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Informality and  the  Agency  of  Design:  Learning   from  the  favelas  of  Rio     Kit  Krankel  McCullough   Urban  Design  Studio  I   Summer  2012     The  favelas  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  are  representative  of  the  most  common  form  of  urban   expansion  around  the  world—the  informal  slum.  It  is  estimated  that  about  a  billion   people  live  in  such  settlements—one  sixth  of  the  world’s  population  and  growing.  It  is   expected  that  this  population  will  double  by  2030  to  two  billion,  one  in  four  people  on   earth.  Like  slums  around  the  world,  Rio’s  favelas  arose  from  humble  origins—shanties   built  on  the  hillside  along  a  dirt  track.  But  today  the  favela  offers  a  picture  of  a  possible   future  for  the  world’s  shantytowns.     Although  built  in  a  condition  of  temporariness,  most  informal  settlements  are   longstanding,  having  been  built  progressively  over  decades.  Rio’s  favelas  within  the  city   proper  are  well  established,  no  longer  growing,  and  have  become  permanent  and  rigid   swaths  of  urban  tissue.  Tin  shacks  have  been  replaced  by  multi-­‐story,  stuccoed  concrete   houses.  Electricity  and  electrical  meters  have  been  installed.  New  streets  have  been   paved  and  widened.  The  city  has  built  libraries,  schools  and  health  centers.  National  and   global  brands  are  moving  in,  including  grocery  store  chains,  bank  branches,  cable   providers  and  fast  food  franchises.     As  self-­‐built  environments,  the  favelas  are  intimately  connected  to  the  lives  of  the   inhabitants  and  so  in  many  ways  are  exquisitely  attuned  to  the  needs  of  residents.  To   the  extent  that  Rio  has  been  successful  in  improving  the  lives  of  favela  inhabitants,  it  is   because  the  city  recognized  relatively  early  that  the  favelas  were  places  of  value,  and   that  eradicating  the  slum  was  not  the  solution.  After  the  failure  of  Modernist  social   housing  developments,  new  government  programs  such  as  Favela  Bairro  and  Morar   Carioca  (see  the  following  interview  with  Jorge  Ponte)  took  a  different  approach.  Rather   than  erasing  the  informal  tissue,  these  programs  sought  to  integrate  the  favela  into  the   urban  fabric  both  physically  and  programmatically.  Informality  is  seen  as  a  legitimate   form  of  urbanism  that  should  be  retained  and  improved  upon.     Rio’s  favelas  are  now  at  a  point  of  significant  maturation.  While  no  government   anywhere  has  yet  found  the  perfect  solution  to  housing  the  poor,  Brazil  has  probably   done  more  than  any  other  country  to  improve  conditions  in  its  slums.  The  government’s   ambitious  experiments  are  worth  examining  for  both  their  successes  and  failures.       Our  own  inquiries  found  that  Rio’s  favelas  offered  a  perfect  laboratory  for  examining   agency  in  the  built  environment.  What  is  the  role  of  the  resident,  the  government,  the  

architect and  planner,  the  NGO,  the  private  developer  and  the  corporation  in  creating   the  built  environment  and  contributing  to  the  quality  of  life  for  the  inhabitants?  What  is   the  best  balance  between  bottom-­‐up  action  and  top-­‐down  intervention?  What  is  the   role  of  urban  design?  To  what  extent  can  formal  design  improve  upon  organic   complexity  of  informal  urbanism,  or  at  best  refrain  from  diluting  its  heterogeneity?   Above  all,  how  can  the  design  process  respect  and  support  the  self-­‐determination  of  the   inhabitants?       Infrastructure  as  platform  for  spontaneous  appropriation     The  Morar  Carioca  program  has  improved  many  of  the  critical  infrastructural  problems   of  the  favela—mobility  and  accessibility,  light  and  air,  electricity,  water  and  sewage.  Yet,   the  government  interventions  often  create  severe  breaks  in  the  informal  tissue,  with   little  respect  for  the  intricacies  of  the  existing  fabric.  In  the  process  some  essential,  and   even  intangible  characteristics  are  lost.  As  formal,  complete  elements  they  are  static,   and  do  not  allow  incremental  retrofit  adjustments  by  users.  We  felt  the  program’s   interventions  could  be  made  more  responsive  to  residents’  needs  by  incorporating  some   of  the  positive  aspects  of  the  favela  environment  through  informal  strategies.     The  new  streets,  in  particular,  represent  a  stark  contrast  from  the  common  pathways  of   the  informal  favela.  The  favela’s  complicated  network  of  footpaths  provides  social  and   commercial  conduits  and  displays  an  intricate  relationship  between  social  and  private   space,  one  developed  incrementally  over  time.  The  original  pathways  were  built   expressly  to  provide  access  to  homes:  each  house  is  directly  connected  to  the  path.   Many  residents  take  advantage  of  the  foot  traffic  going  by  their  house  by  opening  a   kiosk  on  the  ground  floor,  or  at  the  very  least  posting  notices  on  their  doors  advertising   goods  for  sale.  Chairs  are  set  out  and  the  paths  become  social  spaces.  But  as  paths  are   widened  into  streets  or  new  streets  are  cut  through,  the  direct  connection  between   home  and  business,  path  and  social  space,  is  lost.  The  new  streets  built  by  Morar   Carioca  slice  through  the  informal  tissue,  disrupting  the  connection  between  building   and  street,  with  little  consideration  of  the  street  as  public  realm.  These  streets  are  built   for  the  mobility  of  vehicles,  and  the  space  is  less  hospital  to  foot  traffic,  socializing,  and   commerce.    

