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‘Morris tells Edward’s story fluently and conveys a compelling sense of the reality, and the contingency, of personal rule.’ Guardian
‘This is a direct, forthright and welcoming book . . . Edward I was called a “great and terrible king” and he has been well served by Marc Morris. He leads us confidently through the litany of battles and conflicts.’ Scotland on Sunday
‘No king of England had a greater impact on the peoples of Britain than Edward I . . . [Marc Morris] has succeeded in writing a book for today.’ Times Literary Supplement
‘Edward I’s reign during the Middle Ages was one of the most dramatic in history: a time of adventure and political advances, including Holy Land crusades and battles with Scotland. A brilliant biography.’ Daily Express
‘A highly readable account of an important reign.’ Scotsman about the author
A historian of the Middle Ages, Marc Morris’s acclaimed books include King John:Treachery,Tyranny and the Road to Magna Carta and The Norman Conquest. He is a fellow of the Royal Historical Society, writes for, among others, History Today and BBC History Magazine, and appears regularly on radio and television.
The Anglo-Saxons: A History of the Beginnings of England
The Norman Conquest: The Battle of Hastings and the Fall of Anglo-Saxon England
The Bigod Earls of Norfolk in the Thirteenth Century
Castle: A History of the Buildings that Shaped Medieval Britain
King John: Treachery, Tyranny and the Road to Magna Carta
William I: England’s Conqueror
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First published in the UK by Hutchinson in 2008
First published in paperback by Windmill Books in 2009 Reissued in Penguin Books 2024 001
Copyright © Marc Morris, 2008
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Countriesarenotlaidupinheaven;theyareshapedand reshapedhereonearthbythestratagemsofmenandthe victoriesofthefortuitous.
R.R.Davies, TheFirstEnglishEmpire ()
LikeAlexander,hewouldspeedilysubduethewholeworld,if Fortune’smovingwheelwouldstandstillforever.
TheSongofLewes,onEdwardI()
Illustrations ix
Preface xi
ASaintinName
TheFamilyFeud
CivilPeaceandHolyWar
TheReturnoftheKing
TheDisobedientPrince
Arthur’sCrown
PeacefulEndeavours
TheGreatCause
TheStruggleforMastery
UnitingtheKingdom?
ALastingVengeance
AGreatandTerribleKing
Abbreviations
Notes
Bibliography
FamilyTrees Index
Firstsection
TheMappaMundi(©TheHerefordMappaMundiTrust)
ApagefromtheAlphonsoPsalter(©TheBritishLibraryBoard.AllRights Reserved.Add.MS ,f.v)
ThechapeldoorsatWindsorCastle(BypermissionoftheDeanand CanonsofWindsor)
AninitialfromtheDouceApocalypse(©TheBodleianLibrary,UniversityofOxford,MSDouce ,fol. r)
ThecoronationofEdwardtheConfessor(©SocietyofAntiquariesof London)
EdwardandEleanorpicturedwearingtheircrowns(©TheBritishLibrary Board.AllRightsReserved.CottonNeroD.II,f.v)
AsilverpennyofEdwardI(© FitzwilliamMuseum,Cambridge)
TheGreatSealofEdwardI(©King’sCollegeLibrary,Cambridge, GBR/a)
AsealbagfromWestminsterAbbey (©DeanandChapterofWestminster)
ConwyCastle(Cadw/CrownCopyright)
HarlechCastle(Cadw/CrownCopyright)
CaernarfonCastle(Cadw/CrownCopyright)
BeaumarisCastle(Cadw/CrownCopyright)
EdwardI’schamberattheTowerofLondon(StThomas’sTower) (© HistoricRoyalPalaces/newsteam.co.uk)
TheRoundTableinWinchesterGreatHall(BypermissionofHampshireCountyCouncil)
Secondsection
