 1653 at the age of 15, in company with his elder brother Henry (C.R.S., xi, 523). ~


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prodire nunquam jussi sunt, Georgius Hobsonus* et Robertus Petri, T ilie e Clero Seculari, iste e Societate J esu. Illuc advolans Scroggius bilem ex uno sacerdote sibi erepto conceptam, in duos effudit, Andraeam Bromisium, sacerdotem Secularem, et Gulielmum Atkinsium, Jesuitam. Monuit statim Vice-Comitem, bonos sibi curaret Duodecim viros; et isto respondente, optimos se accivisse. eorum tamen unum constanter dicere, se nolle ullum solius sacerdotii accusatum Reum pronunciare, Scroggius hune, ad aliorum terrorem, carceri mancipari jussit. (418) In Bromisium multi citati testes, quorum unus absolute juravit esse sacerdotem, ab eo Paenitentiae et Eucharistiae Sacramenta sumpsisse. Reliqui simpliciter negarunt se virum cognoscere, aut illi se unquam locutos fuisse. Dixerunt tantum eum sumpto subinde superpellicio aliqua legisse ignota sibi lingua. Nee plura dicere aut potuerunt aut voluerunt, etiamsi Scroggius et Carceres et Tormenta minitaretur. Scroggius, solita humanitate Testium defectum suppleturus, ait se cum multis sacerdotibus egisse, eorum neminem vidisse vel probum vel doctum; Sacerdotibus scatere Provineiam Staffordiae; ut alibi scabiem, ita ibi Papismum solo contactu vulgari. Tum falsa Testimoniorum anacephaleiosi xii viris ait, "Videtis in quibus perieulis versemur. Vestris conscientiis relinquo, num permissuri sitis sacerdotes e manibus elabi, qui sunt et Ecclesiae et Rei Publicae verae Pestes, veraeque calamitates. Multo satius unum sacerdotem e medio tollere, quam tres aliorum quorumlibet facinorum Reos." Nihil mirum, his auditis, si xii viri Reum renunciarunt. Etiam hic allegavit se utrumque Juramentum admisisse, quod ferunt Acta Londini impressa. :I: Vivit etiamnum, lapsum ilium defiet, et utiliter in Domini vinea laborat. (419) Ad Tribunal deinde allatus, quod pedibus incedere non posset, Atkinsius, emeritus senex, octogenario major, et a sexennio paraliticus, ut nec erigere se in lecto nec manum pedemve movere posset. Cumque non minus auribus quam aliis membris captus esset, quod in Baptismo Flaminis, id factum in isto Sanguinis, datus ei Patrinus qui pro eo responderet. Jussus ergo manum attollere, extulit Patrinus; interrogatus Reus an non Reus esset, Non Reus, respondit Patrinus. Inde auditi Testes, quorum depositionibus quiequid deerat ad faciendam fidem, Scroggius supplebat de suo. Tum xii viros alloquens, ait: " Scire vos yolo hujusmodi hominibus nos accept a ferre tumultus excitatos et mala undique impendentia. Ab his timor, ne Rex trucidetur,

* In H.M.C., 13 Rep. App., vi, 14, Hobson is referred to as " formerly a tenant to the Lord Stafford, and lately tenant to the Lord Aston," but no mention is made of his priesthood. A. reads (Hopson' for (Hobson.' ~ Fr. Robert Petre, S.J., was released on bail in June, 1680 (Foley, v, 287). :I: Cf. The Tt'ial, Conviction and Condemnation of Andrew Bt'ommich and William Atkins . ... togethet' with the T1'ial of Cha1'ies Keme . .. London, 1679.


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Regimen evertatur, Religio exterminetur. Ex jis quae fecerunt , apparet eos a Mansuetudine et Simplicitate Doctrinae Christianae defecisse, conari vero introducere Religionem truculent am et Tyrannicam; quasi Deus Malum et omnipotens, solis humanis Hostiis colendum et placandum. Cum res ipsa pateat, nihil addi opus est. Neque, credo, opus est secedatis de sententia ferenda collaturi: caeterum facite quod vobis placuerit." (420) Prudentioribus risu digna visa priora verba; quid enim mali timeri posset a viro omnium membrorum usu destituto, etiam linguae? HIe scilicet metuendus aliis, qui nec cibum appositum in os suum inferre posset, tametsi fame absque eo pereundum esset! Crudelitatem vero execrati sunt, qua monuit xii viros in loco proferre sententiam, ut ipse scilicet audiret, si quis esset in misericordiam pronior. Quod tamen Jura concedunt, xii viri secesserunt, et paulo post Atkinsium reum dixerunt. Et statim in utrumque prolata sententia, Scroggius utrumque Perduellium supplicio adjudicavit. Quod cum Patrinus ille magnis vocibus in aurem clienti suo significasset, iste collectis quantum potuit viribus, dixit: "Gratias maximas tibi habeo, Clarissime Domine." Sententia nunquam executioni mandata est, sive quod Vice-Comes sese sacerdotum supplicio funestari nollet, sive quod puderet tantillam vitae usuram optimo seni ad omnia vitae munera inutili, in interitum sua sponte ruenti, eripere, sive denique quod publicam Invidiam timeret (quam Scroggius susque deque habuit) si verum silicernium, veluti recentis Conspirationis Reum, Regi, Regno, Religioni, sibique metuendum e medio tolleret. Sperabat equidem Atkinsius beata morte aerumnosae vitae fin em imponere, et serio doluit, [J. 98] ubi dilatum sibi rescivit supplicium; martyrum consortio dignus visus, quod non ipse martirio, sed ipsi Martirium defuerit. Carcere clausus, in Domino tandem placidissime obdormivit xvii. Dilatum etiam Bromisio supMartii, A.D. MDCLXXXI. plicium, forte ob juramenta admissa. , (421) GULIELMI JONES CERTAMEN.::: Hoc eodem anno, sed quo die, quove mense, incertum , pro Tribunali Monmuthiae certavit de vita Gulielmus Jones, e Clero Saeculari, ni fallor, sacerdotii arcessitus; sed cum unus tantum adversus eum comparuisset Testis, liber dimissus est , xii viris eum non Reum pronuntiantibus. ' (422) PRESBITERIANI SCOT! TUMULTANTUR ET REBELLANT. Haec de Rebus et Personis Ecclesiasticis. Civiles videamus non minus diri Ulyssis Anglicani artibus turbatas. ยง In Scotia, ubi

*

* For his biography see Foley, v,

450 sq. , Bromwich's undelivered scaffold speech is printed by Dodd . A manuscript version exists in Westminster Archives, xxxiv, f. 523. ::: The name of a Mr. Jones, "suspected priest," appears in the list of papists for Monmouthshire of 7 Dec. 1680 (H.M.C., 11 Rep . App. , P t. II, p. 230) .

ยง A reads in margin " Vide Evenements tragiques

a pag. 294."


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magna vis Presbiterianorum, omnia tumultu plena, conventicu]a sua primum in civitatibus, spreta Regis Authoritate et Regni legibus, habere voluerunt. Inde pulsi, in campis caetus suos celebrare statuunt, armis instructi, ad vim, si quae a Regiis copiis inferretur, vi repellendam parati. Santandreanum ArchiEpiscopum Edinburgo revertentem aggressi occiderunt *; e militibus Regiis ad armata eorum comitia dissipanda missis, aliquot +interemerunt+; varia Parlamenti Decreta carnificis manu lacerari, et comburi alicubi curarunt, qui ob Calvini dogmatum insanum amorem illis displicebant. Denique, excusso Obedientiae jugo, in arm a toti ruunt, quorum Justitiam sequenti Dp-claratione probare conantur ~ [see translation]. (425) Haec Declaratio Rebellium Presbiterianorum in Scotia, adeo aperta perfidiae indicia praefert, ut nihil opus sit ea indicare. Eo missus a Carolo Monmuthius cum suis copiis ex Anglia, ubi in hostium conspectum venit, eos +pene inermes+ statim aggressus, ut sine difficult ate ita sine gloria fudit fugavitque, dissuadente frustra Melvillo, negociorum ipsius in Scotia curatore, qui Authore Shaftesburio censebat rem differri aut certis conditionibus transigi opportere; alioqui amicos eum suos etiam in A nglia amissurum. Sed Juvenis ferox, pugnae avidus, consilia Rebellibus profutura non audivit; +ubi tamen fusos vidit, statim receptui cecinit, et persequentis eos Equitatus Regii repressit impetum, alioqui pIeri que intercepti fuissent e rebellibus.+ Ex iis Melvilli verbis, constat Factiosos jam tum in Monmuthium fixisse oculos, cujus nomine ad evertendum Eboracensem uti volebant. Monmuthius ubi dissipatos hostes vidit, nulla Pacis firmandae aut Rebellionis radices evellendi ratione habita, eadem qua venerat celeritate Londinum reversus, majori Caroli quam aliorum gaudio susceptus est. (426) PIA EBORACENSIS EXERCITIA BRUXELLIS. Eboracensem ad prim am Regiae voluntatis significationem solum vertisse Bruxellasque ivisse, supra diximus. Illic totus erat in Pietatis Exercitiis; assidua de rebus Divinis Meditatione, bonorum librorum lectione, frequenti cum viris piis et Doctis conversatione, et taedium fallebat et exilium suum solitudinemque solabatur. :I: Omnia sua seque ipsum ita Divinae Providentiae permittebat, ut nunquam ob praesentia mala tristior, de futuris anxius videretur, semper hilaris, semper idem appareret. Dicenti cuipiam, severis experi[j. 100] mentis, Deo permittente, probari ejus fidem, "Severiora me manent adhuc," respondit, "sed quid haec ad caeli gaudia? Fiat voluntas Dei."

* 3 May 1679. ~ The Declaration of the Rebels in Scotland .... (Edinburgh, 1679) (Aldis, 2126, Wing D.760), a.nd The Declaration of the Rebels now in Arms in the West of Scotland . ... (Edinburgh, 1679) (Aldis, 2265, Wing D. 761). :I: The Duke of York and his wife visited Warner at Liege during their exile ('Varner's Letter-book, V.L.C., Ms . LI, i, 19, f. 6).


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(427) Interea, Carolus Windesoriae in gravem et periculosum morbum incidit, cum praesenti vitae periculo, quo cortice sinico febrifuga (quam in Anglia pulverem Jesuiticum appellant,* quod a J esuitis prima ejus noticia) a medico Papista praescripto,~ Reginae Papistae manibus preparato, levatus est; et dolorem suum Factiosi in proxima ad comburendum Papam instituta supplicatione et testati et ulti sunt, quando allis personatis dericis medicum Doctorem corticem sinicum manu ferentem immiscuerunt, eumque una cum Pontifice in paratum rogum conjecerunt. (428) Monmuthius tunc Armis Praefectus Londino incubabat, ut illam civitatem vi et Factiosiorum ope, ceteras hujus exemplo, sibi assereret, casu quo aliquid humanitus Carolo evenisset; jam tum monstrum illud parturiens, quod majori suo, quam alieno detrimento, Carolo mortuo, peperit. (429) EBORACENSIS REDIT IN ANGLIAM. Eboracensis ed Caroli fratris periculo quam de proprio magis solicitus, cum unico itineris socio (quanta Animi bona conscientia nixi fiducia!) Londinum securus intrat, armis in hostis et aemuli potestate, civibus plerumque ob Religionem infestis; indeque Windesoriam, ubi a Carolo jam melius se habente solido gaudio est exceptus. ~ In dies darius emicabant Monmuthi studia Presbiterianis faventis; qui saepius admonitus a Carolo (qui necdum Patrem exuerat) sua sorte contentus esset, cum Factiosis nihil rei haberet, inconcessa ne appeteret in propriam ruinam Regnique perniciem. (430) MONMUTHIUS EXULAT. Caeterum cum videret plus apud ingratum filium valere Adulantium voces quam ipsius consilia, quibus ocduserat aures, Armorum Praefactura et plerisque ali is officiis exutum j ussit e ditionibus suis facessere. Sic volens nolens Hollandiam petiit, commune Factiosorum Anglorum receptaculum. Et Eboracensis, confirmata jam Caroli valetudine, stationem suam Bruxellis repetiit, ad breve tempus; siquidem inde rursus a Carolo revocatus, in Scotiam destinatus est, cum plena et tan tum non Regia Potestate, res illic turbatissimas compositum, et Civilis belli ignem, sub dolosis cineribus a Monmuthio injectis latentem, extingueret. Facili enim victoria potitus iste, et fere sine hostili sanguine, perduelles dissiparat non sustulerat; et una periculum latius sparsum et minor cavendi facultas, cum plerumque ubi hostes agerent, quid designarent, quo tenderent, ignoraretur. Parvi eorum manipuli in montuosis desertisve locis degebant, viis publicis imminentes, itemque Pagis et minoribus oppidis; nec ferro parcebant, ubi incidissent in eorum manus aliqui Regi fideles, pacis publicae amantes, aut Ministelli Protest antes. Inaudita in malo Perduellium Pertinacia,

* I.e. Cortex Peruviana. ~

Dr. Thomas Short. Reresby suggests that the King's illness was feigned to give a pretext for the Duke of York's return (Memoirs, ed. Cartwright, 1875, p. 177) . ~


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quorum aliqui capti et dicta causa damnati, oblatam vitam et libertatem, ea tantum conditione ut dicerent Domine, salvum jac Regem, accept are noluerunt, adeo grave visum pro Rege orare, quem odio plus quam vatiniano prosequebantur. Quam diversi a Catholicis sacerdotibus et ]esuitis, qui, licet innocentes, injuria damnati, extremis facinorosorum supplicis afficerentur, non alium pro Rege orandi, quam vivendi, finem fecerunt! Discordes illis nobiles, sive ob Religionem sive privatas simultates, nec a rerum novandarum studio multi alieni, ob imminutam Authoritatem aut violata Privilegia, seu vera sive praetensa, in partes trahebant plebem, de se quiet am, maris instar, ubi nullus ventus incitat. Denique prope modum omnes arma spectabant, quando iUuc missus Eboracensis; cujus Prudentia brevi factum, ut depositis contention urn studiis una de caetero maneret aemulatio, qui suam Carolo maxime probarent Obedientiam. Ecclesiae vero Protestanticae Privilegia, ] ura, Potentiam ita defendit, Papista licet, ut singulari Scotorum Episcoporum elogio in Angliam rediens ornari meruerit, ut anne sequenti videbimus. Monmuthio (431) MONMUTHIUS REDIT, INVITO CAROLO. grave malum et minime ferendum videbatur ex ilium ; circa quem magna solitudo: aberant Adulatores, aberat aura popularis, aberant nobiles ejus limina terere soliti; ne ipsius absentia refrigescerent in se [j. 101J populi studia, non sine causa timebant. Unde non obtenta nec quidem petit a a Carolo venia, revertitur in Angliam, et xxvii. Novembris Londinum inexpectatus intrat; et gaudium suum de ejus reditu conceptum factiosi duabus ante lucem horis festivorum ignium fulgore et campanarum strepitu testati sunt. Carolus inconsideratam audaciam detestatus et officii in optimum Parentem et Principem ejus amantissimum neglectum, misso nuncio, primo vetuit in conspectum venire; deinde jussit eo rediret, unde venerat, gravia minatus, ni pareret. Monmuthius, imperium detrectandi certus, respondit sibi ex ilium indici jure non posse, nisi lite contestata, legitima Parium (Procerum) Regni sententia. Si quae ei crimina objectentur, se iis diluendis paratum; eum in finem eo venisse. Rogavit boni consuleret, quod indicta causa discedere nollet; eum et Regiam et Patriam Potestatem excedere, qui id imperet. Sic Rubiconem transiit juventa,. ferox, factiosorum subnixus favore, inconsultus Adolescens; et spretum semel Paternum Imperium, semper deinceps susque de que habuit, totus ab Ulyssis Anglici, Shaftesburii, monitis consiliisque pendens. N ec ullum exinde Paternae

*

*

Cj. Bodley MS. Carte, vol. 243, f. 438: 25 February 1679/80. Sir ] ames Stewart to the Earl of Arran. "In Scotland all seem concerned for the Duke's leaving them, and the very Presbiterian ministers are learning to drink his health, and to sing this song to it: , Let no man miss his glass by stealth, But all with one consent agree To drink a brimmer to the health Of James the Duke of Albany.' "


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153

Benevolentiae sensit affectum, amore Patris tenerrimo in par odium converso. Quanta istum inter et Eboracensem differentia 1 Isto licet indubitatus Regni haeres, non Caroli sed solius Dei gratia destinatus, ubi sensit Carolum id cupere, statim patria cessit. DIe Caroli favori omnia debebat, audire tamen noluit diserte jubentem; parendi voluntatem inseverat illi Religio Catholica; altos isti spiritus, jugi impatientes, inspirabant Calvini Placita. Atque his altercationibus Carolum inter et spurium filium, quod reliquum erat istius anni extractum est, Deo ilIum per quae peccarat castigante. In (432) CELLERIAE ET DANGERFELDI NEGOCIATIONES. ejus finem de industria rejectae negociationes Elizabethae Celleriae et TIlomae Dangerfeldi, quod in sequentem exierint, licet circa medium istius inchoatae sint. (433) CELLERIA QUALlS. Celleria magni et plane virilis animi faemina in Religione Protestantica a Parentibus Haereticis educata, Catholicae nomen dedit adulta, potissimum initio, quod Catholici aliis tenacius Regiae authoritati adhaererent. Magnum a natura sortita ingenium, vividum, promptum, perspicax; sed Judicium impar, quale sexus tenerioris. Famae magnae supra modum appetens, sed intra virtutem et probos mores, cujus desiderium ei insederat in tenera aetate lectio librorum fabulosas Equitum errantium hystorias referentium, quibus mirabiliter delectabatur. Haec ipsamet de se narrat libro typis edito" de quo infra. Orta ista Persecutione, cum ab aliis emendicatis tum de sua depromptis eleemosynis, vinctos Christi J esu, Catholicos captivos magna industria, pari labori sublevare studuit:I:; cumqne varios ea charitate carceres obiret, et inter vinctos frequens esset de ea sermo, nota facta est Thomae Dangerfeldo in subterranea specu captivo, ob aliqua facinora (de quibus nulla tum certa probatio) et aes alienum non magnum. (434) DANGERFELDUS QUALlS. Is ex infimo hominum ordine natus, obscuritatis larium Paternorum, et laboriosae vitae, ad quam nascendi sorte damnatus videbatur, pertaesus, ut Paupertatem, malorum omnium maxi me formidatum, effugeret, nullum facinus intentatum reliquerat, ad omnia sufficiente ingenio, quod a natura acerrimum acceperat. Et anima prava nimis bene habitabat, nam corporis justa statura et forma meliora spondens viam ad nequitiam pandebat. Qui velit cuncta ejus facinora referre, opus est totum fere capitalium criminum exscribat catalogum. Vix ulli in Anglia carceres non ipsius praesentia cohone-

*

*

For a good account of the Meal Tub Plot see F. S. Ronald, The Attempted Whig R evolution, and also H.M.C., Ormonde, N.S. iv, 553-7, 571, 57f>.

, I.e. M alice Defeated . .... by Elizabeth Cellier, 1680 (Wing C.1661). :I: For further light on the work of Catholic prison visitors (especially Mrs. Catherine Sheldon), and of the condition of some of the Catholic prisoners at this time, see Mr. Dowdall's just and sober Vindication .... 1681, by Gerard Dowdall (Wing D .20oo).


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stati; nulla supplicia, quae non subiit, excepto capitali, quod effractis carceribus aliquoties vitavit; ad quod damnatus in Antwerpiensi castro, Odoardi Worslaei S.]. * opera et precibus e carnificis manibus ereptus est. Quae omnia productis Authenticis testimoniis probata videbimus lib. seq., Deo juvante. (435) Hujus velut in specu sepulti miserta Celleria, cum de criminibus ab eo patratis nulla fere mentio, et solum aes alienum, idque non magnum, obstare videretur, illo etiam se Catholicum fore spondente, Celleria nominibus expunctis, corrasa undique pecunia, ilIum carcere liberavit. Is, venalis animi, versatilis ingenii homo, certus in praesenti rerum omnium confusione iis adhaerere, a quibus certior incolumitas et majores opes ostentarentur, ubi vidit a Catholicis tantum tenue vitae subsidium sperari posse, timeri vero supplicia variis infiicta, cunctis imminentia, ab horum hostibus certa securitas, amplus honor, vita Oatianae similis offerentur, his se adjungere statuit, beneficii a Celleria accepti immemor, etiam cum hujus pernicie. (436) [f. 102J Ex quo quinque ]esuitae supplicio affecti fuerant, eorumque Orationes in vulgus emissae, primo surdum murmur, deinde certa opinio nata, nullam a Papistis initam esse Conspirationem; fabulam a novarum rerum studiosis confictam, quo cunc.ta turbarent, et Regiam sibimet authoritatem arrogarent. Hinc Monmuthius, dum Scotiam peteret, aliquibus interrogantibus, quid Londini diceretur de famosa Conspiratione, respondit, "Dicitur famosam Papistarum Conspirationem commenticiam evanescere, et veram Presbiterianam apparere." Catholicorum intererat istam opinionem confirmari, Factiosorum earn extingui; ad quod nihil aptius Shaftesburio occurrit, quam si diceretur a Papistis orta; et tum ipse, tum Celleria, idoneum diversos ad fines instrumentum se nactos +in Dangerfeldo+ arbitrati sunt. Celleriae opera iste in multo rum Catholicorum noticiam venit, paucis probatus, quod suspectos haberent istos carcerum inquilinos, a quibus tam multa passi jam essent. Proceres in Turri captivi ne quidem ad alloquium admiserunt; Comes Castlemanus vetuit domum redire, alioqui fore ut pugnis et calcibus pedissequorum ej iceretur. +Monita Celleria ab iisdem cum ilio nihil rei haberet, alioquin etiam ipsam vitatum iri.+ Suam tamen Celleriae probabat operam, qua agente Fama non semper mendax fert eum ad Eboracensem deductum, forte etiam ad Carolum; ab utroque animatum ad Presbiterianorum studia detegeda. Nec tamen advenerat tempus a Deo destinatum quo haec abscondita tenebrarum manifestanda erant et revelanda cordium perfidorum secreta; quod quarto post anna factum non humana ulla industria, sed Dei Providentia, cui soli suam Carolus Regnique salutem fert acceptam.

* Cj.p.The46. Matchless

D~fealed),

Picaro....

(appended to Mrs. Cellier's Malice


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(437) Dangerfeldus interea stu diose inquirit, ubi factiosi caetus celebrarent, qui convenirent, et quando; quas copias pararent, (aliquas parari, certum) ; quos iis Praefectos designarent. Omnia comperta in Catalogum conjicit; incomperta conjectando supplet. Catalogum ipsum in dolio deponit atque farina tegit, in Cellariae aedibus. Inde Publicanos adit, eis indicat occulte jilatas in Manselli (qui olim in Carolum I. pro Parlamento legioni praefuerat, et factiosos etiamnum fovebat) cubiculum merces, non soluto vectigali; iis eo declucendis se Ducem profitetur. Nihil mercium in cubiculo repertum; sed trans aulaea repertae epistolae ad Consilium Regium delatae; comprehensus etiam Mansellus, qui negavit se de epistolis quicquam scire; eas a Dangerfeldo con:fectas illicque deposit as ; huic null am deberi fidem ob fiagitiosam vitam ipsi notissimam. Et Shaftesburius ait ne quidem canem tam facinorosi et stigmatici hominis indicio constringendum. Hinc Mansellus dimissus, et Dangerfeldo nota facta Presbiterianorum in ipsa Aula Potentia. Statim Wallerus in Celleriae domum irrumpit, omnia scrutatur, et Dangerfeldi indicio, etiam farinae dolium, uncle promit bellum catalogum, de quo supra. Unde fides facta, a Catholicis natum de Presbiteriana conspiratione rumorem, quibus ob hostiles animos non credendum. (438) Celleria carceri mancipata, et Dangerfeldus, quo cum ilIa deinceps colloqui constanter abnuit, videns eum sublesta et vere Protestantica fide egisse. Conatus quidem est in Celleriae gratiam se iterum insinuare suamque fidem probare, sed cum omnia frustra essent, carcere eductus, multorum ei criminum gratia facta (non omnium, ut dicetur), copiose pecunia instructus, in Catholicos Testem egit.~ Et Shaftesburius, qui nec canem ejus fide constringendum dixerat, ejus indicio comprehendi jussit Castlemanium, Robertum Paitonum, Equitem Auratum, Gadhurium, Astronomum, et Illustrissimam Heroinam, Powisiam, ~ Ducis Beaufortii sororem, ea pietate toto vitae tempore conspicuam, ut communi judicio antiquis illis faeminis Melaniae, Probae, Albinae, J ulianae, sanctorum Patrum laudatione celeberrimis simillima videatur; quam eo rigore observari jussum, ut nec ipsi nec ejus marito ullius e domesticis suis opera uti permissum. Hinc ipsa tota fere hieme omnium et famulorum et ancillarum

*

*

For the information of Sir Edmund Warcup's Journals on the Meal Tub Plot see English Historical Review, xl, 244-247. For further light on Mansell's activities see A. Bryant, Samuel Pepys, the Years of P eril (1948), passim. . ~ H.M.C., 7 Rep., p. 495. ~ The Earl of Castlemaine was imprisoned in the Tower from 1 November 1679 till 23 June 1680, the Countess of Powis from 4 November 1679 till II Feb. 1679/80, and Sir Robert Peyton apparently from 19 January 1679/80 till 12 February 1679/80 (C.R.S., vol. iv, Tower Records, pp. 241246). Gadbury was an astrologer and almanack-maker, not an astronomer in the modern sense.


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vices obire debuit, ignem struere, lectum sternere, verrere cubiculum, aliaque, ipsa sola, jam grandis natu, [J. 103J talium rudis, nunquam firma valetudine; nunquam tamen magis prosperam expert a, minusque morbo tentatam, laeta semper, quod digna habita esset pro fide J esu talia pati. Reliqua anna sequenti videbimus. (439) PAPISTAE LARVATI. Factiosi Catholicos jam prostratos rati, novos in scenam producunt, Protestantes nimirum, plebisque furori exponunt, sub nomine Papistarum Larvatorum, odio in Catholicos concepto una cum nomine ad hos extenso, sicut olim Nero fideles bestiarum inc1usos pellibus, immanissimarum belluarum rictibus exposuit. Hos, quod abrupta cum Ecc1esia Romana communione, non satis remota ab ea consedissent, aliquas ceremonias, festa Christi D. at que Sanctorum, eadem prope modum retinuissent, etiam Hierarchiae formam, quam filii Belial cane pejus et angue oderant una cum veris Papistis; toto regno pellere conati sunt, certi Monarchicum regimen in Republica non diu superstes futurum, ubi omne Regimen ex Ecc1esia Anglicana sublata esset. (440) SCROGGIO DICA IMPACTA. Hoc anna exeunte, dica (quis id credidisset?) ab Oate et Bedloo, Scroggio impacta occasione ab liberato Wakemanno sumpta, in tredecim capita digesta, quae referre placet una cum Scroggii +responsiones + ad singula, Consilio Regio traditis, ad quod causae cognitio data. i. Contra Juramentum suum, et officii sui rationem Brudenellum aliosque Majestatis accusatos, indicta causa dimisisse liberos. Respondit Scroggius: Dimissos fuisse a J udicibus Banci Regii, urgente Bedloo. ii. In causa Wakemanni reprehendisse Oatem et Bedloum, Regios testes, xii viros adversos eos concitasse, eorum testimonia male repetiisse, &c. Unde factum, ut Rei evaderent. R: Oatem meruisse acriter reprehendi, qui de Rege Consilioque Regio inverecunde locutus fuerat. iii. Dixisse, tametsi fides habita hactenus fuit Regiis T estibus, deinceps non habendam. R: Id a se varias ob causas dictum, quas speraret Consilio Regio probatum iri. iv et v. Aliquos Regi fideles subditos carceri mancipasse, nimt:rum ob libellos famosos. R: Se contra libellorum famosorum Authores et Seminatores lege egisse; uItra paenas Jure praescriptas nihil. vi. In familiari sermone jurare et imprecari; et contra dignitatem suam, nimium bibere. R: Paratum se ad haec diluenda, ubi accusatores apparuerint. vii. Varios Majestatis accusatos acceptis vadibus dimisisse, inconsultis Regibus testibus. R: Eos dimissos auditis prius Regiis Procuratoribus. Si non fuit ante petita venia Dominorum Oatis et Bedloi, sperare se id non fore capitale. viii. Cum illi relatum esset, ubi aliqui sacerdotes

*

*

Articles of High Misdemeanour ... . Against Sir William Scroggs (London. 1679/80) (Wing O. 29-31a), and The Answer of Sir William Scroggs Kt., Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench to the Articles of Dr. Titus Oates and Mr. William Bedlow . ... (21 January 1679/ 80). See also L.J., xiii. 736, 752, and Warner, f. 119 inf.


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hospitarentur, ipsum indicium contempsisse, indicibus ad Wallerum remissis. R: Eirenarcharum esse comprehendere Reos, non vera ipsius; se proinde recte fecisse. ix. Cum K noxius et Lanus conati fuissent Regios Testes in contemptum adducere, illum honorem eorum non commendasse. R: Ex officio suo se plenam libertatem fecisse xii viris declarandi quod sentiret de crimine nefando, cujus Oates erat accusatus. x. In multis faviss e Osburno , Testium Regiorum honorem convellenti. R: Osburno se nunquam favisse; hunc jurasse, quod Oates saepe dixerit Regno Angliae nunquam bene futurum, donec Rex a Populo eligatur ; caeterum majus Oati cum Osburno fuisse commercium, quam sibi. xi. Dixisse coram Rege et Consilio Regio , dictos Oatem et Bedloum contra quemcunque . paratas habere accusationes. R : Mirari se hominis impudentiam ea sibi verba coram Consiliariis Regiis objicientis, quae norunt ipsi falsa esse. xii. Dixisse Langhornum injuria plexum. R: Se dixisse Bedloo e Langhorni cubiculo in ejus musaeum non pat ere prospectum; adeoque Bedloum falsum tulisse testimonium, dum juravit se ex Langhorni cubiculo vidisse eum in musaeo scribentem. xiii. Pecuniam accepisse, cum sacerdotum causae agerentur; causarum earum Acta Typographis pecunia vendidisse; et id genus alia. R: Ista respicere contractus particulares, de quibus non credebat se teneri ex officio ad reddendam Oati rationem. (441) Haec Scroggius. Cujus Responsiones adeo consilio sacratiori probatae, ut illi fecerit Potestatem Juris beneficio in falsos Accusatores uti. Ea tamen usus non est, quod exitus a xii viris penderet, quos aequos sibi sperare vix posset. * (442) ACTIO SODOMIAE IN OATEM. Dictum Articulo ix. Knoxium et Lanum honori Oatis detraxisse. ~ Isti Oatem sodomiae accusarant, et vere publica fama istum praedamnabat, cujus improbi mores nemini latebant. Dum haec causa ageretur, adfuere clienti suo Shaftesburius, Halifaxius, aliique proceres, quorum studiis iste serviebat; quorum authoritate factum, ut vindiciae secundum Oatem a xii viris darentur; Lanus, ut perjurus, colla manibusque ligno insertis populo exponeretur. Knoxio, quominus [f. 104J idem pateretur, profuit honor jpsius tritavo habitus, qui Geneva reversus in Scotiam, totam illam gentem in Mariam Reginam concitavit, de quo Annales Scotici.

*

Scroggs was acquitted before the Council, 21 January 1679 /80 (C .S.P.D., 1679/ 80, p. 376). ~ C/. H.M.C., Ormonde N.S., iv, 560.


(1)

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PERSECUTION OF CATHOLICS AND OF THE PRESBYTERIAN PLOT BY FATHER WARNER,

s.J.

(Chaplain to King James II)

Notes introductory to the History of the English Persecution. 1. The procedure of revolutionaries. 2. The author's plan. 3. The English Constitution-monarchic and successive; not a mixed constitution, though a limited monarchy. 4. Parliament : it is subject to the King. 5. The Religion of the English-Protestant, Presbyterian, and Catholic. 6. Description of the Courts of Justice in England. 7. Types of punishment employed. 8. The Government of London. 9. The English Calendar. 10. The Value of English Money. (2) THE PROCEDURE OF REVOLUTIONARIES . Men who set a revolution on foot cannot achieve their purpose, except by the removal of those citizens who protect the existing order; their removal, however, cannot be effected with an appearance of right, unless some charge, and indeed a grave charge, is brought against them. But to bring such a charge is extremely difficult when their lives are blameless-as were the lives of all the Catholics in England; for they were peace-loving people, far removed not only from every criminal act, but even from suspicion of the least misdeed; and yet against them was stirred up the dreadful storm the history of which I am about to narrate. A charge, I say, to lay against them, cannot be found except by inventing accounts of what they thought, by attributing to them unfulfilled intentions, by conjecturing motives different from their real ones, by maliciously misinterpreting innocent words and actions, and finally by imagining conspiracies and treasonable crimes, and attributing these, regardless of law human and divine, to innocent men, and then confirming them with lies and false oaths. In the meantime, while bringing such charges against others who are completely innocent, while persecuting blameless men with fire and sword, these same people are themselves in very truth meditating precisely the same designs: they are trying first to throw into turmoil, and then to overturn, the very constitution which they boast themselves determined to protect


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and defend against the detestable contrivances of others. "Treason," a famous R oman legal writer ventured to say, "is the one and only charge to which a man is exposed if he has done no wrong." (3) It is as clear as daylight that this is what has happened in England; nor is there anyone in that country so blind as not to see, nor so obstinate as not to admit, that the Catholics were innocent of the charges brought against them, while their accusers were in fact guilty of all those crimes; for both the perfidy of the accusers and the innocence of their victims have been acknowledged by the public courts. The non-Catholics should not have expected any other issue to the affair, had not their malicious purposes not only obscured, but altogether extinguished in them the use of reason; nor should the Catholics have feared any other outcome, seeing that the whole story of the pretended Plot rested on the credit of a single man, a liar, who has been proved guilty of many perjuries, and was founded on nothing but mere assertions of his, which, far from being true, were not even plausible. For this reason it is more remarkable that such obvious lies bore public scrutiny for so long, than that after five years they have vanished from all eyes . (4) THE AUTHOR'S PLAN. Since I am writing this account chiefly for foreigners, and in the language common to the peoples abroad, who are for the most part complete strangers to English ways, I have decided at the outset to give a brief account of the English Constitution, of its present condition, both political (i.e. Civil) and sacred (i.e. Ecclesiastical), of the different parties and their aims, and finally of the procedure of the Courts of Criminal Justice. Thus my history will be better understood, and I shall not be forced in the course of my narrative to break the thread of events and delay the reader, whose attention is elsewhere, while I explain, as occasion demands, things about which I daily see many people deluded; for our political system is not a little different in this century from other systems, although there was a time when the same, or very nearly the same, system obtained everywhere throughout Europe-if you except Poland, Venice, Genoa, and other more obscure republics. This system, however, has undergone gradual changes in different places, as circumstances demanded; but nowhere have the changes been smaller than in England, which is strictly conservative of her ancient customs and laws-with the exception of a few laws pertaining to religion, which have been altered to accord with the change of religion. An account of these things-though superfluous in England, where all that I am about to say is well knownwill, I hope, be not unwelcome abroad, where for the most part they are not at all familiar. There are, too, famous names of great writers who furnish precedents to justify this plan of mine. While writing the history of Rome they recorded a variety of things about Roman Law, customs, and the Roman way of life both in peace and in war-information which, though well worth knowing, is not to be found in the Roman authors. For this reason, those who wish to study the structure of that great republic would be better advised, in my opinion, to read the Greek historians, who talk of such things, rather than Livy or Suetonius, or that Prince of Latin history, Sallust. For the Latin authors indicate, almost in a single word, things which were quite familiar to men of their own time brought up in that republic, and which therefore it would have been idle to explain to them, but which to us, who were born long after the dissolution of that republic, would have


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been most obscure, had not the industry of the Greek writers kindled a torch to enlighten our research. (5) THE CONSTITUTION OF ENGLAND. All philosophers are agreed that there are three types of Constitution-the Monarchic, the Aristocratic, and the Democratic-because the supreme power rests with a single individual, or with a few (and these of better rank), or with all; to these types all other constitutions are reducible. Those which consist of various elements, combined in whatever proportion, are called ( mixed.' It is certain that the constitution of England was always monarchic, since the most ancient records make mention of kings in England, as also does Julius Caesar (who was the first Roman to enter the island with an army; he probed its strength without subduing it) among the classical writers. Under his successors England was reduced to the form of a province of the Roman Empire, and was without the full power of kings, or even without kings of any kind; but, when the Romans withdrew, kings again acquired control, both before the Saxon invasion of Britain, and, when the Britons had been thrust back into the wild mountain regions, among the transmarine Saxons, or Angles. This does not mean that there was one monarch of all the Angles or of all the Britons (for England alone at one and the same time produced seven kings); rather each region belonging to the Angles had its own king, as also had the Britons. I am deliberately omitting various problems, worthy indeed of consideration, but irrelevant to our present purpose-such as, for example, what regions each of the kings ruled. Was their authority limited by any definite frontiers, and if so, what were they? What powers had they in war and what in peace? etc. All I am contending is this: that England always had kings . (6) In the course of so many centuries, respect for the monarchic constitution has become so deeply rooted in the hearts of the English that the sword of civil war was never able to tear it out, Dot though it cut down masses of the people, many nobles, and His Most Serene Majesty himself. Somewhat later the supreme power was entrusted, through the struggles of the troublesome partisans of democracy, to one man-that stage-hero who was at first a monarch, then a real tyrant. Next it passed to the true and legitimate heir to the kingdom after his recall from exile to the resumption of his rights, and after his restoration to the throne in answer to the prayers of all. It is our hope that his legitimate heirs will continue in possession of it into the most distant centuries. (His heirs' I say, because the position of Icing in England has never been elective, as it was not so very long ago in Denmark and Hungary, and as it still is in Poland . In England it always passes by hereditary succession to the male offspring, if there is any (Tacitus was mistaken when he said that the Britons make no distinction of sex in the choice of rulers), and to female offspring only if male issue is wanting. A female sovereign receives the crown through her subjects' reverence for the family which has been endowed with royal authority; for God alone, who by His Providence arranges the series of human births, marks her as successor to the deceased king: ÂŤ in the hand of God are the powers of all men and the rights of all kingdoms." So much in fact do we observe the distinction of sexes in the choice of rulers, that while in Gaul, despite the Salic Law, when a minor succeeds to the throne, the reins of power are entrusted along with the title of Regent to the Queen Mother, in England this is not


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done, unless the Queen-Regent is consecrated with a solemn inauguration ceremony. No innovation was made in this matter as a result of the violent invasion of the Saxons and then of the Danes and Normans, when the voice of the laws was silenced or went unheard amid the clash of arms; for violence of this kind, though it suspends the operation of laws, does not abolish or render obsolete such laws as the victors wish to remain in force. The sovereignty which the vanquished formerly possessed passes to the victors; hence, just as on the occasion of a natural death of a king the supreme power is transferred in its fulness to another member of the same family, so after a foreign war it passes from one family to another. It is, however, worth remarking that sovereign power over the Britons, Saxons, Normans, and Scots has been passed on by legitimate birth to the present Most Serene and Powerful King of Great Britain and Ireland, James II; and thus, while in powep he is second to none, by reason of the antiquity of his right, which has a history of fifteen centuries (or more, if we take account of Scotland), he is seen to be superior to other kings-if one may say so without offence. (7) THE KING'S POWER. Passed on by the blood streaming in the narrow channels of the veins, the royal office is invested with such power that it recognises no judges superior to itself, such as the Ephors were at Sparta, nor any Senate, as do the Doges of Venice, nor a 'Tribunal', as the Court of Aragon is called, nor the whole people, as the Roman kings did. Hence no one can re-try a case upon which the King has pronounced sentence; no one can veto its execution; and from it there is no appeal save perhaps such an appeal as St. Bernard is said to have made" from an ill-informed Pope to a well-informed Pope. " Hence the saying of our legal experts that" within his realm the king has no superior, and indeed no equal; all are subject to him, but he to no one save God, from whom he is the second, and after whom he is first before all and above all." These things are as truly said of the King now as they were long ago when said by Tertullian of the Roman Emperor, because, just as the sun makes the earth warm with its heat, bright with its splendour, and glorious with its beauty, so the power of the King, according to these same authors, beams upon all those who are beneath it: "The homes of all are defended by his vigilance, their leisure by his toil, their pleasures by his industry, their ease by his unceasing care." (8) It would not be right to omit mention of the special and extraordinary power granted by God to the Kings of England, of curing scrofulous tum.ours by their mere touch, with the addition of some pious prayers. This power was first granted to the Blessed Edward, called the Confessor, and thereafter to all the kings succeeding him. In the single year 1687 it is certain that the touch of James II cured of that pernicious and disgusting disease fifteen thousand three hundred and twenty-three persons who flocked to seek his aid partly from England and partly from neighbouring countries. (9) The honour paid to the King is, then, very great and quite unique. All his ministers and all his subjects, on approaching him, bend the knee as a mark of reverence. Nobody is permitted to cover his head in the royal presence-not even the Prince of Wales, who is next heir to the throne. It is true that Queen Mary granted the Earl of Sussex the privilege of having his head covered in her presence (the reason may have been that her husband Philip II, King of Spain, K


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gave the same privilege to certain Spaniards called ' Grandees '), yet this unusual privilege died with the man to whom it had been granted, and was not later extended to anyone else. (10) Some foreigners, and some mischjevous persons in England who support them, are of the opinion that this Constitution is not monarchic but mixed, because in some matters it is customary for Parliament to be consulted; this view is, however, mistaken, since no part of the supreme power rests with Parliament, as will be shown at greater length below. The Constitution is rather' politic' and paternal than despotic, in so far as the King does not exercise unlimited and unmitigated power, unrestrained by any laws, but rather rules in accordance with the Laws, except where some particular case demands special treatment, when the jots and tittles of the Law cannot be observed without damage to the public good. This arrangement i in the interests of both ruler and ruled alike, since reverence for the Law is no less valuable to the King as a safeguard of the Majesty of his power than it is to his subjects as a safeguard of their liberty. The royal authority is not, however, so tightly bound by the Laws as not to be able to free itself when it sees fit, that is, when some problem has arisen of sufficient magnitude to require the fulness of the royal power for its solution. As a matter of fact the kings rarely avail themselves of this power, just as God rarely employs His omnipotence for the performance of miracles; this comparison was once used by J ames I of England and VI of Scotland when addressing the nobles of the kingdom assembled in Parliament. (11) PARLIAMENT. The English Parliament (often referred to as the "Supreme Council of the Kingdom" and the "More Sacred ,Council") has nothing in common with the French parliaments save the name. They are Benches of Judges and legal assistants, appointed by royal authority for the settling of civil cases and for the decision of criminal trials. The English Parliament, on the other hand, is an assembly composed of the three orders of society, viz. clergy, nobility and common people . The clergy are represented by the Archbishops and Bishops, in addition to whom there were formerly all mitred Abbots and some Priors of Cathedral churches. Among the nobility are reckoned the Barons and those who occupy a more exalted station, the Viscounts, Counts, Marquesses, and Dukes. The common people are represented by men elected by the counties, boroughs, and some towns (which have received that privilege from early kings or from some other source, as will be mentioned below) . A similar assembly in France is called the States General, in Spain the Cortes, in Germany the Imperial Diet. The above-mentioned Members of Parliament assemble in two large halls-in the one the clergy and nobility, in the second the Commons. The English call these 'Houses' or 'Chambers,' but the present author, writing in Latin, will call them' conclavia '; and as regards the difference between them, that of the nobility and clergy will be called, on account of the dignity of those who sit in it, the " upper conclave," and the other the" lower conclave." The former is often referred to as 'Lords,' the latter as 'Commons,' by which title the people's representatives are meant. They are not so called because the common people assemble there (for the most part the Lower House is composed of nobles, gentry, knights, baronets, and barons who are not peers of the realm of England), but rather because


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the members are elected by. the votes of the common people and represent them in that assembly. The King summons such assemblies, when difficult business of the realm seems to him to require such action, especially when new taxes are to be imposed, new laws to be put on the Statute Book, old laws repealed, etc. Business of this sort is never conducted by the King without consultation with Parlia ment-or very rarely, and only under pressure of some necessity. It is customary for Kings, without waiting or even asking for the advice of Parliament, to order by means of their proclamations whatever seems likely to be in the public interest, and to add severe penalties (if the matter is deemed to require them) against those who violate them. These proclamations, however, have only temporary validity, and so have not the force of laws, unless they have been ratified by vote in the assemblies and confirmed with the royal assent. Yet when James II took steps, after the death of his predecessor Charles II, to collect the taxes imposed during Charles's lifetime, the decision of Parliament was not awaited, on the ground that the security of his dominions demanded the prompter action. (13) Because some Parliaments have been troublesome to the Kings themselves, and have thwarted their will, and because one summoned in 1642 drove its King from his palace, made war against him, conquered him, and cut off his head-a crime unheard of for centuries-for these reasons certain foreigners think that the authority of Parliament is greater than that of the King himself, or at any rate that the supreme power resides not in the King alone, but in him and Parliament together. This, however, is far from the truth. For the King without consulting Parliament (1) receives embassies from foreign princes, and replies to them, (2) sends ambassadors of his own to those princes, (3) declares war, (4) makes or renounces treaties, (5) levies troops, and forces all between the ages of seventeen and sixty, excepting a few who are exempt by the law of the kingdom, to do military service for him-this seems to be a special privilege of the kings of England; (6) he makes peace, (7) he has complete disposal of ships of war, harbours, fortified cities and arsenals scattered throughout the whole kingdom, (8) he coins money and assigns the value to it, etc. All these rights are most certain proofs of the supremacy of his power, since Parliament has no share in them whatever. (14) Further, the King has supreme power over Parliament itself, for it is he who summons it, prorogues it, moves it from place to place, and dissolves it, all at his own good pleasure, even without offering any explanation. Again, if Parliament has passed a resolution by a vote, even though unanimous, without the addition of the royal assent this resolution will be a lifeless thing, an embryo uninformed by a soul, still-born, a thing having no authority and no power, for authority and power it can acquire only from the royal assent. Finally, even if their resolution has received the royal assent and thus acquired the force of law, its execution depends upon the King alone, and he may suspend its operation according to his good pleasure. It is true that troublesome members of the assemblies have tried again and again to throw off this yoke and to have their resolutions invested with the same authority as the Roman Plebiscita; but although they seem to have achieved this aim by force of arms at the time of the Civil Wars, at other times they have exerted themselves in vain. But I shall (please God) say more about this below, when occasion offers. With


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what plausible argument then, with what right or what show of reasoning, can the royal power, which is greater than the power of Parliament, be represented as inferior to it, or ranked as equal with it? Those who maintain the opposite view from mine do not derive any support from the fact that one Parliament stirred up a parricidal war against a King; for this occurred but once, and one swallow does not make a spring. That this argument proves nothing is also plain from this consideration, that not only gladiators but even slaves (to say nothing of Sulla, Marius, Caesar, and Catiline) declared war on the senate and people of Rome, yet no one would say that either the slaves or the gladiators were greater than the senate and people. (15) It is, then, beyond dispute that the supreme power resides in the King of England alone, and that his Parliament is merely a supreme council (this title is frequently used by legal authorities) ruled by him and subject to him, that the King can do most things without recourse to it, and that it can accomplish nothing without the King. I confess that there has frequently been in Parliament an element which Kings themselves have feared, ever since the time when heresy and ambition seized upon the hearts of most of its members; these two evils have made them rebel from faith and reason on the one hand, and from their allegiance and their Prince on the other; for they march on in pace with each other, impatient of every restraint and hostile to every higher power, these unhappy and inseparable twin sisters, Heresy and Ambition. (16) THE RELIGION OF THE ENGLISH . The English for many centuries retained pure and untainted the faith which Saint Augustine brought from Rome in the early seventh century and passed on to them. The aberrations of \Vicliff, though they caused the destruction of an immense number of souls and of bodies in Bohemia, quickly died out in England, and were almost buried with their inventor. Finally, about the middle of the sixteenth century, a schism was inflamed by Henry VIII, for reasons well known to all but approved by few, and there was a secession from the Apostolic See. This soon afterwards degenerated into a heresy-not Luther's heresy, nor yet that of Calvin, nor into any other heresy of one title, but into an eclectic heresy. They freed the people from the burden of the fastdays and from the obligation of confession; they freed the clergy from, among other things, the law of celibacy. With Calvin and Zwingli they deny the real presence of Christ in the Venerable Sacrament; as regards free will, the efficacy of grace, and conditional divine predestination, they take a moderate view, inclining more favourably to the Arminians than to the supporters of Calvin, who maintain the existence of a horrible decree which dooms countless myriads of men to eternal punishment, though they assign no motive for this decree. Like all other heretics, they care nothing for the power of Christ's Vicar upon earth . (17) Nevertheless, to all outward appearances, they keep the ecclesiastical hierarchy, excepting only the supreme hierarch, just as they found it, for they see in it a not inconsiderable bulwark of the monarchy. In this they part company from all other reformers of the Church of that time. Calvin did away with the prelacy and introduced equality among the sacred ministers of the Church; the Lutherans changed the title of Bishop into tbat of ' Superintendent' if the man was unmarried, or 'Administrator' if in wedlock, but


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retained the authority and properties of the Bishops. At the same time they rejected the sacred ordination, which they are said to consider superfluous. The English retain even the title of Bishop, and defend the necessity of their having another ordination in addition to that by which they become priests . They try, too, to derive the consecration of their first Bishops from Catholic prelates, in order to trace back their origins to the Apostles; but they labour in vain, since none of the Catholic Bishops surviving at that time could be induced b y entreaties or threats to consecrate, by the imposition of their hands , the Bishops designated by Queen Elizabeth. This is our unchallengeable proof of the invalidity of their Orders, which is further demonstrated by defect of both matter and form; for they retain no matter and no form that was employed by any ancient church. They themselves, however, maintain that both are valid, and that their ordination was at the beginning performed by some true Bishops; it is in virtue of this claim that each of their Bishops exercises authority over the parish clergy of his own diocese. (18) Hence the weeping and wailing of the Presbyterians (this is the name given in England to those who adopt the opinions of Calvin on Church government); hence their complaints; hence their libellous pamphlets, their quarrels, their strife, their seditions, civil wars, overthrow of the Crown, and in fine this has been the Pandora's Box from which a whole flood of woes has poured in streams. Rules about special dress for the clergy, the shape of the cross used in Baptism, kneeling at the Holy Supper, bowing towards the sacred table, observance of feast days, definite formulae of prayers, superstitious and pharisaical observance of the Sabbath without any occupation whatever or even any honest recreation, and other similar trifles, they have brought forward merely for form's sake, in order to impose upon the people. The real cause of the disagreement is that they will not endure the Bishops as superiors, and the Bishops will not endure them as equals. (19) This obstinate Faction, hostile to every form of superiority, born for the destruction of whole peoples, an Erinys alike to Rome and to our native land, came into this world at almost the same time a s the Anglican Religion (by this title we shall henceforth describe that Protestant Church which is subject to Bishops). The heretics who had left the country in the reign of Catholic Mary settled first at Frankfurton-Main; thence some of them set out for Geneva, that common cesspool of Europe ; there they drank deep draughts of Calvin's filthy doctrines, which they brought back with them on their return to their native country, when after the death of Mary, Elizabeth took the reins of power. They at once began to scatter their doctrines about England. Elizabeth never approved, but at first turned a blind eye, in order not to estrange those whose services seemed likely to be useful for the purpose of eliminating the influence of the Pope, who was at that time her sole source of anxiety. (20) The tares sown by these men, watered by the writings of Calvin and Beza, neglected by the Queen, then fostered by the favour of some Protestants, grew so rapidly as to become a menace to the authority not merely of the Bishops, on whom they had declared open war, but also to that of the Crown. The Faction were, however, repressed with a severity which was both salutary and necessary, and in the later years of Elizabeth were forced to conceal their evil designs .