The informal  networks  of  pedestrian  pathways  serve  as  social  space  in  the  favelas.  Photo   by  Jia  Weng.      

New vehicular  streets  sever  the  relationship  between  dwelling  and  public  realm.  Photo   by  Jia  Weng.       A  more  nuanced  approach  to  the  design  of  these  streets  could  allow  for  informal   appropriation.  Some  student  projects  sought  to  redress  the  collateral  damage  inflicted   by  government  interventions  by  proposing  alternative  designs  that  not  only  take  more   care  to  respect  context,  but  also  support  appropriation  and  adaptation  by  the   inhabitants.  This  approach  treats  new  streets  and  public  spaces  as  open  platforms  for   intensive  and  unanticipated  uses  that  can  flex  over  the  course  of  the  day  or  the  week.     Justin  Garrison’s  project,  “Soft  Edges,”  seeks  to  exploit  the  boundary  between  public   and  private  by  infilling  the  spaces  left  over  between  the  cleared  areas  and  the  new   streets.  These  edge  spaces  are  redesigned  to  accommodate  resident-­‐built  storefronts,   markets,  plazas  or  gardens  that  take  back  the  street  as  public  space.  “Soft  Edges”  also   includes  soft  infrastructure  that  deals  with  storm  water  more  effectively  and  helps   alleviate  some  of  the  problems  caused  by  runoff.    







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  Justin  Garrison’s  project,  “Soft  Edges,”  infills  the  spaces  left  over  between  the  cleared   areas  and  the  new  streets  with  storefronts  and  live/work  housing.     A  project  by  Shuqi  He  redesigned  the  soccer  pitch,  often  the  only  open  space  of  any  size   within  the  favela,  as  a  flexible  multi-­‐use  public  space.  The  chainlink  fence  that  typically   surrounds  a  pitch  is  replaced  by  a  more  permeable  enclosure.  The  abrupt  edge  to  the   street  is  replaced  by  a  transitional  space  of  steps,  platforms  and  accessibility  ramps  that   accommodate  seating,  vendor  carts,  bus  stops,  and  other  uses.  Adjacent  buildings  and   storefronts  are  reoriented  toward  this  new  public  space.  The  function  of  the  space  can   shift  over  time,  hosting  markets,  dances,  and  other  events,  in  addition  to  soccer.    



  Shuqi  He  redesigned  the  soccer  pitch  as  a  flexible  multi-­‐use  public  space  bordered  by  a   permeable,  transitional  space  of  steps,  platforms  and  ramps  that  accommodate  seating,   vendor  carts,  bus  stops,  and  other  uses.       Urban  Acupuncture     Other  students  retained  Morar  Carioca’s  strategy  of  top-­‐down  intervention,  but  with   strategically-­‐located,  smaller-­‐scale  insertions.  Chi-­‐An  Wu’s  project  posits  new   community  buildings  as  “Light  Houses,”  an  approach  to  improving  public  safety  that  is   fundamentally  different  from  the  fortress  police  stations  that  are  currently  being  built  in   the  favelas.  The  Light  Houses  provide  not  only  safe  haven,  but  eyes  on  the  street  by   placing  public  uses  in  prominent  locations  with  high  visibility  that  will  draw  people  at  all   hours.  Dongye  Liu’s  project  suggests  small,  simple  changes  to  the  existing  streets  and   pockets  of  open  space,  such  as  street  furniture,  kiosks,  and  plantings,  that  expand  the   usability  of  public  space  and  create  a  much  richer  public  realm.      