MatthewParis’smapofBritain(©TheBritishLibraryBoard.AllRights Reserved.CottonClaudiusD.VI,f.v)
Flint(CambridgeUniversityCollectionofAirPhotographs,Unitfor LandscapeModelling)
Monpazier(©PhilippeDufour)
Winchelsea(©CrownCopyright/MOD.Reproducedwiththepermissionof theControllerofHerMajesty’sStationeryOffice)
ThetombofEleanorofCastile(©WestminsterAbbey,London,UK/The BridgemanArtLibrary)
TheEleanorCrossatGeddington (©EnglishHeritagePhotoLibrary)
ThepersecutionoftheJews(©TheBritishLibraryBoard.AllRights Reserved.CottonNeroD.II,f.v)
ThetombofHenryIII (©DeanandChapterofWestminster)
Débonaireté defeating ira (©SocietyofAntiquariesofLondon)
TheCoronationChair(©DeanandChapterofWestminster)
ApossibleportraitofEdwardI(©DeanandChapterofWestminster)
ThewarfareofJudasMaccabeus (© SocietyofAntiquariesofLondon)
ThetombofEdwardIatWestminster(©DeanandChapterof Westminster)
EdwardIinhisopentomb (©SocietyofAntiquariesofLondon)
Maps
England p.xvii
Wales p.
Gascony p.
Scotland p.
OnlearningthatIwaswritingabookaboutEdwardI,mynonhistorianfriendsandneighbourshaveaskedme,almostinvariably,the sametwoquestions.‘WasheEdwardtheConfessor?’hasbeenbyfar themostcommon.No,Iwouldalwaysanswer,hewasnot;buthewas named after him.Inmanycasesthisonlyservedtoprovokeasubsidiary, morevexedinquiry.Ifmysubjectwasnamed after oneofhisforebears, thenhowonearthcouldhepossiblybe‘theFirst’?Theanswer,of course,isthathecouldn’t,andthat,strictlyspeaking,hewasn’t.For thosewhowouldcaretoknowpreciselyhowthisconfusingsituation cameabout,Ihaveaddedashortnoteofexplanationattheendof thisPreface.
Thesecondquestionthathasusuallybeenputtomeconcernsthe natureoftheevidenceforwritingthebiographyofamedievalking, andspecificallyitsquantity.Ingeneral,peopletendtopresumethat therecan’tbeverymuch,andimaginethatImustspendmydays pokingaroundincastlemunimentrooms,lookingforpreviouslyundiscoveredscrapsofparchment.Sadly,theyaremistaken.TheanswerI alwaysgivetothequestionofhowmuchevidenceis:morethanone personcouldlookatinalifetime.Fromtheearlytwelfthcentury,the kingsofEnglandbegantokeepwrittenaccountsoftheirannualexpenditure,andbytheendofthecenturytheywerekeepingawritten recordofalmosteveryaspectofroyalgovernment.Eachtimearoyal documentwasissued,beitagrandcharteroraroutinewrit,acopy wasdutifullyenteredontoalargeparchmentroll.Meanwhile,inthe provinces,theking’sjusticeskeptsimilarrollstorecordtheproceedingsofthecasesthatcamebeforehiscourts.Miraculously,thegreat majorityofthesedocumentshavesurvived,andarenowpreservedin theNationalArchivesatKewnearLondon.Someofthem,when unrolled,extendtotwentyorthirtyfeet.Andtheirnumberislegion:
forthethirteenthcenturyalone,itrunstotensofthousands.Mercifullyforthemedievalhistorian,themostimportanthavebeentranscribedandpublished,buteventhisprintedmatterwouldbeenough tolinethewallsofanaverage-sizedfrontroomwithbooks.Moreover, thequantityisincreasedbytheinclusionofnon-royalmaterial.Others besidesthekingwerekeepingrecordsduringEdwardI’sday.Noblemen alsodrewupfinancialaccounts,issuedchartersandwroteletters;monks didthesame,onlyintheircasethechancesofsuchmaterialsurviving wasmuchimprovedbytheirmembershipofaninstitution.Monks,in addition,continuedtodoastheyhadalwaysdone,andkeptchronicles,andthesetooprovideplentytokeepthehistorianbusy.Totake justthemostobviousexamplefromthethirteenthcentury,themonk ofStAlbanscalledMatthewPariscomposedachronicle,theoriginal partsofwhichcoverthequartercenturyfrom to .Inits moderneditionitrunstosevenvolumes.