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Under James I they revived them, and at last, under his son Charles I, they brought forth the monster which they had been gestating for so many years, namely the Civil W ar, by means of which they raised that conflagration which was quenched only by the ruin of three kingdoms . (21) No country is more fertile than England in producing new sects. There are Anabaptists, Chiliasts or Millenarists, Quakers, Independents, Fifth-Monarchy men, and others of the same sort. But of these I shall say nothing, as the description of them belongs rather to the controversialist than to the historian. The English call them all ' Nonconformists,' because they refuse to conform to the Anglican Church by adopting its ritual. However, although on many points they disagree with the Presbyterians, I shall call them all Presbyterians, since they hide under their cloak, communicate their plans to them and aim at the same objectives. Setting aside all the disagreements and controversies that exist between them, they are agreed in this one purpose of applying all their energies to working the destruction of the State. (22) About the Catholics there is no need to say anything, since their moral and dogmatic teaching is everywhere the same and is concealed from no one. Both Charles I and Charles II availed themselves of the Catholics' loyal services in both peace and war. Their good will towards the Kings always shone forth in Parliament, as long as they were permitted to be members of the Councils of the Kingdom. The prologue to the tragedy of the Civil War was their removal from these Councils; and when the same Faction not so long ago wished to stage a similar tragedy their first step was the removal of the Catholics from Parliament. Nor can the loyalty of the Catholics be rendered suspect by the wicked Gunpowder Plot, which was planned by certain Catholics. For, in the first place, the odium of the plot affected few of the Catholics, while the rest were soon declared guiltless by King J ames himself, who would have been the one to suffer; and secondly because, if some stain was put upon the good repute of others through the hateful outcry of the ministers, yet by their long fidelity through so many years, even in the hardest times, by the way they used up their property in the King's service, by the way they shed their blood and sacrificed their lives to save the King's life, the Catholics have long since washed away that stain. This way of serving our Princes we have learnt from the Apostle Paul, who teaches that" all souls should be subject to the higher powers, and not only for wrath, but also for conscience' sake; he that resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God. And they that resist purchase to themselves damnation." We are not inspired by hope of selfish gain, as the Heretics odiously say; our aim is not to win the Prince's goodwill and thereby secure a suspension of the laws passed against us. It was on account of the unwavering loyalty of the Catholics to the King that Shaftesbury (of whom more below) frequently said that "either Catholics must be eliminated from Pa.rliament, or by rescinding the laws passed against them we must bring it about that they enjoy equal rights with others, because it is dangerous to the liberty of the kingdom for the King to have so many persons in that Supreme Council who are completely at his mercy." (23) My narrative will, in general, speak of three sorts of menthe Catholics, the Protestants (i.e. the sons of the Anglican Church),


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and the Presbyterians who embrace Calvin's doctrines. The first sort is subject in spiritual matters to the Pope; the second respects the Anglican Bishops; the third wishes ecclesiastical affairs to be administered by a council of Elders, both ecclesiastical and lay, or to put the same more plainly, they recognize no superior and are hostile to both civil and ecclesiastical authority. (24) DESCRIPTION OF THE COURTS OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE IN ENGLAND. England, together with Wales (the western part of the island, occupied by the original Britons and washed by the Irish Sea), is divided into forty-two counties to facilitate administration. Each county recognizes a governor nominated by the King from among the nobles of highest rank, with the title of ( Lieutenant ' of the King ; he is also in command of the militia. Each county has also a Sheriff, appointed by the King for one year only. (When Englishmen are writing in Latin they use Vice-Comes as equivalent to Sheriff, and henceforth we shall use this word .) It is the Sheriff's duty to see that criminals sent to him from all parts of the county are kept safely under lock and key, and brought to trial at the proper time; that the Jury (to be described shortly below) who are to hear the case are present, and that the sentence passed by the judge is put into execution. It is also the Sheriff's duty to entertain on their arrival the judges sent on circuit by the King through their county, to see that all their wants are provided for, to defend their persons, and finally to render them every assistance if they need help in any matter whatever. (25) There are, besides, other magistrates, who because they are entrusted with care of the public peace, are called Justices of the Peace or Eirenarchs by Camden, as being guardians or protectors of the peace. They are a type of magistrate not unknown to the Roman Empire, since there is extant in Codex I, x. Tit., a law de I renarchis, promulgated under the emperors Honorius and Theodosius. These Justices commit to gaol persons caught in the act or strongly suspect, who have been reported to them ; then, after inflicting a penalty proportionate to the nature of the charge and to the quality of the accused and of the witnesses, bid him appear before the Bar on a day appointed. Four times a year some of these Justices meet to deliberate on the public business of the "ounty, the repair of roads and bridges, relief of the poor, observance of the laws, and any matter in which any public property has been, or might be harmed . Further-and this is more closely relevant to our purpose-when the circuit judges are known to be arriving within a few days, they hold a summary and perfunctory investigation about the accused and the charges against them. For this purpose the Sheriff may also summon some who are not Justices of the Peace; these, because they swear (jurant) to pronounce judgment according to their conscience, are called the (Jury' -with the epithet ( Greater,' since they investigate matters concerned with the whole county, to distinguish them from the Lesser Juries, who are summoned by the same Sheriff to hear cases concerning particular defendants. They too swear in the same way to give judgment without partiality or animosity. Our law requires that they be good men and truethat is, they must be of honest character and domiciled in the county where the court is held; they may be of any social class, if the defendant is one of the common people, provided they are not butchers (our laws prohibit butchers from being jurors on account of the harshness prod uced in t hem by chopping up animal carcasses and by cont act with


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blood); and, what is most important of all, they must not be partial to either of the contending parties. The justice of this last provision i6 founded on the Natural Law. Hence the accused is allowed to take exception to any whom he suspects of hostility; then other persons are substituted for them, until there are twelve persons to whom no one has taken exception. For the same or a similar reason the King's representatives are also given the power to reject any who are either openly on the side of the accused or who are less favourably disposed to the King. But the Faction have called this right in question, as we shall see below. (26) In all criminal cases the prosecutor is the King, because the King's majesty and authority is held to be violated by any transgression of the law. A secretary appointed by him (we call him the Clerk of the Crown) writes out the indictment (we call it a Bill), which , js shown to the Grand Jury. If the case seems to call for judicial enquiry, and they think the charge is probably well grounded, they write on the back A True Bill, in which case the accused must appear in court. But if they endorse it with the word Ignoramus, which is to say" it is not clear to us that there is a case," by this formula the accused is withdrawn from the court and is restored to complete liberty. This enquiry into the case is a preliminary one, and, as it were, a preparation for the final and definitive judgment; the Grand Jury can ¡ acquit the accused, but cannot condemn them; all they can do is to pass on or ' commit' the trial of the accused to others. (27) When the appointed day arrives the Judges sit on a high bench, as it were on a throne, while some of the Justices of the Peace and the Mayor take their place beside them ; the accused is brought in bound, and placed at the barrier which surrounds the Bench, in a conspicuous position, so that he can be seen by all. Then the Clerk, addressing him in a clear voice by name and surname, bids him raise his hand; then he reads the indictment, in which the charge brought against the prisoner is briefly stated, as for example, murder, theft, etc. Then he asks whether the accused is guilty or not guilty. If he is unwilling to make any answer he is condemned for contempt of court, on the grounds that he refuses to contest the case. He is then punished in a fashion peculiar to the English: he is stripped naked in the prison yard and made to lie down on his back ; a pointed stone is placed under his loins, wooden beams are then laid upon his stomach, and on top of these, heavy weights, until he expires. A painful form of death indeed 1 Yet many who despair of their cause, prefer to undergo it rather than contest the case by a defence which achieves nothing, and then be condemned to a milder punishment. The reason for such a choice is that their property then passes to their heirs and is not appropriated by the Treasury, and that no disgrace is left to their descendants. If the accused contests the case by making a reply and admitting that he is guilty, the Judges at once pass sentence. Should he say that he is not guilty, the Clerk asks, according to a set formula, by whom does he wish to be judged? To which the other is obliged to reply " By God and my Country." The country is represented by twelve men, or jurors. The selection of these from among the men whom the Sheriff has summoned for that purpose is the next stage in the proceedings, the defendant being warned to pay careful attention to each, as they answer to their names, so that he can take exception to any who he thinks will be unjust to him through some private animosity, before


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they are admitted to the oath; for afterwards it is forbidden to reject anyone. When twelve men have been appointed and bound by oath, the King's Advocate, or Proctor, or another agent performing the same function, opens the case for the prosecution with a very brief and factual speech; then he produces witnesses to prove his allegations. Next the accused is given an opportunity to defend himself. After this the judge briefly sums up the points that have been made on both sides, so that they may be the better understood by the twelve jurors and remain more firmly fixed in their memories. The jurors at once withdraw into a nearby room, which has been prepared for the purpose, in order to deliberate about the case. Nobody is allowed to enter the room, nor may food or drink be taken in, until all have agreed upon one verdict; they are not allowed to pronounce a verdict on a mere majority of votes. They give judgment only on the fact, namely whether N.N., the defendant, is or is not guilty of the deed of which he is accused. When they have agreed upon one verdict, they all come out of the room together, and one of them being called upon to speak for all, they pronounce the accused either guilty or not guilty. If the latter, the accused is secure from all punishment, and sent away a free man. If the former, the judges sentence him to the punishment prescribed by the laws of our land for the crime in question; they are not allowed the liberty of imposing penalties other than the statutory ones. When, however, different laws prescribe different penalties for the same crime, they are allowed to choose which penalty they prefer. Courts of this type are held twice each year in the counties, but in London, on account of the size of the city, the density of the population, and the large numbers of men of every type who flock there, about eight times in the year. (28) The Judges in passing sentence are bound to follow the verdict of the twelve jurors, and may not on any account release a man whom the jury has pronounced guilty; they may not even put off passing a sentence in conformity with their verdict. But when they see, in the light of clear proofs, that the verdict was plainly unjust, they may delay the execution of the sentence passed by themselves, so that they will have time to refer the case to the King, who is the only person from whom a man condemned by a jury of twelve can obtain his freedom. It is, however, useless for the defendant himself to appeal to the King, since the verdict of the jury of tw¡elve is definitive. (29) TYPES OF PUNISHMENT EMPLOYED. Some punishments are capital, others not. Those condemned to capital punishment, if they are of the highest nobility, suffer by the axe. All others, including the other nobles, are as a rule put to death by hanging-that is, unless the crime committed, or the manner of the criminal's defence when called to trial, demands some other penalty prescribed by the Law, i .e. if he remains silent and refuses to contest the case, about which see above. Those condemned for seditious violence or treason are first hanged, then taken down from the gibbet and laid on their back; then, while they are still breathing, their breast and abdomen are slit open, their privy parts and intestines are removed and burnt in a fire; the rest of their body is divided into four parts, and these, unless the King orders otherwise, are exposed in different places, to inspire fear in others. These are the things prescribed in the customary formula of the public sentence. But nearly always the poor wretches are allowed to hang until completely dead.


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(30) If a wife kills her husband, or a servant his master (this crime is called "lesser treason," because the father of a family is considered as a kind of small monarch in his home), he or she is burnt alive. Formerly heretics too were punished by being burnt alive; but this practice has been abolished by a new law, which will be briefly described below. A different punishment was formerly prescribed for those found guilty of murder: they were suspended from the gallows by means of chains passed under their arms and round their bodies, and left to perish either by exposure to the weather or from hunger. But this was forbidden, as the long duration of the torture was either a cause or an occasion inciting those unfortunate men to many crimes, with unquestionable peril to their souls' eternal salvation. (31) Non-capital punishments are: being beaten with rods; being exposed in the pillory; being branded with a mark (the mark is burnt into the hand with a white-hot iron, but no mention of this will occur in what follows). A criminal who is to be beaten with rods goes on foot behind a cart, to which his hands are tied, with his head bare and his body naked down to the belt, while the executioner follows behind. The pillory (the word is of Gallic origin) is rarely used in other countries. It is constructed as follows: a column about twelve feet high is erected, and across it are laid two beams so placed that one clamps the criminal's neck and wrists, while the other serves as a support for his feet. It is a punishment which inflicts disgrace rather than pain, unless mutilation of the ears was added in the sentence; in this case the executioner cuts off the felon's ears and nails them to the pillory. On this subject enough has now been said to suit my present purpose. (32) THE GOVERNMENT OF LONDON . Nobody obtains citizenship of London and the right of practising any craft there by the chance of birth or by inheritance, but only by devoting a long period of hard work, usually seven years, to the learning of a trade. During this time they are called ' Prentices', a word derived either from the French Apprentij, owing to their being occupied in learning a trade, or as Polidorus Vergilius thinks, from the Latin words pares empticiis servis, because the craftsman had the same right over his novice as a master has over a slave. This status of apprentice is taken up both by those born in London and by natives of other places, often of good parentage, and sometimes by the younger sons of the noblest and richest families in the kingdom, who are attracted by the great volume of London's commerce and the hope of wealth to be won from it. According to English law the eldest son IS oole heir to the whole of his father's immovable property, and the subsequent sons take nothing except either some part of his movables 01 some small annual pension, which is to last only as long as they live. This is so even when the father dies testate. But when he dies intestate, younger sons have no legal right to demand anything; they are left to the mercy of the eldest (which frequently they find far from tender); hence they are compelled to provide for themselves and to increase their estate by their own industry. They either enter the service of the rich, or they hire out their labour to some craftsman for seven years. Their nobility remains in abeyance so long as they are doing that period of service or practising their trade; but it is revived when they have attained substantial means and enjoy at ease the fruits of their labour and industry. Hence we may say that perhaps no city in the world has such noble citizens, and that no citizens are more high-minded, or more aloof from filthy


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lucre. Nowhere is there greater magnificence of furniture, or liberality in entertainment, or excellence in moral virtue, or splendour in the whole of life. All these things are worthy of the eminence of the families from which the citizens are sprung. On one occasion, one of a pair of Sheriffs, after no more than two hours' warning, entertained an extraordinary ambassador from the Most Christian King with such a feast that the ambassador exclaimed in amazement that he would never have believed it possible, if he had not seen it with his own eyes. (33) At the end of the seven years, whether the master-craftsman wishes it or not, the novice is given his freedom, and if he wishes to ply his trade by himself he is adopted into the Guild of that trade. Most of the trades are organized by royal grant into so many political corporations or Guilds, which possess many privileges. Each Guild has a public Hall no less fine than the most splendid palaces. Here they meet to discuss matters concerned with their trade. In addition to these there is a Guildhall, where business concerning the whole city and all the Guilds in general is conducted. From these Guilds there are elected every year two Sheriffs, whose authority is much the same as that of the County Sheriffs described above. From these, too, are selected twenty-six Aldermen, each of whom is given the charge of a region of the city, for the city is divided into twenty-six regions or Wards. (34) There is no Prince or Magnate set over the whole city, as is the practice in other places; but one of the Aldermen, elected for a single year from the Common Council of the City, is given control. His authority is very large, being second only to the King's; and so great is his dignity that when, upon the death of Queen Elizabeth, the royal throne was vacant, and King James of Scotland was to be invited to succeed, the Mayor of London (this title is of Gallic or even of Roman origin) signed his name before all the nobility, even before those in the House of Lords and before the Generals and Admirals. A sword is carried before him, as before the King; and his swordbearer is paid ÂŁ500 per annum by the City. (35) During his whole period of office the Mayor is obliged to keep a well-furnished table, which is to be open to all men of good character who wish to use it. It is said that a Mayor once entertained four kings at one banquet. (36) Happy is the lot of London's citizens, as happy as our human condition allows-happy above the lot of all other peoples if they did but know the good things they enjoy, and if they would but exercise moderation in the enjoyment of them. But because on every occasion that offered they sought to add new privileges to the old, because they set greater store by the resolutions of their Guilds and of the Civic Council than by the laws of the realm, because they went from liberty to licence and from licence to licentiousness, set up their privileges in opposition to the public authority of their ruler, and employed the fruits of his kindness to compass his ruin, because they were bent on setting up a republic, or a democratic constitution, in the midst of a monarchic state, they have fallen into an abyss, from which they will not find it easy to emerge-as we shall see, God willing. (37) THE ENGLISH CALENDAR. The English do not use the new Gregorian Calendar, because their secession from the Apostolic See took place before the reform of the Calendar, and those who brought


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about the schism would disdain to accept even good things coming from the Sovereign Pontiff. They begin their new year on the 25th of March, and the first day of each month is ten days later than the first day of the month in the new Calendar. Hence the 11th April at Rome and the 1st April in England coincide. Only the historians, as Camden bears witness, begin the year with the first of January, and we shall do the same. In other respects we shall follow the ancient Calendar when we describe events which occurred in England-and these will take us all our time. (38) THE VALUE OF ENGLISH MONEY. The character of the English currency differs considerably from that of any other country . The values of no money in Europe square exactly with ours, for the pound sterling, as it is called, greatly exceeds four French Crowns, but it is less than four Roman Crowns. We, however, whenever mention of money occurs, shall express the sum in Crowns, treating four of these as equal to one pound. In this way we shall be more readily understood by any foreigners who may think fit to read these pages. I have no fear that this will cause offence to the reader, so there will be no loss to him, and a gain to me. I leave to merchants and money-changers the working-out of more exact equivalents. (39) Finally, I wish to point out to any learned reader who is curious to know our history, that my aim is no more ambitious (as the title of this book plainly shows) than to write a history of the English Persecution, which was stirred up in the reign of Charles II against the Catholics, who were accused of a foul conspiracy. Hence my sole preoccupation has been to show what sufferings they underwent, and in what manner, and, in view of their well-known innocence, which has been established by many proofs and is now recognized by all, how undeservedly they suffered. These things can hardly be said, and certainly could not be understood, without an explanation of the aims of those who raged against the Catholics. For this reason the motives of the Presbyterians and the story of their real conspiracy could not be omitted. In the course of the narrative it has frequently been necessary to write about other matters, far removed from the main theme, yet not irrelevant on account of the necessary connection between them. The Blessed Optatus somewhere remarks that "the Church is in the midst of the State." Certainly the affairs of the Church are so interwoven with those of the State that it seems quite impossible for either to be narrated without the other. Nobody should, therefore, be surprised if I frequently explain the politics of the Kingdom of England-still less if certain theological or philosophical topics occur, or even controversial dogmas of the Faith, when an explanation of them has seemed necessary to my purpose. I have, however, borne in mind that I am writing as an historian, and not as a philosopher or theologian, and have accordingly scarcely touched upon those subjects, except when I have thought it indispensable, and even then I have touched them very lightly, so as to make it plain that I am venturing beyond my proper field, and that too, reluctantly. If I have digressed to say something of the terrifying comet which was seen at the close of the year 1680 and of the flood which overwhelmed the sea-coast of Belgium two years later, my excuse is the unusualness of those two events.


HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PERSECUTION BOOK I Summary of Events from the Return of Charles II to the year 1678. (40) CONTENTS. The unexpected return of Charles from exile. Edward Hyde, a favourite of Charles, tries in vain to expel the Society of Jesus from England. The Dutch War, the Plague, and the Fire of London. The Courtiers and the Patriots. The multiplication of foul heresies. Freedom of conscience granted to all lovers of peace ; hence hatred of the Catholics. The true cause of the Persecution, and its pretext. The Presbyterians' ceremony of burning the Supreme Pontiff in effigy. The character of Charles, of the Queen, of York, of Monmouth, of the Duchess of Portsmouth, of Danby, of the citizens of London, 'of Scroggs, of Titus Oates, of Ezrael Tonge; also of Thomas Harcott, Provincial of the Society of Jesus in England. The Antwerp Disease. The Windsor Letters. Oates before the Royal Council. (41) THE MOVERS OF THE PERSECUTION AND ITS OUTCOME. Here I begin the history of by far the most severe persecution of all that the Catholics in England have ever endured. Catholics feared it ; heretics hoped for it; the prudent foresaw it; and men possessed of the gift of prophecy foretold it; certain members of the Court began it; the Faction carried it on; but God brought it to an issue contrary to the expectation of all concerned. The Courtiers, by dilating on the supposed danger from Catholics plotting the destruction of the King and his Kingdom, were hoping that a royal army would be established by authority of Parliament; by Parliament's authority the army was at once demobilised. The heretics were plotting the ruin of the Catholic 'Faith; that Faith was propagated to an extent that is wonderful. The Faction plotted the death of the Duke of York and the overthrow of the monarchy; the monarchy was more firmly establi~hed, and God by devious routes brought York to the throne. The Duke of Monmouth aspired to the Crown; he was brought to the scaffold and decapitated by the executioner's axe. The Earl of Shaftesbury had boasted that he would take hold of Charles and lead him out of his kingdom; he himself withdrew from that kingdom, in fear for his life, and finished his days of malice and misery as an exile. Danby, the Lord Chancellor, thought to strengthen himself in Charles's favour; he fell right out of favour and was expelled from the court. The merchants and craftsmen expected a greater volume of commerce and great wealth accruing therefrom; in fact, commerce suffered a severe cut, and the loss was so great that even the Fire of London, the greatest fire the world has seen, cost them no more. Finally, the royal city of London wished to assert certain dubious .privileges, and ended by losinâ&#x201A;Ź", some that had not been in question. Never has it been made more manifest that " the wisdom of this world is folly with God, who comprehends the wise in their cleverness, and frustrates the counsels of the godless." (42) We see here the god-fearing summoned to court, imprisoned, and dragged off to torment by the ungodly; religious men suffering at the hands of the sacrilegious; honest men at the hands of the wicked; men loyal to their King at the hands of his most bitter enemies; the innocent at the hands of criminals; the lovers of peace at the hands of men who detest peace. And the victims are charged with the very


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crime of their accusers-charged with breaking the peace! I t is like what happens in the fables, when the foxes fall on the geese, the wolves rend the lambs, the hawks swoop on the partridges and the eagles on the doves. We shall see a quest made throughout the kingdom for men of bad character, the gaols opened, condemned criminals brought out and induced by a grant of pardon for their past crimes and even by large rewards, to testify with false oaths to the existence of an imaginary plot. We shall see that their word was accepted, though they told a tale that was not only false but even unplausible and impossible; we shall see them surrounded with such authority that, whereas it was permitted to say anything at all against the State, the King's ministers and the King himself, or even against God. yet nobody uttered a word against the witnesses or gave any other sign of disapproval of them, without having to suffer for it. (43) THE RETURN OF CHARLES II . The English people, tired of civil war, weary of changes of government, and exhausted by taxation, being unable to find any sound and reassuring hope of improvement in their affairs, forced Parliament by a public outcry to send a formal embassy to bring back Charles, who was then staying in Belgium, to his ancestral throne. That is to say, representatives of the two Houses were to be sent in the name of the three Orders to beg him to deign to return and undertake the government of his dominions. It is said that the Presbyterians, at this critical juncture, wished to propose certain conditions to the King before his return, and to confine his authority within certain limits. They dared to make this proposal even to Monk, the chief General of the Army. He indignantly rejected it, saying that the King would return with full authority or not at all, and that he did not want the efficacy of the supreme power to be diminished by the thrusting in of any compromises. Besides, the eagerness of the people's desire to see the King would brook no delay. (44) So then, in answer to the prayers of all, Charles was restored to his rightful throne with the support of the whole of Britain. Desiring to win for his new regime a reputation for clemency, he published an amnesty, granting impunity for their past crimes to all except those whom Parliament might deem unworthy of that favour. Professing the Protestant religion, he promised to defend it-but with this reservation, that he would not employ violence against any who dissented from it, provided they did not make themselves objectionable to those of a different persuasion, and did not misuse religion as a pretext for sowing discord and upsetting the public peace. These principles, which it pleased him to adopt, gave even greater pleasure to others. Next he dissolved the Parliament which had recalled him (on the grounds that it had come into being illegally, since without the royal authority), and immediately called another. In this the bishops were restored to the whole of their rights, and were bidden to attend the councils and to rule the dioceses. The liturgy was restored in cathedral and collegiate churches; parish churches were left free to use either the liturgy or some other form of worship, as the rectors and parishioners should think fit in our Lord. In fact, shortly afterwards they all chose to adopt the liturgy. The regicides were punished; others guilty of seditious violence went into voluntary exile, fearing rather what their crimes had deserved than anything which Charles might be contemplating doing. Who would not have thought that the conflagration of the Civil War had now been completely extinguished?


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Yet, alas! two years later the fire which had been deceptively concealed under ashes burst forth into menacing flames . It was, however, quickly quenched by the crushing of its originators. But in the year 1678 it burst out again: with great violence it seized upon, and brought into extreme peril, things sacred and profane, private and public. It often happens that fires which have not been properly extinguished burst out with greater violence, and rage with greater force. (45) From the outset there was in Parliament a party bitterly hostile to the Catholics; but they did not venture to make any stir, so fresh was the memory of the Catholics' good services to Charles; for at the Battle of Worcester they had sheltered him with their own bodies, and by their loyalty and energy had saved him from the careful search made by the rebels, regardless alike of the penalties threatened against those who should conceal him and of the rewards offered to any who should betray him. They had also co-operated with others to secure his return, and finally they now continued to serve him well in Parliament by supporting his measures, even when contrary to their own interests-e.g. they supported the restoration of the bishops. For it seemed harsh and inhuman to draw the sword of persecution against men who had done, and were still doing, no harm and much good. There was only one man who, either from private animosity or out of zeal for the Protestant religion, proposed the exile of the Jesuits, saying again and again that their case was different from the rest. However, nothing came of the proposal, which was approved by few and strongly disapproved of by many, while most abhorred it as betraying ingratitude in its author. The man who had urged the proposal was unable to endure the hostility he had provoked; grave charges were brought against him in the same Parliament, and he went into voluntary exile, setting out for France, where he finished his mortal life. (46) THE CHARACTER OF EDWARD HYDE. The person in question was Edward Hyde, a man of noble birth, and deeply versed in English Law. While the Civil Wars were raging, he followed the party of Charles I, and was admitted not only to his acquaintance but to the circle of his familiar friends, and to his Privy Council. So much were his services appreciated that he was chosen along with the Duke of Richmond as Plenipotentiary for the settlement of civil discords. When Charles 1's situation was deteriorating and going to ruin, he joined the son Charles in France. The latter sent him with Francis Baron Cottington to the court of Philip IV at Madrid. After his return from there he was in constant attendance upon Charles II, as his inseparable companion, his fidus Achates . He was made Earl of Clarendon, and finally Chancellor of the Kingdom. Such influence had he with the King that practically no arrangements were made without him, and nearly everything was done through him, especially the distribution of offices; he arranged that these should be allotted not always to the most worthy nor to those who had served Charles best. Some believed that in this matter he was not altogether above bribery-a common failing among advocates (nevertheless he earned an almost unrivalled reputation for integrity by his decisions as judge). Their grounds for this belief were that, although he inherited only a modest fortune from his parents, he gave away during his life, and left to his descendants (if one may trust rumours, which are not always wrong) immense sums of money, which could scarcely have been


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acquired by honest means in so short a time. He showed his zeal for the Protestant religion not only by the restoration of the Bishops and the proposal to exile the Jesuits but also by publishing a book against the Rev. Father Serenus Cressy, a celebrated writer of the Order of St. Benedict. He also took up the pen against his own daughter, the wife of James, Duke of York; for he vehemently disapproved of her conversion to the Catholic Church. He was a man equal to any undertaking, if you consider the greatness of his mind and the subtlety of his intellect; and he would have achieved much if he had had greater moderation, or if he had been born in other days. But as he was always serious-minded and tenacious of his purpose, it was impossible for him to continue long in the favour of Charles, who was constantly changing his mind. Those in high places looked in vain for that courtesy and affability in him which would have soothed the jealousy consequent upon his sudden acquisition of a great fortune. Finally, his immoderate zeal for one creed, at a time when there were so many, alienated from him those who professed the others. (47) He left behind him three children : Anne-wife of the Duke of York (to whom she bore five children-three male, of whom the youngest died in infancy and the other two at a slightly later age, and two daughters who are still alive now; one of these married the Prince of Orange, the other the brother of the King of Denmark), and two sons-Henry, whom he made his sole heir, and Laurence, who enjoys high favour with James II, and has by him been made Earl of Rochester, Lord High Treasurer, and member of the most noble Order of the Garter. Some of these things did not happen until many years later; they are all given here together so that the reader may better understand what kind of man this person was who pressed for the exile of the Jesuits. In truth it was greatly to the advantage of the Kingdom that he made no further headway, for everything might have been thrown into a turmoil once again, as in fact happened at a later date, when a storm, raised in the first instance against the Jesuits alone, caught up all the other Catholics, then the Protestants as well, then York and the Queen, and finally Charles himself, in that whirlwind which came very near to working the ruin of them all. It is true that from time to time laws were passed against the Catholics, as the party opposed to such measures was too weak to prevent their passing, and Charles was not strenuous enough in resisting them; but they were regarded as thunderbolts hurled at random with no definite aim, since their execution depended upon Charles, and there was not the least doubt about his goodwill towards the Catholics. (48) EVERYTHING IS AT PEACE. At this time then, Juda and Israel, Catholic and Protestant, lived free from fear, each man under his vine and under his fig-tree," as if they had smelted their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning-hooks. " T he reason, however, was not that everybody was pleased with the existing situation, but that those who were dissatisfied did not dare to speak their minds. F or it was hardly (if at all) to be hoped that those who had committed the awful crime of killing the King and appropriating the supreme power to themselves, would bear with composure their ejection from the throne into the ranks of the ordinary people. Nor was it to be hoped that the people would change their mind with their fortune, and purge themselves of those godless dogmas and those doctrines fatal to every form of supreme authority which they had imbibed in the twenty ct

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years of the Civil Wars, and render due reverence from their hearts to the ordinances of their prince. Time is needed for the eradication of strong vices when they have had many years in which to drive deep their roots. (49) So the venom remained fixed in men's minds; but it was inactive and for the present harmless, because the memory of the miseries which the Civil War had brought in its train had not yet grown dim, and in comparison with them the present sources of discontent seemed easy to bear. The Council as well as the people of London (who have great influence over the whole of England, not by any legally established power, but by the force of their example, which the other towns follow of their own accord) were seriously in favour of peace, either because they were sick of changes in the Government (in one year they had seen it changed fonr times), or because they still felt the pangs left by the past, or else through fear of what the future might bring. Hence, when the riff-raff of London took to arms, the Mayor called out the citizen-militia, and had no difficulty in routing and dispersing them. The ringleaders paid the penalty for their temerity, suffering the punishment customary for seditious violence. Nor could they name a single person of note as having been an accomplice in their sedition. The Presbyterians refused to share their plots, for they remembered the war they had fought against Charles I-at their own peril and for the benefit of others, since a group of fanatics had retained for themselves and their adherents, to the total exclusion of the Presbyterians, all the booty taken in the war, and the supreme power as well. In consequence, their fellowship was held suspect by the Presbyterians, who feared a repetition of the same treachery. The magnates, who had been restored to the high places from which they had been expelled along with the King, were hostile to every form of change, since they had nothing to hope for and everything to fear from any change. (50) THE CHARACTER OF CHARLES. Charles, who showed a remarkable capacity for making people his friends (though less, as some ha ve thought, in cultivating their friendship and retaining it), won over the people by a reduction of taxation, the nobility by increasing their honours, and the whole populace by the remarkable affability which was native to his character and not in the least affected. He was easy of approach, courteous in conversation, beneficent and generous even to his enemies. So far removed was he from pride and arrogance that he seemed to lay aside his royalty, or, what is very nearly the same thing, scarcely to be conscious that he was King. Further, his peech was friendly, ingenious (his remarks were almost so many apophthegms), and sprinkled with such humour, elegance, wit and merriment-yet without the sting of sarcasm-that he captured the admiration and affection of all. If he had acted as wisely in all departments of his conduct as in his speech, he would be unanimously judged equal to the greatest monarchs both of our present and of past generations. One single fault was observed in him, namely, an excessive propensity towards pleasures of the flesh, which he altogether failed to keep within the limits of morality. However, this attracted less notice among men on account of the sterility of his wife, a most devout woman. As for the women, he won them over to himself, and through them their husbands. And in truth it is impossible for fleshly vice to be of rare occurrence where heresy ha gained enL


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trance, has untied the bonds of shame, said No to true liberty, and given free rein to lasciviousness. (51) Furthermore the Faction had not the pretext of Religion, that device more potent than any other to drive men out of their minds, to justify the lost cause of civil disorder; for although the liturgy, which the Presbyterians abhorred, had been restored by royal authority in some churches, as has been said above, and in others by the people's choice, yet anyone was at liberty to refrain from using the liturgy and to worship God as he wished within the walls of a private house, provided this was done without giving offence or scandal to those of different persuasions . This arrangement satisfied everybody in one way or another. (52) THE DUTCH WAR AND THE FIRE OF LONDON. Complaints lodged by merchants against the Dutch (by which name I mean the nited Provinces) were then laid before Parliament. These complaints, designed as they were to ruin the Dutch commerce and increase the English, were heard by willing ears. Parliament referred them to Charle with most humble petitions that he would take thought for the security of his subjects and the honour of the nation. Charles, judging the matter to be by no means unworthy of his attention, sent an embassy to demand restitution. But the embassy failed to achieve anything. So the two sides embarked upon a war which was to profit neither of the contending parties, and which was signalised by disasters on both sides-though the disasters came from different sources. The Dutch were frequently defeated at sea, but the English never, though the Plague which raged widely for many months in London (it is said that in one week over 14,000 men were carried off by it) and the Fire of the Royal City may be reckoned as a Dutch victory . So we may say that while the English punished the Dutch, they were themselves punished by God himself. (53) In this war Charles employed the valiant and loyal service of the Catholics, whose courage was conspicuous. Yet the disasters we have mentioned were made into an occasion for calumnious accusations against them-as if they were responsible for all the shortcomings of fortune and for all public calamities . The early Christians endured unjust condemnations of the same kind, for, according to Tacitus, they were charged with burning Rome in the time of Nero, though he himself, it is believed, started the fire. Again, according to St. Augustine (De Civit. Dei, Lib. II, c. iii), they were held responsible for its capture by the Gauls. And Tertullian (Apol., c. XL) says that the pagans" hold out in justification of their hatred the idle assertion that the Christians are the cause of every public disaster and every widespread misfortune. If the Tiber rises up to the walls, if the Nile does not rise up into the fields; if the heavens stand still, if the earth quakes; if there is a famine or a pestilence, immediately it is ( To the lions with the Christians. . . . ! ' " (54) In particular it was laid to the charge of the Catholic priests, whether rightly or wrongly let others judge, that while the Plague was raging far and wide and daily carrying off thousands in London, some of them, afire with pious zeal for the souls for which Christ deigned to die, entered infected houses, visited the sick, held pious conversations with them, did all that they could to ease the violence of the disease by means of suitable remedies, explained the mysteries of the Catholic Faith and the necessity of believing them, strengthened with


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the Sacraments of the Church those whom they saw rightly disposed to receive them, prepared them for their last conflict with the devil, and, in fine, performed whatever service might be of use to either the bodies or souls of people in such a bitter plight. In these exercises of piety one secular priest, Dr. John Lewgar, and two members of the Society, Father Edward Lusher and Father Edward Keynes, gave up their souls to God, martyrs of charity. Their fearless devotion to duty pricked the consciences of the Bishops and ministers who had withdrawn into safety. These interpreted it as wicked foolhardiness, and carried their complaints to Charles, saying that it was intolerable that men should be seduced from their duty to the Anglican Church and no one suffer for it: a stop must be put to their unendurable temerity; some must be punished and then legislation made. Charles was clear-si~hted enough to perceive the wickedness of the calumny, and punished it with an unusually sharp answer: " I will not allow my subjects," he said, " to die like cattle; if neither you nor your ministers are willing to succour the victims of the plague, at least restrain yourselves and allow those who are willing, to do the task." (55) Further, an anonymous author wrote a pamphlet against the Catholics, assigning to them the blame for the Fire of London-in such a way, however, that the bulk of the blame fell upon Charles and the Duke of York. As the author did not reveal himself, and what he said was not commended by any degree of probability, and much of it was widely recognized as false, the pamphlet, in which the author's brazen mendacity was equalled only by his detestation of the King, was treated with contempt and consigned to oblivion. But when the late persecution arose it was resurrected and published again under the name of Bedlow, about whom we shall hear a great deal below (see Book VI). Charles's more astute opponents obtained more plausible matter for calumniating him out of the Dutch War. They said that the war had been badly managed, that although the generals had blundered-some through negligence, some through ignorance, and some even through treachery-none of them had been punished; the pay of both the army and navy was in arrears; honours and rewards had been awarded alike to those who had served well and to those who had not; immense taxes had been imposed, yet the Treasury was empty, though the army had not yet received its pay. (56) Those in charge of the Treasury were, therefore, accused of peculation by Parliament, and summoned to render account before a board of judges, who were to be elected by themselves but to receive their appointment from the King. This last concession was made out of reverence for Charles, who was the only person legally entitled to inspect the accounts. Parliament's audacity in this matter riled Charles, for what they wanted was to probe into state secrets entrusted to him. He accordingly answered that he had visited the Treasury, as his office required, and that he had no fault to :find; in virtue of his supreme power he forbade any further enquiry into the matter. (57) THE COURTIERS AND THE PATRIOTS. This action pleased some, but could not meet with the approval of the party which had assumed the name of 'Patriots' to ingratiate themselves with the common people by implying that they had at heart the interests of the whole country. Upon others the name of 'Courtiers' was fastened, to suggest that they cared more about the Court than the country, and that they would sacrifice the country to win the favour of the King.


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Each party tried to recommend its policy to the people, but the Patriots had the greater success, since they were joined by an increasing and eventually large number of members of Parliament, by a huge section of the people, who wanted the royal authority either totally destroyed or at least diminished, and also by some who, though firm supporters of the royal dignity, yet suspected that Charles had given way to some human weakness in the affair of the Treasury. By way of increasing the people's disaffection for Charles, the Patriots in Parliament urged various measures which were distasteful to the King; they always madc these look as if designed for the public good, and hoped in this way to cause Charles embarrassment, for if he yielded the points at issue his royal prerogatives would be diminished, and if he refused, as in fact he did, he would be exposed to the hostility of the people. Every day they were passing new decrees against the Catholics, although those already existing were so severe that it might be said of them, as was long ago said of the Laws of Dracon, that " they were written with blood." Every course open to the King was sure to provoke hostility : if he expressed disapproval of the new laws he was thought to be favouring the Papists; if approval, he was thought to be acquiring the vice of ingratitude, in that he was passing such burdensome edicts against men who had served him so well. The Patriots had also another end in view-either to tear away the Catholics (whose fidelity to the King was well known) from their allegiance to him (and they saw there was no security for them in this policy), or else to reduce them to so pitiful a condition that their services would be useless in the Civil War, the seeds of which they had already begun to sow. Charles, though very reluctantly, gave his assent to all these decrees, saying on one occasion: " I shall never let it come about that you, who have come back from exile, say to my subjects that the Papists are causing dissension between me and my Parliament." So the more thoughtful of the Catholics began to feel insecure, and not without reason. It was not that they had any doubts about Charles's affection for them, but when they saw him giving way to the importunity of bad men in the passing of laws, they feared that at last he might yield to them in allowing their enforcement. (58) And that is what happened a few years later. Charles grew tired of giving consent to measures which he foresaw would have no issue, and therefore adopted a different policy. He saw that there were many sects in England, none of which was acceptable to all, and all of which had supporters whom he would not wish to offend. The Catholics were protected by their good services in the past, the others by the likelihood that they would resort to violence if subjected to pressure. So after long and careful discussion with his Privy Council, hoping to please everybody, he decided to grant freedom of worship to the adherents of all religions. But he did not ma.ke the grant to all in the same manner: he decreed that all Cathedral, Collegiate, and Parish Churches be administered by the Protestants; the Presbyterians should have their Conventicles; and the Catholics should have free rooms. Thus all were to worship God in their own way, but on one condition-that this was done without offence or scandal to others. But it is of interest to see the Royal Decree (or' Declaration,' as the King himself calls it) given in full. (59) CHARLES'S DECLARATION. "Our Care and Endeavours for the Preservation 01 the Rights and Interests of the Church, have been


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sufficiently manifested to the World, by the whole course of Our Government, since Our happy Restauration, and by the many and frequent ways of Coercion that We have used for reducing all Erring or Dissenting persons, and for composing the unhappy Differences in matters of Religion, which We found among our Subjects upon our Return: But it being evident by the sad Experience of Twelve Yeares, that there is very little fruit of all those force able Courses, We think Our Self obliged to make use of that Supream Power in Ecclesiastical Matters, which is not onely Inherent in Us but hath been Declared and Recognized to be so by several Statutes and Acts of Parliament; And therefore We do now accordingly issue this Our Declaration, As well for the Quieting the Minds of Our good Subjects in these Points, for Inviting Strangers in this Conjuncture, to come and Live under Us, and for the better Encouragement of all to a Chearful following of their Trade and ' Callings, from whence we hope by the Blessing of God, to have many good and happy Advantages to Our Government; As also for preventing for the future, the danger that might otherwise arise from Private Meetings, and Seditious Conventicles . (60) "And in the First Place, We Declare Our express Resolution, Meaning, and Intention to be, That the Church of England be Preserved, and remain Entire in its Doctrine, Discipline, and Government, as now it stands Established by Law; And that this be taken to be, as it is, the Basis, Rule, and Standard of the General and Publick Worship of God, and that the Orthodox Conformable Clergy do receive and enjoy the Revenues belonging thereunto; And that no person, though of a different Opinion and Perswasion, shall be exempt from paying his Tythes, or other Dues whatsoever. And further We Declare, That no person shall be capable of holding any Benefice, Living, or Ecclesiastical Dignity or Preferment of any kind in this Our Kingdom of England, who is not exactly Conformable. (61) "We do in the next place Declare Our Will and Pleasure to be, That the Execution of all and all manner of Penal Laws in matters Ecclesiastical, against whatsoever sort of Non-Conformists or Recusants, be immediately Suspended, and they are hereby Suspended. And all Judges, Judges of Assize and Gaol-delivery, Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, Mayors, Bayliffs, and other Officers whatsoever, whether Ecclesiastical or Civil, are to take notice of it, and pay due Obedience thereunto. (62) "And that there may be no pretence for any of Our Subjects to continue their illegal Meetings and Conventicles, We do Declare that We shall from time to time allow a sufficient number of Places, as they shall be desired, in all parts of this Our Kingdom, for the use of such as do not Conform to the Chu1'ch of England, to meet and assemble in, in order to their Public Worship and Devotion; which Places shall be open and free to all persons. (63) "But to prevent such disorders and inconveniences as may happen by this Our Indulgence, if not duely regulated, and that they may be the better protected by the Civil Magistrate, Our express Will and Pleasure is, That none of our Su bjects do presume to meet in any Place, until such Place be allowed, and the Teacher of that Congregation be approved by us. (64) "And lest any should apprehend, that this restriction should make Our said Allowance and Approbation difficult to be obtained, We do further Declare, That this Our Indulgence as to the Allowance


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of Publick Places of Worship, ¡ and Approbation of Teachers, shall extend to all sorts of Nonconformists and Recllsants, except the Recusants of the Roman Catholick Religion, to whom we shall in no wise allow Publick Places of Worship, but onely Indulge them their share in the common Exemption from the execution of the Penal Laws, and the Exercise of their Worship in their private Houses onely. (65) "And if after this Our Clemency and Indulgence, any of our Subjects shall presume to Abuse this Liberty, and shall Preach Seditiously, or to the Derogation of the Doctrine, Discipline, or Government of the Established Church, or shall meet in Places not Allowed by Us, We do hereby give them Warning, and Declare, We will proceed against them with all imaginable Severity: And We will let them see We can be as Severe to Punish such Offenders, when so justly Provoked, as We are Indulgent to truly Tender Consciences. " Given at Our Court at Whitehall this Fourteenth day of March in the Four and twentieth year of our Reign." (66) OPINIONS ABOUT THE DECLARATION. This, then, was the famous Declaration. It provided fully for the freedom of the Anglican Church, and granted to the Presbyterians the right and liberty to worship God in public places, on the slight and by no means burdensome condition that the Faction should not abuse the King's indulgence, to cause disorder. The concession to the Catholics was very small, since all the freedom given to them was the right to worship God according to their own rite within private rooms. In spite of this, the Catholics were almost the only group who were pleased. It was enough for the present to enjoy the liberty of worshipping God in safety (even if in secrecy) withou't fear of pursuivants, now that the Penal Laws were not to be enforced. They also entertained cheerful hopes of an improvement in the future, when the minds of the nonCatholics, who once bristled and flew into a passion at the very word Papism,' should have been gradually mollified, The Protestants were displeased, because they saw that the Declaration disarmed the laws passed in their favour: public authority, they thought, was raising up Church against Church (neither side had altars) and strengthening schismatic sects, the growth of which would work the ruin of the Protestant Church. The Presbyterians were most dissatisfied of all, though the Declaration appeared to tend in their favour. They sajd that while the concession to the Catholics was something substantial, they had been given merely deceptive words; also, they already enjoyed the King's indulgence, so that they were getting nothing fresh ; they were only being granted by public authority, and having ratified , what they already possessed with the approval or connivance of the magistrates, and what they could not be deprived of without the risk of a general upheaval. All were displeased, including perhaps some Catholics, because laws were being set aside by the royal power alone, without a Vote of Parliament. If this practice were to become general, no laws would for the future be valid, except for as long as the King chose to make them so. In fact, only the Penal Laws were being rescinded; but this might serve as a precedent for the setting aside of other laws. So it was feared that the constitution, from being paternal might become despotic-a fear no less exaggerated than ungrounded. (67) Shortly afterwards occurred the meeting of Parliament at which Charles vetoed all discussion of the Declaration, and insisted that he would not allow it to be called in question; he also asked for I