New police  stations  have  been  designed  as  fortresses.  Photo  by  Pei  Liu.        

Chi-­‐An  Wu’s  Light  Houses  provide  not  only  safe  haven,  but  eyes  on  the  street  by  placing   public  uses  in  prominent  locations  with  high  visibility  that  will  draw  people  at  all  hours.  



a more equal distribution of space

Dongye  Liu’s  project  suggests  small,  simple  changes  to  the  street,  such  as  street   furniture,  kiosks,  and  plantings,  that  expand  the  usability  of  public  space.       Design  as  process     By  improving  living  conditions  yet  supplanting  residents’  own  efforts  in  doing  so,  the   Morar  Carioca  program  raises  important  questions  about  agency.  How  does  ambitious   intervention  in  the  favelas  avoid  disempowering  the  residents  and  creating  welfare   dependency?  In  challenging  us  to  find  new  methods  of  bottom-­‐up  renewal,  our   collaborator  Gabriel  Duarte  quoted  the  Brazilian  educator  Paulo  Freire:  “Give  the  tools   to  build  the  thing,  not  the  thing  itself.”     A  better  balance  requires  a  less  conventional  model  of  design  agency—the  designer  as   enabler.  An  example  is  Tim  Bevins’  project  that  addresses  the  government’s  efforts  to   stabilize  hillsides  and  prevent  landslides,  in  which  he  designed  tools  that  return  control   over  the  process  to  the  inhabitants.  Currently  the  government  imposes  a  brute  system   of  covering  the  slopes  with  poured  concrete,  sometimes  before,  but  often  after  the  

hillside has  collapsed.  This  response  not  only  exacerbates  the  runoff  that  contributes  to   the  landslides,  but  also  creates  a  scar  that  erases  any  other  possible  use  of  the  space.   Bevins  proposes  an  inexpensive,  portable,  modular  structural  system  that  can  be   deployed  by  the  residents  themselves.  By  giving  residents  control  over  the  design  of   their  environment,  the  result  can  respond  to  the  specific  needs  and  contexts  of  each   situation.  This  approach  recognizes  the  power  of  the  self-­‐built  process,  and  uses  design   to  shape  the  process  toward  a  better  outcome.    


  Tim  Bevins  proposes  an  inexpensive,  portable,  modular  structural  system  to  stabilize   hillsides  that  can  be  deployed  by  the  residents  themselves.      

Vernacular-­‐inspiring design     Despite  the  countless  small  adaptations  for  and  by  individual  inhabitants,  the  informal   tissue  is  global  and  universal  in  character.  In  the  past  the  favela  might  have  been   described  as  vernacular,  but  the  informal  settlement  has  lost  its  responsiveness  to   place.  Where  the  favelas  were  once  built  of  local  materials,  in  response  to  the  local   climate,  and  with  details  that  derived  from  the  local  culture  and  history,  today  the   architecture  is  globally  ubiquitous.  This  is  mostly  due  to  the  global  reach  of   manufactured  materials  that  have  supplanted  the  local—concrete,  clay  brick,   corrugated  metal,  prefab  windows.  A  possible  design  response  is  what  Rahul  Mehrotra   has  termed  the  vernacular-­‐inspiring  practice.  Along  these  lines,  Yu-­‐Hsiang  Lin   redesigned  the  social  housing  block  to  be  more  local  in  character.  While  retaining  the   use  of  global  building  materials  and  the  Modernist  architectural  language  of  social   housing,  he  has  employed  individual  expression  in  the  massing,  as  well  as  courtyards   and  cross-­‐ventilation,  balconies  and  fenestration  found  in  the  local  vernacular.     [Insert  Shawn1.pdf  here.  CAPTION:  Yu-­‐Hsiang  Lin  redesigned  the  social  housing  block   using  individual  expression  in  the  massing,  as  well  as  courtyards  and  cross-­‐ventilation,   balconies  and  fenestration  found  in  the  local  vernacular.]     Stitching  across  the  boundary     Still,  Rio’s  favelas  have  become  tourist  attractions,  especially  the  centrally  located  ones   on  verdant  hillside  settings  overlooking  the  ocean,  which  the  tourists  even  view  as   picturesque,  heightened  by  the  recently  adopted  custom  of  painting  houses  bright   colors.  The  tourism  has  created  tension—while  residents  are  proud  of  the  attention   which  gives  their  neighborhoods  a  certain  legitimacy  (and  makes  it  difficult  for  the   government  to  remove  them)  they  are  leery  of  this  invasion  of  outsiders.  They  are   aware  of  the  commodification  of  their  lives,  a  situation  from  which  they  are  not  directly   benefitting.    