Isayallthismerelytodemonstratehowmuchthereistoknow aboutourmedievalancestors,andnottopretendthatIhaveinsome waymanagedtoscalethismountainallbymyself.Forthemostpart Ihavenotevenhadtoapproachthemountainatall,forthisbookis groundedonthescholarlyworkofothers.Nevertheless,eventhe secondarymaterialforastudyofEdwardIpresentsadauntingprospect. Ataconservativeestimate,welloverathousandbooksandarticleshave beenpublishedinthelasthundredyearsthatdealwithoneaspector anotheroftheking’sreign.Forscholarlyworksonthethirteenthcentury asawhole,thatfigurewouldhavetobemultipliedmanytimesover.
Bythisstage,anyonewhohadquizzedmeaboutthemakingofthis book–assumingtheywerestilllistening–musthavehadathirdquestionformingintheirminds,thoughtheywerealltoopolitetopose it.Thatquestion,Iimagine,was‘whybother?’Whydevoteasizeable chunkofone’sownlifetore-examiningthedeedsofamanwhohas beendeadforsevencenturies?Theanswer,asIhopethefinished productwillmakeclear,isthatthereignofEdwardImatters.Notfor nothingdidIsettleonasubtitlethatincludesthephrase‘theforging ofBritain’.Thisperiodwasoneofthemostpivotalinthewholeof Britishhistory,amomentwhenthedestiniesofEngland,Wales,ScotlandandIrelandweredecided.Itwasalsooneofthemostdramatic. Edwardsummonedthebiggestarmiesandthelargestparliamentsseen inBritainduringtheMiddleAges;hebuiltthegreatestchainofcastles inEurope;heexpelledtheJews,conqueredtheWelshandverynearly succeededinconqueringtheScots.Weareoftentoldthesedaysthat weoughttohaveagreatersenseofwhatitmeanstobeBritish.Ihope thatthisbookgoessomesmallwaytowardsfulfillingthatneed.
Naturally,thisisnotthefirstattempttobroachthesubject(nor,I predict,willitbethelast).InthetwentiethcenturyEdwardIwas examinedatlengthbytwoeminentmedievalhistorians,Maurice PowickeandMichaelPrestwich.Asthenotesattheendofthisbook makeclear,mydebttobothisverygreat.Duringseveralyearsof writingandresearchIhaveturnedtotheirbooksconstantlyandrepeatedly,andhavealwaysbeenstruckbyinsightsthatwouldnothave occurredtomefromtheoriginalevidence.AndevenwhenIhave lookedattheevidenceandreacheddifferentconclusions,theirwork hasalwaysprovidedmewithaninvaluablestartingpoint.Themain wayinwhichmyworkdiffersfromtheirsisinitsconstruction.Both PowickeandPrestwichchosetoapproachEdwardthematically,devoting wholechapterstohislawmaking,hisdiplomacy,andsoon.Ihaveopted forachronologicaltreatment,whichgivesthefollowingpagessome claimtooriginality.NoonehasattemptedtotellEdward’sstoryfrom beginningtoendsincebeforetheFirstWorldWar,whicheffectively meansthatnoonehastoldhisstoryinthiswaysincetheinvention ofmedievalhistoryasamodernacademicdiscipline.Ofcourse,such achronologicalapproachhascertaininherentdrawbacks.Someacademic readersmaybedisappointedthatthereisnotmorehereonEdward’s statutesorhisgovernmentalinquiries.Icanonlyoffertheexcusethat thediscussionofsuchtopicswouldhavebeenhardtoincorporateinto analreadycomplicatednarrativewithoutthewholethinggrindingto ahalt,andthat,inanycase,thesetopicshavebeenwellcoveredelsewhere.Ialsotakesomecomfortfromrecentresearchwhichsuggests thatthe‘EnglishJustinian’probablyhadnohand,andperhapslittle interest,indrawingupthelawsthatwereissuedinhisname.Ona morepositivenote,thetaskofputtingtheeventsofEdward’slifein theircorrectorderhasledmetoquestionexistingorthodoxiesmore frequentlythanIhadimaginedmightbenecessary.Ihopethatthe newinterpretationsIhaveofferedintheirplacewillbefoundconvincing, oratleaststimulating,byothermedievalists.