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subsidies for the Dutch War. This provoked murmurs of profound discontent in the Lords, and eventua.lly a Vote was passed to the effect that they would not even discuss granting the money required for the war until the Declaration was revoked. In their efforts to weaken Charles's firm resolve to enforce the Declaration, they had the support of some of the royal household, who were secretly in sympathy with the aims of Parliament. But it is said that what completely took Charles by storm was the influence of his mistresses, who attacked him with the feminine panoply of tears, lamentations, and blandishments, pretending to be anxious for his safety, but in fact hoping to ingratiate themselves with the Lords in Parliament and to safeguard their own fortunes, which depended on Charles and were imperilled when he was. (68) Charles at length gave in to his mistresses. With his own hand he tore off the seal and made the Declaration null and voidto the delight of the Faction and the grief of others. Hereupon, Shaftesbury, who was then Chancellor of the Realm, and was said to have been responsible for the publication of the Declaration, deserted the King's party and devoted himself completely to the Faction. As we shall frequently have occasion to mention him in the sequel, and a his name will be of great consequence in every connection, it seems desirable to give here a brief description of his character. (69) THE CHARACTER OF SHAFTESBURY. Anthony Ashley Cooper, born of a noble family in the County of Dorset, was endowed by nature with a mind of great power but small virtue. His body could endure toil and everything else, except inactivity; his mind was audacious, crafty, versatile, capable of assuming any guise, extraordinarily clever at disguising its thoughts, full of vast, overreaching and perilous ambitions, artful, astute, perfidious, quick to change (so that he was called the Dorset Eel, because he could wriggle out of anyone's grasp). Faithful to nobody, unless it was to his own interests, he was friends with nobody for long, and would buy the favour of the party he was joining by doing signal damage to those whom he was deserting, or, if possible, by ruining them altogether. He trimmed his sails to every turn of the wind, and was the best possible man for creating universal turmoil and confusion, and the worst possible for straightening out difficulties and establishing peace and concord. During the Civil Wars he wavered between one side and the other. At the beginning he served under Charles I, and was given command of a cavalry squadron, with which he deserted to the Rebels' camp. His eloquence was quite extraordinary, but he had not real wisdom to match it. This deficiency was supplied by a certain natural cunning, which was sharpened by the wide variety of his experience of civil discord. So reserved was he that Cromwell, the tyrant of England (whose daughter Shaftesbury had sought in marriage, and by whom he had been admitted to the Council of State), though he was a shrewd judge of men,. used to say that he could not fathom Trinomius, meaning Shaftesbury, who had three names-a rare thing among the English. So passionate were his lusts, and so given up was he to unrestrained sensuality, that Charles called him the" Chief Lecher." Charles also declared that he was" a tool, fitter for a tyrant than for a lawful prince," for he saw how prone towards evil councils was his mind. Nevertheless, Charle made him Earl of Shaftesburv, a member of the Privy Council, and finally Lord Chancellor, until be fell from favour. After this he never ceased, so long as he lived, to devote all the powers of his mind to


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contriving the overthrow of the monarchy. He spent the chief part of his energy in dementing the citizens of London, where he found men already well disposed towards his designs. (70) DESCRIPTION OF LONDON. The city stands about sixty miles up from the estuary of the Thames, which is navigable as far as London by every type of vessel. It is the most famous market not of England only, but of the whole world. By reason of its advantageous position, the volume of its commerce, the industry of its population, its being the residence of Kings and the home of the Law Courts, by reason also of the large numbers of people who flock to such a centre from aU parts of the kingdom, it has risen to such power, to such wealth, and consequently to such pride, that it can scarcely endure to be subject to any authority, but chafes under any yoke, however light, while at the same time the spirit of heresy fills the citizens' breasts with arrogance and impatience of the laws . Hence, though there are among its citizens many upright characters, lovers of peace, and faithful in their duty towards their princes, London has always been hostile, frequently troublesome, and sometimes even murderous to its rulers. There is nothing more ferocious, nothing more petulant, than the populace of London. The plaything of its own passions, when smitten it is quite downcast; when prosperous it gets above itself; and when the balance of its fortune is even, it does not know how to control itself. It drinks in every rumour with thirsty ears, believes any lie, forebodes evils that will never come to pass, and while fortifying itself against imaginary woes by unlawful means, brings upon itself evils, which it then contemplates with amazement and horror, as if it were not responsible for them. When at length real miseries restore them to their senses, the citizens condemn their own temerity and foolish credulity, and return to the path of obedience, hoping to enjoy the blessings of peace restored. It was in London that the Civil War broke out against Charles I (whose only crime was too much lenience); and there too were laid the foundations of peace, which was shortly to return. The disorder began from the infuriated people of London; and from the same mad populace came its end. No narrows of the sea, 110 Euripus, has turbulent currents so mighty and so varied as are the upheavals which convulse the minds of the crowd when stirred up by the blasts of rumour cleverly contrived, sedulously disseminated, and uncritically believed. But the English differ from neighbouring peoples in tbisthat they are neither so precipitate in taking to arms, nor so quick to lay them down again. They spend long time in deliberation, vhet their anger, seethe for some years with the ferment of hatred, then brandish their arms, utter threats, and poise their weapons, before they bring themselves to strike the blow. But once they have given way to their emotion, once they have donned their armour, they are slow to recover their senses. Other peoples are, as it were, more mercurial, and complete the course of their anger in a short space of time; the Londoners are slower, as being more saturnine. This accounts for the safety of the Catholics resident in London (those, I mean, who had no other home elsewhere) at a time when the populace was simmering with hatred of them, and the situation seemed to be approaching a massacre like that of St. Bartholomew. (71) THE ENGLISHMEN'S LOATHING OF BLOODSHED. Besides, the English have an inborn and congenital loathing for bloodshed and slaughter. In no country are murders so rare-a fact which amazed


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Barclay in a nation of men so ready to sacrifice their lives, as if they preferred to be cut down by others than to cut others down. The story has been put about among some foreign peoples that the English always thirst for blood, pant after bloodshed, etc. That this is very far from true was observed long ago even by Commines, who says that even in the most frightful battles, when the minds of the English are intoxicated with the fury of battle and with grief for their fallen comrades, as soon as the enemy cease to offer resistance and thro\v aside their arms, the English make an end of butchery, and never rage against those who surrender and signify their surrender by some clear token. Their ferocity in battle does but confirm thi observation, for savagery is a vice of weak men and of women, not of great-souled m en, who are satisfied with merely bringing the enemy to his knees, and rejoice only in their victory. (72) THE MULTIPLICATION OF HERESIES. The change of religion had been effected in London and throughout the kingdom in a fairly peaceful manner, since it was promoted by the authority of the Crown and of Parliament. Afterwards there appeared turbulent spirits, unable to endure peace and quiet, and approving of nothing that was not done by themselves. These decided that they too would carry out a reform: they were encouraged by observing that the structure designed by Christ our Lord, raised by the Apostles, and strengthened by the practice of so many generations, had fallen asunder so easily. The newly erected church, they thought, was by no means as strong as the old had been, and they themselves were in no respect inferior to the Reformers of the ancient church. They thought that they too ought to make an attempt, and that they had just as much right, (( for why may not Valentinian alter the Faith as he thinks fit, if Valentine may? (Tertullian). Thanks to the energies of these people, to their transactions with foreigners, and to the inborn fickle ness of the people, all the heresies that were to be found anywhere in nearby countries were bandied about throughout England, and especially in London, and their number was increased by several new ones-godless and wicked heresies, confined to our country alone, which owed their origin to the general permission to make what innovations one pleased. Indeed it is not easy to find any country which in our generation has been more fertile of such monstrosities. All these new heresies were in conflict with one another no less than with the Catholic Faith, for it is of the very essence of religion to be intolerant of dissent. Religion ought to be a powerful means of softening men' s hearts and binding them in unity, but through the shortcomings of human frailty it has been made the source of bitter enmities. When the Catholic Faith seemed to be threatening to overwhelm all other sects, these others, fearing their own extinction (and not without reason), set aside all the dissensions which were raging among them, and took counsel in common as to how they could obstruct the return of the Catholic Faith. Even the Presbyterians, who had at other time held aloof, now joined in. No more suitable stratagem occurred to them than to revive the old and no'"," all but extinct hatred against the Catholics by holding an annual celebration of the death of Elizabeth with a solemn ceremony of supplication, which "ould attract the notice of the populace and at the same time give them pleasure. In this way they would get in a sidelong thrust at Charles by implying that his antagonism towards the Presbyterians showed a want of zeal for the JJ


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religion which Elizabeth had cherished, while th ey themselves gloried in the name of that Queen as being their supporter. At the same time they would be defaming the Protestants as deserters from Elizabeth's Church. Yet they had no good grounds for saying that Elizabeth had favoured them . Indeed they were quite wronO", since it is certain that she detested the Presbyterians no less than the Catholics-not for thejr doctrines, since the Presbyterians' teaching is almost identical with that of the Protestants, but because they were hostile to authority. It was for this reason that she turned the whole weight of her authority to suppressing them in her dominions. (73) THE IMPIOUS SUPPLICATION. Th ceremony of supplication which they instituted was as follows. There was a procession, led by drums and fifes. After these came six men wearing red tunics and pioneers' caps, playing on pipes. Next came a man made up as a priest, and wearing a priestly cloak (called a ' cope '), on which were embroidered images of Calvary and the bones of the dead. This man scattered about Papal Bulls and Indulgences, granting remission of all their sins, even of those not yet committed, to the slayers of kings and of heretics; their slaughter, he proclaimed, was meritorious in the eyes of God and glorious in the sight of men. Behind him followed another priest who bore aloft a silver cross; he was dressed in black. Then came the slayers of kings and of heretics, that is clergy both secular and regular, each dressed in his own habit and all making violent and disorderly gestures, and breathing forth carnage and death by poison. Next came six Jesuits of even more savage aspect than the rest, brandishing naked swords which dripped with the blood of princes freshly spilt; and the same number of musicians accompanied them, applauding and, as it were, chanting a p cean. Then came eight bishops dressed in violet and others wearing linen albs and copes embroidered with Phrygian work, each wearing a golden mitre on his head. Then six cardinals in their customary purple. Last of all came the Supreme Pontiff, raised aloft on a kind of platform, with ¡two clerics going before him bearing crosses, while he himself was carried on a chair rich with gold and shining silver. He sat on a regal throne, clad in a scarlet robe, wearing the pontifical tiara on his brows, and having his back foolishly draped with rosaries, sacred emblems, Agnus Dei, R oman medals, St. P eter's chains, and other similar objects. At each side of him stood an evil demon, hissing bloody councils into his ears, telling him to kill kings who refused him obedience, to slaughter heretics, to burn cities, ravage countrysides, etc. He had also beside him two clerics holding a flaming torch in one hand and a poniard in the other, as if ready to rage with fire and sword wherever the Pontiff should bid them go. It is believed that the Supplication cost £2,500. (74) The procession, ordered in the above manner, went through the most frequented parts of the city for a space of three hours, and came to a halt where the statue of Elizabeth stands at Temple Bar (as it is called), about 500 yards from the royal court. When the effigy of the Pontiff had been made to kneel and venerate the statue, it was cast upon a blazing bonfire and reduced to ashes, while a huge crowd looked on and shouted applause. I t is said that their numbers amounted to 200,000, of whom easily 20,000 were in arms. A procession of this kind became an annual event. Various other characters were added to it as a result of later happenings, which it will be more appropriate to d escribe below. Finally it was discovered that the Presbyterians


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were concocting horrible plots not only against the Catholics but also against the Protestants and even the sacred person of the King. It was, therefore, deemed dangerous to allo!" so many armed men to assemble in a place so near the Palace, and from which it was but a short step into the Palace itself. A Proclamation was accordingly published prohibiting the procession under pain of the severest penalties. (75) These, then, were the Supplications of Calvinistic piety, designed to stoke up in the minds of their adherents a blazing hatred of the Catholics. Their effect was to stir up a passion of hate, fury, vindictiveness and blood-lust: the men seemed to be possessed by some higher power; the women were like Maenads. All were swept along towards detestation and destruction of the Catholics, so that they believed they were serving God in killing them by any means and on any pretext. . (76) HENCE HOSTILITY TO THE CATHOLICS. The Presbyterian ministers did not cease to foster and increase this fury, for they hoped so to secure the banishment of the Romans, who would otherwise probably steal their congregations and displace them. (77) The Protestants, both bishops and others, remained fa.ithful to duty, either because they were fairly well disposed to the Catholic religion (this was cast at them as a reproach by their Presbyterian rivals), or because, having no hope except in the King, they dared not offend him, or because they condemned the taking up of arms against Kings by their subjects-not merely the taking up of real arms but sham arms as well, for the sham was preparing the way for the reality. They were satisfied with the repeal of the law about the burning of heretics. This met with no opposition in Parliament, and most people were amused at the Protestants' untimely fears: they were afraid of fires which they had never seen and which nowhere existed. (78) The ecclesiastical property which had come into the power of the nobles during the change of religion caused the nobles greater solicitude, in case it should be claimed back. Their fears were not quieted by the formal renunciation of that property which had been made with Papal authority in the time of Queen Mary, nor by the guarantee given by the Catholics, most of whom possessed some portion of the church property. They knew the teaching of canon lawyers contra Ecclesiam numquam praescrib1:, and that a surrender made under force or fear is invalid; they knew that the Benedictines were reclaiming their property, and, to omit other points, that there would always be people who would be impelled by religious scruples to seek the peace of their consciences and the safety of their souls, by abdicating temporal possessions which they believed themselves to possess unjustly, even though thereby families once affluent should be reduced to destitution. They knew too that the original owners, who are sharper even than laymen to spot an opportunity of enlarging their family property, would not be slow to take unfair advantage of the simple piety of such persons. What was not so well known was that whenever parcels of the property of the Church are alienated, as they constantly are, the goods transferred into the power of others are possessed by laymen with as perfect a right as is legally possible. (79) All these people were thinking out ways and means of suppressing or at least repressing the Catholics. They were not opposed by tbose who attended the Protestant services. In the first place


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they thought up laws which were to be more effective than the others had been, because their execution was not to depend upon the King. Such, for example, was the law that" If any Catholic holds a public office, for each of his transactions he shall pay ÂŁ500, which shall be equally divided between the informer and the poor of the place. The Justice of the Peace to whom the report is made shall exact the fine, etc ." (SO) STRICT EARCH FOR CATHOLICS. However, as this seemed too slow a remedy, posters were put up on the doors of Westminster Hall, where Parliament was meeting, inviting information against the Catholics and promising large rewards to the informers. Then, as if it were not enough to have provoked informers by these means, men born in different counties and all at one in their bitter hatred of the Catholics, were selected from the Lower House as inquisitors to scrutinise the activities, pursuits and words of Catholics, wherever they might be living, and even to angle after their thoughts by various devices, and to ferret out the secrets of their hearts. If anywhere there should occur anything that might be used to create hostility towards th~m, these men were to report it to Parliament. They were repeatedly told that whether their accusations were just or unj ust hardly mattered, since the outcome could not he in douht when the same men-men tainted vith the venom of Calvin-were to be both the judges aml one of the contending parties. Some of the Catholics, confident in their own innocence and Charles's good will, made light of their attempts; but the more thoughtful were rightly dismayed, for they uspected, not without reason, that some monster was being reared up. So they approached Charles with humble entreaties that he would take the matter into his own hands, and himself punish severely any Catholics who might be found guilty, or, if none such were found, declare all Catholics immune from such accusations, for it was intolerable that their good name and the public peace should be jeopardised by investigations of that kind. Charles gave them a favourable hearing and told them to be of good heart: things had not gone beyond threats and talk, he said; it would be time to lodge complaints when they had been actually harmed. Meanwhile they should not be afraid, since they knew that everything was in his power, and should not doubt the sincerity of his good will, as they had already received many tokens of it, just as he had of their loyalty. The aims of their common enemies were no less suspect to himself than to the Catholics. He said this because those who were uttering threats of slaughter against the Catholics were among those who had opposed the Royalists in the Civil Wars, and who in the present Parliament had taken steps to diminish the royal authority. (Sl) Meanwhile, the royal household was divided in its councils, and there were important people lending weight to both of the two sides. It will not be out of place to describe here their characters (as common report made them out). This will enable us to see by what means the brains which sway public policy exercise their influence, and to form a more certain conjecture about the origins of that greatest of all storms, the Persecution. CHARACTERS AT COURT: (S2) CHARLES. Charles, who was married to a barren wife, was endowed by nature with a mind capable of success in enterprises of any kind, yet h refrained from employing it in any, either by his own


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preference, so that he could enjoy himself, or becau e he was distracted from business by the intrigues of others . He seems to have approved of the attitude of Ezechias: " Only let there be peace in my time." (83) THE QUEEN. The Queen was a most pious heroine, but she bore no child. She possessed outstanding virtue, but for the other wiles by which she might have secured the affections of a husband who was fond of women, she had only contempt. Hence opportunity was provided for introducing such a supply of mistresses that even Solomon scarcely had as many . (84) THE DUCHESS OF PORTSMOUTH. Conspicuous among th mistresses was Louise de Kerouaille, the daughter of a noble but impoverished family of Brittany in France. She accompanied Charles' sister, the Duchess of Orleans, to Dover, and there so insinu ated herself upon the attention and into the affections of Charles that, when the Duchess of 'Orleans died shortly after, she returned to him, knowing how prone he was to falling in love. So completely did she win his attachment by her beauty, or her blandishments and coquetry, or by her persistence in saying Yes to him in all things, or by love philtres (even this was rumoured), that she was granted the title of Duchess of Portsmouth, and though a mistress, rose to such power as even a wife does not normally enjoy. She too is to be reckoned among the causes of the Persecution, because she hoped that, if the Faction would turn their attention towards the Catholics and away from Charles, she would enjoy her pleasures in greater security. (85) DANBY. Danby was born in Yorkshire of a titled family. His mother was a Catholic, and it was therefore believed that he was not really as hostile to Catholic worship as he pretended to be. Thanks to the Duke of York's recommendation, he was admitted to the Court, made a member of the Privy Council, and finally Lord Treasurer. By his sedulous care of the Treasury and attention to de Kerouaille, alias the Duchess of Portsmouth, he so captured the favour of the lover and his mistress that he was preferred above all the other courtiers and was second to York alone. Being a man who loved authority and could brook no equal, he found even this inferiority hard to bear. He was much concerned about the safety of the honours and wealth which had been granted him, for Parliament, which is always hostile to those who are powerful and influential at Court, was taking steps to deprive him of them. They were bringing against him the serious charges of peculation and of doing harm to religion, on the grounds that he had been corrupt in his administration of the Trea ury and had shown favour to the Catholics. everal advantages were likely to accrue to him from a (86) I ersecution- (l) It would distract Parliament's attention from himself to the Catholics-(2) He hoped the exhausted Trea ury would profit by the confiscation of the Catholics' property-(3) He would be able to provide for the many children born to Charles from his illicit loves-indeed at the very time when the Persecution broke out, he gave his own daughter in marriage to Charles's son, the Earl of Plymouth. (4) He hoped to remove York himself either from the Court or from the conduct of affairs, so that he might enjoy unrivalled power. Indeed York had frequently been warned by his intimate friends to beware of Danby-but in vain, for his own guileless mind, judging others by itself, could fear no evil from his own creature. Danby, impelled by these four motives, and being a man fonder of a uthority, honour and


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wealth than of justice and TRUTH, was not unwilling to watch a conflagration which would b um d own houses that blocked his view, while leaving his own property safe . Certainly a large share of the discredit for having caused these woes has clung to his name, and it has hitherto been impossible to eradicate this opinion, whether true or false, from the minds of the leading Catholics. (87) MONMOUTH . James Fitzroy (which means " son of the King "), Charles's first son, born to him before he was yet married, had the first place in his father 's heart. By him he was made Duke of Monmouth , Commander of the Royal L ife Guards and of the Cavalry and of all the land forces, a member of the Privy Council and of the Order of the Garter. ¡ Quick to act, able to endure hardship, fearless in danger, he was nevertheless, as the upshot proved, wanting in military prowess and courage. As his mind was dull, Ol" even stupid, he was more fit to obey than to command . He was a forceful character, and, when stirred up, almost a maniac. Happy would his lot have been if he had closed his ears to the siren Shaftesbury, and had lived contentedly in the condition of a ubject, for he enjoyed abundance of wealth and honour and was liked by both his father Charles and his uncle James. But through aiming still higher, and hankering after what was forbidden, he not only failed of his ambitions but did not even enjoy the good things his loving father provided for him. (88) As a youth he had received a Catholic education under the care of Rev. Father Stephen Gough, a priest of the French Congregation of the Oratory. On reaching manhood he attended Catholic services in secret, but gave them up when he thought that they would bring him peril, while the rites of other religions would bring profit. He became not only a deserter but a bitter persecutor of the Church. We do not, however, hold him responsible for the outbreak of the Persecution, but rather for its later intensification. He was not intelligent enough to be able to stir up a populace that was peaceful and quiet; but once it was stirred to excitement by others, he was capable of driving it into headlong fury by his ferocious audacity. We shall see that that is just what he did. (89) YORK. York's mind was too subtle to miss the meaning of what was happening; he saw that he was being attacked through others. And he was not at a loss for ways of retaliating. But his mind was unmoved in its loyalty to the King, and he rejected everything which had the least appearance of departing even a hair's bre~dth from the strictest rule of a good subject's duty towards his Prince. He had relinquished, at the slightest indication of his brother's will, the public offices he held, when he saw them attacked, not without his brother's approval, by the Faction; and, though imperilling himself through his own innocence, he allowed his opponents to continue their attacks upon his household, his property and his person, for he made light of the laurels he had won on both sea and land, in order to win a perfect and untarnished reputation for obedience. (90) The real motives which induced Charles to allow the Catholics, in spite of their tried loyalty, to be the object of unrestrained attack are not easy to discover. They were much the same as those which we said moved Danby, viz . the need of fresh funds for the Treasury, of finding property for his illegitimate children, and pay for the soldiers and sailors conscripted to assist the Spanish Netherlands, which were all but subdued by the French army.


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(91) The members of Parliament suspected that this last was the only end he had in view, and many of them said" The Plot has been faked up in the hope that through fear of it we will pay for the army; but the courtiers are mistaken, for we shall persecute the Papists, but we shall also disband the army." (92) It is also said that just as Charles was overfond of affairs with women, so he was anxious to be popular with men, and could scarcely endure the disaffection of his subjects. This made him believe the flatterers who told him that this disaffection was the result of his friendly attitude towards the Catholics, and that if he persecuted them he would be the people's favourite, as he had been in earlier days . This is what was commonly said in conversation, and as such I record it: it seems highly plausible and is very likely to be correct. But I am not willing to vouch for its truth. Anyway, all are agreed that Charles never believed that the thing would go as far as bloodshed. He was convinced that he could tighten at will the reins he was now loosening. He did not consider that an unbroken stallion, when once it has taken the bit between its teeth, will no longer obey the reins, but rushes through distant and pathless places until it either throws its rider or brings him and itself to ruin. (93) THE PEOPLE OF LONDON. I do not reckon the people of London among those responsible for the Persecution, because just as the sea is calm except when roused by the winds, so the citizens of London were peaceable when left to themselves. After enjoying leisure and a long period-eighteen years-of peace, they had already forgotten the Civil Wars, and were ready for fresh disturbances and for a new disaster, if only there should appear the men to start it. And at that time there pealed out, like the call of a clarion, the sermons of the Presbyterians. (94) THE PRETEXT OF THE PERSECUTIONS. The above, then, were the real causes. For the sake of appearances others were alleged: zeal for religion, concern for Charles's safety, anxiety for the preservation of the constitution, the safety of the people, etc.-so much propaganda wickedly put about to excite the populace. The principal actors in this tragedy, for the sake of their own safety, at first concealed themselves behind-scenes, and sent Oates and other worthless persons into the limelight; but when their party had been formed, and public enthusiasm whipped up, they dispensed with disguise and came forward themselves. (95) TITUS OATE. The first to appear was Titus Oates or Otes, about whom stories have been told so numerous and so disgusting, yet at the same time so unquestionably true, that our problem is not what can be said about him with justice, but rather what can be said with decency. What we hall say is all unquestionably true. Some of it has been published by the Protestants and some by the Catholic presses, and all is confirmed by the silence of his own supporters. Oates has been called by the one side Defender of the Faith, Column of True Religion, and Saviour of the English People, while the other side have styled him The Plague of England, Shame of the Human Race, Worst of Impostors, etc. (96) He was born at Oakham in the County of Rutland. His mother was a midwife, and his father at first a weaver of silk and then an Anabaptist preacher and Chaplain to Colonel Pride's Regiment. I t is not known whether he was ever baptised: he himself said that he


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was baptised at the age of eventeen, but when challenged to indicate the place of his spiritual rebirth he was unable to make any answer. His own mother- by no means a bad woman, and quite unlike his father and her son-without even being asked, gave the following informatjon about him to William Smith, M.A., once Titus's teacher, who published it in print. At a private meeting with that Minister when the Persecution was at its height she said" What do you think, Mr. Smith, about my son and the troubles he has raised?" He, not daring to say anything else, answered" I fully approve of everything! " "Well, I don't," she answered . "You know, Mr. Smith, I have had a great many Children, and by my Profession I have skill in women's concerns. But I believe never woman went such a time with a child as I did with him. I could seldom or never sleep when I went with him, and when I did sleep I always dreamt I was with child of the Devil. But when I came to my Travail, I had such hard Labour that . I believe no woman ever had; it was ten to one but it had kill'd me. When he was growing up, I thought he would have been a natural, for his Nose always run, and he s]abber'd at the mouth, and his Father could not endure him ; and when he came home at night the Boy would use to be in the Chimney corner, and my Husband would cry take away this snotty Fool, and jumble him about, which made me often weep, because you know he was my child." This is taken word for word from the English book published by the Minister Smith. (97) When he was old enough he was taken to this Smith's school, and kept the money which he had received from his father to be paid to the schoolmaster. Afterwards he was sent to Cambridge. While a servant at St. John's College he had a garment made for him and promised payment in a month's time. When the month was up he said that he had never received the garment and demanded a Holy Bible, on which to swear it with a solemn oath. But the tailor, who was less concerned about the price of the garment than for his own good name, in case he should be thought to have claimed money that was not owing to him, searched everywhere for the garment, and eventually found it in a second-hand dealer's shop, where Oates had sold it. Being proved guilty of two crimes, actual theft and intended perjury, Oates was expelled in disgrace from the College. He went next to Hastings, a town on the sea-coast in Sussex, where he charged the Mayor's son with an atrocious crime: he then accused the Mayor himself of treason before the Royal Council, to prevent him from safeguarding his son. When each had been declared free from all stain of guilt, Oates was cast into prison to pay the penalty for his double perjury; but he escaped this by breaking out of prison. He was made vicar of the village of Bobbing in the Diocese of Canterbury; and then, when juridical depositions had been made against him, on account of his shameful and crime-stained life, he was expelled from that post too. At the time when he had become a public terror he had these depositions erased from the archives of the Archbishop of Canterbury's Proctor . His activities after he had joined the Catholic Church will be more fittingly narrated below, a') occasion offers. If anyone desires a description of his appearance, his desjre will be satisfied at the beginning of Book IV. (98) THE CHARACTER OF EZREHEL TONGE. Oates had as accomplice in fabricating the story of the Plot (he himself was quite unequal to the task) - one Ezrehel Tonge, an Oxford Doctor of Theology, who


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at the time of the Civil Wars raged furiously against those two Fathers of our Fatherland, Charles I and Charles II. He was no more just to his mother, the Protestant Church, for he attacked it with all .h is strength by the spoken word and in published books. To leave none of the duties of a good man unviolated, he tried to make an end of his second mother, the University of Oxford, and her twin sister, the University of Cambridge, through his own exertions and Cromwell's power, by erecting a single college at Durham, which was to take the place of both. Generous contributions of money were made by the Presbyterians for this purpose. But God's Providence averted the danger which threatened the two Eyes of the Kingdom. When at a later date Tangier (from which that part of Morocco which faces the Straits of Gibraltar takes its name) had come into Charles's power, Tonge was sent out by Charles with the garrison on the specious pretext that he -w as to take charge of religious affairs out there, but in fact Charles wanted to be rid of a troublesome character. When he had been caught sowing discord there, the Governor of the place sent him back to England, testifying by his own hand and the signatures of his officials that Tonge could not be kept there except at the cost of the certain ruin of the garrison. On his return he tried to worm his way into the favour of the Lord Chancellor and of Williamson, Charles's Secretary of State, in the hope of obtaining some benefice through their assistance; but his efforts were of no avail, on account of the native depravity and incorrigibility of his character. So much did he love doing mischief, that he thought doing no harm was as good as being dead. As fortune opposed him at every turn he was filled with bile, and not being able safely to vomit it out on the Protestants, he decided that the Catholics, who were vulnerable, should have it. But he was well aware that this course, though for the present it was less objectionable to the Protestants, would yet, in time to come, harm them as well. His own writings and those of his son, Simpson Tonge, declare that Tonge suggested to Oates, who was then penniless, that he should pretend to be a Catholic, seek to be admitted amongst them, ferret out their designs, explore their intentions, or at least find out the names and the places where they met, what were their hopes and what grounds they had for hoping. (99) OATES'S TRAVELS. It was the Jesuits whom Oates approached. Protesting his detestation of heresies and errors, out of horror for which, he said, he had renounced a rich benefice, he sought admission into the Catholic Church, outside of which there is no salvation. He easily imposed upon men who were zealous for the salvation of souls and ready to do all in their power to help everyone. They sent him to Valladolid, to devote himself to Philosophy and Theology. Arriving on 1st June 1677, he remained there until 30th October of the same year, during which period he did not even once spend a night outside the College. When it was found that he was not constant in the Faith (for it was difficult for him to sustain his false role for a long time) he was sent back to England on 30th October. He put in at Bilbao on 3rd November, and taking ship from there, landed at Topsham, a port near Exeter. From there he returned to London, where, thanks to his usual hypocrisy, he induced Father Richard Strange to send him to the Seminary of our nation at St. Omers in Belgium. On the 26th November (O.S.), or the 6th December (N.S.), he left London: the date of his arrival at St. Omers was 30th M


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November (O.S.), or 10th December (N.S.). There he remained until 23rd June (N.S.) of the following year 1678, when he returned to England. During this period he was outside the Seminary for only one night, and that night he spent at Watten, four miles from St. Omers, at the House of Probation of the English Province. All these details are proved by the public attestations, long since published, of the two Colleges and of other persons whose word is unimpeachable. The authentic documents themselves are kept at St. Omers, because that city is situated on the common frontiers of France and Belgium, and is easily accessible from England : those who put no faith in published books may see them there. These minute details may seem trivial to some readers and unworthy to take up space in a History, but in fact they are not so (as will later appear), for they are of the very greatest value for refuting Oates's false statements. (100) While Oates was at St. Omers a Provincial Congregation was held in London to appoint a Procurator to be sent to Rome. This came to Oates's notice after the Fathers had returned from the Congregation. (101) Also while at St. Omers Oates sought to be admitted to the Society. When somebody remarked to him that a man of his character would never be admitted he replied "I shall be either a Jesuit or a Judas "; and on another occasion he said " If I do not become a Jesuit I shall be damned." When he had been refused admission he swore loudly, " I shall make the Jesuits pay for it." On the day before his departure he was found at St. Omers after the hour of Vespers in the sanctuary with his arms outstretched. Being asked what he was doing there at so unusual a time (the others had gone to bed) he replied" I am saying Farewell to Jesus Christ." So he came back to London, furnished with no information which would satisfy Tonge's desires, except that about the Provincial Congregation. This Tonge seized upon with avidity, as nothing better was to hand for his purposes of deception. Tonge himself two years later removed to the house of College (a joiner, of whom much below), suffering agonies of torture from his conscience. He was guarded with extreme care, for fear that if he came out in public he might say something which would obstruct the designs of the Faction. Finally, eaten up like Herod and Calvin by worms, he expired in despair and in excruciating pain. This information is derived from the Trial of the above-mentioned College. (102) THOMAS HARCOURT, THE PROVINCIAL. Rev. Father Thomas Harcourt, whose real name was Whitbread, was appointed Provincial of the English Province of the Society of Jesus on January 14th, 1678 (O.S.), and on January 24th (N.S.). More will be heard of him below. While making the visitation of the houses of his Province in Belgium, he came to St. Omers, where Oates was then staying. When he had heard what sort of man he was, how evil-minded he was, how habitually telling lies, changeable even in matters of religion (if indeed he had ever had any sense of religion), a calumniator, and ill-affected towards the Royal Family, he said that he would never admit him to the Society, warned him to control his tongue or else he would be unworthy to associate with men of good character, and then, after providing him with money for the journey, sent him back home. (103) At Liege, on the day before the Renovation of Vows, viz . 24th July, Father Harcourt preached, taking as his text the words of


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our Lord to the sons of Zebedee: " Can you drink the chalice which I am about to drink?" After praising all present for the regularity of their observance, and exhorting them to an entire renovation of spirit, he suddenly altered the tone of his discourse and asked whether they were prepared to suffer other and greater hardships than religious discipline enjoins-e.g. were they prepared for loss of their good name, and to be accused of sedition, conspiracy against the King, and of wanting to overthrow the state? Were they prepared to be cast into prison, to be chained hand and foot, to be brought before the Bar, to be condemned amidst the unbounded applause of a frenzied populace, and to suffer shameful tortures? After each of this series of questions he repeated the words of his text with such firmness of voice and in so steady and authoritative a tone that all were filled with astonishment. There were indeed some who thought that he had mentioned these things at an inappropriate time, in view of the then ~xisting condition of Catholics in England and of the mutual good services done by Charles for them and by them for him. But there were others who interpreted the present calm not as peace, but as a truce, which would one day, and perhaps on no very distant day, expire; they foresaw that the fury of the heretics against us, though at present pent up, would one day burst out and cause great havoc, and therefore guessed a storm was threatening. Yet no one at all believed that anyone would be found so impudent as to impugn the loyalty of the Catholics, or so easily swayed as to believe the author of such fantastic charges. They foresaw that the execution of the penal laws would be pressed for, that some would be punished for being priests, that Catholics would be fined for non-attendance at Protestant services, that those being educated in the seminaries abroad would be recalled, etc. And these were in fact just the measures which the enemies of the Catholics were urging in Parliament. But no one had any apprehension of the charge of treason when Rev. Father Provincial delivered his discourse. When we saw everything happen to himself in the same order as he had foretold, it was thought that he had foreseen his sufferings in the spirit of prophecy. (104) THE ANTWERP PLAGUE. On his way back, Father Whitbread visited Antwerp, which was being ravaged by an unknown sickness that spared few and carried off very many, especially those in the prime of life. Within the city the disease was spread by contagion; outside, those in good health were immune from it, as also were those who carne to visit the sufferers. Both Father Whitbread and his companion, Father Edward Mico, brought over with them into England the infection they had contracted. They were confined to bed by its violence, and reduced to the last extremity, when the first scene of the Tragedy began. (105) Meanwhile, Oates and Tonge were extremely busy arranging the Tragedy in the house of Richard Barker, who after being a horsedoctor and then practising upon human beings, had been raised to the rank of Knight. From his home they moved nearer to the Court, to a house previously called 'Foxhall' [i.e. Vauxhall], but now known by the neighbours as' Plot House' on account of those who assembled there for their deliberations. An Advocate named Digby was taken into their fellowship. They threw together into their Narrative all the public and private misfortunes that had occurred for a whole century-the Civil Wars, the foreign wars, the spread of the Plague, t he


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execution of Charles I, the failure to make a treaty with the House of Austria. The Catholics, they said, had caused the Dutch to disarm Orange, they had prepared armies in England, Scotland and Ireland, in order to bring those kingdoms under the tyranny of the Pope; new Archbishops and Bishops, it was said, had been appointed by the Pope; officers of both high and low rank had been appointed by the General of the Jesuits, in virtue of a special Bull granted him for that purpose; the officers' commissions had been seen by Oates a.nd distributed by him to a large number of the persons concerned; a great store of arms and money had been made ready (part of this Oates had seen-about the rest he had received information from others); one man had been induced to murder Charles by poison, two with pistols, and four with daggers; all were frequently in a.nd about the Court. This account was set out by Tonge in eighty-one articles-a task beyond the capacity of Oates, who was meanwhile besetting the doors of the Jesuits and Benedictines, dressed in ragged clothes and begging alms . On one occasion he said that for two days he had not had even a scrap of bread to eat (it may fairly be believed that on this point he was not lying). He asked a certain person, who was distinguished alike by his noble birth and by his dignity in the Church, to persuade the Jesuits either to admit him into the SOCiety or to make him an annual pension, 50 that he could live respectably. He promised that, if he obtained either of these favours, he would hand over to the Jesuits a copy of the accusations that had been made up against them and other Catholics. He knew very well, he said, that there was no truth in them, but he was certain that Parliament would believe everything. (106) Such, then, were Oates's proposals. He made them either because he was terrified by the enormity of the crime he was about to commit, or because he intended, if the Jesuits should accept either condition, to use their compliance as a proof of the information he had decided to lay against them. At all events the Jesuits, suspecting the latter motive, did not venture to make any offer; confident of their own innocence, they entrusted the outcome of the matter to Divine Providence. Tonge claimed that the honour of being the Chief Informer was owed by Parliament to him on account of the trouble he had taken in preparing the Narrative (for so the indictment of the Catholics was called); but both the glory and the infamy of the business clung to Oates, for, whoever was the author of those lies, Oates made them his own by swearing to them with false oaths. It is said that Danby knew what the conspirators were up to: he is also said to have given them encouragement. But I do not assert this as a truth, since I am not 'sufficiently certain. So far nothing had come to the notice of the Catholics, except by way of vague and inconstant rumours, of which there is always an abundant crop in England. (107) THE WINDSOR LETTERS. Rev. Father Thomas Beddingfield, S.]., who was reputed to be the Confessor of the Duke of York, had accompanied the Duke to Windsor. Going out very early on the morning of September 1st, he met the London post, and enquired-a thing he had never done before-whether there were any letters addressed to him. He found that there was a small bundle of five letters, in which, like the whole Iliad inside a nut, the entire story of the Plot was contained in summary form: that Scotland was ready, that Ireland was tense with expectation of revolution; that he must beware of four assassins, who had made up their minds to kill the King, etc. Bedding-


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field was astonished by the report. He immediately went to York and handed over to him the letters to be given to Charles. He said that he had never heard anything about those things: he knew the persons in whose name the letters were written and was certain that they were written by none of them, which made him fear that some plot was being hatched against York. (108) When Charles was informed about the letters, he answered that the affair was not new to him; he had first heard of it a month and a half earlier. This increased York's anxiety-to think that the King had concealed from his notice a matter of such moment. On the same morning the postman was twice asked for Beddingfield's letters, once by Oates himself and once by Beddingfield . On the same morning Danby hastened to the Court from his seat in Oxfordshire, as has been said, in order to be present at the first public report of the affair. However, Beddingfield's promptitude had so upset the works of darkness, that for a whole three days Danby refused to hear Oates or his friend and accomplice Kirby. At length he gave them a hearing, and then retired to his country house at Wimbledon; and the affair, for all its magnitude, was not qiscussed again until the 27th of the same month. Nor meanwhile were the poisoners, cut-throats and others who were said to be plotting the King's death, placed under arrest; they were not even excluded from the Court so that at least the walls of a house might delay the parricide. It is clear, therefore, that no credence was given to the informers-unless anyone supposes that although Charles was in great peril, neither he nor his courtiers took any thought for his safety. (109) That the letters were products of Tonge's workshop is clearly testified by his own son Simpson, and has been proved with various arguments by Roger Lestrange in his Observator (Vol. II, n. 150) from their resemblance to Tonge's phraseology, from various faults in English orthography, which were idiosyncracies of Tonge's, as can be seen from his other MSS . ; also from the shape of the letters, peculiar to him, and finally from the fact that there are no commas or full stops to distinguish clause from clause and sentence from sentence-a peculiarity or foible of Tonge's not common in other people. That they were not written by those whose names are put to them is perfectly clear. Fogarty, a doctor of medicine, is called ' Fogoty,' and the son of the illustrious Earl of Cardiff is called ' Brunall,' though his name is Brudenell. The authenticity of the letters is open to suspicion on so many grounds that they were never produced in court. Indeed the first attack on the Catholics, made by means of these letters, had so little success that although our accusers were daily inventing new lies, and scattering them abroad without shame, without conscience, and without fear of God or man, they never ventured again to attribute any writings to us. (llO) Made more cautious but no less wicked by this failure, they tried a new approach. Oates, Tonge and Kirby together visited Sir Edmund Berry Godfrey. Oates submitted his Narrative to him, and swore an oath that it was true in whole and in every part. Godfrey, as the nature of his office required, bore witness that such an oath was taken in his presence; and the other two, Tonge and Kirby, also witnessed it. Godfrey (as Oates himself reported, and from this fact he inferred that Godfrey deemed himself a Papist), horrified at the unexpected contents of the Narrative, and astonished at the atrocity of


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it, was almost dazed and came very near to fainting : the whiteness of his face, the trembling of h is knees, which were knocking against each other, his inability to control his water, and oth er indications, showed the horror in his mind and the distress of his spirit. But when he recovered he considered the matter more closely and thought over the motives of both the accused and the accusers. Scenting some mischief, he reported the whole thing to York, thereby giving grave offence to Danby, who rebuked him severely and added heavy threats of what would happen if he did not confine himself to his own sphere. Godfrey is known to have said that the drama which was being rehearsed would not be produced without bloodshed, and that he would be the first martyr. That he was a true prophet is plain, for he did not survive long, as we shall see in the next book. (Ill) THE CHARACTER OF GODFREY. Godfrey was the sixth son of a Knight. He was courageous, active and industrious. He received from his father a moderate fortune, which he increased by engaging in commerce. He was a man of primitive simplicity, completely guileless himself, and a hater of crookedness in others. So much was he esteemed by both the King and York that he was knighted and made a Justice of the Peace by the King. No Justice was more faithful to Charles or more friendly to the Catholics, and even to the Jesuits, with many of whom he was very familiar. (112) OATES BEFORE THE PRIVY COUNCIL. Oates was then given a hearing by Charles and his Privy Council. He said (1) that he had been sent from Valladolid to Madrid; that there discussions had been held with John of Austria in the name of all Catholics about murdering the King, overthrowing the Constitution, restoring the Catholic Faith and eliminating all other creeds; and that he, Oates, had been told to ask the Catholic King for money, forces and other means to the achievement of those objects; (2) that he had been sent from St. Omers to Paris with Rev. Father de la Chaise, Confessor to the most Christian King, to treat of the same matters; (3) that from St. Omers he had come to London, armed with special letters patent from the Very Rev. Father General S.J., empowering him to attend the Provincial Congregation. (113) When he named John of Austria, Charles asked whether he had ever met him. Oates replied brazenly, " Indeed I have, and I have been on very friendly terms with him." Then Charles said" What sort of a man is he ?" "Tall, slender and fair," said Oates. To which Charles replied" It is plain that you never saw him; he is of medium height, stout and has black hair." About Pere de la Chaise, Charles asked where Oates had met him. He replied " In the Jesuit house where he lives," and when Charles pressed him, asking which Jesuit house, since the Jesuits had three residences in Paris, namely, the Professed House of St. Louis, the College of Clermont, and their Novitiate, Oates confessed that he did not know the name of the house, but it was the one which adjoins the Louvre. Then Charles said " Obviously you have never been in Paris, for there is no Jesuit house adjoining the Louvre; and the Professed House, where the Confessors of the Most Christian King live, is about two miles away across the greater part of the city of Paris." (114) When they came to discussing the Provincial Congregation, at which Oates had falsely said he was present, Charles asked him where the Jesuits had met. He replied with great confidence that they had


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met in London in the Strand at the White Horse. Charles knew that this was untrue, since he was aware that they had foregathered in the p alace belonging t o the Duke of York. But neither Charles nor any of those who defended the Catholics mentioned this fact until the fury of t he p ersecution had completely died down, as they did not wish to increase York's un popularity. I omit the smaller points on which Oates is proved to have been in error. Time and again Charles said to the members of the Council who sat beside him, "Watch me catch him in another lie," and his expectation was never deceived . (115) When Oates had gone out, Charles said aloud, "Nay, he is a lying knave ." That he most certainly was, for it is plain from the attestations of the Illustrious and Rev. Archbishop of Tuam, of Rev. Doctor Richard D uell, an Irish priest, and of Rev. Fathers Manuelo de Calatayud, Rector of the English College at Valladolid, and Domenico Ramos, Procurator of the College, that Oates never went to Madrid. Again, when the Plot was the main subject of conversation in London, Mr. Taylor, S.T.D., who had been chaplain to the English Ambassador at Madrid, and Mr. Goddard, who had lived there as a merchant, met Oates and asked him whether he knew any English people at Madrid, and in particular whether he knew Mr. Goddard . Oates answered without hesitation that he knew all the English resident there, and particularly Goddard, who had frequently entertained him to dinner with great kindness. Then Taylor said to his companion, "That is enough, Mr. Goddard . Now we know very well how much truth there is in the matter." The Court's confidence in Oates was shaken when this story got about. When Oates was interrogated about it, Taylor and Goddard were summoned and asked about their religion. When they said that they were Protestants, the Lords told them to take care not to undermine the credit of the King's witness, otherwise they would rue it. As will be seen, this procedure was constantly imitated by the Faction. (116) At a later date it was declared by the public verdict f a court, after the case had been duly contested and a large number of witnesses examined, that Oates's journey to Paris was a pure fiction. And at the very time of the Plot about two hundred persons living in the Seminary at St. Omers tesitified on oath that in the whole period of his stay at St. Omers, that is from lOth December 1677 to 22nd June 1678, Oates had spent only one night away from the College, and that at Watten. Besides, it would have been most absurd for the Catholics to have entrusted such business to a man who was a neophyte and unknown-or rather all too well known-who had never conducted any business and who, apart from his native tongue, which was unknown in the places he mentioned, knew no other language, not even Latin (Oates had scarcely a smattering of Latin). What is more, there was already at each of the two courts in question a Jesuit Procurator of the English Province, not altogether unversed in handling business. As for his assertion that he had been granted special letters patent by the GeneraJ. of the Jesuits, and had been present at the Provincial Congregation, this struck everybody as so stupid that he did not venture to mention it thereafter. He merely said that he had been present in order to take out decrees from one place to another when the Fathers had come to an agreement, and to collect the subscriptions of the assembled Fathers. This is in itself no less foolish, though its folly is not so obvious to others as it is to Jesuits.


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(U7) THE CHARACTER OF WILLIAM SCROGGS. None of the characters necessary for the Tragedy which we are about to witness must escape our notice. So mention must be made of the appointment of William Scroggs as President of the King's Bench (a tribunal created for the trial of criminal cases, and especially of treason), with the title of Lord Chief Justice of England . Under a gentlemanly appearance he concealed a fierce, truculent character, thirsty for blood and accus¡¡ tomed to blood from his earliest years, for he was the son of a butcher, and in his youth had been a butcher himself. For this reason most people were surprised at his appointment to be Lord Chief Justice, since the Laws of England do not allow butchers to be chosen for jurors, as they are suspected of cruelty. (US) In the Civil Wars he had followed the better, though not the more successful cause, and at their close he devoted his time to the study of English Law. By nature he was witty and not without eloquence; what he lacked in rhetorical training was compensated by his volubility. The cruelty of his nature is shown by the witty sayings with which he used to taunt those whom he had condemned to death. He used to pay no more attention to the speeches of men pleading their cases before him, even when they were innocent, than he had paid to the bleating of innocent lambs in his father's slaughter-house. In audacity he was the equal even of Oates. He said, not from an oracular tripod but from the King's Bench, his throne, that" there was not so much as a mender of old boots among the Protestants who would not be able to confound in disputation any priest in the Roman Church." That this remark was greeted with unbounded applause from the crowd that stood around, its author has publicly asserted in the printed edition of his speech. When he was raised to the abovementioned dignity, all thoughtful men at once surmised that a Tragedy was impending. But everybody thought that the omen was meant for the obstinate Presbyterians and fanatics who are always troublesome to their rulers: nobody suspected that the axes were being sharpened and the halters made ready for the Catholics. Only the man who had secured Scroggs's promotion knew against whom he was put up; he also knew that the thunderbolt would fall where his own advantage would be served. Scroggs himself was after a short period deposed from office and told to retire into private life. He solaced his sorrowful loneliness and inactivity with the company of practically no one save Catholics, for the rest deserted him. What a judgment! o hand of God! Truly the finger of God is here! He did not long survive. Unable to endure private life and inaction, he breathed forth his soul, torn by the consciousness of so many murders, oppressed by the weight of debt which he had c9ntracted, hated by others, a burden to himself, and now to appear before the tribunal of the Most Just Judge. (U9) Having now described the more important characters in this Tragedy, having explained their motives and other matters which were concealed at the time but published later by those who took part in these events, I bring my First Book to a' close.