Tourists survey  the  Dona  Marta  favela.  Photo  by  Cesar  Simborth  Escudero.     One  of  the  main  objectives  of  Morar  Carioca  is  to  integrate  the  favela,  both  physically   and  socially,  with  the  formal  city.  The  favela  is  a  world  clearly  apart.  The  clear  distinction   hardens  the  segregation  between  rich  and  poor  and  exacerbates  the  stigma  of  the   favela.  Morar  Carioca  attempts  to  bridge  the  boundaries  by  placing  institutions  and   community  programs  at  the  edges  of  the  favelas,  creating  a  shared  public  realm  that   draws  residents  from  rich  and  poor  neighborhoods,  will  encourage  social  interaction   and  a  desegregation  of  classes.     Yet  at  the  same  time,  the  boundaries  between  the  favela  and  protected  lands  are  being   hardened,  as  tall  walls  are  built  to  prevent  informal  development  from  expanding  into   conservation  forests.  These  walls  not  only  serve  to  increase  the  ghettoization  of  the   favelas,  but  also  prevent  access  to  the  adjacent  conservation  lands  and  sever  any   connection  the  residents  might  have  to  the  forests.  Sneha  Lohoketar’s  project   “Transforming  the  Edge”  extends  the  idea  of  a  public  realm  shared  by  the  informal  and   formal  city  as  a  “tourist  route”  consisting  of  series  of  paths,  plazas  and  viewpoints  along   these  edges.  Residents  of  the  favelas  are  able  to  establish  businesses  along  these  paths,   allowing  them  to  benefit  directly  from  tourism.  A  clear  distinction  between  public  space   and  private  neighborhood  is  delineated.  Rather  than  seeing  favela  residents  as  enemies   of  conservation,  Lohotekar’s  proposal  encourages  favela  residents  to  become  protectors   of  the  boundary  and  stewards  of  the  conservation  lands.    

Sneha Lohoketar’s  project  “Transforming  the  Edge”  extends  the  idea  of  a  public  realm   shared  by  the  informal  and  formal  city  as  a  “tourist  route”  consisting  of  series  of  paths,   plazas  and  viewpoints  along  the  boundaries  of  the  favela.       Economic  Empowerment     Possibly  the  strongest  boundary  between  the  formal  and  informal  worlds  is  one  of   finance.    The  favelas  were  begun  as  illegal  settlements,  and  as  such  were  outside  the   world  of  financial  capital  and  ownership.  Residents  made  investments  in  their   neighborhoods,  began  businesses  and  provided  services  all  with  their  own  available   cash,  and  without  the  security  of  legal  title.       The  legitimation  of  the  favelas  has  opened  them  up  to  outside  investment.  National   chains  have  recognized  the  purchasing  power  of  the  favela  residents.  This  influx  of   capital  has  meant  improved  infrastructure,  utilities,  and  commercial  services.  Favela   residents  now  have  access  to  the  same  grocery  stores,  fast  food  restaurants,  banks,  and   phone,  cable  and  internet  providers  as  their  fellow  Cariocas  in  formal  neighborhoods,   but  at  a  price.  The  term  asfaltização  (asphaltization)  refers  to  businesses  from  outside   the  favela—from  the  asphalt  city—invading  the  favela.  Residents  now  have  access  to  a   middle-­‐class  lifestyle,  but  at  the  expense  of  self-­‐owned  local  businesses  that  represent  

the independency  and  self-­‐sufficiency  of  the  informal  system.  The  new  businesses  not   only  send  the  profits  from  the  residents’  purchases  outside  the  neighborhood,  but  also   displace  locally  owned  businesses  and  raise  the  stakes  beyond  the  ability  of  informal   entrepreneurs  to  start  their  own  businesses.  Rents  are  higher  and  more  startup  capital   is  required.     Jia  Weng’s  project  “Weaving  in  the  Teleférico,”  identified  the  new  cable  car  stations  in   the  Complexo  de  Alemão  favela  as  potential  territory  to  redress  asfaltização.  This  new   transit  system  upends  the  hierarchy  of  access  within  Alemão—the  hilltops,  which  had   been  the  least  accessible  and  desirable  areas,  are  now  the  location  of  major  transit   stops.  The  areas  around  the  stations  are  currently  cleared  and  controlled  by  the  city.   Weng  proposes  that  the  city  redevelop  these  areas  as  transit-­‐oriented  retail  centers.   This  mixed-­‐use  development,  modeled  on  the  markets  in  Rocinha  and  Madureira  (see   Weng  and  He’s  analysis  of  Madureira  on  the  following  pages),  serve  as  business   incubators  for  local  retail  entrepreneurs,  while  helping  to  connect  the  new  transit   system  to  the  existing  neighborhood.    