Mentionofothermedievalistsleadsmetoalonglistofacknowledgements;asIhavealreadysaid,thisvolumerestsinnosmallmeasure ontheresearchesofothers.ChapterEight,forexample,drawsheavily ontherecentworkofArchieDuncan,whowaskindenoughtosend meadraftofhislatestthoughtsonEdward’sactivitiesatNorham,and alsotolendmehistranslationofthesectionsofWalterofGuisborough thatrelatetoeventsinScotland.PaulBrandandHenrySummerson wereequallykindinallowingmetoreadtheirrecentunpublished papers,HuwRidgewayandBobStaceyrespondedhelpfullytoemails requestingclarificationofcertainaspectsofHenryIII’sreign,andDavid
D’AvrayandGeorgeGarnettpatientlyansweredmytelephoneinquiries aboutthemysteriesoftheEnglishcoronation.Ireceivedsimilarhelp, inoneformoranother,fromJeremyAshbee,PaulBinski,Robert Bartlett,NicolaColdstream,BethHartland,JessNelson,MichaelPrestwich,JohnPryor,MatthewReeve,RobinStudd,MarkVaughnand FionaWatson.Othershaveprovidedusefulcriticalfeedbackandmoral support:inparticular,IshouldliketothankAdrianJobson,Michael RayandAndrewSpencer,andalsoRichardHuscroft,whoofferedme theadditionaltreatofatourofthetombsatWestminsterAbbey.On anothervisittotheAbbeyIwaswellreceivedbyRichardMortimer, whileJaneSpooner,ChrisGidlowandtheircolleaguesweresimilarly welcomingattheTowerofLondon.MyspecialthankstoGuilhem PépinforhisconsiderableassistancewiththemapofGascony,andto PhilippeDufourfortheaerialphotographofMonpazier.Imustalso thankGillianSuttieforherhospitalityduringatourofScotland,and MarkSlaterandJoToppingforthegracioususeoftheirhousein FrancewhichliesconvenientlyclosetosomeofEdward’sbastides. MartinAllenattheFitzwilliamMuseuminCambridgeprovidedlastminutehelpwithcoins,andJeffCottendentookarathersplendid pictureforthefrontcover.Myestimableagent,JulianAlexander,had greatfaithinthisprojectfromthefirst,andintroducedmetoHutchinson, whereIhavebeenwelllookedafterbymyeditorTonyWhittome,his colleagueJamesNightingale,andtheothersatRandomHouse.
Thebiggestdebts,asusual,Ihaveleftuntillast.OnceagainIhave tothankmyformersupervisorsinLondonandOxford,DavidCarpenter andJohnMaddicott,fortheirinvaluablesupportandadvice.Aswellas fieldingemailinquiriesandphonecalls,bothreadtheentirebookin draft,mademanyusefulsuggestionsandsavedmefrominnumerable errors.Thesamethanksgotomypartner,Catherine,whohasprobablysufferedmorethananyotherpersoninrecentyearsonaccount ofEdwardI.Notonlydidshereadeverywordofeverydraft;shehas alsostoicallyenduredEdward’stendencytocropupinalmostevery conversation,anduncomplaininglyallowedhimtodictateherholiday destinationsforthepastthreeyears.Ihopeatleastsomeofitwasfun, andpromisethatthesequelwillbesetinNewYork,JapanorAustralia.