BOOK II 1678 (120) CONTENTS. The first violent outbreak of the Persecution; those who were caught up in the first blast. The character of Edward Harvey, of Bedlow, of Dugdale, and of Prance. The violence of the Persecution. The aspect of the Court. The murder of Godfrey. Parliament : Oates is heard there, and makes many false statements. He is not believed, yet is treated with great honour. The judgment of Parliament and its unfairness; the aims of the Lords of the Faction. Charles's Proclamations. The deaths of Thomas Beddingfield and of Humphrey Brown. Mildmay's cunning. The trials of William Staley and Edward Coleman, and their sufferings. The controversy over the Oath of Allegiance . The Queen is accused of complicity. The charges laid against Danby. Affairs in Scotland and Ireland . John Sergeant. (121) THE FIRST VIOLENT OUTBREAK. We have seen how the vapours of a pretended plot arose from an assembly of calumniators, and how by the cunning exertions of the Faction these v apours thickened into a black cloud: we shall now see what thunderbolts and storms issued from the cloud. On the 28th September the Royal Council had sat all day long, discussing the Plot, as if it had then come to light for the first time . On the following night the first thunderclap startled all with its din. Fathers William Ireland and John Fenwick, Jesuits, were taken prisoner, the former being the Procurator of the Province and the latter the Procurator in London for the Seminary of St. Omers . Their account-books and their money were taken away, their other possessions were placed under seal, and they themselves were cast into prison. So also were Thomas Pickering, a Benedictine lay brother, and John Groves, who was employed by the Fathers of the Society living in London; also N. Fogarty, a Doctor of Medicine, and others. Oates, armed with a royal warrant, and surrounded by a bodyguard, entered their rooms and ordered them to be led off int o prison. He also went to the rooms of the Rev. Father Provincial, Thomas Harcourt, and of Father Edward Harvey, who were confined to bed by a serious illness. However, when doctors were summoned and gave their opinion that the Fathers could not be moved without peril to their lives) a guard of soldiers was left at the door of each. The rest departed, taking with them the papers which they had found in Harvey's room. So much barbarity and violence did they show in t hrusting pistols into Harvey's chest and in trying to force him t o show them the letters which, they said, were somewhere concealed, that his death, which followed on December 3rd, was due not so much to the violence of his illness as to the blows he then received . Even when dead he was not left in peace, for an idle rumour was circulated, and repeated with great assurance, that he had been poisoned for fear he might betray his fellow-conspirators. Surgeons were, therefore, ordered to inspect the body. They examined first the more noble parts, and then others, until finally they came down to almost the very smallest veins ; yet no trace of poison appeared anywhere. Then another rumour followed-that he had died of grief when his hopes of obtaining the Bishopric, to which Oates had nominated him , were extinguished.


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(122) THE CHARACTER OF HARVEY. Edward Harvey, whose real name was Mico, was born in Essex of respectable parents. He studied humanities at St. Omers, where his innocence of life made him popular with all. For two years he followed the course of Philosophy at the English College in Rome. So accurately did he conform his life to the Rule that even then he was called "the Jesuit Novice." He particularly disliked discord and quarrelling. Being anxious to avoid quarrels, he would never put down a gage and fight, as is the practice among young men, in case one of the contending parties should be saddened by the loss of his gage, or dispute about who had won. As he was trained to such good habits, it was easy for him to obtain admission to the Society, which he entered at Watten on 15th June 1650, in his twentieth year. He was professed of the Four Vows on 2nd February 1666. As Socius to three Provincials, he was popular with superiors and subjects alike. The end of his life came as we have described above . In the closing days of his life, nothing gave him greater pain than the thought that his strength was not sufficient to enable him to undergo the hardships of prison and the extreme penalty. If not in fact, yet in desire he certainly shared the fate of the martyrs. (123) THE SAVAGENESS OF THE PERSECUTION. The following were cast into prison: Edward Petre and Thomas Jenison, priests of the Society, Robert Pugh and N. Smith, secular priests, Richard Langhorne, J.P., and Edward Coleman, Secretary to the Duchess of York. Upon hearing that he was being searched for, Coleman presented himself to the Royal Council to clear himself of the charges made against him, but he was taken away thence to prison, and was never brought out except to hear sentence pronounced against him and to undergo it. It would be an endless task to go over the names of every single individual who met with the like treatment. (124) Dismal was the situation of the Catholics. The pursuivants were always with them, either in fact or through their fears. So they enjoyed no interval of peace by day or by night. Oates sped hither and thither, accompanied by soldiers, and enjoying complete power to imprison anyone he chose. He vented his hostility upon his Catholic friends and benefactors no less than upon his enemies: his greatest pleasure was to be feared by everyone and to harm as many as possible. In all the streets of London you would meet the pitiable prisoners: if you greeted them, or grieved at their misfortune, it was enoughyou were summoned to share in their fate. So the last comfort of the afflicted, the company of their friends and relations, was taken away. Even those who were known to Charles, and who had proved their loyalty, were afforded no other safeguard by him than the option of voluntary flight from the kingdom into exile. Those who disliked the idea of exile left the city and took refuge in remoter parts of England. The Dutch Gazettes published on the 22nd November reported that 30,000 Catholics had left London, and that the only ones remaining were those who had no other home elsewhere: all the gaols were so full of prisoners that their Governors had submitted a written petition to the Royal Council, requesting that no more prisoners should be committed to gaol, because there was no longer space to take them. So severe and strict was the guard kept over the prisoners that a wife could hear nothing of her husb and, nor a father of his own son; and


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Thomas Harcourt, the Provincial, though he was imprisoned in the same building as William Ireland, heard nothing of the latter's execution for four whole months. In this way, then, London was made desolate by imprisoning and flight. The only Catholics to remain in their homes were those whose poverty denied them the chance of flight or exile. Some had not strength enough and succumbed to the evil; some few, alas! joined the number of the persecutors. London too had its share of the misfortune, for there was a drop in the number of rich natives and foreigners coming there to spend their wealth : the loss hereby sustained is estimated to have been as great as that caused by the Fire itself. (125) THE ASPECT OF THE COURT. At the Court there was a great display of alarm. The Privy Council was summoned more frequently, and sat longer, than was usual; the guard about it was doubled; the main gates were shut, and only posterns were opened even for the ambassadors of foreign Princes. All these things were designed to create atmosphere. Yet the common people could not be persuaded that the Plot was being taken seriously. They suspected court intrigues, since there was nothing but the word of Oates to give substance to the alleged conspiracy. The general aspect of the whole situation was lugubrious; the condition of all Catholics was disastrous and utterly wretched, but especially that of the Jesuits, who were burdened not merely with the common misfortunes but also with the hostility of all-even of their fellow-sufferers, who suspected the Jesuits of having aroused Charles's anger by some imprudently zealous word or speech or action. Moreover, as all correspondence by letter was completely interrupted, nothing was heard about the Jesuits except what their enemies disseminated. The Father who was then Rector of the Society's College at Liege was made Vice-Provincial. He, therefore, was the person who should have been informed of what was happening to the Jesuits, yet for the space of five months he had no news except from the public newspapers, unless occasionally some person escaped to the Continent like one saved from a shipwreck. For the most part such exiles knew nothing about the others, so entirely had the desire to escape occupied their anxious minds. Thus it came about that the one side made bold accusations, and no reply was made by the other side: this created suspicions that there might be some substance in the charges. Even John Paul Oliva, the General Superior of the Society of Jesus, upon hearing the rumours that were circulating, said to John Carey, who had been sent to Rome as Procurator: "If the Fathers of your Province have mixed themselves up in plots of that kind, they are paying the penalty they deserve." (This shows how far he was from approving such plots.) In a letter of 3rd December of this year to Thomas Stapleton, Rector of the Seminary at St. Omers, he has this passage: " I am watching what will be the outcome of that disturbance. Meanwhile my considered judgment of the whole matter is this: that if Ours have meddled in politics (which conduct I abominate, though I think it no less improbable than abominable), I think they deserve to suffer their present calamities; but if they are innocent, which is more likely and much to be hoped, I am convinced that they will win, if not their freedom and their good name, yet certainly immortal crowns." (126) Throughout the whole of this time belief in the Plot rested upon the evidence of Oates alone. For Tonge, although he had been


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with Oates from the beginning, could say only what Oates had taught him, since he had never had anything to do with any Catholics; hence he and Oates together amounted to only one witness. Both of them used the services of Kirby, in order to gain access to Charles. Letters covering many years were subjected to a most careful examination; the Catholics' homes were ransacked; the most diligent enquiry was made into their conversations, their silences, their studies, their talk, their labours, and even their leisure; yet no indications were found of rebellion or treason such as would hoodwink the populace or lend any verisimilitude to Oates's story. Those who had been raised to Sacred Orders did not conceal their religion and admitted their priesthood; but the enemies of religion took extreme care not to make any mention of these things, in case anyone should suspect that they were the real issue, and that the aim of these disturbances was something other than the security of the King and of his Realm. The truth was, however, scented out by not a few, and was shortly afterwards demonstrated by clear proofs. When the Earls Arundell and Shrewsbury, and the Barons Brudenell and Lumley, had been arrested, to be taken to the Tower of London on a charge of conspiracy, and indeed as being ringleaders in the Plot, they at once secured their liberty when they declared themselves ready to attend the Protestant services. No further refutation of the charge laid against them was required. Again, William Roper, the scion of an ancient and noble family (which is said to have the distinction of never having made shipwreck in the matter of the Faith), when he saw his name in the Royal Proclamation against traitors, immediately went with his eldest son to Scroggs, in order to ask whether he was the person in question. He was in doubt because others had the same name as himself. Scroggs replied" My dinner is served; we shall discuss that matter when we have eaten." The day was Friday. When Roper refused the meat offered him by Scroggs's wife, Scroggs said to her" If Mr. Roper had consented to eat meat on a Friday his name would never have been written on the list of conspirators." He had both the Ropers led off to the prison called the King's Bench: by order of Parliament they were transferred thence to the Tower of London. What brought ruin on the Irish Doctor Fogarty, and the inn-keeper Townley, was that Oates was in debt to them-to the latter for beer sold him and to the former for attending him when he was suffering from a venereal disease. Both were cast into a loathsome dungeon and died of the stench and other hardships which they endured there: so also did many others too, the mere recital of whose names would be tedious; but I piously believe that they are written in the Book of Life. (127) Sir George Wakeman, the Queen's doctor, was heard by the Royal Council. It was said that he had been induced by a promise of ÂŁ15,000 to make up his mind to administer a poisoned draught to Charles. At first, so little was the informer believed, that Wakeman was allowed to go free, to attend his sick in the ordinary way. Later he was again summoned, and was committed to the Tower of London. I shall speak below at the appropriate moment of his trial, at which he was declared innocent. (128) Various other captives perished either in prison or after being brought to trial: all were alike in their innocence, but they were


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not all treated alike. Indeed it seemed as if the judges were deciding the fate of those summoned before them not on the merit.s of the ease, nor on the testimony of witnesses, but by casting lots. (129) THE MURDER OF GODFREY. The people of London had not yet been driven out of its mind, and had not yet thrown off all affection for the Catholics. They watched them being seized and dragged away, and were not without sympathy for them. They looked on in silence, and wondered what would be the outcome of all this. But the murder of Godfrey enraged them too. Godfrey was the man before whom Oates had sworn an oath to his Narrative of the imaginary Plot. He was last seen on the 12th October: on the 16th of the same month his body was found, transfixed with his own sword, in a ditch on Primrose Hill, abput a mile away from the city. It is clear that he was not killed by robbers, because a considerable sum of gold coins and a watch had been left in his pocket. (130) Some say that Godfrey laid violent hands upon himself, fonowing the example of his father, who had hanged himself with a noose and so snapped the thread of life. Godfrey's brothers, they said, had carefully concealed the truth for fear that his property might be appropriated by the Treasury. Many people, for reasons explained elsewhere, used to point to Danby as responsible for the murder; and for a long time a rumour was prevalent that on the day when he was last seen, many people observed Godfrey entering Danby's house, whereas nobody saw him come out. But whoever was responsible for the murder, the blame for it remained with the Catholics alone: for this they had to thank the Faction, who seized upon it as a proof of the conspiracy, and raised the awful cry that the life of no one would be safe who was not a participant in the Catholics' worship. The throats of other Protestants were threatened, they said, unless the precaution were taken of banishing Catholics from the city and the kingdom. Oates himself, a Smith testifies, declared "That murder happen'd well for me. I believe not a Word on't (i.e. not a word of Bedlow's oath that the Catholics were responsible) ; but my Plot had come to nothing without it; it made well for me; I believe the Council would never have taken any farther notice of me else, if he had not been found." (131 ) Shortly afterwards John Powell, an honest citizen of London, disappeared without telling his servants or even his wife. It was said that he too had been murdered, so Charles published a Proclamation promising ÂŁ200 to anyone giving information of the assassins. Lestrange says that easily twenty-five or thirty books were published declaring the Catholics guilty of this murder too; they even described the ways and means and inducements by which Powell had been persuaded to take ship, the place to which he had been taken, where and how he had been killed, and so forth. The story gained credence (because the minds of the Protestants were now ready to believe anything against the Catholics) until Powell himself wrote from 'W orcester to say that he had gone there on some private business, and that he was well there. One of the Ministers actually said in a public discourse that he was sorry that such a good accusation had come to nothing through Powell's reappearance. Similarly, in 1682 Thomas Thin was killed in the streets of London, and the .Catholics were blamed for this crime too. But when the murderers were caught, two were Swedes and followers of Luther, and the third was a Pole: they confessed that they had committed the murder. These incidents show plainly how ready


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the populace was to believe anything of the Catholics. They no longer felt any pity for them in their sore distress, but thought that all their sufferings were less than what they deserved. (132) PARLIAMENT. On 21st October Parliament was summoned by Royal Command. Charles first reported what he had done to preserve Flanders for the Catholic King (meaning by , Flanders' the whole of the Spanish Netherlands). For this purpose he had of necessity retained his troops in arms, and the fleet likewise. It was a question worthy of the mature consideration of all whether any parts, and if so which, of the fleet ought at that juncture to be disarmed. After this he spoke of the Plot: " I now intend to acquaint you (as I shall always do with anything that concerns Me) that I have been informed of a Design against my Person by the Jesuits, of which I shall forbear any Opinion, lest I may seem to say too much or too little: but t will leave the Matter to the Law, and in the meantime will take as much Care as I can to prevent any manner of Practices by that sort of men, and of others too who have been tampering in a high degree with Foreigners, and contriving how to introduce Popery amongst us." (It afterwards became evident that these last words pointed to Coleman, and the Chancellor refers them to certain laymen.) Then the King commended other problems to their consideration-particularly the need of assisting the exhausted Treasury: he was sure that their great attachment to himself would impel them to do this at once. The rest he left to the Chancellor's speech. (133) The Chancellor, after warning the Lords not to be too disturbed by fears of Popery, said nothing more about the conspirators than that their chambers had been visited, all their papers examined and their homes searched, without revealing any evidence of the existence of a plot. Other things worthy of consideration had, however, been found. (134) Both Houses submitted three requests to Charles: 1. That his own and the Chancellor's speeches should be printed and published. 2. That the Catholics' papers should be made accessible to them. 3. That a day of fasting should be declared by Royal Authority. Then committees were appointed- one to examine the papers, the other to investigate the murder of Godfrey. (135) OATES IS HEARD IN PARLIAMENT. Oates was summoned before Parliament to give his account of the development of the Plot. First he said that James I and his eldest son Henry had been poisoned by the Papists, that the Papists had likewise waged war on Charles I, and that they had caused the Fire of London. The whole of Parliament knew that all these a~sertions were false . Then he served up the old, old story of how he had been to Madrid to negotiate with John of Austria, and to Paris to negotiate with Pere de la Chaise: each of the two, he said, had, in the name of his own king, promised money and assistance towards the destruction of Charles II, the overthrow of the throne, and the restoration of Popery. He had seen letters patent brought from the General of the Jesuits, creating new ministers throughout the kingdom- namely, Arundell was made Chancellor, Coleman Secretary, Powys Lord Treasurer, Bellasis Commander-in-Chief with Petre as his principal Aide, and Ratcliff Marshal of the Army. The colonels and captains had all been appointed, as also were the holders of Archbishoprics, Bishoprics, and all the ecclesiastical dignities. He affirmed on oath that he had himself seen these letters patent, that he


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had delivered them to various persons with his own hand, and that they had been accepted by those persons. All these things, and a good deal more tending in the same direction, he said on the several days which were set aside for hearing him. (136) THE FALSITY OF HIS EVIDENCE. Oates is said to have affirmed that the Supreme Pontiff had assumed the title of King of England; but as I am not certain of this, I do not state it categorically. He did, however, say that the Pope had arrogated to himself royal authority in asserting that he had dismissed all the King's ministers and appointed new ones. How far removed from such conduct was that holy man, Innocent XI, who was no less tenacious of the powers that belonged to him by right than he was unwilling to encroach upon the rights of others! Who will believe that the Catholic Peers recognized in the Pope the authority to do such things, when they knew from their reading of history how valiantly their ancestors had resisted King John when he tried to make the kingdom of England a feudal fief of the Papal power, and how they had denied that it was within the King's competence to do this? (137) Still more ridiculous is Oates's assertion that the English Catholics had recognized the General of the Jesuits as having supreme power over the English and the whole of Charles's dominions, although it is well known that even in the dominions of Catholic Princes, the General has no power outside the Society itself and its houses. Ancient legal writers warn that" the charge of treason is not to be lightly made, on account of the reverence due to Majesty; the person must be considered- was he capable of the deed, and has he done anything of the kind before?" Now the loyalty of the Catholic Peers had been faultless; their respect for the King even in the hardest times had been unwavering for many years; they had never made any attempt against the Constitution, and had left no expedient untried in their efforts to preserve it. They loved Charles, as he also loved them; they enjoyed peace and quiet by his favour; they held their recovered properties in security, so long as there was peace: but if peace should be upset, they had to fear the very reverse of all these things. To use the expression of Cassius, Cui bono? Where would have been the advantage of making a disturbance? Such plots would not have been merely inexpedient or harmful to them; they would have been impracticable, because the Catholics make up hardly the thousandth part of the population of England-and besides, as they were without weapons, excluded from the armed forces, possessed of no authority and armed with nothing but their fists, how could they attack the well-armed Protestants? According to Oates, they were marking down for destruction people whom they could not have killed, even if handed over to them with hands and feet in bonds. (138) No less stupid is the assertion that the Jesuits had communicated to Oates plans of the sort described, and that after entrusting such secrets to him they expelled him in disgrace from two Colleges, thus reducing to beggary one who, they knew, had it in his power, by revealing their secret machinations, to deprive all Catholics, of high, low, and ordinary station, of their property, liberty and life. In truth, if the Catholics were the sort of people to embark on impossible enterprises, and to choose so unsuitable a man for carrying them out, they would deserve not to be hanged as guilty of sedition and treason, but rather to be put in bonds as madmen and lunatics. In the face of so


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many improbabilities, a sensible man would not have ventured even to open his lips; yet one very nearly senseless not only ventured to speak out but actually won credence. (139) THE VERDICT OF PARLIAMENT AND THE INJUSTICE OF T . Parliament, after hearing Oates, declared that a horrid and devilish Plot had been formed by the Papists, and was still afoot, to murder the King, overthrow the Government, and destroy those who professed the Anglican Religion. All the Catholic Peers were ordered to withdraw from the Upper House. Five of them-Powys, Stafford, Baron Arundell, Bellasis and Petre-were committed to the Tower of London. An examination was ordered of all in both Houses who were suspected of being Papists. Charles was petitioned to expel all Catholics, not only from his palaces but from the Royal City as well, and from all places within ten miles of it. (140) Quaking with fear where there was no fear, the citizens of London took to arms, stationed guards in the squares and at crossroads, and ran about the streets in arms for several nights. There was no greater tranquillity elsewhere: the public highways were watched, passers-by were submitted to strict scrutiny. As a result, hostility to the Catholics was intensified, because it was on their account that the people were being forced to undergo so many inconveniences. In some places public inns were closed to them, and they were not allowed to buv bread, even if they were willing to pay cash and double the price. They were constantly reproached with having earned the misery they were suffering, by their base ingratitude, which had made them want to do away with Charles, who had been a great benefactor to them. So it came about that through hunger and other miseries many died to this world, to be reborn in glory in the other. (141) It was not only where Catholics were numerous, but even where they were few or none at all, that citizens kept watch in arms. At Bury St. Edmunds, a town in Suffolk of considerable popUlation, all the Catholics except twenty were driven out; and of the twenty who remained, there were only two who were not obviously unfit to bear arms, the rest being women or beardless youths. Nevertheless, night-watches were set up there with as much care as if the Catholics' daggers were menacing the throats of all the rest. The alarm inspired by Parliament's decree was intensified by the Ministers in their sermons, for they were on the watch for every opportunity of harming the Catholics. (142) The verdict of Parliament was, however, unquestionably unjust, for the following reasons: (143) (1) It was passed when only one side of the case had been heard, although there were present many Catholic Peers of unexceptionable character, who were known to be loyal to the King and hone t in their dealings with their neighbours. They were prepared to refute the charges laid against themselves and their fellow-Catholics, if allowed to defend themselves; but they were given no opportunity to speak. (144) (2) The accusation rested on the evidence of only one witness. (Some have said that some of the charges were substantiated by Coleman's papers, about which we shall speak below; but this is irrelevant, because those papers had not at this point been shown to Parliament.) But all law, divine and human alike, requires that the witnesses be at least two. "By the mouth of two or three witnesse shall he die that is to be slain. Let no man be put to death, when


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only one beareth witnes against him" (Deut. xvii, 6). And in the Chapter on oaths it is said about witnesses that" the voice of one is the voice of none." (145) (3) This one witness had himself lost all right to be believed through his manifest perjuries. But there is a rule of law, " Once bad always bad in the same sphere." (146) (4) In these very speeches made to Parliament he has been proved to have uttered many lies. He affirmed on oath that in the month of July last he had handed over letters patent to Ratcliff, the Earl Marshal of the Army, in the garden of the Spanish Ambassador in London. One of the members replied that that could not possibly be true, since he knew for certain that through some illness Ratcliff had not been out of his house for three years, and that his house is nearly two hundred miles distant from London. Oates also affirmed that Mark Preston was both a priest and a Jesuit; that he had himself often confessed to Preston, seen him offering the sacrifice of the Mass, and had received Communion from him . Preston replied: "See, noble Lords, how far the man who gives this evidence is to be depended on. I am a layman, with a wife and children, as my neighbours knowand I have not moved house for eleven years." Oates was somewhat nonplussed by these and other similar answers. Being caught out in flagrant lies and perjuries, he stopped for a while. But the Speaker of the Lower House encouraged him to continue, saying in a loud voice " Take heart, Master Oates; carryon and say boldly what remains. We are sitting here not merely to hear you, but to believe you as well." Revived by this speech, Oates did indeed carry on. With almost every sentence he added to the number of his perjuries. H e claimed to have seen various letters from the Provincial of the Jesuits and from other Fathers, and said that each of them was signed by several hands-a thing which has never been done in the Society. He said the same about the letters patent given to the scholastics sent to Valladolid, namely, that they were signed by the Rector of St. Omers and by four other Fathers. He said that he ha.d r eceived many letters from the Rev. Father General of the Society, and had seen far more; that his seal and signature were well-known to himself. On llis seal were engraved the letters I. H. ~., the Latin S being changed into a Greek sigma, a thing unusual in a Jesuit seal. He gave the General's name in various forms, and never right: at one moment he calls him John Paul de Oliva, at another John Paul di Oliva, and again John Paul D'Oliva-yet the General was constantly called, by himself and by others, John Paul Oliva. Moreover, it is amazing that one who had seen so many letters patent, and so many letters addressed to himself, should not have retained a single one with which to convince other people, just as if he were collusively favouring the defence. (147) (5) He frequently contradicted himself in making these very charges. The most striking instance was this: he declared with an oath that beyond the persons already named, he could accuse no person of distinction. Yet a little later he accused Her Majesty the Queen, whom he had not previously named. His perjury was at once cast in his teeth by one of the Peers, and he could escape by no other means than by impudently denying that the Queen was a person of distinction' (148) WHETHER THE PLOT WAS BELIEVED IN. All these indications of bad faith, which protruded from every side of the case, N


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could escape nobody, least of all the sharp-minded members of Parliament; but they treated truth as of no consequence, and sought only what would serve their own ends. One of them, in reply to a person who declared the Plot a fiction, said" Whether the Plot is true or false makes no difference: it is certainly a good one, because it serves our purpose." (149) No foreign prince, whether of the Catholic or of the Reformed Religion, sent a message to congratulate Charles on the discovery of the conspiracy or on avoiding the danger, as is normally done when a conspiracy is believed to have been real. Charles's uncle, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, upon hearing the first rumour of the Plot, instructed his Minister resident in London to be diligent in sending over to him full information about it. But when by his own observation of events he had discovered the fraud, he threw into the fire the papers he had received, and gave orders that nothing of the sort was to be sent to him again. Charles himself, while on the one hand he was dilating on the danger threatening him from the Catholics, nevertheless employed a doctor, apothecary, barber, and in his private recreations even a cup-bearer, who were Catholics. He did not imprison the doctor who was said to have undertaken to kill him with poison, nor the assassins who were to employ other means. And when somebody warned him to protect himself with more care against the terrible intrigues of the Papists, he answered" If the whole of Hyde Park (a park close to the Palace) were full of armed Papists, I should not be afraid to go among them alone and unarmed." (150) The crowd, ready to believe everything that is said. really believed that a Plot had been made when it saw Godfrey put out of the way and heard the Papists constantly blamed for doing it. (151) The more thoughtful of the Protestants displayed reserve, not because they suspected the Catholics, but because they did not know what was the meaning of the present drift. They remembered that outcries about the Papist Peril and about a pretended Papist Plot had been the prelude to the Civil War which began in the 42nd year of this century and lasted the six following years, as also to the second Civil War, which was called the War of '62. They saw the same sort of men provoking the same passions and raising the same outcry; but they were astonished to find Charles among them, joining in their outcry-or rather, leading it. They were horrified at the danger to which Charles was exposing himself by the things he was doing. He was persecuting loyal friends and had put himself in the power of his enemies. Not a few were estranged from him when they saw that honesty counted for nothing with him, while dishonesty was rewarded. The Catholics, who were ready to accept any commands not in contradiction to the laws of God, were being persecuted by him with exile, prison and torture, while the Presbyterians, who are averse to every kind of authority and refuse all commands--even just and necessary ones-them he admitted to his company, made his bosom friends, and had always before his eyes and in his heart. (152) No other explanation of Charles's irrational policy was to be found except that he hoped that by the good services of the Presbyterians his army would receive its pay. He had conscripted this army against the French, who had captured St. Ghislain and Ghent and were devastating the Spanish Netherlands. The Presbyterians were uneasy when they saw Charles in possession of an army, although


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war had not yet been declared on France, because they feared he might use his forces against them. Charles replied that it was impossible to declare war on France, since peace had not yet been made with the neighbouring powers. As it was thought that peace would have to be made with the Netherlands, Parliament gave orders that the army be disbanded at least before the end of June. For this purpose they supplied money, but sparingly. The month of July was, however, added on, because Charles said that his soldiers could not be withdrawn from the towns they were protecting, until Spain sent forces to relieve them; else it would seem that the towns were being betrayed in the face of the French danger. Thus the summer dragged on with various disputes, Parliament wanting the army demobilised, and Charles wanting to retain it. He hoped that he would be allowed to do so, if alarm was shown about the danger from the Papists. These things were being said in the private conversations of those familiar with Charles: nobody declared them in public through fear of the prevailing Faction, and indeed those who incautiously questioned Oates's trustworthiness did not do so with impunity. Some members of Parliament were committed to the Tower and others were deprived of their seats for saying that the conspiracy was imaginary. A certain Lady would have been imprisoned for the same (crime' had she not pacified her accuser with ÂŁ100. A French journalist in London was imprisoned because he was said to have softened down certain expressions of the King's Proclamation of October 30th. (153) THE HONOUR PAID TO OATES. After declaring that the imaginary conspiracy was a real one, Parliament passed a vote of thanks to Oates for the most useful service he had done to the State by discovering the Plot. They granted him a pardon for all his crimes, and generous rewards as well; they gave him a bodyguard from the Royal Life-Guards to protect him from attack by the Catholics; they decided that he should have lodgings in the royal palace, and that his table should be supplied from the royal kitchen. The task of seeing to these arrangements was entrusted to Monmouth, the Commander of the Household Troops, and likewise to the Lord Chamberlain and to the Lord Chancellor-a worthy occupation for three of Charles's principal ministers, to be looking after Oates! What a change from the old Oates, who a little before had been besetting the doors of Catholics, begging for alms! (154) Sufficient care was taken for Oates's private needs by these arrangements, but not for his needs in the role which he was to play in the Tragedy soon to be presented, for by himself he was not equal to it. Other witnesses had to be sought, and fresh proofs. Papers were examined, but contributed no evidence; houses were searched; arms were sought, but none were found beyond those which the laws allowed, and some people were brought to trial for being equipped with less armour than they had a right to possess. All cellars were searched and nowhere was a single soldier discovered, though the infamous impostor had falsely declared that they were being kept there in vast numbers. Turning therefore to dishonourable means, they decided to approach the imprisoned Catholics. On 30th October the Upper House ordered that impunity and rewards should be offered to the prisoners whom they were subjecting to examination, if they would admit their guilt. This order was made to prevent anyone from saying that those conducting the enquiry were making the offers on their own private authority.


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Thus they assailed the unhappy prisoners from every side, terrifying them with punishments and enticing them with rewards, in the hope that by confessing the Peers would win credence for Oates's assertions. A certain Protestant has stated in print that within a very short time 147 persons perished either by the hand of the executioner or through the hardships of imprisonment; and that to each and all of them impunity, life, freedom and wealth were offered, if only they would avow knowledge of the pretended conspiracy. But they all preferred to die rather than save their lives by a pernicious and detestable avowal of the charge. I mention here only one example, though I shall give more below. John Medburne belonged to that social class which is not only lowest but most exposed to bribery, as its members consider that questions of right and of gain are hardly separable (he was an actor). This man had been cast into prison because he was said by Oates to be a captain in the new army. He was offered his liberty and ÂŁ500 if he would consent to say that he had received a commission appointing him to that office. But it was in vain, for he persistently said that he would rather die in prison (as in fact he did) than secure his own life by a foul lie which would bring ruin upon many other perfectly innocent men. (155) THE AIMS OF THE FACTION . Since in this year the Peers, who hitherto had lurked behind scenes, came forth into the lime-light, it seems desirable, as far as is possible in matters so obscure, to explain their purposes, so that all may know what motives and calculations prompted them to join forces with the persecutors. They were not inspired by hatred of the orthodox Faith or of its adherents, since most of them were not a verse to the Faith and were even good friends with Catholics. Further, a book composed in Charles's name, and published by order of James, expressly asserts that the Faction were contemplating anything rather than the destruction of the Catholic Faith. And Shaftesbury, the mind and soul of the Faction, said repeatedly "What does it matter to us whether there are or are not thirty or forty Jesuits in England, lurking in corners and fleeing the light of day? Religion was only a pretext; they were really bent upon reducing the King's power and so increasing their own, because they were all sure that whatever the King lost would be their gain. The aim in which all the great ring-leaders of the Faction agreed was the reduction within the narrowest possible limits of the royal power. Many members of the Lower House, demented by Calvin's witchcraft and blinded by the clouds off Lake Leman, were in favour of going even further and doing away with both the King and the royal title, so as to be able to introduce a democratic constitution like that of Geneva. Few or none of the nobles agreed with them in this. because their own dignity would collapse along with the King's, on whose their own depended as sunbeams do on the sun. They were therefore attracted towards an aristocratic regime like that of Poland or Venice, so that the King should indeed be above all, but they themselves should hold the position of Senators or Palatines. This programme is lucidly set forth in an anonymous book entitled Plato Redivivus, which sums up all the powers which the King has in England under four heads : (1) the right to declare war, to make peace, to make treaties with whomsoever he wishes without consulting Parliament, even if in session; (2) in regard to the armed forces both by land and sea, the right to determine their distribution, to levy them and disband JJ


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them, to control garrisons and arsenals, to fortify cities, to arm and disarm the fleet, etc. ; (3) the right to dispose of all preferments, both military and civil, as well as of ecclesiastical benefices except where debarred by a right of patronage legitimately acquired by some private individual; (4) the right to administer public finances. After these preliminaries the author proposes that the four sets of duties should be administered by so many councils, whose members should be nominated by Parliament for a term of three years. The King would preside over each of the Councils either personally or through a delegate. Questions raised for discussion should always be decided according to the vote of the majority; the King was neither explicitly granted nor denied the right of casting a deciding vote or an ordinary vote. The right of jurisdiction in cases both civil and capital was to be given in its entirety to the judges. The King was to be denied the right of banqueting any visiting Prince from abroad, or of honouring an ambassador with any gift, except with the permission of the President of the Financial Council. The aristocrats were thus giving the King a great deal of leisure: he was deprived of the care of the State, and left with only private and domestic concerns, so that he would presumably rule his pages and cooks and perhaps the American colonies, but keep his hands off all else. The author also decides that the King shall be given a little money so that he may gamble with others, provided the stakes are not high. What a constitution! A constitution in which the royal power is without a sword, without money, without jurisdiction, without subjects ! (156) Such were the dreams of that anonymous day-dreamer-an eloquent writer indeed-learned, and possessed of a great experience of life, as is obvious from his book, yet contaminated, as it seems, with Calvin's poison. He contends that Charles ought to consent to this delightful reform of the Constitution if he desires the safety of his family, his own person and the institution of monarchy, and quotes the saying of Theopompus, the King of Sparta, who, after consenting to the creation of the Ephorate, was asked by his wife what sort of a kingdom he was going to leave to his son. "A good one," he said, "because it will last." This, then, is what the anonymous author wrote; and if, according to the Gospel, we are to judge people's inner dispositions from their works, he was expressing the general opinion. (157) But to return to the thread of our history. These aims of the Persecutors had not yet burst openly onto the public scene; yet already there were considerable indications of their existence. The populace was disturbed and not far from sedition; the Presbyterian Ministers were adding oil to the blaze by means of their sermons, and their party was further strengthened by the bitter and irreconcilable enemies of Charles I and his son, the Charles then reigning. Their excessive and preposterous care for his safety was not born of love, for they had none: it was therefore suspect. Charles himself had described the Tragedy as pure fiction: he was now astonished that contrary to his will it had changed in an instant into a real one. He grieved that in Parliament none of his wishes was carried out, but in all things the very opposite. Neither his dignity nor his security would allow him to retrace his steps by showing up the falsity of the story, the first proofs of which had been furnished by himself. So, being unable to resist, he did what sailors do when they are buffeted


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by adverse winds which they cannot manage-he yielded to the storm and let himself be swept away wherever it was going. (158) CHARLES'S PROCLAMATIONS. Under pressure, therefore, from Parliament he published a number of Proclamations. In on.e he listed a number of priests and laymen and offered £100 to the captors of. anyone on the list, £40 to anyone who should detect any other priest, and £10 to anyone who should find a secret store of arms belonging to the Papists. Further, he gave orders that all Papists, without discrimination, should be brought to trial, and that both Oaths-the Oath of Allegiance, as it is called, and the Oath to the King's Supremacy in things spiritual, should be demanded of them. Those who refused them were to be cast into chains, unless they gave a satisfactory guarantee (or bail). In a second Proclamation a further £500 was promised to any who should make known the persons responsible for the murder of Godfrey; for the Faction had decided to bring it about, by any means whatever, that the Catholics should bear the full blame for that crime. A third Proclamation forbade any Catholic, under the severest penalties, to make a journey of more than five miles from his own home. (159) These Proclamations were published, not as others had been on other occasions for mere form's sake to deceive the people, but in all seriousness. Charles offered no resistance, and others were pressing for their execution. So great a flood of evils overwhelmed the Catholics as can hardly be conceived, and cannot possibly be described. A Frenchman resident in London tried to give an account of the sad situation in a letter addressed to Pere de la Chaise: he wrote as follows" A man has appeared who is accusing so many people that all the prisons together cannot take them: even the most innocent are not free from danger. Things have come to such a pass that no remedy remains. The English Catholics have fled-a pitiful train, a mournful spectacle. Even foreigners are not safe .... The name of ' Jesuit' is hated above all else-even by priests both secular and regular, and by the Catholic layfolk as well, because it is said that the Jesuits have caused this raging storm, which is likely to overthrow the whole Catholic Religion. Please secure the prayers of pious Christians that God may strengthen with His grace these men who are exposed to great temptation. Do not write me an answer, or you may bring me into great danger." So wrote the pious author of the letter, whoever he was, deploring the evils which arose from the Royal Proclamations and from the imaginary Conspiracy. (160) THE CHARACTER OF BEDLOW. The rewards heaped upon Oates and promised to the discoverer of Godfrey's murderers aroused Bedlow. This man, though he did not know Godfrey by sight, and had perhaps never heard his name until after his death, decided by hook or by crook to get that £500. He therefore spent some time enquiring about Godfrey's character, about the places he used to frequent, and the men with whom he had been familiar, and then reported that he knew the assassins, and intended to accuse them when he had obtained a pardon for all his past crimes and in particular for his share in the murder of Godfrey. He was granted this pardon and the reward of £500 in addition. (161) An account will in due course be given of what he said, and of how remote it was from the truth. Born in the lowest social class in the County of Monmouth, throughout his life he was deep in crime. He ranged through every part of the whole of England committing


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theft and robbery. A lodger in every gaol, in this very year he had spent six months in a London prison. He also travelled through nearby foreign countries, committing theft and robbery, concealing his true identity and assuming the guise of noblemen so as to impose upon good men. In Belgium in 1677, advertising himself as the illustrious Baron of Newport, he borrowed from Captain Lloyd a thoroughbred horse, which he took off with him to Paris. There he assumed the title of Baron Cornwallis and robbed Father Stephen Gough, a priest of the Oratory, of about £175. From the Confessor of the English nuns at Rouen he obtained another £125 by the same device. He then passed over to Spain, assumed the title of Baron Gerard, and received £250 from an honest merchant called Frankelin at Bilbao. The latter, however, upon discovering the fraud, followed hot on his trail into Portugal, overtook him at Zamorra, brought him back to V?-lladolid and had him cast into prison, where he would have paid the penalty for his crimes had he not been rescued by the entreaties and good services of the Fathers of the English College. There he made the acquaintance of Oates, from whom he stole £2 lOs. There is at St. Omers a letter written in Oates's own hand, in which he bewails this loss. Returning then to his native country, he practised his old art of thieving until he was cast into prison, where he spent six months. He was set free at the time when the first rumour of the Plot broke out. He will frequently be mentioned in the sequel, because in inventing lies and confirming them with false oaths he was hardly inferior to Oates, while in imagination and fluency of speech he was much his superior. (162) THE CHARACTER OF DUGDALL. The third witness against the Catholics, Stephen Dugdall, came forth from the prison at Stafford. He had been in the service of the illustrious Baron Aston, who had assigned him the task of receiving his revenues, until he was discovered to have been diverting the money to his own uses. For this dishonesty he was sent to prison, at the time when the storm of persecution had already broken. At once he was approached by some nobles and asked whether he knew anything about the infamous conspiracy. He told them on oath that he had heard nothing about it except from the public rumours. However, when the Speaker of the Lower House offered him the money to pay his debts and tempted him with other rewards, he too assumed the role of a witness against the Catholics. (163) MILES PRANCE. A fourth witness, who joined the others not of his own accord, but driven to it by violent tortures, was Prance, a London silversmith. He was accused of murdering Godfrey and committed to prison. There at first he firmly denied knowledge of anyone who had anything to do with that murder. After being stretched on the rack, however, he said that he was guilty and would accuse his accomplices. Thereupon he was taken before the Privy Council and made the same confession; yet shortly afterwards, kneeling before Charles, he protested to him that all he had said was false, and that he knew no one who was guilty of the murder. Charles had this recorded by two people who were present. Taken back to prison, this man with the heart of a woman was terrified at the sight of the rack: to escape it he adhered to his confession of the crime. Soon afterwards he published a book, in which he said a few things, and nothing very serious, against the Jesuits, namely, that a certain Jesuit told him that" better times are ahead." (This was a reasonable hope in view of Charles's


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goodwill, the Queen's piety, and the constancy of York; but Prance twisted it into a proof of the Plot.) Against the secular priests, however (among whom he himself had two brothers, one being a Vicar-General) , he cast all manner of accusations, some of them unrepeatable, as if h e were taking part in a rustic slanging-match. The very extravagance of his slanders destroyed such credit as was put in him; and very few put any at all. (164) These four witnesses (of Oates we have already spoken) were like four huge dragons pulling the chariot in which rode the Faction, wearing the mask of the Protestant Religion when they began their widespread massacre. So far as human power was concerned there was no means to hand of checking that triumphal chariot, since the populace was behind it, Shaftesbury was causing general confusion, and those not implicated in the Faction made no move, being either too much alarmed or paralysed by astonishment. (165) A violent attack was launched against York. He had long since relinquished his public offices. This, however, did not satisfy the angry men who wished to remove him from Parliament, from the Privy Council, and from Charles's side-and indeed to banish him right out of the kingdom . Other points York yielded voluntarily, but he persistently said that he would neither withdraw from Parliament, as no laws excluded him from it, nor leave his brother Charles, except at Charles's own order. Nevertheless, we shall see that jn the following year he was forced even to quit the kingdom. (166) Let us now contemplate the happy end of some few of the many people whom this Persecution robbed of this present life to give them eternal glory. Let us first consider those who were carried off by a bloodless death, then those who perished by the knife of the executioner. For in the field of the English Church neither roses nor lilies are wanting; peace and battle alike have flowers to crown the soldiers of Christ-if indeed they may be said to die in peace who perish from the cold of a bitter winter, from the hardships of prison, and amid miseries of every kind. (167) THE DEATH OF THOMAS BEDDINGFIELD. The first in this procession of martyrs will be Thomas Beddingfield, the one to whom the Windsor Letters were addressed. His escape from the trap laid for him by Oates and Tonge in those letters brought him this much advantage, that he was universally recognised to be innocent of the charge; for he had seen to it at once that all he knew of the crime was reported to Charles. This did not, however, rescue him from the hands of the Faction, whose hatred of him was increased by the frustration of their "\:vicked design against him. With very little trouble he could have withdrawn his head from the blasts of the storm, but he trusted in his own conscience and in the encouraging testimonial of Charles, who had unequivocally pronounced him" an honourable man." So, when summoned, he presented himself before the Privy Council. But those testimonials of his innocence did not save him from being thrown into a prison near the Court called the Gate-House. Owing to the stench and other hardships of the ,p rison, death came quickly, to set him free, with the freedom of the sons of God, on 21st December. (168) He was born of a noble family in Norfolk; his father's name was Downes, and his mother's Beddingfield. He studied humanities at St. Omers and philosophy at Valladolid, and having a fair reputation for piety he was admitted to the Society. After


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completing his noviceship at Watten he was sent to Pont-a-Mousson t o learn Theology. So great was his humility that, though capable of the highest offices, he always chose the lowest. F or some years he held the post of Bursar at Watten-a wearisome task involving much labour and full of difficulties-at a time when war was raging between the Most Christian King and the Catholic King, and everything was exposed to forays of soldiers, from whose rapacious hands the countryfolk had to be defended with great difficulty and no small risk to himself. These trials, along with the austerity which made him ever hard upon himself, broke his strength, with the result that in his later years he was always in poor health. He several times accompanied York on his campaigns against the Dutch, was admitted to his househ old and remained there until he was torn away by the storm of Persecution. He did not, however, desert the poor, for whom he had a special affe~tion, and whose confessions he was more willing to hear, whenever called out to them. He was ready to go out to visit them, even at the risk of his life, when their sickness required it. For three years he was Superior of the London Jesuits. (169) His body was identified by twelve men before it was buried. But a year and a half later a rumour was put about that he was still alive and energetically promoting the Plot in a place in the County of Nottingham, 100 miles from London . Sir William Waller (of whom much below) made an expedition to arrest him. Whether he did so on his own initiative or at the suggestion of others, or by order of Parliament, is obscure: in any case the"expedition made both the senders and their envoy equally ridiculous . As he did not wish to appear to have achieved nothing by his excursion, and hoped to make some gain out of it, he arrested a citizen of London, William Beddingfield, a young married man, threw him first into the prison at Newark, then into the one at Nottingham, robbed him of all the silver he could find , both coin and plate, and returned triumphantly to London. (170) THE DEATH OF HUMPHREY BROWN . There died also at that time Humphrey Brown, who was known by his father's name of Evans. Born in the Arvon district of North Wales, and brought up in heresy, he completed his reading of the Classics at home, and went to Oxford for his higher studies. However, the Divine Goodness, which had set him aside from the beginning for the work of the Gospel, and had given him a good mind so that he could distinguish the valuable from the worthless, opened his eyes to see the errors of his people, and led him forth out of the midst of a wicked nation. Weary of the depraved behaviour of the youth of Oxford University, at the end of two years there he departed to Paris, where he was converted to the Catholic Faith in the eighteenth year of the century now drawing to its close, and in the twenty-second year of his age . From Paris he went to Rome, out of devotion, to visit the tombs of the Apostles. There he entered the English College, and after completing his philosophical and theological studies was raised to the priesthood. From Rome he was sent to his native country, where he laboured with rare zeal and energy to secure the salvation of others. Inspired with a desire for still greater perfection, he entered the Society. Having completed his noviceship he was restored to his apostolic labours; then his singular piety inspired him to seek admission to the Tertianship-a thing he was not obliged to do, since he had been admitted to the Society as a priest.