The  new  Teleférico  stations  currently  do  not  connect  to  their  surrounding   neighborhoods.  Photo  by  Pei  Liu.      

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Jia  Weng’s  project  “Weaving  in  the  Teleférico’  proposes  that  the  cleared  areas   surrounding  the  stations  be  developed  as  new  centers  to  the  neighborhood.]       Learning  from  the  informal     These  projects  are  astute  in  their  use  of  strategies  lifted  from  their  informal  context.   Interventions  are  small  in  scale  and  incremental,  and  are  designed  to  support   spontaneous  appropriation.  They  deploy  a  programmatic  hybridity—layering  uses  both   spatially  and  temporally—that  captures  the  richness  of  the  intense  use  of  space  that  is   endemic  to  the  favela.  The  projects  describe  approaches  that  can  lead  to  a  more   meaningful  and  true  integration  of  the  favela  into  the  formal  city.  The  inhabitants  are   not  merely  constituents,  but  actors  in  the  process.  The  self-­‐empowered  informal   development  process  can  constitute  a  legitimate  form  of  city  building.     The  much  larger  problem  of  global  inequality  remains  to  be  addressed.  Slums  will   continue  to  expand  around  the  world.  But  as  other  governments  and  city  agencies  look   for  ways  to  remediate  informal  developments,  they  would  do  well  to  learn  from  the   favelas  of  Rio.  Approach  the  slum  on  its  own  terms.  Recognize  that  self-­‐organized   systems  are  rich,  complex  environments  that  can  meet  many  of  the  needs  of  their   inhabitants  better  than  planned  environments.      

The complexity  of  urban  design  requires  us  to  rethink  the  agency  of  the  designer.  The   idea  of  design  has  moved  beyond  top-­‐down,  deterministic  planning  toward  the  shaping   of  systems  and  processes.  We  must  redefine  the  role  of  design  as  one  that  empowers   residents  and  allows  them  to  retain  self-­‐determination  over  their  environments.  The   most  successful  urban  interventions  are  not  static  and  deterministic,  but  harness  the   potential  of  the  informal  to  reweave  the  urban  fabric  to  repair  and  reconnect  the  favela   to  the  formal  city.        

Morar Carioca:  An  interview  with  a  city  architect  on   Rio’s  Informal  Settlement  Upgrading  program     Interview  conducted  and  translated  from  the  Portuguese  by  Cesar  Simborth  Escudero,   MUD  ’13.     Rio  de  Janeiro  in  Brazil  has  over  a  thousand  favelas  which  host  over  a  third  of  the  city’s   6.3   million   people   (IBGE   2013),   and   over   the   past   decades   many   attempts   have   been   conducted  by  different  public  administrations  in  order  address  them.  Morar  Carioca  is   the   latest   Informal   Settlement   Upgrading   Municipal   Plan   (IABRJ)   carried   by   the   city   of   Rio  de  Janeiro  in  Brazil  and  now  supported  by  federal  funding  as  part  of  the  preparation   of   the   city   towards   the   2016   Summer   Olympics.     The   main   goal   of   the   program   is   to   integrate  informal  settlements  into  the  formal  city  in  three  different  aspects:  upgrading,   maintenance;  and  land  use  control.       The  following  is  an  interview  with  Mr.  Jorge  Ponte,  an  architect  and  one  of  the  City  of   Rio   de   Janeiro’s   Morar   Carioca   officials,   who   met   with   the   University   of   Michigan   Urban   Design  program  in  Brazil.  The  interview  was  conducted  by  electronic  communication  in   April-­‐May  2013.     1. Como   começou   o   Morar   Carioca   e   que   coisas   fizeram   necessária   sua   aparição?  /  Why  was  there  a  need  for  Morar  Carioca?,  How  did  it  start?     A   Prefeitura   da   Cidade   do   Rio   de   Janeiro   estabeleceu   no   Planejamento   Estratégico  da  Prefeitura  2012-­‐2016  iniciativas  organizadas  em  plataformas.  O  programa   Morar   Carioca   constitui   uma   dessas   iniciativas   estratégicas,   composta   pelas   plataformas:   Urbanização   de   Assentamentos   Precários   Informais,   o   Programa   UPP   Social,  Programa  Minha  Casa  Minha  Vida  e  Reassentamento  de  famílias.  Neste  contexto,   a   Secretaria   Municipal   de   Habitação   tem   como   desafio   promover   uma   maior   integração   dos  assentamentos  precários  no  município.     Pode-­‐se   dizer   que   o   norteador   do   surgimento   do   programa   foi   a   ausência   ou   insuficiência   de   políticas   habitacionais   para   uma   população   com   dificuldade   de   acesso   ao   mercado   formal,   que   fez   da   produção   informal   e   da   autoconstrução   a   alternativa   através   da   qual   supriu   suas   necessidades   de   moradia.   O   resultado,   loteamentos   irregulares,   clandestinos   e   favelas   espalhados   pela   cidade,   ocupando   áreas   impróprias   ou  de  risco.     Apesar   da   implantação   bem-­‐sucedida   de   alguns   programas   de   urbanização   realizados   anteriormente,   a   cidade   ainda   possui   assentamentos   não   urbanizados   e/ou   em  áreas  de  risco.  