Myfinalwordsofthanks,though,arereservedforReesDavies. WhenIarrivedinOxfordtenyearsagotobeginmydoctorate,Iknew littleaboutEnglishmedievalhistory,butevenlessaboutthehistories ofWales,IrelandandScotland.ItischieflydowntoRees’steaching andwritingthatthisimbalancewascorrected.Hewasnevermyteacher inanystrictsense,butduringmytimeinOxfordheofferedadvice andsupportwithoutwhichIwouldneverhavecompletedmythesis.
AlthoughhehadfewpositivethingstosayaboutEdwardI,hewas supportiveofmyintentionofwritingabookabouthimandunstinting inhisencouragementwhileIwasintheearlystagesofresearch.In intellectualterms,thefinishedproductowesmoretoReesthantoany otherindividual,andifitencouragesotherstoseekoutanddiscover hisworksforthemselves,thenforthatreasonaloneitwillhavebeen abookworthwriting.
BeforethereignofthekingwecallEdwardI,Englandhadbeenruled byseveralotherkingswhosharedhisname;thetroublewasthat,even fromathirteenth-centurystandpoint,theyhadalllivedaverylong timeinthepast.AtthetimeofEdward’saccessionin ,evenhis mostrecentroyalnamesake,EdwardtheConfessor,hadbeendeadfor morethantwocenturies.EveryoneinthethirteenthcenturyrememberedtheConfessor,forbythenhehadbecomethepatronsaintof theEnglishroyalfamily.ButwhenitcametotheotherKingEdwards, peoplewerealtogethermorehazy.TowardstheendofEdwardI’sreign, forexample,someofhissubjectsfeltcompelledtochroniclehisremarkabledeeds,anddecidedthattheyneededtodistinguishthekingby givinghimanumber.Unfortunately,theymiscounted,includingin theirtalliestheConfessor(whoruledfrom to ),andalsothe celebratedtenth-centuryking,EdwardtheElder(–),butoverlookingentirelytheshortandunmemorablereignofEdwardtheMartyr (–).Forthisreason,atleasttwothirteenth-centurywritersreferred toEdwardIas‘EdwardtheThird’.Hadtheycountedcorrectly,they wouldhavecalledhim‘EdwardtheFourth’.
Fortunatelyforus,suchearlyandinaccuratenumberingschemesdid notendure.Ingeneral,whenhiscontemporarieswishedtodistinguish Edward,theycalledhim‘KingEdward,sonofKingHenry’.Theneed fornumbersaroseonlyafterhisdeath,whenhewassucceededbya son,andthenagrandson,bothofwhomborehisillustriousname.By themiddleofthefourteenthcentury,Englishmenfoundthemselves havingtodifferentiatebetweenthreeconsecutive,identicallynamed kings,andsounsurprisinglytheystartedreferringtothemastheFirst, SecondandThird.Anyonetroubledbytherecollectionthatonceupon atimetherehadbeenotherkingscalledEdwardcouldsalvetheir historicalconsciencebyadding‘sincetheConquest’.ThustheNorman ConquestbecametheofficialstartingpointforthenumberingofEnglish kings.Butitwasonlynecessarytohavesuchastartingpointinthe firstplacebecauseofHenryIII’sidiosyncraticdecisiontoresurrectthe
nameofalong-deadAnglo-Saxonroyalsaintandbestowitonhis eldestson.