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(171) After that he embarked upon a mission that was laborious and full of peril. While England was ablaze with Civil War and shaken by the blasts of fearful persecutions, he spent fifty-three whole years cultivating the Lord's vineyard, indefatigable and undismayed, and met with success proportionate to his great exertions. He was twice Rector of the College of St. Xavier, and was for six years Superior of the residence of St. Winefride. But his bodily strength broke down and he was stricken with apoplexy. As a result his tongue-muscles were weakened, so that his tongue functioned with difficulty; and neither his hands nor his feet performed their function properly. None the less, those who invented the story of the Conspiracy made out that even this old man was a source of danger. Though he could not speak he was said to be stirring up mobs with the eloquence of his exhortations; and though deprived of the use of all his limbs he was said to be inciting the mobs with his own hand, energy and example, to the destruction of the kingdom. So, on Christmas Day itself, soldiers were set upon him. They attacked the house, broke down the doors, burst into the old man's room, where he was lying down: some threatened him with pistols, others with swords, if he did not acknowledge the conspiracy. He made no reply, but said as best he could " God's will be done." They continued to harass the servant of God and the whole household for some hours, and they would have carried the Father off to prison had they not feared he would breath forth his soul while in their hands. For this reason they left him and went away, after taking bail.from the lady of the house that she would present him at the Bar if he should recover. About three weeks later, she and her whole family were summoned to stand trial for having admitted to their house a man guilty of treason against the King. When they were preparing to go and appear before the magistrate, he asked them to take him with them. But nobody dared do so, for fear that murder should be added to the other false charges against them; for they were sure that they would be charged with murder if perchance he should die in their hands. While left alone, like St. Xavier on the island of Sancian, he fell asleep in the Lord. His death was due to his old malady, to his maltreatment at the hands of the soldiers, and to the grief of being left alone among heretics. He died, as we hope, to live on eternally in heaven. His long labouring, his restraint in prosperity, his endurance in adversity, and his truly wonderful constancy in all things, are the solid grounds of our hope. He was never deterred by any danger from visiting those who sought his aid. He was a strict observer of religious discipline and especially of the Vows. He loved the Society like a dear parent. with tender affection. He was accustomed to celebrate every year, with especial gratitude, the days upon which he left Oxford, arrived in Paris, was reconciled to the Catholic Church, was admitted to the Seminary of our nation in Rome, received the priesthood, was admitted into the Society, and made his profession in the Society. These events he always remembered as special blessings from God. He departed this life on 14th January 1679, when eighty-two years old, after he had been on the Mission fifty-four years and professed of the four vows for forty-two. (172) IGNATIUS PRICE. Two days later Ignatius Price followed to the reward of his divine vocation, as we hope. He was admitted to the Society in 1634, and professed as a Temporal Coadjutor in 1647. He cultivated the vineyard for almost thirty-seven years with per-


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sistent effort and plentiful fruit. In those years all was in a state of flux, and many persecutions occurred-in particular the one which Parliament stirred up after the execution of the King and the overthrow of the monarchy. The labours which Brother Price endured, and the dangers amidst which he lived, will be understood by those who read the history of those times, which has been carefully recorded by Rev. Father Tanner. The heroic strength of his mind can be gauged from the fact that no danger ever frightened him into deserting the post assigned him by obedience or the sheep entrusted to his care. And he died in the very spot which he had defended while he lived. For this last storm caught him up in its whirlwind. With such fury was he hunted down for imprisonment and what follows imprisonment, that scarcely a night passed in two months but the homes of Catholics were burst into and search was made for him. The weary old man had no place to rest, no safe retreat: sometimes hospitality was refused him through fear of the laws, and sometimes he refused it out of evangelical charity, for fear his hosts might be endangered for his sake. He fled from cottage to cottage in the depths of winter- at the end of November, throughout December, and at the beginning of January. He fled through mountain passes and ravines blocked with snow, lightly clad and often with bare feet, in order to a void the traps laid for him by his heretical kinsman. At length he fell into sickness, and, full of days and merits, completed the course of his life. But even after his burial a wicked kinsman of his did not allow him rest: he desired to see the body, he said, because he did not believe that it was his brother's; but in reality his purpose was to take away by sacrilegious theft the golden cross which his brother was said to wear about his neck. When nothing was found he was laughed to scorn. (173) THE ASTUTENESS OF MATTHEW MILDMAY. Matthew Mildmay escaped the diligence of the pursuivants by a stratagem similar to that of Saint Athanasius. They knew where he was staying and unexpectedly burst into the hall, where he was talking with his host. He sensed at once that it was himself they were after; but without losing his composure as people usually do in a sudden crisis, with great presence of mind and unaltered countenance he approached the officer of the soldiers, welcomed him courteously, and asked whom or what he was looking for. The officer replied that he was looking for Matthew Mildmay, a Jesuit and a traitor to his country. "He was here not so long ago," said Matthew. "Come with me and we will look for him together. I don't think he will escape us, as I know the house as well as its owner"does." At once he took the man most dutifully through all the rooms, searched the beds, shook out the bedclothes, and ferreted into everything-but nobody like him was found. The officer disappointed, thanked him for his very thorough work, paid his respects and departed. Then one of his troop said" Why did you let the prey slip through your hands? The man who acted as your guide is the very one whom we came with so much trouble to apprehend. I did not mention this before, because I thought you were looking for someone else as well." They all hastened back, hoping to capture himbut in vain, for he had withdrawn into a hiding-place that was known to few. (174) THE PRIESTS' HID~NG-HOLES. In most of the Catholics' houses there are some hiding-places concealed so cleverly that strangers can hardly find them. Their whereabouts are unknown even t o most


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of the servants. When danger threatens, the priests withdraw into these, taking with them the sacred furniture . F or the most part they are so confined that it is almost impossible to stand up in them. One of these saved Charles as he fled from the disastrous battle of Worcester, when Cromwell's brutal soldiers were searching for him throughout the kingdom, and especially in that house, to bring him to a shameful execution. This hiding place had been shown to many visitors on account of the very distinguished person who had been concealed in it. When the Persecution broke out, this place was carefully examined, for no regard was paid to the honour of Charles, whom it had served as a refuge; but the search was in vain, since the Jesuit who was hiding there went out by a back door and made a safe escape. For the security of themselves and their hosts, some Fathers were shut up in these confined places and lay there for three or four months on end . This greatly damaged their health for they suffered from the stone, gout in both hands and feet, asthma, dropsy, consumption, and a hos(of other diseases which bring an early death. Some of them djed shortly after coming out; others live on, deprived of all vitality. Their nameswritten, I hope, in the Book of Life--are not set down here, or my book would grow to an excessive length . (175) So much for the white-robed victims of charity. The redrobed martyrs now demand our attention. (176) THE TRIAL AND DEATH OF WILLIAM STALEY. The first of the Catholics to sprinkle England with his blood was William Staley, the son of another William, a goldsmith and banker and a rich citizen of London. He was accused of treason by two Scotsmen, William Carstairs and N. Sutherland, on the grounds that he had said The King of England is a great Heretick and the greatest Rogue in the World: there's the Heart (striking his hand on his Breast) and here's the hand that would kill him my self. The King and Parliament think all is over, but the rogues are mistaken." (177) Carstairs' name is mentioned frequently among the real conspirators of the Presbyterian Plot in the book written in Charles's name, and published by royal authority. And certain it is that Charles's bitterest enemies were almost the only people, throughout the time of the Persecution, who stormed against the Catholics-a strong indication of our innocence as also of our enemies' injustice. When Staley was given opportunity to speak he said that a Frenchman called Froment had come to him to seek payment of some money owed him: when this had been paid, they had both gone to an inn to have dinner together. They had talked about indifferent matters while the food was being brought: meanwhile the door of the room was open so that they could be seen and heard by passers-by, and the two Scotsmen remained in the next room. On the following morning, one of the Scots came over to him in his father's shop and showing him a button decorated with a carbuncle, ordered another to match it. When he said that he had no stone of that nature and directed him to other jewellers, the Scotsman asked him to go to pay his respects to a person of the highest quality in a nearby wine-shop. There he had been shown a paper containing the words which he was accused of having spoken. (This much is contained in the published records of the trial: not so the words immediately following, which I have from trustworthy persons who were present at the trial.) He was told that if he would not pay ÂŁ200 an accusation would be laid against him, and that witnesses 1I


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were ready to hand to swear that they had heard those words. When he refused to give them the money, one of them rushed off to fetch an official to take him to prison. It would have been utter madness, he said, to have spoken such words in so loud a voice that they could be heard in another room-especially in French, a language as well understood as the vernacular itself in that household and its neighbourhood. Froment should have brought his companion, who knew very well all that had been said. (17S) Next, various people were heard who were friends of Staley. All testified unanimously that he had often spoken of Charles, but always with expressions of honour and affection. But their evidence did not help him. The fatal sentence was pronounced upon him, dooming him to the punishment reserved for treason-" Let him be dragged on a hurdle to the gallows: there let him hang for a short time. When the rppe by which he hangs has been Gut, let his breast be opened and his entrails burnt before his own eyes. Let his body be divided into quarters, of which Charles shall dispose as he thinks fit." This sentence was the first-fruits of Scroggs's period of office and the prelude to his future cruelty. In order to please the Crown and to insult the condemned man and the Catholics, he improved on the sentence with the addition of some merry jests. One was that" The priests are in the habit of making proselytes by saying, â&#x20AC;˘Commit any sins you like: it will always be in our power to save you. If you don't do what we tell you, it will be in our power to damn you.'" Another was this: " When a Catholic has declared anyone a heretic, he will then kill him without scruple. Nay, he will believe that he merits heaven by so doing." And again: "Let none but the Papists seek heaven by those means. Far be it from me to enter into that sort of heaven where men become saints for having slain kings." All this Scroggs said before the jury had pronounced Staley guilty. When they had given their condemnation he said to the prisoner "Now you can die a Catholic. I think that in death you will be found to be a priest." (179) Shortly afterwa.rds the sentence was carried out. Staley protested his innocence with his dying breath. (ISO) One of the witnesses was, as I have said, found guilty of complicity in the real conspiracy made by the Presbyterians. Another (as a London bookseller, Nathaniel Thompson, bears witness), when near to death at Edinburgh, summoned the local Bishop and four other men and confessed that all he had said against Staley was false. (lSI) Charles gave permission for the body to be buried after the quartering. The Catholics then remaining in London imprudently accompanied him to the grave as a mark of affection. But Charles took offence at their honouring him in that way, and had the body exhumed, the head fixed on a stake on London Bridge, and the other limbs exposed on various gates. (lS2) Staley studied Humanities in Belgium and Medicine at Padua, where he received the degree of Doctor of that faculty. He then returned home, to help his father in his banking business. He married a wife, whom he left a widow-which shows how unjust, not to say malicious, were those who suspected him of being a priest. (lS3) THE TRIAL AND DEATH OF EDWARD COLEMAN. The next to suffer was Edward Coleman, Secretary to the Duchess of York. Brought up in heresy, he renounced it upon discovery of his errors, and wholeheartedly joined the Catholic cause, which thereafter he


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promoted with all his strength, with great zeal, but occasionally without due prudence. Nat ure had given him a fine mind and a cheerful disposition; but through giving these gifts too much play and criticising all very freely and almost satirically, he spared none of the rich, and gave offence to many-particularly to Danby. These people eventually caused his fall. (184) I have recorded his capture above. On 22nd November he was summoned to stand his trial. The main heads of the accusation were : that he had wished to destroy Charles, to stir up sedition, to overthrow the Government, to bring over the French into England, to massacre the Protestants, and by their destruction to open the way for the restoration of Papism. When the Prosecutors, viz . the King's Proctor and his Counsel, had told this tale with great eloquence, Oates and Bedlow were produced as witnesses. Oates said that he had made a journey from St. Omers to Paris to deliver to Pere de la Chaise, Confessor to the Most Christian King, a letter from Coleman, in which he expressed his gratitude for the sum of £10,000 given by the King of France, and promised to spend it for no other purpose than the killing of Charles. Oates claimed, too, to have carried back to St. Omers the answer of P. de la Chaise. This he had opened and read, because he had been granted permission by letters patent of the General of the Jesuits to open all letters of Jesuits and to be present at their consultations. In virtue of these powers he had been present at the Provincial Congregation in April at the White Horse, where the plot to kill Charles had been confirmed, communicated to Coleman, and approved by him in Oates's presence. About 21st August of this year, Coleman had arranged for the payment of £80 to the four assassins who were to kill Charles at Windsor, and had given £1 to the bearer to encourage him to be careful. Coleman had thought the reward for the physician who was to give the poisoned draught to Charles, viz. £10,000, not large enough, and had arranged that another £5,000 be added. Finally, he had accepted letters patent from the General of the Jesuits creating him the King's Secretary. (185) Coleman replied that he had never seen Oates before the day when they were both brought before the Privy Council at the same time; Oates had then admitted that he did not know him (this was confirmed by two Knights who were then present). He asked why Oates had not accused him of treason before the Council, if he knew such things against him. He then stated that from the fifteenth to the thirty-first of August he had been in the County of Warwick, about eighty miles from London. This he proved by the evidence of many witnesses and by his own diary, in which he wrote down his daily expenses; hence, he argued, he could not possibly have arranged for £80 to be despatched from London for the assassins, nor could he have given the £1 to the bearer. About Oates's journey to Paris and his presence at the Congregation of the Jesuits, he said nothing, not knowing at the time that both were pure inventions. (186) Bedlow said that he had heard from Sir Henry Tichbourne, Bart., that Coleman had been made Secretary to the King by the General of the Jesuits, that he had carried a letter from him, dated April 1675, to Pere de la Chaise, which treated of the conspiracy (this was certainly false, since Coleman's first letter to de la Chaise was written in September of that year), that he had heard Coleman saying, " If I had a hundred lives, I would willingly spend them all;


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and if a whole ocean of blood were flowing in my veins, I would shed it all in order that the Church might be established in England; and if a hundred heretical kings stood in the way, I would see to it that all of them perished." In answer, Coleman called God to witness that until that day he had never seen Bedlow; and his servants gave evidence that Bedlow had never been seen at their house. Then copies were produced of three letters addressed by Coleman to Pere de la Chaise; two of them were in his own name, and the third in the name of York, who, however, disowned it. In these letters there was nothing against Charles and much, indeed everything, in his favour; Coleman tries to raise money, through the intervention of de la Chaise, from the Most Christian King to supply Charles's wants, so that he could dismiss Parliament, be rid of the trouble it gave him, and then grant liberty of conscience; that done, the conversion of his dominions would ensue. In order to, strengthen the prejudice against Coleman, time and again the following sentence from one of his letters was maliciously repeated: "We are at work on an immense task, the conversion of three kingdoms, and perhaps after that, victory over the pestilent heresy which has long dominated a large part of the North. Never have there been such good hopes of success since the death of Mary." (187) Coleman replied that if he desired the conversion of the kingdom, the same was true of all others who believed their religion to be true. (St. Paul, for instance, was never blamed for praying that Agrippa and others might become Christians.) But he had never desired that the conversion of England should come about by illicit or violent means, and had never entertained the idea that evil should be done in expectation of the good effects likely to follow. Nevertheless, he was found guilty by the jury, and Scroggs pronounced the death sentence against him, adorning it with this insulting jest against the Catholics, that "they no longer had any natural sense or natural conscience-no natural sense, because they believe that wine is changed into blood, and no natural conscience, because they change the blood of Protestants into wine and then thirst for it like wine." (188) On 3rd December, the day appointed for his execution, he was dragged on a hurdle to the gallows, and then spoke as follows: " You expect me to say something about the infamous Plot; but I know not whether my words are likely to have better fortune in being believed now than heretofore: nevertheless, I declare with the word of a dying man that I know nothing of it. As for raising sedition, altering the constitution, promoting a rebellion, changing the laws and making away with Charles, I know nothing of these things. And I have never contemplated promoting the religion for which I am said to be zealous, by those means. I am in the Catholic Church, praise be to God, and in it I die; and I have never considered this to be prejudicial to the King or to the Constitution .... " When somebody interrupted, saying that he was wasting time with such untimely discourses, but that, if he would make any statement about the Plot, they would hear him gladly, he added, " I know nothing; I repeat again that I never considered overthrowing the constitution or doing anything against the laws; I intended to do no more than what any member of any religion would do if he could, and I intended to do it by peaceful means. I have been falsely accused by the witnesses: Bedlow I had never seen~


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except in the court." When asked whether he knew anything about the murder of Godfrey, he asserted that on the word of a dying man he knew nothing. (189) In this same month of December, William Ireland was indicted on a capital charge; but as his death, precious in the sight of the Lord, did not take place until the following year, we shall leave the account of his trial till then. (190) THE CONTROVERSY ABOUT THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE. Before the end of this year the bitter and perennial enemy of mankind took advantage of the persecution to sow tares, to cause dissension among the Catholics and discord among priests-to the great distress of all good men and the great disadvantage of the Catholic cause; for at this most inappropriate moment a controversy was started about the permissibility of what is called the Oath of Allegiance. This Oath was made up very cunningly after the Gunpowder Plot by a certain apostate, so that the venom concealed in it was noticed by none but the sharpest minds, while it altogether escaped the notice of the unwary and of those who judge others by their own honesty (and they are the vast majority everywhere) . As soon as it appeared, different and often contradictory opinions were held about it; and heated disputes followed, which time and again were stopped by the Supreme Pontiffs, who in decrees which they published, not only condemn the oath, but declare it illicit in itself and contrary to the Faith. By these decrees peace was established, since all obeyed them. But now it was different: the Catholics were under the pressure of persecution so violent that they hardly knew which way to tum; and before their eyes were the prisons, which they could not avoid save by taking the Oath. Some through human weakness took it. Others chose rather to die and preferred the horrors of imprisonment to a freedom tortured by scruples or even by the certain consciousness of guilt. There were some priests who pleaded the cause of those who had lapsed (if one may put it so); and the publication of certain writings by hot-headed authors, whose obedience to Christ's vicar on earth was defective, poured oil on the growing fire . To strengthen the faction, most of the Doctors of the most noble and most celebrated Faculty of Theology in the whole world (I mean that of Paris) were solicited to give their approval; and some of them were persuaded to do so-either because they were swept away by partisan spirit, or because they wished to tighten the bonds which enchained the Society in England, or else, as seems to me more probable, because they really believed that no evil was contained in the Oath. Yet they could remember that an oath, set before the assemblies of the flourish ¡ng kingdom of France in the fourteenth year of this century by the third order, was rejected by the other two orders. There is extant a speech delivered by Cardinal Peronne to the third order about this matter. (191) In consequence, hostility to the Society was much intensifiedas if Jesuits were unwilling that Charles's suspicions about the loyalty of the Catholics should be reassured by the taking of a permissible oath. For the Society, like many other Religious and not a few of the other clergy, consistently taught that the oath could not be taken with a good conscience. The question was never raised in the Sorbonne, or Congregation of Doctors: various doctors, who were consulted separately, gave their opinions, and Corquelinus, Chancellor of the Church and of th University, and Maresius declared absolutely that it could


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not be taken. Fifty-seven others held that it could not be taken withou t distinguishing and su bdistinguishing the meaning of terms; hence they must be considered to be opposed to the Oath, the terms of which explicitly exclude all such distinctions. The words are: " according to these express words uttered by me and the plain and common sense and meaning of the words, without any equivocation, or mental evasion or secret reservation of any kind etc." Those who hold that without qualifications or distinctions-and indeed subdistinctions-the Oath cannot licitly be taken, are saying that it cannot be taken in the proper sense of the words, as they are commonly understood. (192) A further point of difficulty is that they must swear that they take the oath 'voluntarily' or of their own accord. "This profession," it says, "I make cordially, spontaneously and truly, in the true word of a Christian man." How can people swear this " in the proper sense of the words," when they take the Oath most re.luctantly to avoid a greater evil, and when they do anything to aVQid taking it? Finally, just as constancy in the dogmas of the Faith is a great proof of truth, so inconstancy is of falsity. Hesitation between , Yes' and' No ' ought not to be found in matters of faith, but only , Yes,' as the Apostle says in a similar context (II Cor. i, 19). "Jesus Christ IS yesterday, to-day, and for ever "-namely, the same. The same holds of the Faith of Christ, the same of the dogmas flowing from the Faith, the same of the formulations of them; for the hearers' assent vacillates when inconstancy of doctrines is observed. To quote an instance, a person of quality, who was in a state of anxiety because he had been called upon to testify his loyalty to the King by taking the Oath, was told by a certain priest, who was his confessor, that the Oath could be taken without damage to his conscience. The penitent replied : "Six months ago on your advice I gave up the honourable and advantageous post which I held rather than take the impious Oath and endanger the salvation of my soul; and now you are saying that the Oath is harmless. How am I to know that you will be more constant i;n defending the other doctrines of the Church? Henceforth I shall seek another director of my conscience." (193) These remarks suffice for the purpose of my present work, since I write as a historian, not as a controversialist. I will merely add, so that the reader will have collected together all that is relevant, the Decree of the Venerable Fathers of the Order of St. Benedict of the English Congregation, made in 1681, and the instructions drawn up by the Provincial Congregation of the Society of Jesus in the same year. The latter are as follows: "To ensure uniformity among Ours in our manner of dealing with the Oath of Allegiance, as it is called, (1) Let us all profess that each of us must, whenever occasion demands, both sincerely swear and render the same obedience to our King as any Catholic subjects anywhere in the world pay to any Princes whatever; (2) That the Oath of Allegiance, as it now stands, interspersed with unorthodox phrases, can by no means be taken, since it has been condemned by several Papal Briefs; (3) If any persons shall, in spite of the Papal decrees, publicly teach that the aforesaid Oath is permissible, they shall not be granted absolution without having made, or solemnly promised, public amends; (4) Those who have taken the Oath in bad faith are not to be absolved unless they give clear signs of repentance and promise amendment for the future. If any have taken

o


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it in good faith, they must be instructed and are to be absolved if they admit their error. (5) Care must be taken to avoid giving scandal by being too easy or too strict about giving absolution. These instructions were drawn up at the Provincial Congregation of the English members of the Society of Jesus at Ghent in the House of Third Probation of the same Society. 5 July 1681." (194) The Decree of the Venerable Fathers, O .S.B., is as follows: " It is decreed that none of our Fathers, whether in England or outside of England, shall presume to assert that it is permissible to take both or either of the Oaths of Supremacy and of Allegiance, as they are called, or to persuade anyone to take either or both of the said Oaths. If anyone shall presume to violate this our Decree, we order that such a one, if he be in England, shall be suspended from the faculties granted to missionaries, or, if he is outside of England, that he be deprived of active and passive voice. Given in the Convent of St. Edmund at Paris in 16th August 1681, by order of the General Chapter. Brother Placid us Bruning." (195) Similar decrees were issued by the Provincial Chapter of the Reverend Fathers of the Order of St. Francis, though I have not had access to them. The Secular Clergy, though many of them condemned the Oath, made no decrees on this subject, because those who condemned it were without the authority to make decrees. Those who previously favoured the Oath undoubtedly hoped in that way either to demonstrate their loyalty to Charles, or even to win favour with him and with York. But they were disappointed, for when York was consulted about the matter at Edinburgh, he replied in these words: " I do not think better of those who take the Oath of Allegiance than of those who reject it; nor will I ever believe that men who are not faithful to God will be faithful to their King. And that is not only my view, but the King's too; and of this opinion of mine you may inform all our common friends." (196) THE QUEEN ACCUSED OF COMPLICITY . SO much for the Oath of Allegiance. Let us resume the thread of the narrative and see what Parliament did, so that we may learn what profit Charles made out of this conspiracy. The two Houses deliberated for a long time and not without violent altercations about how many Catholic servingwomen the Queen should be allowed to have, and finally agreed on nine. Then on 29th November, Oates and Bedlow accused the Queen of complicity in the Plot to murder her husband Charles. Hereupon, a petition was made in the name of the Lower Chamber that she should be ordered to quit the Court. But this over-hasty petition displeased the Upper Chamber and likewise all the factious partisans of democracy, who feared that if Charles divorced his wife he might marry another and beget legitimate children by her. On the last day of November Parliament petitioned that, in view of the dangers threatening Charles and the kingdom from the Papists, the regular militia should be mustered for forty-two days . They were well aware that once those soldiers were mustered for that length of time, they themselves would always have power to extend the period; and they knew that the militia would support them rather than the King. Charles replied bluntly that he would not allow it so much as for half an hour, unless they gave him a promise that the command of the militia would be in his hands. Both Houses pressed for the demobilisation of the royal army; they were all ready to vote the money necessary for that purpose. The


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Lower Chamber proposed that the money should be paid out at the Guildhall in London, and should not be given to those in charge of the Treasury, who had so often been dishonest. The Upper Chamber deemed this an uncivil departure from custom, and accordingly rej ected the proposal. (197) The Lords petitioned that each regiment returning from Belgium should be disbanded at once, lest the State should take any harm from so numerous an army (the Carthaginians' failure to do this after the first Punic War cost them dear); but the members of the Lower House did not agree with them in this, considering the danger to be negligible. They passed severer laws against the Catholics, for they were agreed on this one objective: to lay still heavier burdens on the Catholics, though the previous load had been almost unbearable. They decreed therefore that no Catholic should become a lawyer, solicitor, doctor, pharmacist, surgeon or midwife. They also made a decree against education in seminaries overseas (on the Continent). Joseph Williamson, Charles's secretary, was committed to prison by the Lower House, of which he was a member, without Charles's being consulted. This gave great offence to the King. But Williamson soon obtained his liberty by royal command; Charles said that he required his services. (198) THE CHARGES LAID AGAINST DANBY. After the attempt to secure command of the ordinary militia, the event next in importance would seem to be the impeachment of Danby. The heads of the indictment were as follows: (1) That he had usurped royal authority by negotiating with foreign princes about peace and war, by giving instructions to ambassadors without the knowledge of the Privy Council and the secretaries and contrary to the Proclamations of Charles himself and of Parliament. (2) That he had attempted to change the Constitution of England into a despotism and tyranny; that the army raised on the pretext of war against France was really meant for these revolutionary purposes; that he had not arranged for the demobilisation of this army, as Parliament had voted he should; and that he had misappropriated money given him for the demobilisation. (3) That he had sown discord between Charles and his subjects and alienated him from Parliament in order to deprive him of the support of Parliament's useful counsels; that he had recommended a peace with France under conditions dishonourable and disadvantageous to the Kingdom, in order to extort money from France to the detriment of the Country. (4) That he favoured the Papists, had concealed their Plot against Charles, and had failed to give his attention to its discoverers. (5) That he had exhausted the Treasury by malversation of various parts of its revenue; and that within three years he had distributed for causes unknown upwards of a quarter of a million pounds; that he had removed two officials of the Treasury for having expressed disapproval of these fraudulent acts. (6) That he had secured the granting to himself of various properties belonging to the Crown in contravention of several decrees of Parliament. These were the charges laid against Danby- with what outcome we shall see below, God willing. (199) It was mentioned above that Oates was given a bodyguard to see that no attack was made upon him. When after a short time it became clear that his activities were more to the advantage of Parliament than of the King, this guard received orders from Charles


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not to go beyond the gates of the Court, and not to allow anyone to hold secret discussions with Oates . Oates complained to Parliament about this treatment, and Parliament besought Charles to grant him complete freedom to go wherever he wished and hold discussions with whomsoever he chose. And they were not content that this freedom should be restricted, as Charles desired, to visiting and conversing with members of Parliament. The Lower House even dared to send some of its members to ask Oates whether Charles was in fact doing what they had requested . Oates then complained that the Treasury was mean and niggardly in making money payments to him. The Chancellor of the Exchequer repliedj;hat within the last month and a half ÂŁ150 had been given him, and that this seemed sufficient for such a person, especially as his table was being supplied from the royal kitchen. The members replied that it was not sufficient, since he was complaining of want. And at all times, on every opportunity, they saw to it that generous rewards wrre paid out from the Royal Treasury to all sorts of knaves, their pUI.J?ose being to make the Treasury, which had long been exhausted, so completely empty that Charles would be even more at their mercy because of his poverty. (200) For the same reason no action was ever taken in Parliament against the mistresses who thronged the Court to the great scandal of all good men and the equally great prejudice of the public finances . Against the King's bodyguard some slight measures of economy were taken, more or less for form's sake; for the Parliamentarians told themselves that though the guard was an adequate protection against individual attackers, it would be useless against the whole kingdom, which they wrongly supposed would be on their side. Meanwhile, they were glad that the King's money was being spent on the Guards' pay. It is not surprising that in consequence the Treasury was short of money. Parliament was doing all in its power to see on the one hand that money was drained off on every pretext, and on the other hand that nothing at all was poured in. (201) Scroggs, too, was summoned before Parliament, to explain why the sentences passed by him on certain traitors (meaning priests, whose blood Charles seemed reluctant to shed) had not been executed. This was displeasing to Charles, who knew that they were innocent; but the members of Parliament wished to pollute his reign by the spilling of innocent blood. (202) These discussions and enquiries, though offensive to Charles, were hurried on with great energy: after a breathing-space of only two days, Christmas Eve and Christmas Day, on the very feast of St. Stephen, Parliament resumed its sessions. As it did nothing to satisfy Charles's wishes, and everything to thwart them, on 30 December he himself put an end to their meetings and postponed the next session until 4th February. But before doing so he rebuked them, in words which were few but effective-that is to say, they would have been effective if words had any weight with men who are firmly wedded to an evil purpose. He said that he had come there very reluctantly to inform them that he had decided to prorogue their assembly; they themselves were witnesses how badly they had dealt with him-a subject 'about which he would speak at a more favourable opportunity. Meanwhile, he would immediately begin to disband the army, would take all measures in his power for the advantage of the Kingdom and the security of Religion; he would continue the investigation of the


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Plot, and make sure that those who were its basis and foundation would be brought to light; finally he would ensure the preservation of the Protestant Religion as by law established. Then he bade the Chancellor announce what he had in his orders. The Chancellor merely said that Parliament was prorogued until 4th February. (203) In this session of Parliament several illegal motions were made, all of them calculated to diminish the King's authority. In the first place Parliament asked for the militia to be entrusted to its control, which was as good as taking away Charles's sword from him. Secondly, the King's desire that a watch be kept over Oates, the disturber of the whole kingdom, was thwarted. Thirdly, Charles's power to suspend the execution of sentences passed by the Judges was called in question. Fourthly, everything was in such confusion, and the populace was already so far out of its mind, that right and justice were in exile. At all events, when one of the Chancellor's relatives, of whom the Chancellor was very fond, sought his patronage, the Chancellor replied that he could not undertake the patronage of anyone, and that he was himself no less exposed to danger than any of the common people. He added: " If. any of my servants were to accuse me, I should be imprisoned at once, and to beg Charles's help would be of no avail." (204) Such was the plight into which perjuries and false accusations had so quickly brought the King and the Constitution; for God, who is Truth, quickly demanded punishment for the injury done Him by those who so frequently invoked His name to confirm their lies. If, as rumour had it, Danby was the source of all this confusion, short joy he had of it, for he too came within danger of his life, as will be described below. The present Parliament never met again, for Charles, by a Proclamation of 24th January following, dissolved it, and summoned a new one, which was to prove equally refractory. (205) AFFAIRS IN SCOTLAND. In Scotland this year all was peaceful. The Catholics there were few, and for that reason less exposed to hostility. The Faction had not yet appeared there to disturb the peace. (206) AFFAIRS IN IRELAND. The situation was different in Ireland, on account of the large Catholic population. The Viceroy (as they call the King's Lieutenant) was staying at Kilkenny when he heard the first rumour of the conspiracy in England. He hastened at once to Dublin, threw Peter Talbot, Archbishop of that city, into chains, and allowed nobody to have access to him. His brother Richard, and Butler, Lord Mountgarret's son, were treated in the same way. Then, to preserve the peace, the Viceroy issued several Proclamations, in which he gave the following orders: (1) All Officers of the Army shall go to their posts at once. (2) Catholics shall be disarmed throughout the kingdom: if, after a fixed date, any Catholic is found in possession of arms, he shall be brought to trial. (3) Merchants selling gunpowder, if they have more than one pound of it, shall inform the King's ministers: if anyone is found to have acted deceitfully in this, he shall be punished. (4) Those holding ecclesiastical dignities in the Catholic Religion shall be sent into exile; any Catholic Convents and Seminaries there may be, shall be dispersed. (5) Catholics shall not enter the camp at Dublin, nor the seaport, nor any garrison: if anyone has bought a house in any of these places within the last year, he shall be forced to leave it: to remove every pretext for meeting in


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such places, merchandise is to be offered for sale not inside the walls, but outside. (6) Rewards are offered to any who shall report officers or men practising the Catholic religion . (207) Meetings of the Privy Council were held more frequently than usual; and other precautions were taken, by means of which peace was easily safeguarded, since nobody was trying to disturb it. Oliver Plunkett, Bishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland, was also taken prisoner; we shall describe his glorious martyrdom below. Peter Talbot contracted a disease through the hardships of the prison, and rendered up his soul to God, from Whom he had received it. (208) JOHN SERGEANT. From the Records of the Upper Chamber under the date 31st March, it is clear that the Viceroy wrote to Charles saying that everyone's papers had been examined without revealing a single mention of the Conspiracy anywhere, except in one copy of a letter of a person called Sergeant, this copy being in the hand of Peter Talbot himself. The Viceroy thinks that other papers were concealed as soon as the discovery of the Plot was rumoured, and that this paper had been missed . But this suspicion was very wide of the mark. So far was Talbot from trying to suppress the letter, that he had actually published it in a book entitled Scutum Inexpugnabile Fidei, adversus Haeresim Blackloanam, et Clipeum Septemplicem Joannis Sergeantii, rliscriminantis Christianam Fidem a Divina. Auctore M. Lomino. (209) This Sergeant was brought up in heresy, and became private secretary to the Bishop of Durham, who was notorious for his antiCatholic books. During the Civil Wars he joined the Catholic Church, and was sent to the English College at Lisbon. There he was ordained a priest and appointed to teach philosophy; but when he had hardly taught the rudiments of that subject, for reasons explained by Doctor George Leyburn he returned to England. He then put himself entirely into the hands of White (alias Blacklow) to be trained and taught by him. Blacklow then enjoyed a great reputation: some of his errors had been censured by the University of Douai, and all his writings had been condemned by the Holy See. Through Blacklow's influence, Sergeant was made a Canon of the English Chapter, and afterwards became its Secretary. He published several works both before and after Blacklow's death, always adhering to his master's teachings, in so far as he understood them. Among other things he tried to prove in a full-length book that demonstrative proofs must be sought in matters of faith, and that without them nobody is bound either to embrace the Faith or to profess it at the risk of death or the confiscation of his property. (210) In the seventy-second year of this century Talbot condemned the erroneous teaching of this book (though he did not know who the author was) as being Manichaeistic, and pointed out that it had been refuted by Augustine in Contra EPist. Fundam., and in de Utilitate Credendi. At their meeting in Paris, in the year 1676 if I mistake not, Talbot and Sergeant debated this controversy with more heat than light. Shortly afterwards it was referred to the Holy See. Sergeant was then ordered to give an account of his opinion. Talbot published a book entitled Haeresis Blackloanae Hystoria (An Enquiry into Blacklow's Heresy), while Sergeant wrote another which he called Clypeus Septemplex (The Sevenfold Shield). Talbot replied to him in the above-mentioned Scutum Inexpugnabile (Unconquerable Shield). On page 4 of the second Appendix of this book


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he has the following: "A Letter of John Sergeant or of his Blacklowists, written to deter Lominus (the name that Talbot had assumed) from attacking Blacklow's heresy, and handed to D. Fogarty, to be sent to the English nobleman in whose house the adversary of the Blacklowists was staying; dated 12th May, 1678, Paris. Worthy Sir, I pray tell that make-hate you entertain in your house that if he proceeds in spreading aspersions under the name of Lominus, or any other, we are three here out of his reach and have letters written in his own hand to a prime jesuit in France, which contain treason against His Majesty and the State of England. We three are sworn to give our faith to one another to prosecute that make-hate, neither shall he know by whom he is hurt. The meekness of Mr Sergeant gave occasion to that mans boldness, but these letters coming into our hands by a stratagem, we will not spare him if he will be troublesome. If he will be quiet, he will be safe. I wish you be safe in harbouring so turbulent and obnoxious a make-hate. Your unknown friend. P.S. We shall also name some persons who know and may witness his hand. We have also a letter of his against Ormonde, which contains treason. (211) Here we have a striking memorial of Sergeant's KINDNESS: we shall give another below. How many features of Oates's imaginary conspiracy are contained in that letter of Sergeant's! The journey to Paris, the letters to the chief Jesuit in France (meaning Pere de la Chaise), treason against the King and the State or Constitution of England, the report to be made to Parliament, the witnesses held in readiness, the attack to be made on Ormond, and practically all the other points-except that the author of the letter attributes the crime to one man, while Oates distributed responsibility among several, and the one enormous charge of treason laid against Talbot is carved up by Oates into several parts. Hence some have said that the egg hatched by Tonge and Oates, from which came forth the serpent which upset the whole of England, was laid by the author of that letter, whoever he was. That something of this kind was possible is a view recommended by the date of the letter-12th May-i.e. about two months before Oates, after returning from St. Omers, made contact with his friend Tonge. (212) A strong proof that Talbot was innocent and that the attack upon him was really a calumny, is this, that so far from suppressing the letter, as anyone really guilty would have done, he immediately published it: he inserted it in a book just coming from the press, in an appendix which he added for that very purpose. I leave it to others to judge what is to be thought of the author of the letter, who after discovering so great a crime, was ready to suppress it, provided Lominus would give up his attacks on Sergeant. "If he keeps quiet, he is safe," he said. It was neither the security of the King, nor the safety of the kingdom, nor care for the public good, that moved him to report the crime; his only motive was his anxiety to secure peace for Mr. Sergeant, just as Oates's only motive was the relief of his own destitution. That the letter was written by Sergeant I do not assert; nor do I know if it was, though the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland seems to say so in his letters to Parliament. That the letter came from someone in agreement with Sergeant's designs is proclaimed by the very 11


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letter itseH. But enough of this topic. May God forgive the author, whoever he was, and lead him to that eternal life to which so many Catholics have passed through the violence of this persecution; and, that he may obtain etemallife, may God grant him to be deeply sorry for the many misfortunes of which he was perhaps either the cause or the occasion-though unquestionably without intending it. (213) I would, however, wish this to be remarked-that even were it certain that the letter was written by Sergeant himself, and that the idea of fabricating the infamous Plot took its birth from that letter, yet no disgrace, no stain, would thereby attach to the learned and pious Secular Clergy of England . Who is so foolish as to think that Judas's treachery brought disgrace upon the other Apostles? For some years Sergeant had passed his life in separation from the rest of his brethren, not obeying his Superior, if he had one, overbearing towards his equals if they disagreed with him ever so little, and refractory to his fellow-Canons, as they are all agreed. This is plain to see in the letter of Richard Russell, Bishop first of Cape Verde in Guinea, and then of Portalegre in Portugal. Serious complaints are there made about his imperiousness in his relations with the rest of the clergy and about his despotic methods of business. Who will think that the clergy should be held responsible for the actions of a man who was not within their control? (214) So, then, we bring this book to an end with the close of the year 1678. We have given a general account of what the Catholics suffered: to descend to particulars and enter into details would be an endless task. It is certain that there is hardly a family-nay, hardly a single individual-who did not suffer something, and indeed something severe. In the manuscript history of Rev. Father William Culcheth, of happy memory, we learn that within this brief period four hundred people died in prison of their hardships and miseries. This is easy to believe, as there were widespread rumours about a contagious disease raging in the prisons. For this reason the prison keepers were given access to the Privy Council, to petition that no one else should be sent to gaol, because confinement in such places meant almost certain death.


BOOK III 1679 (215) CONTENTS. The condition of the English Province of the Society of Jesus and of the Seminary at St. Omers. Libellous pamphlets. The execution of Ireland, Pickering, Grove, Hill, Green, Berry, Harcourt, Waring, Turner, Gavan, Fenwick, Langhorne, Postgate, Johnson, Plessington, Lloyd, Evans and Baker. The trials of George Wakemann, James Corker, William Rumley, William Marsh, Charles Kerne, Andrew Brommich, William Atkins and William Jones. Vindications of the Catholics. The Duke of York departs to Brussels; his exercises of piety while there: he returns to England. Monmouth withdraws from the Kingdom at Charles's command, and returns in defiance of his wishes. The Speeches of the five Jesuits; their trustworthines~: they are attacked by Tonge, by the pseudo-Bishop of Lincoln, in the Fimbria, by E. C., and by John Sergeant. New informers, John Smith and Robert Jenison. The letter sent to Robert Jenison by his brother Thomas. Oates, Doctor of Sacred Theology, is charged with sodomy. Parliament: the authority of a Papist King is to be limited. The trial of Danby. Shaftesbury's seditious speech. Change in the Privy Council. Charges laid against Catholic Peers. The character of Arnold, of Mrs. Cellier, of Dangerfield; their denials. The Papists in Masquerade. Scroggs is impeached. The characters of Lestrange and Waller. Oates's Narrative; answer to it. The death of Thomas Jenison, of Gerard, of Levison. The Presbyterians revolt in Scotland. York is sent there and pacifies them. (216) I commence a turbulent year, disordered by the activities of the Faction, contaminated by a crop of libellous pamphlets, upset by terrible preparations for Civil War, by the barbarous severity of the weather, by the pitiful exile of wandering Catholics, by the sad separation of the Royal Brothers, and by the atrocious butchering of innocent men. Yet it was a year of glory, for it saw the struggles, victories and triumphs of Christ's champions, the defenders of the Faith, chosen sons of the Church. Many of the Society and some of other Orders were robbed of their mortal life, to be rewarded with immortality; for though the heretics raged particularly against the Jesuits, they did not persecute them alone; they summoned others to share the same penalties, the same tortures, and likewise the same honour and glory. (217) THE CONDITION OF THE SOCIETY. The reader of these pages will not take it amiss if I give a brief account in particular of the condition of the English Province of the Society in Belgium. This will enable him to see that not the barrier of the sea, nor the protection of Catholic Princes, nor the affection of the people for them, could keep anyone safe in the face of that awful persecution. (218) The whole Province had remained as it were headless, ever since contact with its Provincial had been cut off through the diligence of the guards set to watch him. These guards had rushed in upon him so suddenly, that he had no time to nominate a substitute to perform his functions in such disturbed times. So when the shepherd was struck, the flock dispersed. The General appointed J(ohn) W(arner), Rector of the College at Liege, as Vice-Provincial. He at once made a visitation of the Colleges on this (i.e. the continental) side of the channel, and found all in anxiety through present difficulties


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and fears about the future. It was expected that a number of Englishmen, who could escape the hands of the persecutors, would cross to the Continent, and that there would not be room to receive them, nor money enough for their support. (219) THE SEMINARY AT ST. OMERS. Other Provinces promptly expressed their readiness to receive our men and make them very welcome. This charity was a comfort to the Vice-Provincial, though he was determined not to take advantage of it except in extreme necessity. The condition of the Seminary at St. Omers was the saddest and most pitiable thing of all. It then housed about 150 boarders, many from the noblest Catholic families. When the city was captured by the French, the Catholic King withdrew the pension he had been paying annually; and as yet the Most Christian King was giving nothing to take its place. Hence the College rested on no secure foundation: it was supported exclusively by the pupils' fees, and by the voluntary contributions of some pious people; but, when the persecution broke out, even the hope of such donations withered away, since it was impossible to send or receive letters without danger. The sole source of information about the condition of Catholics in England was the Gazettes, which reported that the parents or relations now of one, now of another, and now of several boarders, had been cast into prison, that families were being scattered, their furniture carried off, and their other goods plundered, while nobody ventured to resist the rapacity of the looters, for fear that he would bring sharp troubles upon himself by defending the Papists' cause. It is incredible with what fortitude the young schoolboys received the news of these events : they even seemed to rejoice that their relations had been accounted worthy to suffer ignominy for the name of Jesus. They bore with joy the seizure of their property when they knew that their relatives had failed in none of the duties which a citizen owes to his fellows, or a subject to his Prince, or a Christian to his God. It was from the Gazettes, too, that they heard the news of an increase in the rigour of the laws against those who send their sons to seminaries overseas, and that those returning from such seminaries would be required to take the two Oaths of Supremacy and of Allegiance and to renounce the doctrine of Transubstantiation; also the frequent proposal in Parliament of a new law to take away all children from Catholic parents to ensure their being educated in heresy-a proposal which was rejected as being contrary to the law of nature, and because even at Rome the Pope does not take away Jewish children from their parents. As there was no sign of support or assistance from any source at all, unless there was to be a manifest miracle, many people, not wishing to seem to be tempting Providence, recommended the Vice-Provincial to send all the boys, or at least the great majority of them, back to their parents. For the moment there was enough money to provide clothing and travellingexpenses, they said: if he waited any longer, the money to hand would not suffice even for these purposes. (220) This was indeed a cautious and, to human reckoning, a wise plan. But when the Vice-Provincial discovered that the boys were ready to put up with food-shortages, however severe, that they had urged their Superiors to cut out of their diet whatever was not strictly necessary to support life, and that when the Procurator had told a delegation from the pupils that the money in his possession would last perhaps three months, they had replied" Give us only bread and


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butter, and it will last six; and meanwhile the Lord God will assist us, either by opening the way to our parents, or by some other means"when he learnt all this, how could the Vice-Provincial dismiss them? He found the conduct of all irreproachable, and their concern for domestic discipline so great that few monasteries of religious men can show more; indeed the vigilance of their Superiors was almost superfluous while each of the pupils watched his fellows to see whether in any point they diverged from the path of duty, and it was considered a disgrace to have broken even the least rule. He observed the remarkable affection for the Society, which was aroused or increased in them by pity at seeing the Society so unjustly treated. (Most of them, having lived with Oates, could refute several of his lies from their own experience, and so could make up their own minds about other statements of his about which they had no certain knowledge .) Indeed if we had had a noviceship large enough to receive them all, they might well have gone to it in a body. They frequently discussed among themselves what they would do if, through some unavoidable necessity, they should be sent away from the seminary. Not a single one out of all their number thought of returning to his native land; all preferred to beg alms from door to door, or to enter the service of some nobleman in any capacity whatever, rather than thrust themselves into such a manifest danger of losing the Faith while uncertain of their own constancy. (221) When he had discovered that this was the situation, the Vice-Provincial declared his resolution to dismiss none of the boys, saying that he would rather sell the furniture of the altars, melt down the sacred vessels, and mortgage all the houses, than abandon young men of such fine character : they must place their hope in God, " Who does not abandon those who hope in Him and trust in His Providence." After this, those in charge of other seminaries took heart, as was discovered afterwards, and resolved to keep their pupils; for they said there was no reason why they should abandon hope while the Jesuits, who were the chief objects of attack, refused to despair. It soon appeared that the decision had been a wise one, because the parents, dreading the return of their children at such an untimely juncture, sent money unsolicited by secret ways unknown to us-even those who previously had paid with difficulty did this . Moreover, generous contributions were made by some pious Catholics, whose names are known with certainty to God alone, and to us only by surmise. More important still, the Most Christian King, moved to pity by the distressing condition of the seminary, with regal munificence ordered an annual pension to be paid from his Treasury. So the College struggled out of its difficulties and emerged to a tolerable condition even during the Persecution. (222) In ordinary years scarcely more than ten were ever admitted to the Society, but in this year over twenty joined-sixteen at Watten, where the English Province has its Noviceship; two more were welcomed by the Province of Milan, and four by the Upper German Province, to be trained for us. Thus, in place of the Fathers whom the Persecution snatched away, sons were born to us. I have set these things down, that glory may be given to God, "our helper in tribulation and in hardship," and in order that, if at any time in the


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future God chooses to cleanse his threshing-floor with a similar winnowing-fan, posterity will know what was done and what decisions were taken. Now let us return to public events. (223) LIBELLOUS PAMPHLETS. If anything is alien to the profession of the Christian name, it is the publication of pamphlets which damage another's good name. In Roman Law this is a capital crimeand rightly so, because such pamphlets may expose even the most innocent man to public hatred, and he will then have no means of defending himself, since he does not know his accuser, and the accuser lies the more shamelessly because he knows that he cannot be compelled to prove his charges. At the opening of this year was first displayed that unbridled licence (to call it nothing worse) which continued for this and several years after, in the publication of anonymous tracts, which did not spare the courtiers, nor Charles's principal ministers, nor even Charles himself. Fuel of discord they were-scourges to whip up sedition, scatterers of the seeds of rebellion. Their authors tried to discredit official records before the public wherever they could find the slightest pretext; when they found nothing to blame in them, they sought material for criticism in the magistrates' intentions, thereby doing grave injury to the majesty of the Law, reverence for which was greatly impaired, though it is the main foundation of authority itself. The lesser magistrates either did not venture to resist this audacity, or even secretly encouraged it. There were even some members of Parliament who at first hinted obscurely, and later openly asserted, that the courtiers had two objectives-namely, to bring back Papism, and to set up a despotic constitution-and that they themselves had fallen foul of Charles for no other reason than that they had opposed these designs; their altars and homes, they said, were imperilled, and there would be an end of religion and public liberty unless measures were taken. These speeches were drunk in avidly by the common people, who are ready to believe anything-what was said by the Patriots in their discourses no less than what was put about by the pamphlets, which of course achieved popularity in direct proportion to the viciousness of the calumnies they contained. Those who disagreed with the Patriots were suspected of Papism, or called by hateful names-Flatterers, Toadies, or Pensioners-to imply that they would betray their countrymen for a slight profit and loved gain above all else. Hence it is easy to believe that it was the King's special care for the public good which prompted him first to prorogue and then to dissolve Parliament. However, the common people had been prevailed upon to choose for the new Parliament either the same men as before or men like them. So no good came out of the dissolution of Parliament- rather, the evils were increased, as people's minds were still further estranged from Charles. (224) THE MARTYRDOM OF IRELAND, THOMAS PICKERING AND ] OHN GROVE. Finally, in order to prove that he was genuinely opposed to Papism, Charles had recourse to the policy of maltreating priests, in the hope that he could satisfy the populace by a iew executions. The first to be sacrificed to pacify the mob was William Ireland, S.]., who suffered along with] ohn Grove, a layman; they were soon followed by Thomas Pickering, O.S.B. These three were summoned with Thomas Harcourt and John Fenwick to stand trial on 17th December in the preceding year. The witnesses against them were Oates and Bedlow. Bedlow declared that he could say nothing against Harcourt