The Municipality   of   Rio   de   Janeiro   established   in   the   city’s   2012-­‐2016   Strategic   Plan,   a   series   of   initiatives   organized   in   different   platforms.   Morar   Carioca   is   one   of   those   strategies   composed   by   the   following   platforms:   Informal   settlements   urbanization,   the   UPP   (Pacifying   Police   Unit)   program,   “Minha   Casa   Minha   Vida”   (My   House   My   Life)   and   families   relocation.   In   this   context,   the   Municipality’s   Housing   Department   has   the   challenge   of   promoting   a   better   urban   integration   of   the   city’s   informal  settlements.     It   can   be   said   that   the   cause   of   the   creation   of   the   program   was   the   lack   of   housing   public  policies  oriented  to  the  sector  of  the  population  that  had  difficulty  accessing  the   formal   market   rate   housing   system.   Informality   and   self-­‐construction   was   their   only   means  to  supply  their  housing  needs.  As  a  result  a  number  of  informal  settlements  and   favelas  are  spread  throughout  the  city,  which  occupy  inappropriate  or  environmentally   risky  areas.     Despite  the  successful  implementation  of  previous  “Urban  formalization  programs”  the   city  still  has  non-­‐formalized  urban  settlements,  with  some  of  them  located  in  areas  of   risk.       2.  Qual  é  seu  “role”  ao  programa?  /  What  is  your  role  within  the  program?         Sou  fiscal  de  projetos  da  Secretaria  Municipal  de  Habitação.  Faço  parte  de  uma   equipe   responsável   pela   fiscalização   e   acompanhamento   da   elaboração   dos   projetos   pelas  empresas  de  arquitetura  selecionadas  em  concurso  público.       I   am   a   Project   Administrator   in   the   City’s   Housing   Department.   I   am   part   of   a   team   in   charge  of  the  assessment  and  guidance  of  the  elaboration  of  the  projects  commissioned   by  the  city  to  the  architecture  firms  selected  by  a  public  bidding  process.         3. De   que   jeito   o   programa   melhora   a   vida   dos   habitantes  das   favelas   do   Rio?   /   What   are   some   ways   in   which   the   program   improves   the   lives   of   the   inhabitants  of  the  favelas?       O  Morar  Carioca  tem  como  premissa  dotar  a  favela  de  infraestrutura  básica,  com   implantação   de   urbanização   completa,   com   sistemas   de   saneamento   básico   (abastecimento  de  água,  esgotamento  sanitário,  drenagem,  coleta  de  lixo  e  iluminação   pública).  Além  disso,  os  projetos  urbanísticos  contemplam  a  implantação  de  um  sistema   viário   coerente   com   o   acesso   a   todos   os   tipos   de   serviços,   ao   mesmo   tempo   em   que   preconiza  a  inserção  de  equipamentos  públicos  nas  áreas  da  Educação,  Esporte/  Lazer  e   Saúde,   criação   de   praças   para   convivência   e   de   edifícios   residenciais   multifamiliares   visando  a  relocação  de  famílias  ocupantes  de  áreas  de  risco  geotécnico.    