Forthosereaderswho,likeme,werebornaftertheEnglishcurrency wasdecimalised,itisworthpointingoutthatsterlingusedtobemeasuredinpounds,shillingsandpence:twelvepenniesmadeashilling, andtwentyshillingsmadeapound.Thiswasastrueinthethirteenth centuryasitwasbefore ,thoughintheMiddleAgesthepennies wentagooddealfurther.InEdwardI’sdayanunskilledlabourercould earnoneortwopenceforaday’swork,whileaskilledcraftsmenmight earndoublethatsum.Amanwhotookhome£ ayearwouldhave beenconsideredverywelloff,andeventhegreatestindividualsin Englishsociety–theearls–rarelyenjoyedincomesinexcessof£,. OnlyEdwardhimselfhadafive-figureincome,receivingaround£, ayearfromordinaryroyalrevenues,whichhespentrunninghishouseholdand,byextension,thekingdomasawhole.CaernarfonCastle, althoughnevercompleted,endedupcostingroughlythesameamount. Theonlytypeofcoininwidespreadcirculationwasthesilverpenny, soapoundwasaweightybagofcoins,andevenasmall-soundingsum like£ hadtobecountedoutas , silverpennies.Moneywasalso reckonedinmarks,whichwereequivalentto pennies,ortwothirdsofapound.
Newcastle
Durham
York
Brotherton
Blyth
Chester
ValeRoyal
Darnhall
Shrewsbury
Ludlow
Wigmore
Chesterfield
Clipstone
Harby
Burstwick
Isleof
Axholme
Lincoln
Trent
Sev ern
Worcester
Clifford Hereford
Wye
Monmouth
Exeter Plymouth
Gloucester Kenilworth
Quenington
Bristol
Glastonbury
Carlisle 0
Walsingham
StFaiths
Geddington
Northampton
Evesham
Avon Thames
DownAmpney
Oxford
Marlborough
Amesbury
Salisbury
Cambridge
Ely
Bromholm
BuryStEdmunds
Harwich
StAlbans
Wallingford
Wallinford
WalthamAbbey LONDON
Westminster Windsor
Rochester
LeedsCastleCanterbury
Dover
Hythe
Clarendon Winchester
Portsmouth Corfe
Newton
Winchelsea Lewes
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Thisstorybeginsintheyear withagirlcalledEleanor. EleanorlivesinEngland,apeacefulandprosperouskingdom, muchthesamesizethenasitisnow.Eleanorherself,however, isnotEnglish.ShewasbredandbroughtupinProvence,anindependentcountyinthesouthofwhatisnowmodernFrance.Thereason EleanorislivinginEnglandin isbecause,threeandahalfyears earlier,shehadbeenmarriedtothekingofEngland,HenryIII.Atthe timeoftheirwedding,Henrywastwenty-eight.Eleanorwastwelve.
Eleanorisnowsixteenyearsold,orverynearlyso,andreportedly agreatbeauty:graceful,charmingandelegant.Henryisverymuchin lovewithher,andshewithhim,butshehasyettowintheheartsof hissubjects.InthethirteenthcenturytheEnglishdidnottaketo foreignerswiththesameeasyreadinesstheydotoday.Wemaytakeas ourwitnessamonkofStAlbansbythenameofMatthewParis,who, aswellasbeingathorough-goingxenophobe,alsohappenstobeone ofthemostgossipy,prolificandbest-informedchroniclersoftheentire MiddleAges.BrotherMatthewandhiscontemporarieshadobserved theeffectsofEleanor’sarrivalandseenthethingtheymostfeared:an influxofforeigners,surroundingtheirking,separatinghimfromhis ‘natural’subjectsandadvisinghim–sotheEnglishbelieved–badly. Ratherridiculously,ParistriedtopintheblameforthisonEleanor. Foreignerswerepullingthekingdomtopieces,hesaid,andHenry, ‘beingundertheinfluenceofhiswife’,waslettingthem.