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and Fenwick, as he was hardly acquainted with them; the prisoners ought therefore by rights to have been discharged and given their freedom ; but Scroggs prevented this by ordering them to be taken back to prison. Oates declared on oath that Ireland had been present at the Congregation in April at the White Horse, and that there they had agreed upon the death of Charles; Thomas Pickering and John Grove had there been prevailed upon to do the deed, the former by a reward of thirty thousand Masses, the latter by one of £1,500; each of them had been supplied with a pistol for the purpose and with silver bullets, which they were to bite ,with their teeth, so as to be more sure to poison the wound; Pickering had let them down, when his pistol failed to go off at Charles as he was conveniently passing by-on one occasion because he had loaded the gun with nothing but the bullet, on a second because he had put in only gunpowder, and on a third, because the ¡flint had wobbled and failed to make a spark; Harcourt had been furious at this and had had Pickering beaten with rods; Ireland had been present when the plan to give Charles a poisoned draught was discussed with Wakemann; Ireland had held discussions with Fenwick in Fenwick's room, on 16th August or thereabouts, as to how to advance the conspiracy; on 1st or 2nd September he had given Oates a pound . Bedlow said that Ireland had been present towards the end of August, when Pickering and Grove had been sent with Father Conyers, O .S.B., to murder Charles while he was taking a country holiday at Newmarket. He added that Shaftesbury, Buckingham, Ossory and Ormond had been marked down for death by the conspirators. (225) When Ireland was allowed to speak, he denied that Oates had been present at the Congregation, and said that at the Congregation they had merely discussed the sending of a procurator to Rome, a thing which is customary in the Society every three years; the accounts given by the two witnesses of what he had done in London, either about 15th August or about the end of that month, were false, since he had left London on 3rd August and returned only on 14th September; to prove this he produced some witnesses and would have produced far more if the keeper of the prison had allowed it. Pickering said that he had never in his life fired a pistol; and people believed him. When Charles heard that Pickering had been appointed as his assassin he exclaimed" What-he kill me! He wouldn't even kill a flea if he had it between his fingers!" All recounted the services done by their parents and relations on the King's behalf in most critical times; but these went for nothing. All were condemned to the punishment usual for cases of treason. (While I have been writing this in the year 1685, the allegations of Oates have been submitted to a formal enquiry, and have been declared so many perjuries by the unanimous verdict of the judges.) (226) Scroggs repeated to the jury the evidence submitted, and in his usual way mocked the prisoners with several witticisms. For instance, " So great is the thirst of a priest and a Jesuit to propagate his religion (which is nothing but his own advantage) that it cannot be slaked with any blood-no, not even human blood." And again: " No trust can be put in them, because they believe it is permissible for them to deceive others." And to Pickering: " See now what good those 30,000 Masses are to you! "


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(227) On the 24th January, the day appointed for the execution, Ireland and Grove were dragged to their torture, and Ireland spoke as follows: "We are come hither as on the last theatre of the world, and do therefore conceive we are obliged to speak. First, then, we do confess that we pardon all and everyone whatsoever that have any interest, concern, or hand in this our death. Secondly, we do publicly profess and acknowledge that we are here obliged, if we were guilty ourselves of any treason, to declare it, and that if we knew any person faulty therein (although he were our father), we would detect and discover him; and as for ourselves, we would beg a thousand and a thousand pardons both of God and man; but seeing we cannot be believed, we must beg leave to commit ourselves to the mercy of Almighty God, and hope to find pardon of Him through Christ. (228) "As for my own part, having been twenty years in the Low Countries, and then coming over in June was twelvemonth, I had returned again, had I not been hindered by a fit of sickness. On the 3rd of A ugust last I took a journey into StatJordshire, and did not come back to town till the 14th of September, as many can witness, for a hundred and more saw me in Staffordshire and thereabouts; therefore how I should in this time be acting here treasonable stratagems I do not well know or understand." (229) At this point he was interrupted by the sheriff, who said that no faith could be placed in statements which impugned the honour of the judges. Ireland accordingly turned to another topic: (230) "I beg of God Almighty to shower down a thousand and a thousand blessings upon his Majesty, on her sacred Majesty, on the Duke of York, and all the royal family, and also on the whole kingdom. As for the Catholics that are here, we desire their prayers for a happy passage into a better world, and that God would be merciful to all Christian souls. And as for all our enemies, we earnestly desire that God would pardon them again and again; for we pardon them heartily, from the bottom of our hearts; and so I beseech all good people to pray for us and with us." (231) Grove said only this: " We are innocent. We lose our lives wrongfully. We pray God to forgive them that are the causers of it." (232) So died Father William Ireland, the first of the Martyrs offered to God in the year 1679 by that fertile mother of Martyrs, the English Province of the Society of Jesus. He suffered the extreme penalty of treason, ostensibly for having plotted the destruction of his King and Country, but really out of hatred of the Faith and because he refused to break the eighth Law of the Decalogue by bearing false witness (this too is sufficient claim to the crown of martyrdom in God's sight). He suffered in the forty-third year of his age, the twentyfourth of his religious life, and the sixth of his religious profession. He was born in Lincolnshire of noble parents, and his real name was Ironmonger. He studied Humanities at St. Omers, Philosophy and Theology at Liege, and in both places he left behind him the memory of remarkable instances of piety, regular observance, and coolness in trying circumstances. In July 1677 he was summoned by the Provincial into England and made Procurator of the Province; whatever time was left over to him from the care of temporal things he devoted to securing the salvation of souls. After spending hardly fourteen months in such employments he was called to suffer for the Faith and for Truth, and was the first of all to be arrested. When the sentence


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had been carried out, the Catholics strove with keen rivalry to obtain from the executioner's underlings bits of his clothes and small portions of his flesh or little ribbons dipped in his blood. These things they treasured afterwards, and it is said that God works marvels through them. (233) Grove, a layman, was of a pious, honest and energetic disposition, and lived in London with his wife. For about eighteen months he had assisted our Fathers in delivering letters and acting as guide to them when making journeys. His children were looked after by the pious charity of the faithful. One was sent to the Seminary at St. Omers to be instructed in Humanities, and later elsewhere for his higher studies; the others were provided for in other ways. (234) The quartered bodies were left to be buried by friends. But even in his grave Ireland was not left in peace. Four months later, his own kinsman, Robert Jenison, accused him of having lied (though he, Jenison, was the real liar himself) and of treason. But about this more below. (235) Pickering, who had shared their trial, grieved that he had not also shared their triumph; but his execution was merely postponed, not remitted-he suffered on 9th May. At the gibbet he called God to witness, and said that not in thought, word or deed was he guilty of the things laid to his charge. When asked whether he was a priest he replied that he was only a lay brother. Then, after praying for the King, the peace of the country, and for himself, he said to the executioner" My friend, do your duty." (236) He was born in Derbyshire of pious and honest parents, who instilled Catholic ways into him from his very childhood. To avoid the perils of the world he left it, and betook himself to the h<;>ly Order of St. Benedict, as to a safe port of refuge. He was a man of primitive simplicity and of most innocent life; and he was universally recognised to be a most unlikely person for the role assigned to him by Oates's false oaths. (237) THE TRIAL OF HILL, GREEN AND BERRY. After the martyrdom of Ireland and Grove - and before that of Pickering - Laurence Hill, Robert Green and Henry Berry were summoned to stand trial on lOth February on a charge of murdering Godfrey. The King's Counsel elaborated a narrative of the crime in a diffuse speech, saying that when Godfrey had received Oates's accusation, the Papists had been extremely annoyed with him and tried by their threats to terrify him out of doing his duty; this had occasioned his remark that he would be the first of the Martyrs. The Catholics had then made a plot against him. As he was passing by the Queen's palace on 12th October, one of the Catholics had invited him to come into a place hard by, to use his authority to settle a dispute. When he had arrived there, a cord was thrown round his neck and he was strangled; but when the assassins saw from the trembling of his feet and the warmth of his breast that he had not yet expired, they twisted his neck so that his face was turned back to his shoulder, and so squeezed out his remaining breath. The report that the murder had been committed was sent without delay to Rome, where it filled the whole city with joy. (He did not, however, add by what means he had acquired this information, or whose report he was trusting.) The corpse was then taken, he said, to the chamber of Thomas Godden, a Doctor of Sacred Theology, and from there moved three or four times to other places. Finally, on the 16th October at about


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midnight it was fastened into a sedan-chair and taken out through the main gate of the aforementioned palace, and carried to the Church of the Greeks, where it was taken out of the sedan; the legs were forced apart, and it was set upon a horse, with Hill seated behind it. Hill had cast it into the ditch, where it was found on the following day. (238) The first witness produced was Oates. He recounted the threats to which Godfrey was subjected for having brought the accu sations to a person of high distinction. Robinson confirmed this. That threats had been uttered nobody denied; but that their author was a Catholic was something which no man of sense believed. Anyway, none of this evidence affected the prisoners, as they had never threatened Godfrey, and were not the agents of those who did terrify him with threats . Hill, who was in the prime of life, was Godden's servant; the other two were old men, near to the grave, mere bags of bones. Green used to make a little money in the Queen's chapel by handing cushions to people as they entered; Berry was the porter of her Palace. (239) Next Brown, the constable of the parish where the corpse was discovered, was heard : he merely said how he had found the corpse. Next were two surgeons who said that Godfrey had died not by the sword which was found in his body, but by strangling. But what had this to do with the prisoners? An innkeeper called Vincent and his servant Stringer were heard: they said that the prisoners had drunk with some priests in their inn. But how was this relevant? What if they had drunk with all the priests in the whole of Europe would it follow that the prisoners were guilty of the murder? No less irrelevant was the evidence of Cary, Evans and Dethick, who said that Prance had eaten oysters and fish with the others and had been very merry, and that there had been mention of Godfrey's murder. It is a painful and humiliating thing to record these allegations, yet the King's Counsel was not ashamed to utter them with a great display of verbiage, merely to impress the common people and to overwhelm the innocence of the prisoners by means of a large number of irrelevant witnesses. (240) There remain Bedlow and Prance. Bedlow said that for two years he had been very familiar with priests, and that he had been solicited to perform a murder by the offer of £4,000; he had later heard that the crime had been committed, and had seen the corpse, which was shown to him in the dim light of a lantern; he had been induced by an offer of £2,000 to help, along with others, in the removal of the corpse . When Broadstreet, Godden's niece, said to him out loud, " Master Bedlow, you know very well that what you have said is false" he answered" I am not accusing you." Another reason why Bedlow's allegations should certainly not have harmed the prisoners is that he said expressly there in court that Hill and Green were unknown to him, that he had seen them at some time or another in the Queen's chapel, and that they had seemed to him bad men, ready to commit any crime. Further, Smith, the Protestant Minister, bears witness that Oates had said in Bedlow's presence that he (Bedlow) knew nothing of Godfrey's murder, but had made up his mind to say something so as to obtain the £500 promised by Charles. These words Bedlow greeted with a laugh and nothing more . Next came Prance, who was the only one to say clearly what the Faction wanted said, namely, that the murder had been committed by himself and the three prisoners. So he was


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the only witness who spoke to the point. He mentioned others as having been implicated in the crime, in particular a man called Vernatti. But no credence ought to have been given to this evidence, because 1. Prance was a single witness, and all law, both human and divine, requires two witnesses. "In the mouth of two or three witnesses every word shall stand" (Deut. 19, 15); " nobody shall be put to death when only one beareth witness against him" (Ibid. 17, 6). And in a constitution of Constantine it is said of witnesses that "the voice of one is the voice of none." 2. Prance was charged with the same crime, and ought therefore to have been excluded from giving evidence. These reasons are combined in the law concerning witnesses He who is under the same charge cannot then bear witness against him ... nor does the testimony of one man suffice for the condemnation of anyone." 3. Prance had himself declared to Charles that all he had said about the murderers of Godfrey was false. This was confirmed by William Chiffinch, private chamberlain to Charles, and by Richardson, the keeper of the prison, in whose presence Prance had made the declaration; but no mention is made of their evidence in the records of this trial published by Scroggs's orders. Prance admitted having made the declaration, but added that he had foresworn his statements through fear that, if he did not, the Queen and the Catholics would employ his services no longer. Scroggs added that he had retracted not because the evidence was false, but out of fear. Whatever the motive, he certainly did make the retractation, and so deserved to be punished rather than to be believed. In the Chapter on Witnesses we read: "Let those who have borne false or inconsisten t witness ... be suitably punished by the judges." 4. That the whole story was an invention is proved by several considerations - (i) that a robust man in the fullness of his strength allowed himself to be strangled without resistance and without any noise, in a place open to all and full of people passing to and fro; (ii) that for no apparent reason they kept the corpse such a long time and transferred it so frequently from one room to another; (iii) that the corpse, though both cold and stiff, allowed itself to be bent in such a way that it could be fitted into a sedan-chair (Godfrey, by the way, was of a very tall stature), and then, when taken out of the sedan, could have its legs separated, and be set on horseback, whereas after being thrown into the ditch the body was found erect, stiff, and inflexible. The Jew Apella may believe that! (iv) Various witnesses who are above all suspicion refuted the invented story. The military guard which had been on duty at the chief gate of the Queen's Palace on the night when the corpse was supposed to have been carried out, gave evidence that no sedan had gone out by their gate that night, and that none could have gone out without their noticing it. Godden's niece and a maidservant testifi:ed that Hill was at home and did not go out at all both on the night when the murder of Godfrey is believed to have taken place, and on the night when he is said to have been carried out. Others gave similar evidence against the other witnesses, while Scroggs snarled and did his best to disconcert them by interposing questions sometimes jocular, sometimes unchaste, and sometimes malevolent. An instance of his malevolence was his asking the soldiers whether they were Catholics; for, if they were, they would have to be dismissed from the army. Another was his asking whether they had not deserted their post (a crime in Decret. Greg. IX, 2. 20. 10.

* :"

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the Army) to go and have a drink with their fellow-topers at the inn. He was jocular, if anybody was disposed to laugh on such a serious occasion, when he asked whether Catholics take supper on the Sabbath, and whether they have obtained a special privilege from the Holy See to do so. He was unchaste when he asked Godden's niece whether she had lain with Hill on all those nights. Again, when he heard that money and other valuables had been found in the dead man's pockets, Scroggs remarked that" the Papists consider theft a crime, but not murder." Addressing all the prisoners together, he said "You are not allowed to say or think anything but what pleases the priest; it is he who suggests these crimes to you, and the devil to him." And again, " I think I shall add to my litanies' From the illusion of Papism and the tyranny of the Pope, 0 Lord deliver us.' For that yoke is such that now we have tasted the sweetness of liberty we shall never bear it; and the burden is such as none would bear save a beast born to carry burdens." And finally, " The genuineness of the Plot is wonderfully proved by the murder." Thus the man argued in a vicious circle, proving the Popish murder from the Popish Plot, and the Plot from the murder, although even then it was thought, and is now as plain as daylight, that neither the one nor the other had any existence except in the minds of Oates and his fellows, and in the papers they besmirched with their story. (241) On the following day judgment was passed upon the accused and they were found guilty of murder. To the great grief of the others, Berry then declared that he had been brought up in the Protestant religion and in his heart had never abjured that faith, and wished to die a Protestant. His execution was hereupon deferred indefinitely. On 21st February the others were led to the scaffold, where Hill said " I am come to the fatal place of execution, and am soon to appear before the dread judgment-seat of God almighty, who knows all things. I take God, men and angels to witness I am innocent of the death of Justice Godfrey: and I believe it will be well with me, because I die innocently, and hope through the merits of my blessed Saviour to be saved. I do confess, as I lived, so I die, a Roman Catholic, desiring such to pray for me. God bless and preserve His Majesty, and this poor Nation, and lay not innocent blood to its charge. So I bid you all farewell in Jesus Christ, into whose hands I commeDd my spirit." Green said" I desire all your prayers. And as for Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, I know not whether he be dead or alive; for in all my days I never saw him with my eyes, as I know of. And if false people will swear against me, I cannot help it; I pray God to bless my King, and all good people." When somebody cried out that he had been legally condemned he added" I pray God to pardon them all. I certainly never saw Godfrey, as I know of." (242) Several people approached Berry and tried to extract from him a confession of the Plot, offering impunity and rewards if he acknowledged it, and threatening death if he did not. But having a firmer hold on his honesty than on his faith, he persisted in saying that he knew nothing about it. So a week later, on 28th February, he followed his companions to the place of suffering, though it was not for him likewise the place of reward. Like them he died by hanging. His last words were " 0 Lord Jesus, as I am innocent, receive my spirit."


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(243) In this way, then, they contended for their innocence and their life, relying solely on the evidence of their good consciences against perjured witnesses-nay more, against unjust and even hostile judges, who, though they were bound by natural law and by their office to favour the accused (indeed the Law allows the accused no other advocate), tried to confound their innocence with all the skill of their experience and to oppress it with the whole weight of their authority, in order to give some plausibility to the fictitious conspiracy. But in vain: the three prisoners, though uneducated and perhaps completely illiterate, by God's help so confused the cunning of the lawyers that practically no one had any doubt about the unfairness of the whole trial. Most people were sorry for these good men who had been oppressed by calumnies. So God chose the foolish things of this world to confound the wise, and the weak things of the world to confound the strong. (244) VINDICATIONS OF THE CATHOLICS. Everywhere the honour of Catholics, and especially of the Society, was being traduced. Their enemies were constantly asserting that they had been proved guilty of treason, and nobody contradicted this calumny. The very silence of the Catholics was interpreted by people who were far from ill-disposed, as a tacit admission of guilt. It was therefore finally decided publicly to contradict these base rumours . At the end of February there appeared A Letter from A msterdam, written in English by William Morgan, and on 1st March a Lettre Escrite de Mons in French by J. Warner, the former for Englishmen, and the latter to allay the misgivings of French-speaking foreigners. These served their purpose well. Within two months the Letter from Mons was reprinted ten times in several places and several languages, although an influential Calvinist petitioned every Prince to forbid its publication in his dominions, for fear the revelation of the injustice of events in England might create danger for all Calvinists living in those dominions. (245) These letters contained a brief description of the life-history of the Catholics' accusers, a refutation of Oates's chief lies by means of public attestations, and a demonstration of how incredible it was that the Catholics, who had always been loyal to the King, should have conspired against Charles, who had done them many good services. The writers of the letters were so sure of the truth of what they wrote that they straightway sent various copies through the public post to the enemies of the Catholics (they could not send them to the Catholics themselves), namely, to Shaftesbury and other Peers of the Upper House, to both of Charles's Secretaries, and to others among Charles's advisers, to the Speaker of the Lower House, and to other leading members of Parliament, also to the Mayor of London, the Sheriffs, and the Aldermen. Each recipient was addressed by name on the cover, and warned that either he must cease to persecute the innocent, or, as he would no longer have the common pretext of ignorance, his crime would be inexcusable. But never was the truth of St. Augustine's saying made more obvious, that" men love the truth when it shines out, but not when it answers back." Seeing the innocence of the Catholics so clearly vindicated, and being at a loss for an answer, they expressed indignation that there actually existed men who called in question the justice of their actions and rejected the story which they had approved. They gnashed their teeth, raged and stormed against the Catholics; they stirred up the populace; they went to the


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imprisoned Catholic Peers and threatened them with the worst, if they did not impose silence upon the apologists ; and they clamoured that they would not endure the arrogance of men who impugned the honour of Parliament and of the whole kingdom. The Catholic Peers did not succeed in repelling these attacks by pointing out that these vindications had been written without their knowledge or orders, and that it was not within their power to control men living outside the kingdom, over whom they had no authority. Their accusers replied that they could easily silence the apologists by persuasion if not by authority; the vindications had been written for the benefit of the Peers; so they would have to answer for it if the writers went any further. (246) There were some Catholics too, who for various reasons urged that no reply should be made. Some thought that to do so would stir up a nest of hornets; others feared that, if we uncovered the weak points of the story, the Faction would be prompted to strengthen them with fresh witnesses; others saw the hand of God in the whole persecution, just as doctors say that some divine power is at work in great diseases, and were therefore in favour of leaving it to God to still the tempest caused by His own Decree. (As if it were not permissible to combat great diseases by means of the drugs which God has created out of the earth for that very purpose I). However the ViceProvincial decided that while Divine assistance should be sought by fervent prayer, human remedies should not be neglected. The enemies of the Catholics were not inspired by love of truth, nor by zeal for religion, nor by concern for the public good; they feared neither God nor man. Only by being exposed to public disgrace and the reprobation of the whole world could they be cured of their insanity. (247) Those letters were like a finger irritating a sore; and those being irritated had no means of finding relief; or they may be compared to an armoury from which came the deadly shafts which cut down the array of lies. The Faction sent people to St. Omers, to Paris, and to Madrid, to enquire into particular facts. When they saw that everything was solid fact, and that no trace of falsehood was to be seen anywhere, they refrained from ever making any reply to the letters. (248) Next, the records of the trial of Hill and his companions were brought to Liege. The injustice of the proceedings was demonstrated in the Seconde Lettre de Mons by the author of the former one, J. Warner. He added by way of conclusion that it was of course no new thing that the children of this world should oppose the sons of Light, overwhelm them with calumnies, and seek to make them responsible for the shortcomings of fortune and for public di asters. The Christians of the first century had borne the odium of having started the Fire of Rome; the Christians again were charged with causing the fire which burnt down Diocletian's Palace; when Rome was taken by the Goths, again it was the Christians who were blamed. (See Tacitus, Tertullian, Augustine and others.) Christ himself was accused of treason against both God and man. What was new and quite unprecedented was that the Christians of our day, after being accused of the most monstrous crimes, were pardoned if they confessed, and refused pardon if they refused to confess; also that prisoners who knew nothing that was going on outside their cells, were made responsible for everything that happened even outside the King's dominions. (249) The Faction never made any answer to this letter either. These letters at least succeeded in convincing foreigners of the Catho-


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lics' innocence; they likewise satisfied most Englishmen. However, to make sure that hatred of the Catholics did not evaporate altogether, the non-Catholics gathered together froni ancient histories and from other kingdoms every act of brutality or cruelty to be found in them. The Paris Massacre, the ruthlessness of Alva in Belgium, the savage treatment of the Albigensians by the French in Toulouse, the fires lit in the reign of Mary, Queen of England, all that the Valdensian rebels suffered at the hands of their lawful princes-all these things were heaped up and cast at the Catholics, to sustain the great weight of hostility that had been built up against them. It was just as if they had fused all the Catholics not only of this generation, but of all past ones too, into one mass, for whose crimes every part should be held responsible. Thus, just as Christ instituted a sharing of merits among His disciples, so those Anti-Christs were setting up a communion of demerits. They also added to their list of charges certain doctrines odious to the highest Powers, which were once held by some Theologians, though now they are known to few and hated by most of those who do know of them. A book packed full of these e"vents and teachings was published by one Barlow, an Oxford Doctor of Protestant Theology and PseudoBishop of Lincoln, a man whose religious faith was no less suspect than his loyalty to the King. He was suspected of being a Jew, on the grounds that he had always refused to eat sausages; and he had always been an adherent of the Faction who fought against Charles I and opposed Charles II. He took whatever oaths were asked of him, even though they were inconsistent and openly contradicted each other. He was always a time-server and obsequious to the powers of the moment. (250) OATES A DOCTOR OF SACRED THEOLOGY. Oates wished to invest himself with greater authority by being elevated to the degree of Doctor of Sacred Theology. He sought to obtain such a degree from each of the two Universities, and met with refusal from both. However, in spite of being threatened with punishment, he assumed the title, and added one more to the catalogue of his lies by saying that he had been made a doctor at Salamanca. Yet he had never been to Salamanca. The Faculty there cleansed itself of the stain of dishonour, which would have clung to it from the promotion of such a man, by printing and publishing a document signed by all the members of the Theological Faculty testifying that they had never seen Oates and that nothing was known of him in Salamanca except from public rumours, which were to his discredit. (251) THE CHARACTER OF LESTRANGE. Already at this point there were signs of intrigues contrived by the Faction against Charles and the Constitution, on the pretext of defending both from the machinations of the Papists. So once more there appeared on the scene that energetic defender of his King and Government, that unrelenting hammer and implacable foe of the fanatics, Roger Lestrange. Born of an ancient and illustrious family in the County of Norfolk, he fought for Charles I. While attempting, in pursuance of Charles's orders, to occupy King's Lynn, a town situated near the sea-estuary which separates Norfolk from Lincoln, he was taken prisoner and, contrary to the rules of war, brought to trial on a capital charge. Sentence was passed against him, but its execution was deferred indefinitely for fear of setting a precedent which would cause the death of those captured by Charles. Eventually he was set at liberty. There was more of Mercury than of Mars in him: he won more fame by his writing


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than by his fighting. Nature had given him a supple and clear-sighted mind, and he had acquired great prudence from living through a long period of civil unrest. Thanks to these endowments, although his writings aroused the anger of many bitter enemies, no one ever charged him with transgressing any law or of uttering a falsehood . By means of several excellent anonymous publications he opened the door for the return of Charles II from exile. After Charles's return he established him on the throne by exposing the evil designs of the Faction, who were forced to give up their intrigues when they saw that whatever they said in holes and corners was noised abroad by him to the whole country. His evenness of temper, the innocence of his life, and the charm of his familiar conversation made him universally liked; his refined and amusing English style enticed people to read him. He is considered to have done more for the King's authority than a whole army could have done. (252) At home, along with his mother's milk, he imbibed the Protestant religion and clung to it, even when he was in the household of Cardinal Hastia, to which he had been admitted as an Honorary Noble in the hope that he would be converted, though he never was. (253) He was deeply disturbed by the danger threatening from the Presbyterians, which, he believed, could not be met except by destroying belief in the Popish Plot. That it was dangerous and useless to assail this belief openly, was a lesson he had learnt from the example of those members of Parliament who, by questioning the reality of the Plot, had done themselves much damage and the public no good. However, as he thought that some venture should be made, he published a book entitled A Further Discovery of the Papist Plot, addressed to Oates himself. Almost at the beginning he has the following passage: " I believe the Plot; and as much of it as every good Subject ought to believe, or as any man in his right Wits can believe ; Nay, I do so absolutely believe it, that, in my Conscience, you yourself, Doctor, do not believe more of it then I do. But yet the whole Earth can never bring me to believe, or say that I Believe, that which I neither do nor can Believe . ... And in some cases, I would wait a little for Confirmation, without swallowing everything whole as it comes. Suppose my Boy should come in and tell me that it rains Buttered Turnips, I should go near to open the Window to see whether it be so or no; and you would not blame me for Doubting neither." (254) That is how he writes. How cautiously he taunts the informer's perfidy, wins credence for the Catholics, and mocks the absurd story of the Plot! This one man, when others drew back through fear, set himself up like a wall to protect the King's authority; he defended it in such a way that he made himself incidentally the Catholics' advocate, although a non-Catholic himself; and for this reason the heretics were more ready to believe him. At the beginning of this year he took up the pen once again, and is still working on while I write this, though he is advanced in years. His green and active old age has robbed him of nothing except his bodily strength and the passions of youth (which it is better to be without), and this loss has been compensated by the increase of his practical wisdom. His mind is still lively, his memory tenacious, his conversation easy and sprinkled with a wit which is never biting except when turned against the enemies of his King or Country. He allows no rest to those who disturb the private peace of good men or the public tranquillity of the kingdom.


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(255) Lestrange remained silent so long as the Faction stormed against the Catholics alone: he did this out of reverence for Charles, from whose Court had issued the first mention of the Plot. But he made an end of his silence when he saw that the drift of events was towards anarchy. The seeds he sowed on this occasion were one day to bring forth an abundant harvest, but for the time being the return was less, for an insane desire for revolution was abroad; it blocked men's ears and obsessed their minds, so that they listened to nothing save what they wanted to hear. (256) When the Faction saw that the rest of the Catholic front had given way so easily, their boldness grew, and they began to assail York, saying that he had been the heart and the brain of the plot to kill Charles, and that without him the Catholics would never have ventured even to imagine or conceive so great a crime; he had been the originator ' of counsels advantageous to the Catholics and ruinous to the kingdom; at his suggestion treaties had been made with Catholic countries and refused to the Protestant countries; the power of France had grown formidable to neighbouring States and would soon be their ruin if steps were not taken quickly by the removal of York; it was absurd to worry about a cut finger when their heads were exposed to danger; it was useless to strip the leaves off a tree and to lop off its branches while leaving the root and trunk, whence both leaves and branches had come forth, and whence they would sprout again; York must be removed, deprived of the right of succession, and driven from his native soil, if they wished to preserve Charles, the state and religion in security. These things were not merely whispered in secret nooks and corners of the city; even in the Court, in Charles's hearing, they were said with great confidence, especially just before the time appointed for the meeting of Parliament, during which time the Faction are always more bold in their frenzy, and the King's ministers more timid in their opposition. (257) Wishing to calm the excitement in Parliament, Charles explained the situation to York, and warned him that it was to the advantage of both of them that he should yield before the storm, withdraw into Spanish Belgium, and there await the return of calm and happier days . He did not, however, order him to leave the kingdom. Later, having failed to prevail on him by the spoken work, Charles sent him written orders to leave the country in a letter of 28th February, as follows: (258) "I have already given you my Reasons at large, why I think that you should absent your self from me for some time; as I am truly sorry for the Occasion, so you may be sure I shall never desire it longer than it will be absolutely necessary both for your good and my service. In the meantime I think it proper to give you under my hand that I expect this compliance from you. You may easily believe with what doubts I write this to you; there being Nothing I am more sensible of than the Constant Kindnesse you have ever had for me; and I hope you are so just to me, as to be assured that no Absence, nor anything else, can change me from being truely and Kindly Yours C.R." (259) York obeyed the command forthwith, however harsh he found it. When he was already prepared for the journey, Charles


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paid him a vi it. They fell into each other's embrace, and the tears of both bore witness to the grief and tender affection which sorrow prevented them from expressing in words . (260) A rumour that Monmouth had been begotten in lawful wedlock had been put about earlier, but secretly and in whispers; now, the matter began to be discussed more openly, since the Faction had acquired new strength and boldness by York's departure. Charles was greatly disturbed about the rumour, and summoned an extraordinary meeting of his counsellors and of the Judges of the Realm, at which he publicly declared that the rumour was false, and that he had married no woman except Catherine of Portugal. This declaration he read from a written document, which he signed. He gave orders for it to be further witnessed by the signatures of those present and kept among the archives of the Privy Council; and he had authentic copies made of it and kept elsewhere. This was done on 3rd March. However, in the following year the rumour sprang to life again: it was also said that there existed a document signed by Charles, testifying that there had been either a marriage or at least a ceremony of betrothal between him and the woman in question. The whisperers also gave the names of those who had seen the document, and of the person who was keeping the black box which contained the document, namely Sir Gilbert Gerard. He, when summoned, admitted that he had heard something about a black box and a document of that description, but said that he had never seen either, and did not know the origin of the rumour, nor on what it was based. Others who were questioned on the same points gave the same answers-that they did not know the authors of the story and hardly knew those who had spread it about. (261) Hereupon Charles repeated his former declaration in a second, and finally in a third (on 2nd June), when, "calling God to witness," he protested "upon the faith of a Christian man and the word of a King" that there had been no marriage nor any matrimonial contract between himself and Mistress Waters or Barrow (these were the two names which Monmouth's mother had assumed) or any woman except the Queen, who was still alive. He ordered that anyone asserting the contrary should be brought to trial. These measures ought to have been enough to safeguard York's claim, and would have been if he had not had to deal with a stiff-necked generation which was determined to have some pretext for excluding his right, and could find no other. So the common people adhered to the rumour, because they thought it true, while Monmouth, Shaftesbury and the Presbyterian ministers held to it because it served their purpose. After Charles's death, when James was holding the reins of power, there followed a rebellion, which was quenched by the blood of Monmouth and a few others. About that more below. (262) PARLIAMENT. On 6th March the new Parliament met. Charles addressed it as follows : He wished and prayed for nothing more than to unite the minds of all his subjects both to himself and to one another and to Protestants abroad. "And I resolve," he said, "it shall be your Faults if the Success be not suitable to My desires. I have done many great things already in order to that End; as the Exclusion of the Popish Lords from their Seats in Parliament, the Execution of several men, both upon the score of the Plot and of the Murder of Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey, and it is apparent that I have not been idle in Prosecuting the Discovery of both .... I have Dis-


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banded as much of the Army as I could get Money to do, and I am ready to Disband the rest so soon as you shall Reemburse what they have cost Me .. . . And above all I have Commanded my Brother to absent himself from Me, because I would not leave the most malicious Men room to say I had not removed all Causes which could be pretended to influence Me towards Popish Counsels." It was plain from what he had done how truly and sincerely he was seeking the Peace of the Kingdom and the good of the Protestant Religion; it would become plain whether Parliament had the same object in view. If they will employ their time upon the great concerns of the nation, and not be drawn to promote private animosities, "1 shall not cease my Endeavours daily to find out what more I can, both of the Plot, and Murder of Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey, and shall desire the Assistance of both My Houses in that work. 1 have not been wanting to give Orders for putting all ,the present Laws in execution against Papists .... I must desire your Assistance also in Supplies, both for Disbanding the Army .. and to make up the Loss 1 sustain by the Prohibition of French Wines and Brandy, which turns only to My prejudice, and to the great advantage of the French." It would be necessary, he continued, to have a good strength at Sea again, since our Neighbours are making Naval Preparations, and without such strength England would be neither safe nor formidable .... " 1 will with My Life Defend both the Protestant Religion and the Laws of this Kingdom, and I do expect from You to be Defended from the Calumny as well as Danger of those worst of men who endeavour to render Me and My Government odious to my people." The rest he left to the Lord Chancellor. (263) The Chancellor, after praising Charles's zeal for the Protestant religion and for the extirpation of Popery, reported the punishments that had been inflicted on others, and then said that the only hope remaining to the Papists was that Parliament would exceed all bounds in their remedies and propose immoderate plans which could not last. The Papist Peers had asked to be brought to trial while Parliament was dissolved: Charles had refused this, in order to make the trial more solemn by their presence. Charles had anticipated their wishes by dismissing his only brother. This was proof that he would deny them nothing, if he was willing for their sakes to give up the solace of so good a brother. They must forbid the printers, under severe penalties, to publish so many infamous pamphlets which were emanating from the Papists ap.d other schismatics. The rest of Europe was at peace, its armies idle; England was in danger - the more so as the exhausted Treasury could not support the Army and the Fleet. A fleet must be made ready for the following summer, for which purpose money must be granted. If religion was to be defended, if Charles's honour was to be protected, empty fears must be banished, quarrels made up and lasting peace established. Now was the time to defend both Church and State from the contrivances of the enemies of both. The fate of Charles's dominions depended on their deliberations, which would extend either happiness or misery to many generations. The eyes of all Europe were upon them. They must offer their hearts first of all to God, and then to Charles, so that the King might be safe by their counsels, rich in their love, victorious by their arms, and glorious by their loyalty, while they in turn would be happy under his rule.


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(264) After this, the Chancellor bade the Peers of the Lower Chamber withdraw and elect a Speaker; at three o'clock in the afternoon they were to present the person chosen, and to beg Charles's confirmation of their choice. Edward Seymour, who had held the office of Speaker in the previous Parliament, was unanimously chosen; but Charles refused to confirm him, saying that he wished to employ his services elsewhere. The Lower House took this ill, and resolved that its election was to be deemed valid and that it was not liable to be annulled by anybody. The dispute about this trifling matter occupied eight days, since neither of the contending parties would yield to the other. Charles finally put a stop to it by proroguing Parliament for two days. (Here it should be observed that a session of Parliament can be suspended in two ways without its dissolution, viz. by prorogation or adjournment. When it is adjourned, all things that have been debated in it remain in statu quo; when it is prorogued, all business that has been dealt with in it is rendered void, exactly a.s if there had been no mention of it-all business, that is to say, except what the King had confirmed and ratified.) (265) At the next meeting, Russell, the son of the Duke of Bedford, suggested that someone else should be chosen as Speaker, and added that Sir William Gregory, J.p., seemed suited to the task. All the others supported his proposal, and Charles gave his approval. So this sordid dispute was terminated. However, hope was not revived of any good coming out of that Parliament. What profit was to be expected from an assembly which obstinately resisted Charles in a matter of no moment, where his right was obvious? What is the purpose of a humble petition for the confirmation of an election, if the election is to be deemed valid even without it, or even if the confirmation is refused? Then again they took no account, and indeed did not even make mention, of Charles's speech, of his tender regard for his subjects, of his good-will towards the members of Parliament, and his complete readiness to concur with their wishes in so far as he could do so without damage to the royal authority; yet at other times they had thanked him solemnly for very slight reasons. But the Lower House was composed of the sort of men who take advantage of a King's humility to be arrogant, and of his lenience to be insolent; and they do not know how to give way except to one who is stronger than they and controls them with a firm hand. (266) After this, various questions were debated, but no mention was made of the business which Charles had set before them. On 20th March, Tonge, Oates and Bedlow were summoned to the Lower House and given a hearing, as was Prance in the Upper House. In both Houses it was decided to draw up an impeachment of Danby, the articles of which have been given above in Book II. (267) DANBY'S CASE. On 22nd March, having summoned together both Houses, Charles declared that Danby had done nothing except by his orders, and that therefore the things he had done ought not to be laid to his charge; nevertheless, he (Charles) would not take it amiss if, on account of the complaints that had been disseminated about him, Danby were to be removed from all his offices and declared ineligible for all other employments. This seemed adequate to the Upper House, but not so to the Lower, which objected that these were not the penalties laid down by law for those guilty of the crimes in question. While the two Houses were engaged in a heated dispute


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about this, a report spread that Danby had obtained from Charles a complete pardon of all his crimes. This, however, did not cause the members of the Commons to drop the case they had begun; they enquired in the first place how the deed of pardon had been made and in what form, and secondly, whether it was guaranteed by the Great Seal, and by whose hand. Charles's Secretaries said they knew nothing about it, and the Chancellor said that the seal had not been attached by him, but that at Charles's bidding he had left the seal on the table, and Charles had affixed it to the document with his own hand while he (the Chancellor) was not looking. How sad and pitiable was Charles's plight when his ministers dared do nothing that would displease Parliament, even when they had his orders! (268) Other members of Parliament questioned the legal validity of the pardon. Although they did not as yet deny that it was within the King's p,ower to remit punishment after sentence has been passed, they maintained that he could not withdraw a prisoner from the court before his case had been tried. They seemed to have forgotten that they had themselves sought and obtained similar pardons for Oates, Bedlow and others, and that they wanted them to be valid. Further, an order was made in the Lower House that" no one of the English people should venture to say that the Pardon granted to Danby was valid or had legal subsistence: anyone who did so should be considered as wronging the English people ." (269) While these things were happening, Danby had gone into hiding; but finally he gave himself up. He was sent as a prisoner by the Upper House to the Tower of London, where he desired, but in vain, to relieve the boredom of his captivity in the company of his Catholic fellow-prisoners: but they persistently rejected his advances, because they thought that he was the source of all their misfortunesa treacherous Sino. Whether they did right or wrong I do not say; it is a question I leave to others. (270) SHAFTESBURY'S SEDITIOUS SPEECH. On 25th March Shaftesbury made a seditious speech in the House of Lords. In it he said that he intended to flatter neither the Court nor the people, but would say freely whatever the spirit moved him to say. Then he added, in the manner of one preaching a sermon, "We have a little sister, and she has no breast. What shall we do for our sister in the day when she shall be spoken for? If she be a wall, we will build upon her a palace of silver; and if she be a door, we will enclose her with boards of cedar. We have several little sisters without breasts - the French Protestant church, the two kingdoms of Ireland and Scotland. The foreign Protestants are a wall - the only wall and defence to England; upon it you may build palaces of silver - glorious palaces. The protection of the Protestants abroad is the greatest power and security the crown of England can attain unto, and which can only help to give a check to the growing greatness of France. Scotland and Ireland are two doors that let in either good or mischief upon us. They are much weakened by the artifice of our cunning enemy, and we ought to enclose them with boards of cedar. Popery and slavery, like two sisters, go hand-in hand: sometimes one goes first and sometimes the other, in a door; but the other is always following close at hand. In England popery was to have brought in slavery; in Scotland slavery went before, and popery to follow. I do not think your lordships of the present parliament have jurisdiction there. It is a noble and


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ancient kingdom; they have an illustrious nobility, a gallant gentry, a learned clergy, and an industrious, worthy people; but yet we cannot think of England as we ought, without reflecting on the condition they are in. They are under the same prince and influence of the same favourites and council; they are hardly dealt with; and can we that are t he richer expect better usage? For it is certain that in all absolute government, the poorest countries are always most favourably dealt with when the ancient nobility and gentry there cannot enjoy their royalties, their shrevedoms, and their stewarties, which they and their ancestors have possessed for several hundred years, but that they are now enjoyned by the lords of the council to make deputations of their authority to such as are their known enemies. Can we expect to enjoy our Magna Charta long under the same persons and administrations of affairs if the council there can imprison any nobleman for several years without bringing him to trial or giving the least reason for what they do? Can we expect the same men will preserve the liberty of the subject here? I will acknowledge that I am not well versed in the particular laws of Scotland . " But this I do know, that all the northern countries have by their laws an undoubted and inviolable right to their liberties and properties; yet Scotland has outdone all the eastern and southern countries in having their lives, liberties, and estates sequestered to the will and pleasure of those that govern. They have lately plundered and harassed the richest and wealthiest counties of that kingdom, and brought down the barbarous Highlanders to devour them, and this without almost a tolerable pretence to do it, but those which design to procure a rebellion at any rate, which, as they managed it, was only prevented by the miraculous hand of God, or otherwise all the papists of England would have been armed, and the fairest opportunity given in the just time for the execution of that bloody and wicked design the papists had; and it is not possible for any man that duly considers it to think other but that those ministers that acted there were as guilty in the plot as any of the lords that are in question for it. " My lords, I am forced to speak thus, and plainer, because until the pressure be fully taken off from Scotland it is not possible for me or any thinking man to believe that good is meant. It is here we must still be upon our guard, apprehending that the principle is not changed at Court, and that those men that are still in place and authority have their influence upon the mind of our excellent prince, that he is not, nor ever can be, that to us which his nature and goodness would incline him to . I know your lordships can order nothing in this, but there are those that hear me can put a perfect cure to it, and until that be done this Scotch weed is like death in the pot mars in Olta. But there is something which now I consider most immediately concerns us - their act of two-and-twenty thousand men to be ready to invade us upon all occasions. This I hear the lords of the council there have treated (as they do all other laws), expounded it unto a standing army of sixty thousand men. I am sure we have reason and right to beseech the King that that act may be considered in the next parliament there. I shall say no more of Scotland at this time: I am afraid your lordships will think I have said too much, having no concern there; but if a French nobleman should come to live in my house and family, I think it concerns me what he did in France; for if he was there a


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felon, a rogue, a plunderer, I should desire him to live elsewhere, and I hope your lordships would think fit to do the same thing for your nation, if you find the same cause. " My lords, give me leave to speak two or three words concerning our other sister, Ireland. Thither I hear is sent Douglas's regiment to serve us against the French. Besides, I am credibly informed the papists have their arms restored, and the Protestants are not many of them received into favour, being the suspected party; the sea-towns, as well as the inlands, are full of papists. That kingdom cannot long continue in English hands if some better care be not taken of it. " This is in your power, and there is nothing there but is under your ~aws; therefore I beg that this kingdom at least may be taken into your consideration, together with the State of England; for I am sure there can be no safety here if those doors are not shut up and made safe." . (271) Such was the speech he made with great confidence in the King's presence, though he was directly contradicting Charles's speechattributing to him contrary aims, stirring up again the fears which Charles had sought to allay, and greatly enlarging them by bringing forward the measures taken in Scotland and Ireland to retain the Faction in their allegiance and preserve the peace as proof that servitude had been established in those kingdoms and was destined to be established in England . No faith, he implied, was to be placed in Charles's words; the aims of his policy were different from those he expressed in his speech. All thinking men perceived that Charles's efforts to remove these suspicions would fail, since others were more energetic in fostering them-and more successful too. (272) CHANGES IN THE ROYAL COUNCIL. It was expected that Charles would punish Shaftesbury with a suitable penalty for his brazen audacity; instead, he rewarded him with a great prize. The hope that some good might be derived from his Faction had indeed grown cold, but was not yet quite extinguished. At length Charles gave himself up to it entirely. He dissolved the whole Privy Council, and chose his new councillors from the ranks of the Presbyterians. Shaftesbury himself was appointed President. (273) Nothing was achieved by this change. It was unpopular with those who had been displaced from office, since in their hopes they had devoured the whole of the royal authority, and now were enjoying no portion of it. It was no more pleasing to those who remained in office, because they were annoyed that Charles had put himself into the power of others. (274) THE CHARGES AGAINST THE CATHOLIC PEERS. The case against the Catholic Peers who were in prison was prepared under the following heads: (1) For many years they had been contriving and carrying on a traitorous and execrable Plot within this kingdom of England, and other places, to alter, change and subvert the ancient government and laws of the kingdom and nation, and to suppress the true religion therein established, and to extirpate and destroy the professors thereof. (2) They had treated of these matters with the Cardinal of Norfolk, the Benedictines, Dominicans, Franciscans, Jesuits, and others, and had decided to depose, imprison and kill the King, to subject the people to the Pope and his tyrannical government, and to seize and share amongst themselves the estates and inheritances of His Majesty's Protestant subjects. (3) They had intended to restore


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the monasteries and abbeys which had long since been suppressed for their superstition and idolatry, and to restore to them all the lands and possessions now invested in His Majesty and his subjects by the laws of the realm. (4) They had decided to found and erect new monasteries, and to deprive the Protestant Bishops and other ecclesiastics of their offices and benefices. (5) They had frequently discussed ways of destroying the King by poisoning, shooting and stabbing; had sent assassins to Windsor to perpetrate that atrocious crime, and had given them a reward. (6) To achieve their purposes they had levied troops, gathered money, horses and arms; had treated and corresponded with the Pope, his Cardinals, Nuncios and Agents, and with the ministers of foreign princes, with a view to obtaining supplies from other sources, so that they might stir up tumult, sedition and civil war, and so flood the whole kingdom with the miseries inseparable from civil strife. (7) They had obtained instruments, commissions and powers from the Pope or his delegates promoting them to the highest dignities in the kingdom. (8) They had ratified their secret by solemnly receiving the Sacrament and by an oath, and had obtained in confession absolution in advance from the lie they would tell when they denied that a Plot had been made, and from the perjury with which they would confirm their denial. (9) They had effected the murder of Godfrey, because he had in pursuance of his office taken the information about the Plot. (10) After this crime had been committed they had spread rumours, first that he was still alive and privately married, and then, after the body was found, that he had murdered himself. (11) They had done all this in order to stifle and suppress the evidence he had taken, and to deter other magistrates from investigating it; and were laying the imputation and guilt of the aforesaid horrid and detestable crimes upon the Protestants, in order to expose Protestants living in Papist lands to persecution and oppression. (12) These crimes were committed by Powis, Stafford, Petre, Arundel, and Bellasis. (13) The impeachment was made by the House of Commons both in its own name and in the name of the English people. (14) The Commons reserve to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any other time hereafter any other accusations or impeachments against the Peers. (275) Both Houses assigned a day for the trial of these Peers and of Danby but they disagreed over the dates. The Lords were in favour of beginning with the Catholics, but the Commons wanted to begin with Danby, whose pardon, they maintained, was null and void. They asked that their vote to this effect might be confirmed by the consent of the other House. They further requested that the Bishops should be deprived of their vote, on the pretext that the case was one involving blood and that Canon Law forbids Bishops to participate in such trials; but their real reason was that they knew the Bishops would support the validity of the pardon. (276) There was also a dispute about the Lord High Steward, or President of the Peers who were to try the case. Peers of the Upper House thought that Charles should be asked to chose him; others were against asking him, contending that it was not necessary to have one. So they multiplied dispute upon dispute in their passion for wrangling; but of the matters which Charles had earnestly commended to their attention, and for the sake of which Parliament had been convoked, there was no mention at all. Finally Charles intervened and appointed Shaftesbury as Steward. He and the Peers then sat


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down to try the case of the Catholics; but when they had sat there a long time, as the Catholics were ready to defend themselves, nobody from the Lower House came forward to accuse them, and the farcical meeting was dissolved. (277) RESTRICTION OF THE POWER OF A PAPIST KING. Wishing to prune away all the causes of dissension, which seemed to have their origin in fear of a Papist successor, Charles on the 30th April convoked the whole of Parliament, and made the following declaration through his Chancellor: " .. . . . the King is ready to consent to any Laws which seem useful for the security of religion .... and is willing that Provision may be made, First, to distinguish a Popish from a Protestant Successor, Then to Limit and Circumscribe the Authority of a Popish Successor in these cases following . .. First, ecclesiastical Benefices may be conferred only on pious and learned Protestants. Secondly, when the King shall happen to Die . .. The Parliament then in being shall Continlie Indissoluble for a Competent Time, Or if there be no Parliament in being, then the Last Parliament which was in being before that time may Re-assemble and Sit a Competent Time without any new Summons or Election. Thirdly, during the Reign of any Popish Successor the Lords of the Privy Council and judges shall not be put in or displaced but by the Authority of Parliament. Fourthly, likewise in that case Justices of Peace, Lord Lieutenants, or Deputy Lieutenants, and Officers of the Navy shall be appointed by Parliament. Fifthly, no other means of restraining a Popish successor occurred to Charles, but he was ready to listen to the suggestions of others, provided only the Right of Succession itself was not touched." (278) The Lower House declined even to debate these proposals, but on 11th May it fashioned an insidious and perfidious decree that " in the event of the King's being carried off by a violent death (which Heaven forbid I), vengeance shall be taken upon the Papists." This amounts to a grant of impunity to any Protestant who should assassinate the King; it prepares the way for the destruction of the Catholics, even though innocent, and for Charles's death. So it was conjectured, not unreasonably, that the Protestants had already at this time decided to destroy Charles. In order to tone down the offensiveness of this obviously treacherous decree, in the copy submitted to Charles were added the words "For violent measures taken by the Papists vengeance shall be taken upon them." Charles, however, did not fail to observe that the words in italics were not in the decree or even in the printed version of it which had been published by order of the Lower House. From this insertion it is plain that the Protestants had seen to whom the decree would apply if the words were omitted, so they could not disguise their malice by the plea of ignorance. Charles disregarded the decree, and warned Parliament of the danger threatening the kingdom; the fleet had not yet been equipped, and the proper time for arming it was slipping away; the warships returning from the Mediterranean were expected very soon and would have to be given their pay, but the Treasury was em¡p ty and bankrupt. These matters could be quickly settled without prejudice to other business if they thought the other business so important that it could not be omitted. When, however, he found that they turned a deaf ear to his voice, and that the Lower House had busied itself with something still more distasteful, namely a proposal to exclude York from his right of succession to the Crown, on 27th May Charles prorogued Parliament to 15th August, and soon after, by a further Proclamation, he dissolved it altogether.