The “Morar  Carioca”  program  has  the  premise  of  deploying  “Complete  urbanization”  in   the  favelas,  by  delivering  basic  infrastructure,  sanitation  systems  (water  supply,  sewage,   drainage,   waste   collection)   and   Street   lighting.   Additionally   the   urbanistic   projects   contemplate  the  implementation  of  a  coherent  Road  System  which  can  provide  access   to   all   type   of   services   and   at   the   same   time   promote   the   insertion   of   educational,   sporting,  leisure  and  health  public  facilities.  The  project  also  considers  public  plazas  for   social   encounter   and   multifamily   buildings   to   absorb   the   relocation   of   families   currently   living  in  identified  geotechnical  (landslide)  risk  areas.           4. Você   tem   uma   história   favorita   que   gostaria   de   contar?   Do   you   have   a   favorite  story  from  the  favelas?     Há   muitas   histórias   bacanas.   É   sempre   muito   gratificante   quando   conseguimos   visualizar   diretamente   os   benefícios   que   determinada   obra   acrescentou   à   vida   de   alguém.  Nesse  caso,  estamos  falando  de  milhares  de  pessoas  sendo  beneficiadas.     There   are   many   nice   stories.   It   is   very   gratifying   when   we   are   able   to   directly   visualize  the  benefits  that  a  certain  project  produced  to  someone’s  life.  In  this  case  we   are  talking  about  thousands  of  people  being  favored.       5. Você  tem  um  projeto  favorito?  /  Do  you  have  a  favorite  project?         Não   há   apenas   um   projeto   específico   que   me   venha   à   mente.   Tenho   real   interesse   e   respeito   por   todos   eles.   A   elaboração   de   um   projeto   de   urbanização   é   um   processo   árduo   e   que   requer   certo   tempo,   pois   é   necessário   entender   a   dinâmica   daquele   espaço   que   certamente   tem   uma   vida   própria.   Cada   favela   possui   uma   peculiaridade,   algo   bem   específico   do   local   e   dos   moradores   que   vivem   ali,   portanto   acabamos   desenvolvendo   um   carinho   especial   por   cada   projeto,   mesmo   com   as   dificuldades  que  surgem  no  decorrer  do  processo.         I  don’t  have  a  specific  project  that  comes  to  my  mind.  I  have  a  real  interest  and   respect  for  all  of  them.  The  elaboration  of  an  urbanization  project  is  a  hard  process  that   requires  time.  It  is  necessary  to  understand  the  particular  dynamics  of  each  place  that   indeed   has   its   own   life.   Every   favela   has   something   unique,   something   specific   from   the   place  and  people  who  live  there;  as  a  result  we  end  up  developing  a  particular  feeling  of   affection   to   every   project.   Affection   and   appreciation   also   arises   out   of   the   many   difficulties  we  face  during  the  process.         6. Para   você,   qual   é   o   maior   “logro”   do   programa?   /   What  do  you  feel  is  the   most  important  achievement  of  Morar  Carioca?     Um   ponto   forte   do   programa   é   que   ele   prioriza   a   inserção   efetiva   da   favela   na   malha   da   cidade,   tornando-­‐a   parte   integrante   de   um   tecido   urbano.   Os   projetos  

preconizam focos   urbanísticos   que   propiciam   uma   real   integração   entre   os   moradores   locais  e  o  resto  da  cidade.         One  of  the  program’s  main  strengths  ithat  it  prioritizes  the  effective  insertion  of   the   favela   into   the   city’s   fabric,   turning   it   into   part   of   one   urban   tissue.   The   projects   celebrate   the   creation   of   urban   nodes   which   favor   a   real   integration   between   favela   dwellers  and  the  rest  of  the  city.     7. Para   você,   quais   as   debilidades   do   programa   e   como   você   acha   que   elas   poderiam  melhorar?  /  What  are  some  weaknesses  of  the  program?  How  do   you  think  it  might  be  improved?     Entendo   que   o   programa   é   fruto   de   muito   estudo   e   muita   vivência   profissional   de   pessoas   que   lidam   e   trabalham   com   favelas   há   bastante   tempo,   sejam   ou   não   da   esfera  pública,  portanto  temos  que  nos  conscientizar  de  que  o  Morar  Carioca  não  é  algo   estático   e   que   mereça   uma   nota   por   eficiência   a   ser   ditada   nesse   momento.   Estamos   lidando   com   um   processo   muito   maior   e   que   será   avaliado,   ao   longo   do   tempo,   pela   própria   população   carioca.   O   programa,   por   sua   complexidade,   torna-­‐se   passível   de   equívocos,   que   provavelmente   serão   ajustados   no   decorrer   do   processo,   mas   pequenos   ajustes  são  e  sempre  serão  necessários  quando  o  mote  em  questão  é  algo  tão  grandioso   a  ponto  de  ser  considerado  um  legado  para  a  cidade.   Algo   que   merece   especial   atenção   é   o   fato   de   que,   em   projetos   desse   porte,   Prefeitura,   Governo   do   Estado   e   Governo   Federal   devem   caminhar   de   mãos   dadas,   sem   perder   o   elo,   para   que   se   alcance   o   objetivo   almejado.   Na   escala   municipal,   o   mesmo   deve  acontecer,  com  secretarias  e  órgãos  públicos  mantendo  uma  dinâmica  de  trabalho   em   equipe,   ou   seja,   conversando   entre   si.   Essa   talvez   seja   a   maior   dificuldade   a   ser   enfrentada  pelo  Morar  Carioca.     To   my   understanding,   the   program   is   the   result   of   a   long   study   and   the   professional   experiences   of   different   people—some   coming   from   the   public   sector,   others  not—who  have  dealt  and  worked  with  favelas  over  a  long  period  of  time.  In  this   sense  we  have  to  be  aware  that  “Morar  Carioca”  is  not  something  static  to  be  graded  at   this   time.   We   are   dealing   with   a   much   larger   process   that   will   be   validated   over   time   by   Carioca  population.       The  program,  due  to  its  own  complexity,  is  likely  to  make  mistakes  that  probably  will  be   adjusted  along  the  way.  Small  adjustments  are  and  will  always  be  necessary,  given  the   ambitiousness  of  its  goals,  to  the  extent  of  being  considered  a  legacy  for  the  city.     Something  that  deserves  special  attention  is  the  fact  that,  in  projects  of  this  scale,  the   City,   State   and   Federal   governments   should   continuously   work   hand   in   hand   in   order   to   achieve  the  desired  objective.  At  the  scale  of  the  local  government,  the  same  dynamics   should   be   maintained.   The   different   city   departments   and   public   organizations   should   work  as  a  team.  This  might  be  the  hardest  difficulty  faced  by  “Morar  Carioca”.  