ItwasalsoapparentlyheldagainstEleanorthat,threeyearsintoher marriage,shehadnotproducedanychildren.‘Itwasfearedthequeen wasbarren,’saidMatthewParis,withthesympathyofaprofessional celibate.Again,thiswasquiteridiculous,givenEleanor’stenderyears. WhatismuchmorelikelyisthatHenryIII,akindandconsiderate man,hadbeenexercisingabitofself-restraint.Twelvewastheminimum
ageatwhichthemedievalChurchwouldpermitgirlstomarry,and HenryandEleanorhadprobablyhadsexsoonaftertheirwedding,but thiswouldhavebeenforpoliticalreasons,toensurethattheirunion wasvalidandbinding.Commonsenseandcompassionsuggestedthat twelvewastooyoungforregularmaritalrelationsandtoruntherisk thatEleanormightbecomepregnant.
BythetimeMatthewParismadethiscomment,however,Eleanor wasfifteen,Henrywasthirty-one,andtheyweredefinitelysleeping together.Weknowthisbecauseon September ,inthemiddle ofthenight,aknife-wieldingmadmanbrokeintoHenry’sbedchamber withtheintentionofkillingtheking.Hefailedbecause,asMatthew Parishimselftellsus,Henrywasnotinhisroomatthetime.Luckily, hewaswiththequeen.
Andnow,alittleoverninemonthsonfromthatdramaticevening, thequeenisabouttoconfoundhercriticsandsilencetherumourmongers.ItisJune ,justafewdaysshortofmidsummer,and EleanorislodgedinHenry’spalaceatWestminster,bythesideofthe RiverThames,onthesitewherethemodernHousesofParliament stand.Andthere,duringthenightof – June,inaroompresumablylitbylanternsandcandles,shegivesbirthtoherfirstchild.Her deliveryissuccessful,thebabyishealthy,and–bestofall–itisaboy. Inthemostimportantaspectofherroleasqueen,Eleanorhastriumphed. ShehasprovidedHenry,andEngland,withanheirtothethrone.
TherewasimmediatecelebrationinthePalaceofWestminster.At Henry’scommandtheclerksoftheroyalchapelsangthetriumphant anthem ChristusVincit,ChristusRegnat,ChristusImperat (Christconquers, Christreigns,Christrules),andmessengersweresentspeedingoffin alldirectionstospreadthegoodnews.InnearbyLondon,awalledcity ofsome , souls,thecitizenswentwild,dancingthroughthestreets withlanterns,drumsandtambourines.Soontheroyalmessengerswere returning,ladenwithcostlygiftsfromtheking’sgreatestsubjects.In somecasesHenryapparentlyfeltthatthesepresentswerenotcostly enoughandsenttheirbearersbacktogetbetterones.Accordingto MatthewParis,thisprovokedsomewagatcourttoquip,‘Godhas givenusthischild,butthekingissellinghimtous!’Parishimself, strikingamoreserioustone,thoughtthatHenry’singratitudehad ‘deeplycloudedhismagnificence’,andtheepisode,whilenotvery significant,doesprovidesomethingofacharacternotefortheking. Henry,asothercontemporariesobserved,wasa virsimplex:charitably, a‘straightforward’chap;moreobviously,asimpleton.Consequently,he tendedtoactinineptwayssuchasthis.Evenwhenfortunehanded
himasilkpurse,Henrycouldgenerallybereliedupontomakeapig’s earoutofit.
Amuchmoreimportantindicatoroftheking’spersonalityisprovided bythenamehechoseforhisnewbornson.Henry,althoughkingof England,wasancestrallyandculturallyFrench.Heandhisfamilywere directdescendantsofWilliamtheConqueror,theNormandukewho hadsnatchedEngland’sthronesome yearsearlier.Similarly,his leadingsubjectswerealldirectlydescendedfromtheConqueror’s Normancompanions.Whentheytalkedtoeachothertheyspoke French(oratleastaslightlyanglicised,Normanversionofit),and, whentheycametochristentheirchildren,theygavethemFrench names.William(Guillaume),forexample,wasstillapopularname,for obviousreasons.SotoowasRichard(Ricard),becauseitevokedthe memoryofHenry’sfamousuncle,RichardtheLionheart.AndHenry (Henri)itselfwasperfectlyrespectableandcommonplace.HenryIII mighthavebeenratherlimitedinhisabilities,buthistwonamesake predecessorshadbothbeenfearsomeandsuccessfulwarriorkings, worthyofcommemorationandemulation.