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(279) Such was the end of that Parliament. It had been composed almost entirely of Presbyterians, for whose sake Charles had shown himself willing to do anything, while they would do nothing for him; indeed, they took many measures that were hostile to the royal power. First was their unprecedented request for the mobilisation of the ordinary militia: this was expressly refused for the reasons given above . Secondly, they denied Charles's power to render void the election of a Speaker by the Lower House. Thirdly, and no less wrongfully, they peremptorily denied that it was within the King's power to grant a pardon to a prisoner before his trial, though they had themselves ex torted from Charles within the last two years more decrees implying this power than are to be found in any other two centuries, etc. These disputes delayed public business, but brought no relief to the Catholics. As each side reproached the other with favouring the Catholics, a struggle took place to see which party could propose the severer laws against them; they both hoped in this way to escape the odious charge of favouring the Papists. (280) We have mentioned above that the Queen was accused by Oates and BedIm1\/' of complicity in the Plot, in spite of her constant reputation for singular and heroic virtue; but the partisans of democracy did not press the charge laid against her, for fear that if she were divorced there would be room for a new wife who would bear offspring to succeed to the throne. Now the backbiters' tongues (which ought to have been cut out) did not spare Charles even. They said that he was not merely an accomplice in the Plot, but even its originator-not indeed that he had consented to his own death, but that he had favoured the Papists and their cause. Thus the pride of those who hate God, the King who is God's vicar, and the Catholics who are God's servants, ever increases, mounts higher, strives upwards and destroys everything, especially all that is exalted, in its efforts to make the highest equal to the lowest and Princes equal to the common people. (281) REWARDS OFFERED FOR THE CAPTURE OF PRIESTS. Their unreasoned violence vented itself mainly upon priests, and especially upon the Jesuits. In order to catch them they stimulated the diligence of the informers by appealing to two motives-hatred of religion and greed for money. £20 was promised by public proclamation to anyone who should intercept a priest, and £50 to anyone arresting a Jesuit. Then, soon after, as if their prey had been valued too cheaply, it was decreed that the reward for the capture of a Jesuit would be £200. No wonder so many were captured! It is more astonishing that anyone escaped at all ! (282) THE CHARACTER OF WILLIAM WALLER. Among the seditious Justices of the Peace who were harsh to the Catholics, William Waller stands conspicuous. His father, also called William, had fought for Parliament against Charles I at the beginning of the Civil Wars. Parliament gave him command of three armies, all of which he lost through cowardice or ignorance of warfare or bad luck: he was always vanquished, and often by forces far smaller than his own. After this he was removed from his army as a failure, and told to occupy himself with his private affairs: he died in disgrace. His son was left sole heir no less to his father's hatred of the King and of the Catholics than to his property. The property was not large. T he dissolute heir played ducks and drakes with it and contracted large debts. He therefore took advantage of this persecution to throw off restraint, and then


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used the absence of restraint as an opportunity for plunder. It was expected that after seizing his booty he would discharge his debts and so relieve the embarrassment of his fortunes; but he discharged no debts, and kept nearly all the booty for himself. He is the man who, as I have mentioned, rushed sixty miles out of London to arrest Beddingfield when Beddingfield had long since died in prison and been buried in London. On one occasion he received word from Oates that there were two Jesuits in a certain inn . He at once dashed there to arrest them, and found Oates there with two bailiffs, who threatened to arrest him at once and take him to prison unless he paid them the ÂŁ125 which he owed to Oates, and which, now that he was enriched with booty, he was in a position to pay. He preferred to pay up rather than go to gaol. In this way even his friends made fun of his blind zeal. Night and day he went round the homes of the Catholics, to seize priests or any others who were exposed to his malice. He would search every' corner, break open chests, and turn everything upside down, in order to carry off the sacred furniture and the vessels consecrated for the Sacrifice of Holy Mass. Silver plate, even that used at the family table, did not escape the rapacity of his hands; but the things he searched for with particular care were what he called Roman Medals, meaning any kind of gold coin, and especially those which we call Guineas. All coins of this description found in the Catholics' cash-boxes were appropriated by this religious bandit, this averter of superstition, this true follower of Calvin's piety as of his doctrine. With no more right, if he found any strings of pearls, or bracelets of diamonds set in gold, he would take them for himself, on the plea that they were holy rosaries or chaplets intended for use in the pouring out of superstitious prayers. Whenever precious furniture and other rich booty came 'h is way he would allow the Catholics to buy it back at its proper value, if they paid cash and in gold, Anything worthless or of small value he burnt on a bonfire in the public squares or at crossroads, in order to ingratiate himself with the people by providing them with a display. He was sometimes heard to boast (I record it with horror) that he had burnt Christ in effigy. So great was the fury of his rage against the Catholics that even the more moderate nonCatholics disapproved of him. Eventually, when the populace gradually recovered its senses, he fled the country in dread of being charged with theft. He was first welcomed at Bremen and given a high office, in the hope that through him a large number of English craftsmen would be attracted to settle there. But when the people of Bremen saw that he was not able to fulfil any of his great promises, he was driven out of the place. He then approached the Dukes of Luneburg, who also rejected him. Thereafter, like another Cain, a wanderer and a fugitive, he roamed about the world in disguise, thinking that his only protection was men's ignorance of who he was. "A disturbed conscience always expects harsh treatment," and " the wicked man flees, though no one pursues him." For his comfort in exile he had the booty snatched from the Catholics, for his punishment the worm of conscience-that worm which may be killed by sincere repentance and restitution, but not by Calvin's justifying faith. (283) All the ports, which are the gateways of England, were carefully watched by guards, who cunningly questioned all arrivals, to prevent any priest from entering the island. They tendered the Q


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notorious oaths to each single traveller, and imprisoned those who refused to take them until they had either given sureties or otherwise satisfied the guards. (284) THE DEATH OF RICHARD LACEY, S .]. Into their hands fell Richard Lacey, S.]., whose real name was Prince. He was born of Catholic parents at Oxford, and was of such extraordinary humility that, although all were agreed that he was malring great progress in his higher studies, he repeatedly petitioned the Provincial to be made a Lay Brother. After ordination he was sent into England when the persecution was imminent; when it came he withdrew and returned to St. Omers-rather on the advice of others who told him to preserve himself for happier times, than of his own choosing. At St. Omers a scruple arose that he had done wrong in deserting the sheep entrusted to him when the wolves were threatening them on all sides. Without awaiting or even asking for the Vice-Provincial's consent (he knew for certain that it would be refused), because his post in England had been assigned to him by Father Provincial, who alone (so he thought) could change it, he returned to England. At Dover he rejected the proffered Oath of Allegiance, was committed into custody, and then sent to London. In London he was accused by Oates of complicity in the Plot and put in a prison, where for five whole months he was d~­ prived not only of all human company, but even of the light of day. Here, as a result of starvation, the dirt, the stench and other hardships, he contracted a deadly fever. No doctor was admitted, owing to Shaftesbury's opposition, until the sick man was on the point of death. Then the doctor, finding himself completely unable to induce the patient to drink the medicine, which was too late to be of any use, finally told him to drink to the King's health. The sick man straightway drained the whole draught. Whereupon the doctor said" He cannot possibly have plotted the King's death, when in his delirium he has responded so promptly to my call to drink the King's health." Shortly afterwards he recovered the use of his mind, which the violence of his disease had impeded, and rendered up his soul to God, fortified with the sacred rites of the Church. (285) THE DEATH OF FRANCIS NEVILL. In this same year died Francis Nevill, a veteran missioner, who had spent forty-seven years cultivating the Lord's vineyard. He considered that God had said to him, as to Abraham, " Walk before me, and b e p erfect." He seemed always to have God before the eyes of his heart, and to be submitting his will to God's. When the rumour of the Plot arose he was sought by the pursuivants. They caught him in the loft at the top of a house, and dragged him down the steps with such violence that he fainted. At this the pursuivants fled, in terror of being brought to trial for murder. Father Nevill did recover, but did not survive long. This violent concussion, coming on top of the burdens of old age and the ills age brings in its train, had its effect: he died, as he had lived, most peacefully, in the eighty-fourth year of his age and the forty-seventh of his profession of the Four Vows. (286) THE TRIAL AND DEATH OF FATHER PROVINCIAL AND F OUR COMPANIONS. The thirst for blood might well have been satisfied by the slaughter of so many innocent Catholics, but the Presbyterians thirst was rather made worse. To assuage it, on 13th June five priests of the Society were brought out to the slaughter, according to Scroggs's arrangements. They were Thomas H arcourt the P rovincial, W illiam


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Waring, Antony Turner, John Fenwick and John Gavan. Fenwick had been caught up in the first storm. He was dragged from his room, and even from his bed, and thrust into a foul hole of a dungeon. Harcourt was severely ill when Oates found him and put a guard about him. On 30th November, when he had recovered a little, he was taken to prison amid the shouts and abuse of a raving mob. There, chained hand and foot, he passed that bitter winter without a fire . Waring, Rector of the College in London, had ordered all the other Jesuits to depart, but had himself remained behind in order to do all in his power to provide the captives with things they needed. At the end of the winter he was added to their number. Turner had given himself up voluntarily: he presented himself before a Justice of the Peace and swore that he was a priest and a Jesuit. Gavan, who was famed for his eloquent sermons, had been ordered by his Superiors to withdraw himself from . the storm, but his journey was cut short at London: he was cast into prison while waiting there for a ship. (287) Harcourt and Fenwick wished to invoke the aid of the law which lays down that no one may be accused twice of the same crime. Their being sent back to prison after having contested their case and being found not guilty had been illegal. Bedlow, they pointed out, had asserted in that very court and before the same judges that he hardly knew the prisoners, and that so far as he knew they were not guilty of any crime; as, moreover, he had said this under oath, he at least ought not to be admitted to give evidence. Bedlow replied that on the former occasion he had said what was to his own advantage; now they should hear something else . When the Counsel for the Prosecution had set forth their case in their usual dramatic style, Oates appeared as the first witness, and began to weave the fabric of his story, as follows: (1) Harcourt, shortly after being made Provincial, had ordered Father Conyers to preach a sermon on the Feast of St. Thomas of Canterbury against the Oath of Allegiance. (This was untrue, since in the first place there is not a word in the whole of the sermon about the Oath, and secondly, Harcourt was made Provincial about a month after the sermon was preached, as is shown elsewhere.) (2) Harcourt had summoned a Congregation in April, at which Oates had himself been present, and the murder of Charles had been there discussed. (This too has been proved false, as I said above.) Waring, Turner and Fenwick had been present at the Congregation and had put their signatures to the records of it. Gavan too had signed, though Oates did not know whether he was present at the Congregation. (This again is certainly false, since only the Provincial signs the records; Fenwick could not have been present, for he was neither professed of the Four Vows nor Rector of a College. Later, when the matter was juridically examined, it was established that during the whole month in question Oates had been at St. Omers.) There were present at the trial fourteen young boarders of the Seminary of St. Omers, who testified that Oates had spent that month at St. Omers; but their hearers refused to believe a word of it, so blinded were they by antiPapist prejudices. Other witnesses had been summoned from Liege to refute other false oaths uttered by Oates-but all in vain. There were also people present who were ready to show both by their own evidence and from the public records published by Scroggs that Oates had contradicted himself in the evidence he had given on several occasions. But they too were refused a hearing, because Scroggs said that he would


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take cognizance of what Oates was saying now, that Oates was not obliged to reply to questions about what he had said on other occasions, even though he had been under oath, and that no reliance was to be placed upon published books, because printers can make mistakes. Turner and Gavan said that when Oates had been summoned against them, he had said he did not know them. Oates replied that this was true, because he had not recognised them on account of their periwigs; whereupon Turner showed that he had never used a periwig. Oates made several other statements of the same sort, i.e. plain falsehoods. (288) Next came Dugdall, who said that Harcourt had given orders in a letter to Evers, which bore the signatures of himself and other Jesuits, to seek out men to murder Charles; they must be quick to strike and ready to sacrifice their lives; whether or not they were nobles was of no consequence; he, Dugdall, had seen in a letter from Harcourt to Evers, written on the very day of Godfrey's disappearance, the words" Today Godfrey had been killed"; he had often heard Harcourt say that an army would soon arrive from neighbouring countries, that a large sum of money had been collected by Gavan for its maintenance, and that Harcourt had himself given ÂŁ300 for that purpose and promised another ÂŁ100. Gavan, emboldened by his clear conscience and by the truth, said" Look me in the face, please, while you pronounce those words." This challenge came as such a shock to one who was conscious alike of his own perjury and Gavan's innocence that he could neither open his mouth nor raise his eyes; instead, he stood there, thunderstruck. At this, one of the judges rebuked Gavan, saying" The court will not allow you to threaten the King's witnesses." Good God! Where was the threat in those words? What harm could they do-peace-Ioving men, who were not only unarmed but bound hand and foot, and laden with chains? What could they do to a powerfully-built man who was ready for attack, armed, and surrounded by a throng of satellites as well as by a populace hostile to the prisoners? (289) Then came Prance. He asserted that Waring, when paying the price of a silver statue, which was to be sent to Maryland in the dominions of Portugal, had said that Charles would soon be disposed of. Waring asked" When did I say that to you?" Prance replied "When you were paying for the four candlesticks." This made everybody wonder how Maryland, a not insignificant English colony, had passed into the power of Portugal, and by what metamorphosis one silver statue had turned into four candlesticks. (290) When Bedlow was summoned he said that Harcourt had spoken about Charles's death; that he had sent written instructions about coming to an agreement with Wakeman about administering a poisoned draught to the King; that he had discussed the reward to be given to Grove and Pickering (about whom see above); that Waring had given ÂŁ60 to the assassins who had followed Charles to Windsor, etc. (291) It availed the prisoners nothing to point out the innocence of their past lives, which were pure of all crime, as all who knew them would testify. It was of no avail to appeal to the uninterrupted loyalty of their relatives in the Civil Wars; useless to show that the witnesses' speeches were self-refuting and therefore unquestionably perjuries; useless to point out that of all the alleged preparations there was no evidence whatever apart from the mere words of the witnesses-that


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no soldiers, no arms, no horses, no money, had been found anywhere, and that not a single letter or note had been produced, although their accusers claimed to have seen such quantities of correspondence; useless too, to show up the vicious characters of the King's witnesses and the villainous and scandalous lives they had led; useless to show where they had been at the times when they were supposed to have been in London; useless to bring in unexceptionable witnesses to all these details; useless to say that there was no apparent reason why they should intrigue against Charles (who had served them well) and so damage themselves and their religion. All these things were said, and said in vain, to the deaf ears of the jury. Harcourt had truly remarked, before he was brought to trial, that" even should an angel from heaven be there, he would not convince them of our innocence; they are out for our blood, and will not rest until it is shed." In order to ensure the Fathers' condemnation, Scroggs raved with the utmost violence against the Catholics in a lengthy speech, calculated to drive the maddened jury still further out of their minds. " Their doctrines," he said, " are well known; they think it right and permissible not only to deceive heretics, and for that purpose to swear and forswear, but to kill them too-even to kill kings, when they have been proscribed by the Pope. Nay more, they think it "a pious and meritorious duty to do these things at the Pope's command .... " The witnesses called on behalf of the accused were not to be trustedespecially the pupils of the Seminary, whose teachers had perverted them with the aforementioned doctrine. In such a case the King's witnesses were the more to be trusted, the more wicked and villainous their lives had been. The prisoners had showed themselves remarkable sophists; they disregarded the substance of the charges and attacked particular circumstances which were not the subject of the witnesses' oath. They disputed about circumstances of time and place, contending that they were in a different place at the time when they were said to have plotted against the King. But what had this to do with the case? They could plot very well, even if they were in a different place; and the charge of parricide could stand, even if it were proved that they had been elsewhere. Further, the parricide and the conspiracy were the only things to which the witnesses had sworn. So even if Oates were shown to be wrong on certain points, or even to be lying or perjuring himself, it would not follow that he ought not to be believed about the rest. (Who ever heard such talk ?-as if it were not sufficient, for instance, in order to clear a man of a murder done in Paris on 1st June, to show that he was at that very time in Rome !) The Papists, Scroggs continued, were thirsting for the blood of Protestants and ready to quaff the King's blood and the people's alike. Then he gave a lurid description of the murder of Godfrey. Waring objected that, even if it were true that Godfrey had been murdered by some Papists, that was nothing to do with himself and his companions, who were not even charged with the crime. Scroggs answered with his usual ferocity that they and all other Papists were guilty of that crime: the murderers of Godfrey were Papists, and the prisoners at the bar were Papists; what a few had perpetrated upon Godfrey, that all the rest were ready to do to every Protestant, if only they had the strength. By that crime the whole Protestant population had been slaughtered in effigy, the Catholics' horrible designs had been exposed, the whole Plot had been proved. It was well known what the Papist Councils


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and the Bulls of the Roman Pontiffs decree against heretical Princes. The Papists were not allowed any exercise of their own judgment. Blind obedience was demanded of them . Finally, addressing the jury, he closed his speech with the remarkable sentence: "To your hands we commit these Murtherers, and if you do not find them Guilty, you are all Murtherers." This last sentence is missing in the printed records of the trial. It has, however, been published from evidence supplied by trustworthy persons who were present in court, in Remarks on the Tryal of Mr. Ireland, etc ., written by one who accompanied the Duke of York to Brussels, and published while the memory of the trial was still fresh. Further, it seems to be the natural conclusion of the preceding words which the published records contain, and neither Scroggs nor anyone else ever brought an action for libel against the author of the Remarks. (292) Throughout the time of the trial, all was in utter confusion. The crowd was so beside itself that it did not even stop at violence. The witnesses for the Catholics were endangered, and the youths summoned from St. Omers would have been torn limb from limb had not reverence for the judges, whose assistance was implored by the Earl of Castlemain, held the crowd in check. (293) PETER CARYLL'S LETTER. On the following day, 14th June, sentence of death was passed upon the five Fathers. Upon hearing it the rest gave thanks to God, and Gavan said, "If God's grace is with us, it matters not at all whether we die on the scaffold or elsewhere." A brief account of the whole trial is given by Yen. Father Peter Caryll, O .S.B., the son of a distinguished family in Sussex, who was present throughout the trial and observed carefully all that took place, in a letter written to Catherine Hall, a nun of the same Order at Cambray. After recording the speeches of the King's witnesses, he continues: " Then did the Prisoners (after a most solemn and Religious protestation of their Innocence and ignorance of any conspiracy against his Majesty) desire that their witnesses might be heard, which could demonstrate that Mr Oates was actually at St Omers all the whole time, but the Judge Scroggs askt each witness as he did appear, of what Religion he was, and upon answer that he was a Roman Catholick, the whole Court gave a shout of laughter: then the Judge would say to them r Well, what have you been taught to say? ' and by many scoffing questions (which moved the Court to frequent laughter) he did endeavour to take off the credibility of the witnesses. Then Butler, Taylor, and Gardiner of St Omers, offered to swear that they saw Mr Oates all the time at St Omers, when he swore he was at London. After that the Prisoners at the Barr produced sicteene witnesses more that proved Mr Oates forsworn in Mr Ireland's Tryal, because he was in Shropshire when he attested he was in London. Then did Gaven one of the Prisoners with a great deal of clearness and eloquence and with a cheerful countenance draw up their Justification, shewing the face of their Evidence and how fully their witnesses had proved Mr Oates purjured. Then he did lay open the improbability of such a Plott, and how unlikely Mr Oates should be intrusted in delivering Commissions to persons of Honour and Estates whom he never (as he acknowledged) had seen before or since . This was delivered by Mr Gawen with a countenance wholly unconcerned, and in a voice very audible, and largely and pertinently exprest. The Judge was incensed at this speech during which he often interrupted him, but


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Gawen still urg'd 'My Lord, I plead now for my Life, and for that which is dearer to me than life, the honour of my Religion, therefore I beseech you have a little patience with me.' (294) "After this Plea of Mr Gaven's the Judge made his Arrayne to the Jury, telling them that what the Prisoners had brought was only the bare assertions of boyes, who were taught it as a point of their Religion, to lye for the honour of their Religion, whereas Mr Oates, Mr Bedlow and others were upon their Oathes, and if Oathes were not to be taken no Courts could subsist. Then Mr Oates brought in four Witnesses which he had kept in reserve; an old Parson in his Canonical Gown, an old Dominican Priest ! Proh dolor et pudor ! and two women that swore they saw Mr Oates in the beginning of May 1678. At this the whole Court gave a shout of laughter and hallow, that for almost a quarter the Cryers could not still them. Never was a Bear-bayting more rude and boysterous then this Tryal. Upon this the Judge dismist the Jury to consider and bring in their Verdicts, who after half an hour's absence brought in the five Prisoners at the Barr all Guilty of High Treason. Thereupon the whole Court clapt their hands and gave a great hallow. (295) "It being now eight at night, the Court adjourned till next day at seven a Clock which was Saturday. I was present from five in the morning till the Court broke up. The Prisoners comported themselves most Apostolically at the Barr, not the least passion or alteration appeared in them at the invectives of the Judge or at the clamours of the people, but made a clear and candid defence, with a cheerful and unconcerned countenance. As a stander-by said, 'If they had been a Jury of Turks they had been quitted.' I was with them both before and after their Tryal, and had the Honour to be in my Function serviceable to them, which I look upon as that God favoured me in-I hope, for my future good. Next day Mr Langhorn a Lawyer, Sir George Wakeman, Mr Corker, Mr Marsh, Mr Rumbly, the three last Benedictines, were brought to the Barr, where the Indictment being read against them for conspiring the King's Death etc., they pleaded all not guilty. Then was Langhom first tryed, whose Tryal held so long that they had no time to Try the other four, and the Commission, by which they sate, expiring that day, the Judge adjorned the Tryal of the other 4 till the 14th of July. And then the Judge commanded the Keeper to bring the five Jesuits, whom with Langhorn were Sentenced to be Hang'd, Drawn and Quartered. Mr Corker and Mr Marsh are close Prisoners, and have been so this eight months, with whom I have been. God has fitted and is still fitting them as sacrifices for himself. They are very well disposed and resigned to God's holy will. Mr Rumly hath the Liberty of the Prison, with whom is Mr Eskett. ~ all cheerful and expect the good hour. On Thursday, the day before the five Jesuits were Executed, my Lord Shaftsbury was with Turner and Gaven, promising the Kings Pardon if they would acknowledge the Conspiracy. Mr Gaven answered he would not murder his Soul to save his Body, for he must acknowledge what he knew not, and what he did believe was not.

*

*

Thus the printed text. Warner gives his name as 'Claius ' -i .e. Matthew Clay. His brother was Daniel Clay of Co. Notts., a Franciscan of the Hungarian Province, incorporated in the English Province in 1fif)!) . , I.e. Hesketh.


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(296) "On Friday the 20th of June, Mr Whitebread upon one Sledge with Mr Harcourt, Mr Turner and Mr Gaven upon another Sledge, Mr Fenwick upon a sledge by himself, were drawn from Newgate to Tiburn. Mr Langhom is for a time Reprived and promised Pardon, if he will (as 'tis Reported) discover the Estates of the Jesuites: he was their Lawyer 'tis certain. My Lord Shaftesbury has been often with him. (297) "In the way they comported themselves seriously and cheerfully. Mr Gaven had smug'd himself up as if he had been going to a Wedding. When they arrived at Tiburn they each made a Speech, first, all averring their ignorance of any Plott against His Majesty, secondly, pardoning their Accusers, thirdly, hartily praying for them. (298) "But Mr Gaven in his Speech made an Act of Contrition, which was much liked by all, for he was an excellent Preacher. Then they all betook themselves to Meditation for more then a good quarter. The Multitude was great, yet there was a profound silence, and their most Religious comportment wonderfully allayed the fury of the People." (299) The above is a part of the account given by the good Father Caryll. In celebrating the praises of those whom he piously believed to be martyrs, he nearly became a martyr himself. While taking this letter to the Post Office, he was seized by the pursuivants and taken before Oates, who reported him to the Privy Council as being Nicholas Blundell, the Jesuit, one of the principal conspirators, whom he had often seen laden with a sack full of fire-balls. Oates said that he had frequently visited him and had often slept with him in the same bed. (300) While Oates babbled on as usual with enormous assurance, Caryll was summoned and at once recognised by Shaftesbury and others-because he had lived at Court as chaplain to her Majesty the Queen. So Shaftesbury, who was President of the Council, asked him, " Since when has Caryll the Benedictine become Blundell the Jesuit?" Caryll replied, " Since Mr. Oates on his oath has been pleased to endow me with that personality." Shaftesbury regretted that Caryll had been captured, for he was sincerely friendly to him-either on account of some interconnection between their two families, or merely because they were neighbours, or for some other reason. So he rescued Caryll from the trial which others wished him to undergo. By so doing he safeguarded Oates's trustworthiness, which had been jeopardised by his rashness in accusing a man unknown to him. When rumours about the incident had at last died down, Shaftesbury restored Caryll to freedom and his friends. (301) Our narrative will now accompany the Fathers led to the scaffold. There let us listen to what they said. Father Harcourt of blessed memory shall be first, since he was the first in order of dignity. He was born of a noble family in Essex, and met his end in the sixtyfirst year of his life, in the forty-fourth year of his religious life, and the twenty-seventh of his profession of the Four Vows. After strengthening the Catholics and confounding the heretics by sermons full of unction and by published books, he received (as may piously be hoped) the reward of his divine vocation. Long before, in tones of great emphasis, he had predicted his death and the manner of it. When a doctor told him during a serious illness that he would certainly die, and therefore should receive the Sacraments as soon as possible, the


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Father said in as clear a voice as he could, " I shall not die of this sickness, Doctor. I shall live on to narrate the works of God upon the scaffold." Whenever in bad weather he went round visiting others and they showed anxiety for his own poor health, he would say to them, " Do not worry about me. I am to die on the scaffold and for the Faith." (302) At the scaffold he spoke as follows: " I suppose it is expected I should speak something to the matter I am Condemned for, and brought hither to suffer: it is no less than the contriving and plotting His Majesty's Death, and the alteration of the Government of the Church and State. You all either know, or ought to k now, I am to make my appearance before the face of Almighty God, and with all imaginable certainty and evidence to receive a final Judgment, for all the thoughts, words, and actions of my whole life. So that I am not now upon terms to speak other than the Truth, and therefore in his most Holy Presence, and as I hope for Mercy from his Divine Majesty, I do declare to you here present, and to the whole World, that I go out of the World as innocent, and as free from guilt of these things laid to my charge in this matter, as I came into the World from my Mothers Womb: and that I do renounce from my heart all manner of Pardons, Absolutions, Dispensations for Swearing, as occasions or Interest may seem to require, which some have been pleased to lay to our charge, as matter of our Practice and Doctnne, but is a thing so unjustifiable and unlawful, that I believe, and ever did, that no power on earth can authorize me, or anybody to do so. As for those who have most falsely accused me (as time, either in this World or in the next, will make appear) I do heartily forgive them, and beg of God to grant them his holy Grace, that they may repent their unjust proceedings against me; otherwise they will in conclusion find they have done themselves more wrong than I have suffered from them, though that has been a great deal. I pray God bless His Majesty both Temporally and Eternally, which has been my daily Prayer for him, and is all the harm that I ever intended or imagined against him. And I do with this my last breath, in the sight of God declare, that I never did learn, or teach, or believe, nor can a Catholicke believe, that it is lawful on any occasion or pretense whatsoever, to design or contrive the Death of His Majesty, or any hurt to his Person. But on the contrary, all are bound to obey, defend and preserve his Sacred Person, to the utmost of their power. And I do moreover declare, that this is the true and plain sence of my soul, in the sight of him who knows the Secrets of my Heart, as I hope to see his blessed Face, without any Equivocation or mental Reservation. This is all I have to say concerning the matter of my Condemnation. That which remains for me now to do, is to recommend my Soul into the hands of my blessed Redeemer, by whose only Merits and Passion I hope for Salvation." (303) There suffered with him Father William Waring, who was in the seventieth year of his age, the forty-seventh of his religious life, the thirty-third since his profession of the Four Vows, and the thirty-fifth of his Apostolate. During these thirty-five years he cultivated the Lord's vineyard with energy and without complaint. He was Rector of the London College at the time of his martyrdom. The King's Cou~cillors regretted the capture of this good old man (though they ordered his execution, because he was a Jesuit), and


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therefore asked why he had not saved himself by flight . Was he not aware of the danger threatening him, they asked. He replied that the thought of that danger had lost all novelty for him, since it had been in and out of his mind daily for twenty-five years. He had stayed in London to help the imprisoned Fathers, as far as possible, because they were deprived of everyone else's assistance. (304) When bound to the gibbet. he addressed the crowd of bystanders as follows: "The words of dying persons have always been esteem'd as of greatest Authority; because uttered then, when shortly after they are to be cited before the high Tribunal of Almighty God . This gives me hopes that mine may be looked upon as such: therefore I do here declare in the presence of Almighty God, the whole Court of Heaven and this numerous Assembly, that as I ever hope by the Merits and Passion of my Lord and sweet Saviour JESUS CHRIST for Eternal Bliss, I am as innocent as the Child unborn of anything laid to my charge, and for which I am here to die." Sheriff: "Or Sir Edmund Bury Godfry's Death? " Waring: "Or Sir Edmund Bury Godfry's Death." Sheriff: "Did not you Write that Letter concerning the Dispatch of Sir Edmund Bury Godfry ? " Waring: "No Sir, These are the Words of a dying man, I would not do it for a Thousand Worlds." Sheriff: "How have you lived? " Waring: "I have lived like a Man of repute all my life, and never was before the Face of a J udg till my Tryal: No man can accuse me. I have from my Youth been bred up in the Education of my Duty towards God, and Man. And I do utterly abhor and detest that abominable false Doctrine laid to our charge, that we can have Licences to commit perjury, or any Sin to advantage our cause, being expressly against the Doctrine of St. Paul, saying, Non sunt jacienda mala, ut eveniant bona-Evil is not to be done that good may come thereof. And therefore we hold it in all cases unlawful to Kill or Murder any person whatsoever, much more our lawful King now Reigning, whose personal and temporal Dominions we are ready to defend with our Lives and Fortunes, against any Opponent whatsoever, none excepted. I forgive all that have contrived my death, and humbly beg pardon of Almighty God for them. And I ask pardon of all the World. I pray God bless His Majesty, and grant him a prosperous Reign. The like I wish to his Royal Consort, the best of Queens. I humbly beg the Prayers of all those who are in Communion with the Roman Church, if any such be present." (305) He was followed by Antony Turner, who spoke as follows: " Being now, good People, very near my End, and summon'd by a violent Death to appear before God's Tribunal, there to render an account of all my thoughts, words, and actions, before a just Judge, I conceive I am bound in Conscience to do myself that Justice, as to declare upon Oath my Innocence from the horrid Crime of Treason, with which I am falsely accused: And I esteem it a duty I owe to Christian Charity, to publish to the World before my death, all that I know in this point, concerning those Catholicks I have conversed with since the first noise of the Plot, desiring from the bottom of my heart, that the whole Truth may appear, that Innocence may be clear'd, to the great Glory of God, and the Peace and Welfare of the King and Country. As to myself, I call God to witness, that I was never in my


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whole life present at any Consult or Meeting of the Jesuits, where any Oath of Secrecy was taken, or the Sacrament, as a Bond of Secrecy, either by me or anyone of them, to conceal any Plot against His Sacred Majesty. Nor was I ever present at any Meeting or Consult of theirs where any proposal was made, or Resolve taken or signed, either by me or any of them, for taking away the Life of our Dread Sovereign an impiety of such a nature, that had I been present at any such Meeting I should have been bound by the Laws of God, and by the Principles of my Religion, (and by God's Grace would have acted accordingly) to have discovered such a develish treason to the Civil Magistrate, to the end they might have been brought to condign punishment. I was so far, good People, from being in September last at a Consult of the Jesuits at Tixall, in Mr. Ewer's Chamber, that I vow to God, as I hope for Salvation, I never was so much as once that year at Tixatl, my Lord Ashton's House. 'Tis true, I was at the Congregation of the Jesuits held on the 24th of April was twelve-month, but in that meeting, as I hope to be saved, we meddled not with State Affairs, but only treated about the Concern of our Province, which is usually done by us, without offence to temporal Princes, every third Year all the World over." Sheriff: "You do only justifie your selves here. We will not believe a word that you say. Spend your time in Prayer, and we will not think your time too long." Turner: "I am, good people, as free from the Treason I am accused of, as the Child that is unborn, and being innocent I never accused my self in Confession of any thing that I am charged with. Certainly, if I had been conscious to myself of any guilt in this kind, I should not so frankly and freely, as I did, of my own accord, have presented myself before the King's Most Honourable Privy Council. As for those Catholics which I have conversed with since the noise of the Plot, I protest before God, in the words of a dying Man, that I never heard anyone of them, either Priest or Layman, express to me the least knowledge of any Plot, that was then on foot among the Catholicks against the King's Most Excellent Majesty, for the advancing the Catholick Religion. I die a Roman Catholic, and humbly beg the Prayers of such, for my happy passage into a better Life. I have been of that Religion above Thirty years, and now give God Almighty infinite thanks for calling me by his holy Grace to the knowledge of this Truth, notwithstanding the prejudice of my former Education. God of his infinite Goodness bless the King, and all the Royal Family, and grant his Majesty a prosperous Reign here, and a Crown of Glory hereafter. God in his mercy forgive all those which have falsely accused me, and have had any hand in my Death. I forgive them from the bottom of my heart, as I hope myself for forgiveness at the Hands of God." This much he said to the people. (306) Then raising up his eyes to heaven, and his hands as well, so far as he could, he said: " 0 God, who hast created me to a supernatural end, to serve Thee in this life by Grace, and injoy thee in the next by Glory, be pleased to grant by the merits of thy bitter death and Passion, that after this wretched life shall be ended, I may not fail of a full injoyment of Thee my last end and sovereign good. I humbly beg pardon for all the sins which I have committed against thy Divine Majesty, since the first Instant I came to the use of reason to this very time. I am heartily sorry from the very bottom of my heart,


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for having offended thee so good, so powerful, so wise, and so just a God, and purpose by the help of thy Grace never more to offend thee my good God, whom I love above all things. (307) "0 sweet Jesus, who hath suffer'd a most painful and ignominious death upon the Cross for our Salvation, apply, I beseech thee, unto me the merits of thy Sacred Passion, and sanctifie unto me these sufferings of mine, which I humbly accept of for thy sake in union with the sufferings of thy sacred Majesty, and in punishment and satisfaction of my sins. (308) "0 My dear Saviour and Redeemer, I return thee immortal thanks for all thou hast pleased to do for me in the whole course of my life, and now in the hour of my Death, with a firm belief of all things thou hast revealed, and a steadfast hope of obtaining everlasting bliss. I cheerfully cast my self into the Arms of thy Mercy, whose Arms were stretched upon the Cross for my Redemption. Sweet Jesus, receive my Spirit." (309) . Gavan said : " Dearly beloved Countrey-men, I am come now to the last Scene of Mortality, to the hour of my Death, an hour which is the Horizon between Time and Eterrity, an hour which must either make me a Star to shine forever in the Empire above, or a Firebrand to burn everlastingly amongst the damned souls in Hell below; an hour in which, if I deal sincerely, and with a hearty sorrow acknowledge my Crimes, I may hope for mercy; but if I falsly deny them, I must expect nothing but EtefIlal Damnation: and therefore what I shall say in this hour I do solemnly swear, protest, and vow, by all that is Sacred in Heaven and Earth, and as I hope to see the Face of God in Glory , that I am as innocent as the Child unborn of those Treasonable Crimes, which Mr. Oates, and Mr. Dugdale, have sworn against me in my Trial, and for which Sentence of Death was pronounced against me the day after my Trial. And that you may be assured that what I say is true, I do in the like manner protest, vow, and swear, as I hope to see the Face of God in Glory, that I do not in what I say unto you make use of any Equivocation. or mental Reservation, or material Prolocution, or any such like way to palliate Truth. Neither do I make use of any dispensations from the Pope, or any body else; or of any Oath of secrecy, or any absolution in Confession or out of Confession to deny the truth, but I speak in the plain sence which the words bear, and if I do speak in any other sence, to palliate or hide the truth, I wish with all my soul that God may exclude me from his Heavenly Glory, and condemn me to the lowest place of Hell Fire: and so much to that point. (310) "And now my dear Countrey-men, in the second place, I do confess and own to the whole World that I am a Roman Catholick, and a Priest, and one of that sort of priests called Jesuits; and now because they are so falsely charged with holding King-killing Doctrine, I think it my duty to protest to you with my last dying words, that neither I in particular, nor the Jesuits in general, hold any such opinion, but utterly abhor and detest it, and I assure you that amongst the vast number of Authors, which among the Jesuits have printed Philosophy, Divinity, Cases, or Sermons, there is not one, to the best of my knowledge, that holds a King-killing doctrine, or holds this position, That it is lawful for a private Person to kill a King, although an Heretick, although a Pagan, although a Tyrant: there is, I say, not one J esuit that holds this except Mariana, the Spanish Jesuit, and he defends it,


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not absolutely, but only problematically, for which his Book was called in , and that opinion expunged and censured. And is it not a sad thing, that for the rashness of one single Man, whilst the rest cry out against him, and hold the contrary, that a whole Religious Order should be sent enc'd? But I have not time to discuss this point at large, and therefore I refer you to a Royal Author, I mean the wise and victorious King Henry the Fourth of France, the Royal Grandfather of our present gracious King, in a public Oration which he pronounced, in defence of the jesuits, amongst other things declareing, that he was very well satisfied with the jesuits Doctrine concerning Kings, as being conformable to the best Doctors in the Church. But why do I relate the testimony of one single Prince, when the whole Catholick World is the jesuits Advocate? Therein chiefly Germany, France, Italy, Spain, and Flanders, trust the Education of their Youth, to them in a very great meaSU1;e, they trust their own Souls to be governed by them, in the administration of the Sacraments. And can you imagin so many great Kings and Princes, and so many wise States, should do or permit this to be done in their Kingdoms, if the jesuits were men of such damnable principles as they are now taken for in England? (311) "In the third place, dear Countrey-men, I do protest that as I never in my life did machine, or contrive either the deposition or death of the King, so now at my death, I do heartily desire of God to grant him a quiet and happy Reign upon Earth, and an Everlasting Crown in Heaven. For the Judges also, and the Jury, and all those that were any ways concerned, either in my Tryal, Accusation, or Condemnation, I do humbly ask pardon of God, to grant them both Temporal and Eternal happiness. And as for Mr. Oates, and Mr. Dugdale, I call God to witness, they by false Oaths have brought me to this untimely end. I heartily forgive them, because God commands me to do so; and I beg of God for his infinite Mercy to grant them true Sorrow and Repentance in this World, that they may be capable of Eternal happiness in the next. And having discharged my Duty towards my self, and my own Innocence towards my Order, and its Doctrine to my Neighbour, and the World, I have nothing else to do now, my great God, but cast myself into the Arms of your Mercy. I believe you are One Divine Essence and Three Divine Persons, I believe the Second Person of the Trinity became Man to redeem me, and I believe you are an Eternal Rewarder of the Good, and an Eternal Chastiser of the Bad. In fine, I believe all you have reveal'd for your own infinite Veracity; I hope in you above all things, for your infinite Fidelity; and I love you above all things, for your infinite Beauty and Goodness, and I am heartily sorry that ever I offended so great a God with my whole heart: I am contented to undergo an ignominious Death for the love of you, my dear Jesu, seeing you have been pleased to undergo an ignominious death for the love of me." Thus spoke Gavan. (312) The last to speak was Fenwick. These were his words: " Good People, I suppose you expect I should say something as to the Crime I am Condemned for, and either acknowledge my Guilt, or assert my Innocency. I do therefore declare before God and the whole World, and call God to witness that what I say is true, that I am innocent of what is laid to my Charge of Plotting the King's Death, and endeavouring to subvert the Government, and bring in a Foreign Power, as the Child unborn, and that I know nothing of it, but what I have learned from Mr. Oates and his Companions, and what comes originally


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from them ." Here he was interrupted by the Sheriff, who desired to know whether he had anything to say about the forged letters or about the murder of Godfrey. Fenwick replied that the letters were unknown to him, that he knew nothing about the murder of Godfrey, and that if anything had been done amiss against him at the trial by the judge or jury or witnesses, he pardoned them with all his soul, (313) Then, continuing his speech, he said: "As to what is commonly said and believed of Roman Catholicks, that they are not to be believed or trusted, because they can have Dispensations for Lying, Perjury, Killing Kings, and other the most enormous Crimes, I do utterly renounce all such Pardons, Dispensations, and with all declare, That it is a most wicked and malicious Calumny cast upon Catholicks, who do with all their hearts and souls detest all such wicked and damnable Practises, and in the words of a dying Man, and as I hope for Mercy at the hands of God, before whom I must shortly appear and give an account of all my actions, I do again declare, That what I have said is true, and I hope Christian Charity will not let you think, that by the last act of my Life, I would cast away my Soul, by sealing up my last Breath with a damnable Lye." (314) Such, then, were the speeches of Fenwick and the others. We owe the possession of them to the avarice of the printers and the curiosity of the people, for they were printed on the day following. (315) OPINIONS ABOUT THE FIVE FATHERS. No one should be surprised that the Fathers of happy memory used so many attestations, protestations, affirmations and denials on oath, prayers, and renunciations of indulgences, or that some of them denied having confessed or sought absolution from the crime of treason, and talked of other such matters far removed from everyday speech. These things were deemed necessary if they were to win credence, because the heretics would otherwise place no faith in what they said. (316) All the bystanders watched the Fathers' sufferings with grief, and many with tears. Belief in the reality of the Plot collapsed almost at the moment of their death. Shaftesbury himself said that hanging so many on one occasion had been a mistake, because now that the popular mind was pacified, it would be impossible to stir it up again without a great expenditure of careful effort over a long period of time. Nevertheless, the effort would have to be made, if they wanted to reap the harvest they had sought by so much upheaval. (317) Adam Elliot, a Protestant Minister and Canon of the Cathedral Church of Dublin, did not hesitate to declare the Fathers martyrs, because they had preferred to die rather than break the Law of the Decalogue by bearing false witness. Several other Protestants said the same, and for the same reason. His Eminence Cardinal Retz, formerly Archbishop of Paris, said that if he then enjoyed the power he had formerly possessed, he would have built a chapel to them, since they were undoubtedly martyrs. (318) As for the speeches, there can be no doubt that they were really uttered by the Fathers, since they were listened to by the Protestants and published several times by their presses, and offered for sale in their shops, while the memory of the events was still fresh. (Otherwise the speeches would not have survived to us.) One edition was published by the Bishop of Lincoln, a bitter enemy of the Catholics. To prevent anyone from thinking that he was playing false to his own case, he added malicious notes, which will be discussed below. The


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speeches are, therefore, free from any suspicion of falsification, because the heretics did not alter them- in our favour at any rate. Indeed they had no chance of altering them, because they were given to the printers when the sound of the words had scarcely ceased echoing in men's ears. (319) THE CREDIT DUE TO MEN's DYING WORDS. Everyone agrees that the words of dying men, even if they are great criminals, have great power- as great as words possibly can have-to create belief, even if words have not this effect when they come from men who are alive a nd well. So long as men are in good health and promise themselves a lon g life, so long as they are swayed by a variety of influences, so long as they desire honours and wealth, so long as they are bent on taking vengeance on their enemies and benefiting their friends, so long as they are forgetful of the past and eager for ever higher achievements, no faith, or very little, can be placed in what they say. For they do not really spea;k themselves. Their tongues are placed at the service of hope, fear, hate, love, rivalry, and malice. They say not what is really in their hearts, but what they wish people to believe is there. All is deceit, fraud, mere play-acting- illusion pure and simple. But when death is imminent, when it is certain and unavoidable, all fear of present things departs, hope vanishes- love, hatred, ambition and anger recede. Illusion is dispelled : the mask, put on to deceive others, is laid aside as of no further use, and the man is seen such as he really is within himself. In this life there is no sincerity: all we see is a painted surface. In the other there is no room for hypocrisy. Here nobody is believed when he speaks about himself. In the other life anyone is believed of himself, for he has no more desire than he has power to lie about himself. The sincerity of the other world begins already to take possession of the heart when a man stands upon the confines of life and death-when he has completed his mortal life and begins his immortality. And it is not only others whom a man deceives in this life; he often dupes himself as well. His use of reason is weakened, if not altogether destroyed, by violent passions. As his loves or hates are stronger, and his hopes and fears more potent, he sees the truth more darkly, judges of it more corruptly, suppresses it more carefully, explains it more malevolently, conceals it more cautiously, attacks it more heatedly, and hates it more violently. But when he looks death in the face, when he comes to the end of the present life and the opening of the next-when, in Gavan's words, he stands on the horizon of time and eternity, and like the Janus of mythology contemplates at once the past and the future (the earth which he is leaving and Heaven or Hell which he is approaching) then he recognises the truth more clearly, judges of it more rightly, loves it more vehemently, and explains it more honestly. Therefore do we hear that many on the point of death have confessed secret crimes, which neither astute lawyers with their cunning cross-questions, nor pitiless torturers with their spikes, racks and wrenching of limbs, could force them to admit. Great is truth, and she prevails. If the truth alone, deprived of all human aid, was so effective as to disconcert Dugdall, a man normally bold and brazen, so that when Gavan said to him, " Look me straight in the eyes if you can, while you say that of me," Dugdall could neither face him nor utter another word-if, I say, the truth was as effective as this, even when rewards were offered as an enticement to lie, when the judges were inviting the witnesses to lie, when the populace was applauding liars, and all were encouraging liars, how great, I ask,


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will be the efficacy of truth when those things have passed away and given place to better ?-when there will be no rewards offered for lying, when the applause of the populace will be hushed, and when the Just Judge appears, God himself, Who is the unchangeable Truth, Who above all hates false oaths and exacts strict vengeance for them? (320) These considerations show that dying men are worthy of all trust, especially when their words have the support of great probability, as in the present case. The irreproachable and blameless lives of the prisoners on the one hand, and the utterly corrupt morals of the witnesses on the other, were matter of common knowledge. Besides, the witnesses' evidence was full of contradictions. The Fathers were the more readily believed on account of their bearing, their composure of mind, the serenity of their countenance (which imminent death left quite unaltered), the calmness of their speeches, the solidity of their discourses, the piety of their prayers. All the watchers were either hushed in the spell of admiration, or else broke out into praise of the Fathers and detestation of the judges and witnesses. (321) ATTACKS MADE ON THE SPEECHES. Those who, not for God's sake, nor for the King's, nor for love of justice or truth, had been responsible for the fabrication of the Plot, and had employed all their skill to win it credence, did not, at this turning-point, relinquish their former selves or their unjust cause. On the contrary, still actuated by the same motives, they tried to revive their cause by publishing attacks upon the Fathers' speeches . Chief among them were Tonge and the Bishop of Lincoln, who wielded the pen with their customary malevolence and fury. But" the arrows of children are their wounds" (Ps. 63, 8) . So idle, so futile, so childish, are the things they say, that it is a source of amazement how such writings could come from the pens of men who had been awarded the Doctor's laurel in Theology. Yet popular report and their own admission guarantee their authorship-in fact, Tonge put his name to the Notes. But let us hear what they said. Each objection of theirs will be followed by an answer. The answers are very brief, so as not to bore the reader. (322) TONGE. Tonge says: (1) All criminals assert their innocence in the like manner at their death. Answer: The contrary is proved by daily experience. Your own associates, who were found guilty of a real conspiracy, admitted their guilt at the scaffold, though they had obstinately denied it in the courts. (2) Priests teach their pupils to deny everything, even what is most manifest. They have learned this hellish and fiendish trickery from Rome. Ans.: What Catholic ever taught that is it permissible to lie and swear false oaths? (3) If they had not spoken as they did, it would have meant the end of the Peers in the Tower, of the honour and the property of their Order, and indeed of the Order itself. Ans.: Have these things as much weight with a dying man as the eternal salvation of his soul? (4) How astonishing, he says, is the Papists' obstinacy! Most of them are guilty, yet only four admit their crime. Ans.: Wonderful indeed is the Catholics' constancy in asserting their innocence and that of their fellows. It is born of the witness of a conscience pure of every crime against the King. You call these men guilty, simply because they were accused. But if no more is needed to make a man guilty than to accuse him, who will be innocent? Neither the Martyrs, nor the Apostles nor the very Fount and Model of all innocence, Christ our Lord. Tonge says that four Papists admitted the crime of treason. Yet it