8. Que lições   você   acha   que   o   Morar   Carioca   pode   oferecer   a   outras   cidades   e   países  tentando  melhorar  as  condições  de  suas  aglomerações  subnormais?   /  What  lessons  does  Morar  Carioca  offer  other  cities  and  countries  trying  to   improve  conditions  in  informal  settlements?  

      As  favelas  são  um  fenômeno  mundial,  existindo  em  maior  ou  menor  escala  em   todos   os   continentes.   Elas   se   apresentam   de   formas   diferenciadas,   com   aspectos   distintos  caracterizados  por  questões  geográficas,  econômicas  e  culturais,  demandando   a  elaboração  de  programas  organizacionais  como  o  Morar  Carioca.       O  que  deve  ser  levado  em  consideração  é  que  cada  favela  possui  características   próprias.  Um  ponto  muito  positivo  do  Morar  carioca  é  justamente  a  reflexão  quanto  às   necessidades   específicas   de   cada   uma   delas,   não   generalizando   os   tipos   de   intervenções.       Favelas   are   a   global   phenomenon,   existing   to   a   larger   or   smaller   extent   on   all   continents.   They   present   themselves   in   different   forms,   with   different   aspects   characterized   by   geographic,   economic   and   cultural   constituencies   demanding   unique   responses  from  programs  such  as  “Morar  Carioca”.     Something  that  should  be  taken  into  consideration  is  the  fact  that  every  favela  has  its   own  character.  A  very  positive  aspect  of  Morar  Carioca,  is  the  precise  reflection  made  of   the  specific  needs  of  every  favela,  rather  than  generalized  types  of  interventions.             REFERENCES:     IBGE   -­‐   Censo   Demográfico   2000   e   IPP/DIC.   Cálculos:   IPP/DIC   e   Oficina   Engenheiros   Consultores   Associados   Ltda   (serviço   contratado   pela   SMH   e   coordenado   pelo   IPP).   Extracted  from    05/15/2013     IABRJ  2013,­‐somos/                

Intense City:  An  analysis  of  the  Madureira  market   district     Jia  Weng,  MUD  ’13,  and  Shuqi  He,  MUD  ‘13     The  neighborhood  of  Madureira  is  home  to  the  largest  market  district  in  Rio  de  Janeiro,   drawing  shoppers,  vendors  and  wholesalers  from  all  over  the  city.  As  a  major  economic   and  transportation  hub,  it  hosts  an  intensity  and  diversity  of  activities  and  a   juxtaposition  of  uses,  including  retail  of  all  types  and  scales,  manufacturing,   warehousing,  office,  and  residential.  This  analysis  examines  the  urban  fabric  and   building  morphology  that  supports  a  heterogeneity  that  makes  Madureira  one  of  the   most  active  and  vibrant  areas  of  the  city.        

MUD: Rio de Janeiro - Informality and the Agency of Design  
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