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is certain that two o£ them, Oates and Bedlow, never were Papists, and that none of them turned informer through love of the truth, but one in order to escape torture and the other three for the sake 6f filthy lucre. (5) It is impudence to deny that Oates was in London in the month of April, 1678. Ans. : On the contrary, it is impudence to assert it in the face of the evidence of two hundred persons, who lived with him at St. Omers throughout the whole of that month. (The truth of this matter has now been confirmed by a public judgment.) (6) Gavan said that he pardoned Oates and Dugdall with all his heart. This is a lie, and I do not see how it can be excused. Ans.: By what revelation did you learn that Gavan did not forgive with all his heart, contrary to his explicit words? For, since it is a question of a secret of the heart, known to God alone, you could not know it except by His revelation. (7) Gavan denies neither that the deeds of which he was accused were done, nor that they were rightly done. Ans. : Read his own words. ' From them it is plain that he denied absolutely everything of which he had been accused. (8) Gavan does not deny that the Pope has a right to be King of England, nor that the Pope exercised that right, nor that he has deposed the King, nor that he has offered ownership of the King's dominions to France. Ans.: Nor does he deny that the Turk, the Cham of the Tartars, or the devil, has such power. Surely you will not say that therefore he acknowledges their right? If the grounds of accusation had been different, he would have denied other things than what he did deny. But, as things are, he was right to deny only what had been wrongly attributed to himself and his companions. (9) While speaking of the falsity of the accusati'ens, he does not renounce indulgences and equivocations. Ans.: See the page of the book! Only read his words: they refute this lie. (10) It was a matter of supreme importance for the prisoners to testify their innocence in that fashion . Ans.: Yes, if they really were innocent. Otherwise they would have lost all hope of obtaining salvation-a thing of incomparably greater consequence. (11) The Roman Church, being strict in all things, just as she has instituted a formula of prayer for her priests in the Breviary and Missal, so also has prescribed a formula for her martyrs to be followed in their speeches at death. Ans.: These undisguised falsehoods show what spirit possesses your heart. They do more damage to you than to us. (12) The speeches agree in many points, which shows that they are derived from one and the same formula . Ans.: This resemblance shows that all who were accused of the same crimes were equally innocent. Nor is there any need to introduce a deus ex machina to explain how several men who were to speak about the same thing, and to assert one and the same truth) expressed the same sentiments and often in the same words. So much for Tonge, the builder of the Plot, and his defence of what he had built. (323) THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN. Let us examine what the Bishop of Lincoln wrote. He says: (1) To prevent these speeches of the Jesuits from doing any harm, I publish them with an antidote against the poison they are full of. Answer: You have done the Catholics a most welcome service by publishing them, for hereafter neither you, nor any of your like, will be able to deny their authenticity, now that you have proved it with your testimony. Hence one may say to you, as Joseph said to his brothers, "You thought evil against me; but God has turned it into good." (2) All call God to witness, deny teach ¡ R


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ing immoral doctrine, pray for the I ing and for themselves, etc. Ans.: What evil or what poison is there in all this? When you had condemned them to die the death of dogs, would you have them meet that death like dogs, without any mention of God or any thought of their souls? The devil might wish so, but no Christian, no man in his senses; and yet that is what this so-called Bishop of the Protestant Church seems to have wished. (3) If their protestations and oaths are sincere, they must be considered apostates and deserters of their Order. Ans.: Far different is the opinion entertained of them by their brethren who survive, and by all the Catholics in the world, who know better than you do what that Order teaches. (4) A true Jesuit believes his Superior when he speaks, in just the same way as he believes God when He reveals. Ans. : No Jesuit ever spoke in that way. The Jesuits know that their superiors are men who can be deceived and make mistakes; but they teach that all superiors, both ' spiritual and temporal, should be obeyed so long as they order nothing contrary to the law of God. They know that when a superior has enjoined something contrary to the law of God, obedience must be rendered to God rather than to man. (5) The whole heavenly doctrine of the Jesuits reduces to this : it is permissible not merely to lie, but also to confirm the lie with an oath. Hence the Jesuit tag: " Swear, swear false; but keep the secret hid." Ans.: The Jesuits may say, with one of the early Fathers, that they do not write their defence but live it; the whole tenor of their life in England refutes this calumny of yours; some of them have been punished with exile, others with imprisonment, and others with death, for their refusal of an oath which contains false statements. But how incautious of you to charge the Jesuits with perjury I- a crime which is abhorrent to them, but is your cherished and favourite vice. Or have you ever refused any oath at all, however unjust, however false, provided it served .your own interest? Have you not taken oaths that flatly contradict each other, conflict head-on, and mutually destroy each other? In the time of the civil disturbances when the supreme power was frequently passing from one possessor to another, and each successive tyrant wished to secure by oath the perpetual adherence of the English people, to the exclusion of all others and even of their legitimate ruler, you, my Lord Barlow, you, I say, who have always fawned upon the powers of the day, never once refused any oath that was demanded of you, but willingly took them all. I am making no new charge. I do not dig through walls in search of secret abominations. Your shameful readiness to flatter everybody was publicly cast in your face in undisguised language before a full assembly of your own university, and all applauded the man who spoke against you. If one may conjecture your future actions from your past (and why not ?), supposing the Turk or the devil, or the Pope, whom you think much worse than either of them, should obtain power in England and demand any oath whatsoever of you, you would not refuse it. Keep for yourself then that tag of the Priscillianists; it suits you as well as it suits Clitella's ass. (6) In pagan rituals there occurs nothing so horrible as the ceremonies of the Jesuits, at which they consecrate the man and the dagger, that are ready to kill kings. They take the man into a separate chamber, and there place upon the table the dagger, which is enclosed in a sheath covered with secret symbols; nearby lies an amulet, which they call an " Agnus Dei." Then they draw the dagger from the sheath, sprinkle it with holy water, and hand it to the man


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entwined in a rosary of coral, saying at the same time: " Receive, 0 son of God, the sword of Jephte, the sword of Samson, the sword of David, wit h which he cut off the head of Goliath. Go, be of good heart, an d take care." Then on bended knees they mutter the exorcism: "0 Cher ubim and Seraphim, Thrones and Powers, and all ye holy Angels, come down and fill this sacred vessel with eternal glory. Offer for him daily a rosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary and of the holy Patriarchs a nd Martyrs; for henceforth he is yours, and looks no more to us." Then they lead him to an altar dedicated to Jacobus Clemens, show him the picture of Jacobus, and say aloud: "Strengthen, 0 Lord, this arm, the instrument of your vengeance; may all the Saints rise up and yield their places to him." An invention of men more wicked than devils! (Translation). Ans. : This censure is perfectly justified, but it falls either upon you, my Lord, or on some others like you, herald$ of a new Gospel and enemies of the old, from whose workshop it came forth packed with lies. Trifles such as these (if flagrant lies may be called trifles) would never have been given a place in this history if they did not plainly show the character of the foes with whom we had to contend. If one who is a Doctor of Theology and has been raised to the highest dignity in his church could make up criticisms so stupid and so far from even the appearance of truth, and shamelessly cast them at us in a published work, what shall we think of the lesser prophets? How violent is their passion? Are they not seething with bile? What lies are they not turning out in their lurking-places? (7) If the Catholics defend the cause of the Jesuits, they are pleading a very bad case. Ans.: You are not a competent judge of the case of the Jesuits, nor of the Catholics, upon whom you have declared war Others judge more fairly-those who have declared the Catholics Not Guilty. (8) The Jesuits are exiled from England, France, Venice, Bohemia, Moravia, Transylvania and Belgium. Ans.: Why, then, are you worried about them? If this were true the Jesuits would deserve pity rather than hate and enmity. (9) The letter of Waring, written within three hours of the murder of Godfrey, in which he mentioned that Godfrey had been done away with, shows how trustworthy Waring is. Ans. : Why has that letter never been produced, to provide us with some other proof besides the bare words of vicious men? Waring expressly denied, both before the judges and at the scaffold, that he had written any such letter; and he challenged his accusers to produce it-but all in vain. If you have no letter, why do you pretend you have? If you have it and will not produce it, you are undermining your own case. (10) The Jesuits ought to have omitted their prayers for the judges and witnesses. Ans.: What do I hear? Do you condemn them for having pardoned their enemies and prayed for them?-for having observed the Law of God and the Gospel? Are these the words, are these the sentiments of a Bishop and a Christian, or of a Jew, or a Turk, or a demon? Do you condemn in them that charity which is the soul of the Gospel, while you pretend to teach the Gospel pure and simple, and make this your boast? But in your thoughts, words and works there is no trace of the Gospel-except the mere word. So much for Barlow's Antidotes (which deserve to be labelled' Poison' much more than the Jesuits' speeches do) and for my Answer, published long ago. That the Answer reached him is beyond doubt, since it was addressed to him and given to the Post. But we received no answer from him.


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(324) THE' FIMBRIA.' A third writer published Animadversions upon the same speeches under an assumed name. He is indignant because the Fathers asserted their innocence, and accuses them of playing with equivocations, on the ground that some authors have taught that equivocations are occasionally permissible, and that some have also used them. He adds that there are casuists who approve of murder. And his conclusion is that it is a shameful thing that some people actually prefer to take the word of five traitors denying the existence of the Plot, against two Parliaments asserting it. To this work J . Warner, the author of the Answer to it, gave the name Fimbria, after a Roman who did something of the same sort, namely, he brought a case against an honest citizen of Rome because he " had not allowed the whole weapon to enter his body," as Fimbria had hoped he would. Similarly, this author was attacking the Jesuits because they had not allowed their moral life, that is, their reputation for innocence, to be taken away along with their natural life. The AntiFimbria showed that most of the passages from the various authors quoted had been falsified, and that none of them had anything to do with the dead Jesuits. Then it pointed out that the comparison between the Jesuits and the Parliaments is fallacious, since the Parliaments were not themselves the witnesses to the Plot, but gave credence to the testimony of Oates about it. Hence the comparison to be made is between Oates alone and the five Jesuits: are they or is he to be believed? The decision is not difficult, since, in the first place, on the one hand stand five men who are never known to have said anything false, and on the other, one man who has scarcely ever said anything true. Secondly, there stand five who had perhaps never taken an oath, against one who had frequently taken false oaths. Thirdly, there stand five who would inevitably have been damned if they had lied, against one who would have been dying of hunger if he had not lied. Fourthly, there stand five who preferred to die rather than lie, against one who supported his life by his lies. Fifthly, there stand five whose words were always consistent, against one who was always making and swearing to incompatible or contradictory statements. Finally, there stand five who said nothing that was not probable and likely, against one who said a great deal that was imaginary and improbable, and not a little that was impossible. When these considerations have been carefully weighed, it is not difficult to say which way the balance should incline. (325) THE FOURTH: 'E.C.' The fourth who attacked the speeches was E.C., a doctor of Civil Law, who made up a fairly large book of the opinions of certain authors. He too received his answer, namely that: (1) It was not proved that the five Jesuits had even seen the authors he quoted (2) nor that they approved of their doctrines. (3) Still less was it proved that they had followed those doctrines in their scaffold speeches. (4) There is no good argument to show that any Englishman should be held responsible for whatever is written by a Sicilian or a Spaniard. So the whole contents of E.C.'s book prove nothing. When the good man saw from this Answer that his first edition had fared ill, he prepared another, and published a book entitled" A full and Final Proof of the Plot from the Apocalypse, whence it is shown that the evidence of Titus Oates and William Bedlow is of Right Divine. London: Thomas Simmons, at the Prince's Arms." The words from which he derives this new Divine Right are


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in chapter XI, verse 3, of the Apocalypse: "And I will give unto my two witnesses, and they shall prophesy a thousand two hundred sixty days, clothed in sackcloth." He infers that this prophecy has not yet been accomplished from the consideration that Rome, which is there called Babylon, has not yet fallen; and that it is now about to be fulfilled because those two witnesses are about to expel Papism not merely from England, but from the whole of Europe. The author confesses that many false statements have been made by those fine prophets, but contends that this does not at all impair their credit, because at least some of the things they have said have been true. These arguments seemed to him so certain that he concluded that no~e but atheists would doubt about his discourse. He claims that what he is saying cannot be rejected except by holding that John, the author of the Apocalypse, was an impostor. These were the dreams of the good man E.C., whoever he was-this doctor of Civil Law who, if he knows no more of human law than he does of divine, must have been treated with great partiality when he was given his doctorate. (326) So far nothing has occurred to delay the hurrying reader or to cause him much grief. If the martyrs' sufferings have distressed him, their crowns will have been a consolation. Moreover, those against whom my charges were levelled were professed enemies of the Jesuits and of the Roman Catholic Church, so that I could speak freely whatever it was right for me to say and them to hear. But now I must restrain my vehemence, since I begin to consider" equal eagles on either side, and pikes ranged against pikes." The one thing wanting to the evils borne by the Society with unbroken courage was thisthat " the sons of the mother herself should fight against her." For God wished to try the Society in all possible ways, not with a view to its destruction, whatever its opponents may have designed, but for its greater merit in this world and glory in the next. (327) Before proceeding further, I earnestly beg of all who shall read what follows not to turn the crime of one man to the disgrace of others, most of whom detested the crime, even though they continued to honour the person of its author on account of the indelible character of his sacerdotal dignity. The whole College of Apostles was not disgraced by having one Judas, nor David by begetting the incestuous Amnon or the rebel Absalom, nor Jacob because his son Ruben defiled his bed, nor Isaac because his son was an object of hatred, nor Abraham because he had the grief of seeing his son cast out of his home. The company of the wicked does no harm to the good, unless they take the disgrace upon themselves by approving the actions of the wicked, and so making them their own. (328) THE FIFTH: JOHN SERGEANT. The fifth person who tried to come to the aid of the Plot in its distressed and languishing condition was John Sergeant, about whom something has been said at the end of Book II. For many years he had lived apart from other Catholics; when other priests living in London were enjoying as much security (apart from the distinction of dress) as in Rome or Paris, he was fleeing the light and seeking places of retreat-now crossing into France, now retreating elsewhere, to escape the dangers which he said were threatening him. But when the Persecution broke out and other priests, including members of the Secular Clergy, had gone into hiding through a not ungrounded fear, he walked about the streets of London in broad daylight without disguise and without fear. He seems to


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have been out of England at the time when the five Fathers were hanged. Shortly afterwards he visited Louvain, and returned thence to Brussels. While at Brussels he utterly refused to visit the Nuncio, though he was earnestly pressed to do so by a common friend, who even offered him a guarantee of security, because Sergeant said that he feared for his life, or at least for his liberty, if he approached the Nuncio. After that he visited Ghent, but did not think fit to visit the English Jesuits who have a house there, or the English nuns. The explanation of this he alone knows. Then he made for Holland, and wrote from the Hague to Parliament that those who thought he would play the informer or confirm the famous Plot with his testimony were wrong. He had bigger things in view, and they would come to light in a short time. This unsought excuse has seemed to many to be a plain selfaccusation. (329) Sergeant's letter gave rise to a tense expectancy, which was greatly increased, when it was known that Charles's ambassador to the United Provinces had taken ship with Sergeant, brought him to London, and presented him to the Privy Council. The mountains were in labour, and brought forth a ridiculous mouse! It became known soon after that Sergeant had accused Gavan of lying. The charge was based on some words alleged by a female penitent of Sergeant's to have been uttered by Gavan. The accusation was greeted with laughter by all but Charles, who rejected it angrily, saying "Would you have me believe one foolish young woman rather than five dying men?" Those who were present while these words were spoken have persistently denied that they heard them or that any occasion was given for them. (330) Sergeant was given a hearing before the Parliament at Oxford, about which see below. He was there bidden to publish this accusation, such as it was (we shall give it below, when we come to that Parliament); but the publication of it has done more damage to his own reputation than to the Society's. It is believed that he had further designs, namely, to expel from England first the Society and then other religious orders, and to obtain liberty, under certain restrictions, for a certain number of secular priests, who would take an oath. He had as his Achates a certain Morris, who also made his contribution to increase the volume of accusations: his deposition was printed and published along with Sergeant's (see below). However, whether his plans were what I have said, or whatever else they were, I should not readily allow myself to be persuaded that Sergeant communicated his designs to his fellow-seculars, and far less that they approved of them. Rather, I am convinced that Sergeant himself now condemns them, and so has now quite regained his senses. God grant that he may (by serious and public repentance) make satisfaction for the grave scandal he has given. I remark in passing that it is a dangerous thing to insinuate into the minds of any Catholics hatred of another Catholic, and especially of a religious order. For unless such antipathy is conjoined with great moderation of mind (which is rarely found with such great hatred), or a high degree of prudence, which can keep the unrestrained mind within the path of reason, it will almost inevitably, sooner or later, if it has intelligence at its service, give birth to some monster for the ruin of good men. (331) So much for the speeches of the five Fathers of happy memory. On the very day of their martyrdom a daughter of Thomas


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Armstrong (who was an adviser to Monmouth and his inseparable travelling companion) went into the workshop of a Catholic silversmith. When she saw them working as usual she asked" Why are you not celebrating a feast to-day in honour of the five martyrs? " The silversmith's daughter replied "We don't celebrate the day as yet; but when your father has suffered the same torments, and on the same day of the year, then we shall make it a feast day." It turned out, five years later to the very day, that he suffered the same tortures in the same place. With God's help they will be described in due course. So much for the five Fathers of the Society. (332) THE MARTYRDOM OF RICHARD LANGHORNE. Sentence was passed upon Richard Langhorne at the same time as upon the Fathers. Langhorne was learned in the Law of England and a sincere professor of the Catholic Faith. This recommended him to the Catholics. He looked after ,various concerns of theirs, and did some business for the Jesuits too. Almost at the very beginning of the Persecution he was cast into prison, and on 14th April was brought out to stand trial. The witnesses against him, Oates and Bedlow, said that -he had done all in his power to promote the evil designs of the Jesuits and other seditious persons; he had kept a book, into which he wrote all the decisions of the Jesuits; Coleman's letters to Pere de la Chaise had been written into this book. Bedlow, it was claimed, while walking up and down in Langhorne's chamber, had seen Langhorne writing in the study. (That this was not merely false but impossible was obvious, since it is impossible to see into the study from Langhorne's chamber. Yet the judges did not see fit to send somebody to inspect the place, though it was scarcely 100 yards distant, and the prisoner earnestly asked for someone to be sent.) Oates said that Letters Patent of the General of the Jesuits had been sent to the prisoner for distribution to the nobles, and that Langhorne had taken them out of a bookcase in his study and shown them to him. The prisoner replied that he neither had then, nor ever had had, a bookcase in his study, and called upon various people present to bear witness to this; but they were refused a hearing. He asked the witnesses whether they had received or hoped to receive any profit from giving evidence. Each boldly replied that so far from hoping for any gain from doing his duty to the state, he had already spent ÂŁ700 of his own capital. This seemed remarkable to those who knew that for six months on end Bedlow had lived on nothing but alms while he was in prison in London, and that Oates, after he had been left to himself by the Jesuits, had begged for bread from door to door like a real beggar. To prove that Oates had contradicted himself, the prisoner produced the authentic document containing the depositions made by Oates in the Upper Chamber of Parliament; but the judges forbade it to be read. He also adduced, to prove the same thing, the records of the trials of other prisoners published by order of the judges themselves; but the same judges declared that no reliance was to be placed on them. The eagerness of the judges to deprive the prisoner of every means of defending his innocence only made his innocence more manifest. Nevertheless, the jury gave their verdict in favour of the prosecution, and Langhorne was pronounced Guilty. (333) At once the death sentence was passed upon him; but it was not carried out until after the lapse of a whole month, namely, on 14th July. In the interval, Shaftesbury frequently visited him and

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warned him of the destitution of his wife and small children, saying that he could avoid death if only he would acknowledge the Plot, and that by so doing he would obtain not only his life but wealth and honour as well. But the prisoner protested again and again that he knew absolutely nothing about the Plot; he added that the foundations of the Plot had been so stupidly laid by Oates that he himself, were he so wicked and so God-forsaken as to want to save his life by lies and perjury, would be unable to build upon such foundations anything which would satisfy any sane man. . (334) When bound to the scaffold he said to the Sheriff that he had committed to writing what he had to say, because he could not trust his memory, and because he had not been sure whether he would be granted permission to speak. Then he read the paper, of which the contents were as follows: " I do solemnly and sincerely, in the presence of Almighty God, profess, testifie and declare, as followeth: That is to say, . 1. "That I do with my heart and soul, believe and own my most Gracious Soveraign Lord, the Kings Majesty, King Charles the Second, to be my true and lawful Soveraign, Prince and King, in the same sence and latitude, to all intents and purposes, as in the Oath commonly called, The Oath of Allegiance, His said Majesty is expressed to be King of this Realm of England. 2. "That I do in my soul believe, That neither the Pope, nor any Prince Potentate, or Foreign Authority, nor the People of England, nor any Authority out of this Kingdom, or within the same, hath or have any Right to dispossess His said Majesty of the Crown or Government of England, or to depose him therefrom, for any Cause or pretended Cause whatsoever, or to give licence to me, or to any other of his said Majesties Subjects whatsoever, to bear Arms against His said Majesty, or to take away his Life, or to do him any bodily harm, or to disturb the Government of this Kingdom, as the same is now established by Law, or to alter, or go about to alter the said Government, or the Religion now established in England, by any way of force. 3. "That I neither am, nor ever was, at any time or times, guilty, so much as in my most secret thoughts, of any Treason, or misprision of Treason whatsoever. 4. "That I did not in the Month of November, or at any other time or times whatsoever, say unto Mr. Oates, or unto any other person or persons whatsoever, in relation to my Sons in SPain, or either of them, or in relation to any other person or persons whatsoever, That if they did continue in the World (as Secular Priests or otherwise) they should suddenly have great Promotions in England, for that things would not last long in the posture wherein they then were; nor did I ever say any words to that or the like effect to any person or persons whatsoever. 5. "That I did never in all my life-time write any Letter, or other thing whatsoever, unto, or receive any Letter or other thing, from Father Le Cheese, or any French Jesuit whatsoever, or from Father Anderton, or Cardinal Barbarino, or any other Cardinal; nor did I ever see any Letter, or the Copy of any Letter, or other Paper, or other thing, written or purporting to be written unto the said Le Cheese,

*

*

Langhorne's attitude towards the Oath of Allegiance seems to indicate the influence of Dom Corker. Cj. T. A . Birrell, Catholic Allegiance and the Popish Plot (Nijmegen, 1950), p. 11 and notes.


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or unto the said Father Anderton or the said Cardinal Barbarino, by any person or persons whatsoever, other than the printed Letters, printed in the Narrative of the Trial of Mr. Edward Coleman, lately executed, which I never saw otherwise than in the said printed N arrative; nor did I ever hear any mention made by any person whatsoever of the Name of Le Cheese, or Father Le Cheese, before I read the said printed Narrative. 6. "That I did never in all my life-time make any Entry or Entries, into any Book or Books, or take, or make, or write, or cause to be written into any Book or Books, or otherwise any Letter or Letters, or any Copy or Copies of any Letter or Letters, written by the said Edward Coleman, to any person or persons whatsoever. 7. "That I did never in all my life-time enter or register into any Book or Books, Paper or Papers whatsoever, or take, or make, or write, or cause to, be written, any Copy or Copies, of any Act or Acts, Consult or Consults, Determination or Determinations, Order or Orders, Resolve or Resolves, or other matter or thing, at any time made, determined, resolved, passed, decreed or agitated, at any Congregation or Congregations, Assembly or Assemblies, of the Society or Order of the Jesuits, or of any other Religious Order whatsoever; nor did I ever see, read, or hear read, nor did any person or persons, at any time whatsoever, ever communicate unto me, any such Act, Consult, Determination, Order, Resolve, Matter or Thing whatsoever. 8. "That I never did in all my life-time, to my knowledge, belief or remembrance, see or speak with Mr . Bedloe, who gave evidence against me at my Tryal, until I saw him in that Court wherein he gave Evidence against me. 9. "That after the month of November, which was in the year of our Lord 1677, I did never see or speak with Mr. Titus Oates before named, until I saw him in the same Court where he gave Evidence against me at my Tryal. 10. "That I did never see in all my life-time, to my knowledge, belief, or remembrance, any Commission or Commissions, Patent or Patents, Grant or Grants, Order or Orders, Instrument or Instruments, Writing or Writings, or any other matter or thing whatsoever, under or pretended to be under the Hand and Seal, or the Hand or the Seal of J oannes Paulus de Oliva, or any other General of the Jesuits whatsoever, other than the Paper or Instrument produced and showed unto me in the said Court at my Tryal, which whether it was signed or sealed by the said de Oliva, I do not know. 11 . "That I did never in all my life-time write, or cause or procure to be written, any Treasonable Letter or Letters, Book or Books, Paper or Papers, or likewise howsoever. 12. "That I believe, that if I did know, or should know of any Treason or Treasonable Design, that was or is intended, or should be intended against His said Majesty, or the Government of His Majesties Kingdom, or for the Alteration by force, advice or otherwise, of the said Government, or of the Religion now established in this Kingdom, and should conceal and not discover the same unto His said Majesty, or His said Majesties Councel or Ministers, or some of them, that such concealment would be in me a sin unto Death, and Eternal Damnation. 13. "That I do believe, that it is no ways lawful for me to lye, or speak any thing which I know to be untrue; or to commit any sin, or do any Evil, that Good may come of it. And that it is not in the


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Power of any Priest, or of the Pope, or of God himself, to give me a License to Lye, or to speak any thing which I know to be untrue, because every such Lye would be a sin against Truth: And Almighty God, who is perfect Truth, cannot give me a License to commit a sin against his own Essence. (335) "And I do solemnly in the presence of God, Profess, Testify, and Declare, That as I hope for Salvation, and expect any benefit by the Blood and Passion of my dearest Saviour Jesus Christ, I do make thjs Declaration and Protestation and every part thereof in the Plain and Ordinary Sense, wherein the same stands Written, as they are commonly understood by English Protestants and the Courts of Justice in England without any Evasion, or Equivocation, or Delusion, or Mental Reservation whatsoever. And without any Dispensation or Pardon, or Absolution already granted to me, for this or any other purpose by the Pope or any other Power, Authority or Person whatsoever, Or, without any hope expectation or desire of any such Dispensation; and without thinking or believing that I am or can be acquitted before God or Man, or absolved of this Declaration or any part thereof, although the Pope or any other Person or Persons, or Power or Authority whatsoever should dispence with, or take upon him or them to dispence with, or Annull the same, Or declare that it was, or is, or ought to be Null or Void in part or in the whole, from the beginning, or otherwise howsoever. (336) "Having made this Declaration and Protestation in the most plain Terms that I can possibly imagine to express my sincere Loyalty and Innocency, and the clear intention of my Soul, I leave it to the Judgments of all Good and Charitable persons whether they will belive [sic] what is here in this manner affirmed and sworn by me in these present Circumstances, or what is sworn by my Accusers. (337) "I do now further declare, That I die a Member (though an unworthy one) of that Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church of Christ, mentioned in the Three Holy and Public Creeds, of which Church our Lord Jesus Christ is the Invisible Head of Influence, to illuminate, guide protect and govern it by his Holy Spirit and Grace, and of which Church, the Bishop of Rome, as the successor of St. Peter, the Princli of the Apostles, is the visible Head of Government and Unity_ (338) "I take it to be clear, That my Religion is the sole cause, which moved my Accusers to charge me with the Crime, for which upon their evidence I am adjudged to die, and that my being of that Religion, which I here profess, was the only ground which could give them any hope to be believed, or which could move my Jury to believe the Evidence of such men. (339) "I have had not only a Pardon, but also great Advantages, as to Preferments and Estates offered unto me, since this Judgment was against me, in case I would have forsaken my Religion, and owned my self guilty of the Crime charged against me, and charged the same Crimes upon others: But blessed be my God, who by his Grace hath preserved me from yielding to those Temptations, and strengthened me rather to choose this death, than to stain my soul with sin, and to charge others, against truth, with Crimes, of which I do not know that any person is guilty. (340) "Having said what concerns me to say as to my self, I now humbly beseech God to bless the Kings Majesty with all temporal and eternal Blessings, and to preserve .Him and His Government from all


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Treasons and Traitors whatsoever, and that His Majesty may never fall into such hands, as His Royal Father of Glorious Memory fell into. (341) "I also humbly beseech thee (0 God) to give true Repentance and Pardon to all my Enemies, and most particularly to the said Mr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe, and to all who have been any ways accessary to the taking away of my Life, and the shedding of my innocent Blood, or to the preventing the King's Mercy to be extended unto me; and likewise to all those who rejoyced at the Judgement given against me, or at the execution of the said Judgement; and to all those who are, or shall be, so unchristianly uncharitable, as to disbelieve, and refuse to give credit unto my now Protestations. (342) "And I beseech thee (0 my God) to bless this whole Nation, and not to lay the guilt of my Blood unto the Charge of this Nation, or of any other particular person or persons of this Nation. Unite all (0 my God) .unto thee and thy Church, by true Faith, Hope and Charity, for thy mercies sake. (343) "And for all those who have shewed Charity to me, I humbly beg (0 my Jesus) that thou wilt reward them with all Blessings both temporal and eternal." (344) When he had read through the whole of this, he handed the paper to the Sheriff. The Sheriff asked him whether he knew anything about the Patents, and he replied that he knew nothing whatsoever and did not believe that there had ever been any. (345) Langhorne's Declaration too, no less than the speeches of the five Jesuits, we owe to the Protestant press, which published it together with an account of what happened to him while in prison and especially in the period a.fter sentence had been passed upon him. The pious reflections with which he prepared himself to undergo his martyrdom like a Christian were also given. They are still extant, and make edifying reading. (346) OATES'S SECOND EDITION OF THE NARRATIVE. Let us turn our eyes away for a little while from the gruesome spectacle of executions (those which followed-and they were many-we shall consider afterwards), and occupy ourselves with another object, painful indeed, but less savage. At the behest of the House of Lords, who complained that the earlier version had been incomplete, Oates elaborated a Second Edition of his Narrative, to the great delight of both Catholics and Presbyterians alike. It gave the Presbyterians pleasure to contemplate in security both the wrongs which the Papists were said to have inflicted and the dangers that were said to be impending from them, all of which, thanks to Oates, they had successfully evaded. The Catholics on the other hand were glad to see a complete collection made of all the charges laid against them. They thought that new lies could not be fabricated against them, now that all the foul falsehoods had been directed into this one sewer. They thought that they had caught the eel in a cleft stick so that he could not slip away when he was pressed. They thought Oates would adhere to statements which he had signed as true and solemnly confirmed on oath in the presence of Parliament, especially as they had been published by authority of that august assembly. Mere words have wings, they thought, and however tenacious the memory to which they are committed, however honest the witnesses by whose testimony they are proved, yet there still remain ways of escape open to those who wish to escape, where truth is not the only or the principal object of quest; whereas manu-


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scripts published by so great an authority could neither be denied nor changed . But what cheats were the hopes of the Catholics at that time! Oates no more allowed himself to be bound by that Narrative of his than by the evidence which he had given elsewhere by word of mouth. He acted as if he were obliged to assume responsibility on any day only for what he had said on that very day, and as if it were an injustice to call him to account for what he had said on other days and in other places. Still, no small profit accrued to the Catholics, especially after the publication of A Vindication of the Catholics by J. Warner, who refuted Oates's lies and perjuries by means of public attestations furnished by whole States, and private ones furnished by most trustworthy individuals, as well as by arguments from natural science, and the customs of the Society and other Religious Orders. The lies and perjuries were so numerous that they seemed to equal the Apocalyptic number of the beast. The author of the Vindication prefixed to it, by way of motto, the words of Cyprian in his 55th Letter: " It is no disgrace for us to suffer what Christ suffered, and no glory to you to do what Judas did." Shortly after this, public opinion in foreign countries was so hostile towards our countrymen that many Englishmen denied their nationality, so as not to be forced to listen to reproaches to which there was no possible answer. Nobody save those who have actually seen the Narrative will easily believe that so many crass lies could have been crammed into one book; frequ ently they are lies which helped Oates's case not at all, and which can be refuted from the book itself. For example, in the Preface Oates says that the Narrative itself was given to Charles by Kirby on 15th August, yet it contains various incidents which occurred in September. Similarly, he says that he had confirmed the Narrative with his oath on 6th September; yet from the papers of Godfrey, Kirby, Tonge and Oates himself, which are published in the Narrative, it is clear that this was not done until 27th September. It was, therefore, not without reason that the Catholics' apologist said that lying seemed to come as naturally to Oates as breathing. From whatever viewpoint the Narrative is considered, it is seen to be a crude, undigested heap of lies; these lies are strewn throughout the book, and like the waves of the sea sweep on at random without rhyme or reason, wherever the wind and the tides carry them. (347) Oates did not even spare the name of the excellent King Charles. He made insinuations about the honour of his mother, the pious heroine H enriette de Bourbon, so as to make an indirect thrust at Charles's birth-right to the Crown. All the accusations levelled at Charles II, and at his father Charles I, in all the period of the wars by their most bitter enemies and by the foes of monarchy-men guided not by reason but by mad folly-all these charges Oates crammed into the Narrative, and scattered them with impunity among the people, attributing the authorship of them to the Jesuits, who had never so much as heard of them until the publication of the Narrative. Oates thus killed two birds with one stone; he was at once m aking Charles hostile to the Jesuits, and lessening the people's respect for Charles. Which of these purposes was the prime objective of the men who were using Oates as their tool is a question not difficult t o decide . Their aims are made obvious at the very outset of the book, in the letter dedicating t he work t o Charles. After recounting, in the t one of a historian , that James I was poisoned by the P apists ; that t hey had


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stirred up the Civil Wars against Charles I, then imprisoned, condemned and decapitated him; that they tried to capture Charles II after his escape from the unsuccessful battle of Worcester, and so on (all of which assertions are so many obvious lies), he gives up the style of a historian and assumes the role of Charles's admonitor, warning him gravely that he must give up all desire for a despotic regime and be content to rule according to law. Charles need only entrust himself to the present Parliament; that its loyalty was sincere he (Oates !) was quite certain, and he offers himself as guarantor of it. He continues : it is "the chief End and Work of all Supreme Powers, To suppress Vice, and to encourage Virtue amongst their Charge, according to St. Paul, Romans 13, which is best done Abroad, when first and effectually begun at Home in Your own House and Family, according to the same Apostle, I Tim. 3, by banishing all Vicious livers from Your presence and converse, and advancing the Virtuous in their stead: By the neglect of which principal part of their Royal Trust and Office, Princes depose themselves, as useless before God and their own Consciences, whatever may be their State and Glory in fact, and by. human Laws and Power before men." (348) So wrote pates. Here we may quote those words of Augustine: " He who is not awakened by such a thundercla,p is more likely to be dead than asleep." Everyone could see the meaning of these sentences. The divine right of Princes was indeed asserted, though obscurely; but an impossible condition was attached to it, namely that Princes must admit no bad character to their presence; otherwise they would have left to them only a human right to rule; and this human right, it was observed many times, depended upon Parliament or even on the people. It would follow, therefore, that Charles and all other Princes ruled merely on sufferance, and that their power would last no longer than the people wished. Even Wycliff was less unjust to the supreme rulers, and less wide of the mark, when he demanded personal sanctity of Princes-which it is, of course, in their power to exhibit in their lives; yet his doctrine was justly condemned by the Council of Constance as being seditious and dangerous to both Civil and Ecclesiastical Powers. Tell me, Oates: what was said about Christ our Lord, who mixed with publicans and sinners, and who admitted the traitor Judas to his intimate circle, to the position of a disciple and an apostle, and even to the Sacred Table? (349) Charles was too sharp-witted a man to miss these obvious implications; yet he feigned ignorance, either because his hope of obtaining supplies from Parliament was not yet crushed, or because he feared he might utterly infuriate the populace, which was already out of its right mind. Things had already gone so far that he could not turn back easily or suddenly. (350) THE INFORMER JOHN SMITH, AND ROBERT JENISON. The honours paid to the King's witnesses, their unpunished licence to commit every crime, and the great rewards offered, drew over John Smith to the enemy's camp-to the great grief of the Catholics and the scandal of all. Smith was the son of heretical parents, and had studied for some time at Geneva. Then he formally abjured his heresy at Aix before the Archbishop of that city, His Eminence Cardinal Grimaldi. He then went to Rome. After being ordained a priest, he was sent to England, and was given hospitality by John Jenison, who had three sons and two nephews in the Society, one of whom was the Superior


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of the Jesuits resident in that part of the country. Smith at once manifested the hatred of the Society which he had imbibed at Geneva or elsewhere, by forbidding all Jesuits admission to the house : he even excluded one of his host's kinsmen, whom he threatened to horsewhip if he ever darkened that door again. Shortly afterwards he went so far as to exclude his own fellow Secular Priests as well, giving as his reason that they were infected with Jesuit doctrine. Perhaps his mind was already pregnant with that monster which he finally brought into the light, more to his own damage than to anyone else's. For when the Persecution broke out he said good-bye to the Church and the Faith, and returned to his original heresy, like a dog going back to its vomit. He led astray John, his host, and nearly all his household; one of his host's daughters he made his wife by a sacrilegious marriage; another heroic maiden, who showed the courage of a man, was constant in the Faith, and rose above his persuasions, prayers and threats, thereby causing no small shame to the men who had yielded. The eldest son Thomas had relinquished his right of succession to his brother Robert and had long since entered the Society; he was one of the first to be committed to prison. Robert, who was learning English Law in London, had contracted fairly heavy debts; and his father, whose repute depended more on his ancient lineage and the magnificence of his house than on wealth, gave him only a sparing allowance. Smith accordingly urged him to play the part of informer, assuring him that this would be the quickest way to wipe out his debts. (351) DIVINE PROVIDENCE . In my frequent meditations upon these events I am always struck with wonder at the plan whereby God's singular Providence guided this savage persecution to the Church's good . He did not allow the first and most violent shock to impinge upon the weaker and less secure members of the Church, whose fall would have dragged down many another. On the contrary, while the persecutors were making their vain assaults upon members of the Society of Jesus and of the Benedictine Order, the other Catholics were strengthened and emboldened to bear with unbroken courage exile, prison and torture. (352) Robert was a kinsman of Ireland (whose martyrdom we have recorded above), and used often to visit him. He was confident, therefore, that his evidence would serve to prop up the part of Oates's story which seemed most likely to collapse, namely, the assertion that Ireland had been in London after the middle of August and at the beginning of September in 1678, which contradicted the testimony of nearly all the nobility of Staffordshire. Again, Oates had asserted that four Irish assassins had been sent to Windsor to kill Charles; but he had not given them names. Robert accordingly named four of his fellow-students of Law-perhaps on account of some secret quarrel. One of them was English, all were Protestants and known to be loyal to the King. As, however, they felt that their innocence was not enough to protect them, they fled the country, intending to return when justice had been restored to the Courts. Robert also dared to approach his elder brother Thomas, who was in prison, and to urge him to earn his way out of the gaol by acknowledging the Plot; but he met with a sharp refusal. (353) THE LETTER OF THOMAS JENISON TO HIS BROTHER. I am glad to include in this History the letter sent by Thomas to Robert, in which he severely rebukes his wickedness, sets the magnitude of his


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sin before his eyes, and warns him to be reasonable once again and do serious penance. The letter seems worth reading for the apostolic zeal which inspires it. Written from the prison at Newgate, it is dated 11 th July, and runs as follows : " Brother: I am ashamed to acknowledge you for such. If I were to deal with a man who had sinned out of Ignorance, I would spend time to en form and rectifie his understanding, but now my business is with you, who from your tender years have been educated, through the infinite blessing of God, in the light of the Catholick Church, and received other additional helps of Learning, so that it cannot be presumed that any man has imposed upon, or Smith'd you. I shall cut short, and follow the counsel of the Apostle, who commands me after one, or two chidings to avoid men of equal malice with your self, hereticum hominem, post unam aut alteram correptionem, devita. He that offers incense to Jupiter is an Idolater, though in his heart he denies his Divinity. But what I intend to pursue are the dismal effects of your Crime. (354) "By thy own mouth I judge thee, naughty servant. You know as you confessed here, that you could prove Titus Oates perjur'd against me, and yet you came hither with intent to make me yield and condescend to those perjuries, by a false confession of a feigned and incredible Story of a Plot against the King and Government, and so engage myself in the blood and ruines of innocent men, that I might, after your Example and our Families (God forgive them) cast away the eternal happiness of my soul, to secure the temporal life of a wretched Carkass, which I have learnt to contemn, since it has been in the power of such an Impostor as Oates, to bring me into such eminent danger. But you are a much greater Proficient in wickedness, than you would let me know; you were not content to wheedle me with an invented story of a visit you made, and a discourse you had with my Couzen Ireland the 29th of August last; At which time to my certain knowledg, he neither was returned, nor that week expected from the Country; but you have deposed that untruth upon Oath; and so have, as much as is in you, justified Oates and Bedlow, and by consequence taken upon you the blood of an Innocent man, and a near Relation, and of one to whose kindness, you owe that which you depend so much upon, my Father's favours, when he lent you the mony, which I am afraid, you have not yet repaid; in a word you have made yourself an Accessary to all the wickedness, that either has been, or shall be committed to those Two Commissioners of Hell, as long as your Oath stands unrecalled, for you have given them strength and support; And now hear, not my rebuke, but rather the Holy Ghost (against whom you have sinned) in the Book of Psalms, Sitting thou didst speak against thy Brother, and against thy Mother's Son, thou hast laid a stumbling-block, thou thought'st, wicked man, that I will be like thee; I will rebuke thee and set thee against thine own face, Psal. 49 Don't glory in malice, thou that art powerful in wickedness: The whole day, thy tongue has devised injustice, like a sharp rasor thou has committed deceit: Thou hast loved malice above goodness, rather to speak iniquity than equity: Therefore God will destroy thee, unto the end, he will pluck thee up, and cast thee out of thy tabernacle (Walworth, and all that belongs to it) and (what is infinitely worse) thy root from the Land of the Living, Psal. 51. Understand these things, you that forget God, least at length he hurry you out of this TÂĽorld, being provoked to punish you, taking from you even that pitiful transitory enjoyment, for which you have cast his fear


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behind your back; for the same Holy Spirit assures us, that Men of blood shall not live half their days, and then there will be no man that can deliver you, Psal. 49. But I have not yet reached the height of your Crime, nothing under that of Judas can parallel it. And therefore read the curses pronounced by the Prophet in the person of Christ against him in Psal. 108. 0 God (saith he) suppress not my praise, in silence, because the mouth of the sinner hath been opened upon me. They have spoken against me with a deceitful tongue, and have ecompassed me with speeches of hatred, and have ransack'd me for nothing, and appoint the sinner over him, and let the Devil stand on his right hand, when he is judged, let him go forth condemned, and let his prayer become a sin. Let his days become few, and let another receive his Bishoprick, etc . You may please to consider this and the rest which follows; And now don't extenuate your sin, and say, I have not sinned with Judas against Christ; you know you have sinned against his Church, and 'tis for this that Christ, for ever blessed and glorious in Heaven, cries out to St. Paul then a Persecutor through ignorance, Saul, Saul, why dost thou persecute me? Who art thou Lord? answers Saul. I am Jesus (saith he) whom thou dost persecute. 0 singular comfort, for all those who suffer persecution for Christ, since he looks upon their sufferings as his own; but dreadful voice to those who have hardned their hearts to his call, and kick against the stick of their own consciences. Nay, you have in some sense even outdone the malice of Judas, and those that crucified Christ, for twas for the Church, that Christ out of infinite love delivered himself, his blessed Body to be torn, and tortur'd and crucified, and his Blood to be shed, and you have conspired with the Devil to disappoint the design of Christ's Passion, not only in the Perdition of your own soul, but in hiding and driving the truth from the Nation. (355) "Now, if nothing of all this doth move you, I am afraid you are delivered over to a reprobate sense, and that you'l not stop here, but according to your impenitent heart, treasure up to your self the wrath of God against the day of revenge, which will come upon you, like a thief before you are aware; and so you will then open your eyes as the rich Glutton did to behold Lazarus in Abraham's bosom, when you shall find your self in the middle of the flames and torments of Hell, but it will then be too late to do pennance, for not so much as a Drop of water will be granted you to cool that perjured bloody tongue of yours. But if you consent to the Grace of God, which calls you now, perhaps the last time, to penance, you shall follow the example of St. Peter, who, when Christ looked upon him with an Aspect full of grace and mercy (for that, respexit Dominus Petrum, was not registered by the Holy Pen-man in vain) went out first, and then wept bitterly; and you have wept, but because you have not gone out with St. Peter, therefore it has done you little good, and you have found the Proverb fulfilled in you, A Dog returned to what he had vomited up, and a Sow that has been wash'd to the wallowing Pool of mire: nay, I add, that it has done you some harm, for the more obstinate and rebellious you shew your self to God's mercy, the more dreadful and heavy you shall find his Justice . God then will not be content with halves, or rather to take his share with the World, the Flesh, and the Devil, he will have either all or nothing; he will either save the whole man, or damn him. But you must not think that this is All to go out and weep, you are


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obliged to make restitution, for you know that's the Catholick Doctrine, according as Saint A ustin has it. Non dimittitur peccatum, nisi restituatur ablatum. (356) "I have told you the mischiefs of your perjury, these you are obliged to hinder, and repair, for as much as concerns your self, and is in your power, which you have not done till you present yourself to those before whom, and unto whom, you committed the sin, as having misguided their Judgments, and confess publickly the guilt upon your Conscience. If you say that this will make you infamous to the World, know, that you are so already to the greatest, wisest, and best part; know that you are so in the sight of God, his A ngels and Saints; know that you shall be laid open to eternal confusion in the last day, and that this very Letter shall rise up in Judgment against you; so I have discharged my Duty, as to this Point, nothing now remaining for me to do, ,but to offer up my hearty prayers for your speedy conversion. If you are privy to Oates his wicked Cabal, you are obliged to discover, what you know ; for as I told you here, non manifestans, is an Accessary. Your Loving Brother, Tho. Jennison." (357) This letter was published by Robert together with two others written by his mother's sister and her daughter for the same purpose of inducing him to retract his oath, the falsity of which was plain to them also, since they had been with Ireland in the County of Stafford at the very time when he was said to have been in London. Robert's purpose in publishing the letters was to advertise to the seditionmongers his constancy in not giving way, although subjected to such a battery. He even went further and swore that Ireland had informed him in clear terms of the Plot against Charles's life, and that his brother Thomas had also spoken about it, though more darkly. Thus" they tended Babylon, but she was not cured." However, calling God, who is the Supreme Truth, to witness a blatant falsehood seems to be one of those sins against the Holy Spirit which are forgiven neither in this world nor in the next. John, the father of the two brothers, was a good man in other respects, but through believing others to be as guileless as himself he seems to have gone astray by placing too much trust in Smith. For after discovering his mistake, detesting the man responsible for it (whom he used to describe as a plague and m enace to his family), he drove him and his own daughter (who was Smith's wife) out of his house. Shortly afterwards he died of grief. In his will he cut off his son-in-law and daughter with a shilling, to prevent them from hoping for more. (The explanation of this is that by a peculiarity of English Law, children who are entirely omitted from their father's will can claim a certain portion of the movables when the inheritance is divided up, on the supposition that they have been omitted through a mere lapse of memory- a thing which ought not to damage anyone. This is in conformity with Roman Civil Law, as can be seen in 2 Inst. t. 13 & t. 18.) Robert inherited the property, but found that God was against him at every turn, and that what Thomas had written was not a threat but a prophecy. He approached the Chancellor to ask for the reward promised to informers, but all the answer he got was that" a mercenary mind ill-befits a nobleman: it should be a sufficient reward to him that he has done his duty to the public." He sought the hand of various young ladies, but in each case was rejected with scorn: each said to him "I will not wed an informer." When times changed, and the perjurers were being indicted, he begged Charles's S


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pardon for his crime in a humble petition; pardon was offered him on not unreasonable terms out of consideration for his brother Thomas; but he refused to accept the terms . Then he fled from England in fear of the impending trial, and now he lives abroad a wanderer and an exile, cast out from his home at Walworth; and his" root has been torn up from the land of the living," as Thomas had foretold to him. (358) THE DEATH OF THOMAS JENISON. Preferring evangelical poverty in the Society to his inheritance, this Thomas attained high distinction in his classical studies at St. Omers and in his higher studies at Liege, and was sent to England. After four years he was arrested in London and put in prison: there, in