Alltheseoptions,however,Henryrejected.Hehadnodesireto fatherconquerors,orforthatmattercrusaders.Thankstohisownfather, thenotoriousKingJohn,hehadgrownupsurroundedbyuncertainty andconflict.Johnhaddiedinthemidstofaself-inflictedcivilwar, bequeathingtohissonakingdomscarredanddivided.WhatHenry cravedaboveallforhimselfandhissubjectswaspeace,harmonyand stability.Anditwasareflectionofthisambitionthathedecidedtocall hissonEdward.
Edwardwasadeeplyunfashionablenamein –nokingor noblemanhadbeenlumberedwithitsincetheNormanConquest, becauseitbelongedtothesidethathadlost.EdwardwasanOldEnglish name,anditsoundedasoddandoutlandishtoNormanearsafter asotherOldEnglishnames–Egbert,Æthelred,Egfrith–stillsound toustoday.TocallaboysuchanameaftertheConquestwastoinvite ridicule;hewasboundtobemockedbytheWilliams,Richardsand Henryswhowerehispeers.
ButHenryIIIhadgoodreasonforfoistingthisunfashionablename onhisfirstbornson.Afterhisfather’sdeath,hismotherhadabandoned him–IsabellaofAngoulêmeleftEnglandforherhomelandinFrance, remarriedandneverreturned.Effectivelyorphanedfromtheageof nine,theyoungkinghadfoundsubstitutefatherfiguresamongthe elderlymenwhohadhelpedhimgovernhiskingdom.Butthesemen too,Henryultimatelydecided,hadfailedhim,andby hefound himselfaloneoncemore.Itwasatthispoint,though,thattheking
discoveredanewmentor,amanwhowouldnever,everlethimdown –largelybecausehehadalreadybeendeadforthebestpartoftwo centuries.
Henry’snewpatronwasEdwardtheConfessor,thepenultimateking ofAnglo-SaxonEngland.LikeHenryhimself,Edwardhadnotbeenavery successfulruler:hisdeathinJanuary hadsparkedthesuccession crisisthatledtotheNormanConquestninemonthslater.Posthumously, however,Edwardhadacquiredareputationasamanofgreatgoodness–somuchsothat,acenturyafterhisdeath,hehadbeenofficially recognisedasasaint.Thereafterhisreignhadacquiredtheretrospectiveglowofagoldenage:menspokewithgreatreverenceabouthis goodandjustlaws(eventhough,inreality,henevermadeany).Of course,thefactthatEdwardwasnotagreatwarriorhadmadehiman unlikelyexemplarfortheconqueringdynastyofkingswhocameafter him.ButtoamanlikeHenryIII,whowasentirelylackinginmilitary skill,theConfessorseemedtheperfectrolemodel.Therewere,moreover,othersimilaritiesbetweentheirtwolivesthatmusthavestruck Henryashighlysignificant.Edwardhadlosthisfatherandbeen abandonedbyhismotheratayoungage;hehadgrownupwithwar andwishedtocultivatepeace;hehadbeenmisledbytreacherous ministers.Aboveall,Edward,likeHenry,wasfamedforhispiety.Edward wasthekingwhoestablishedtheroyalpalaceatWestminster,inorder tobenearthegreatabbey(minster)thathespentthelastyearsofhis liferebuilding.Induecoursehewasburiedintheabbeychurch,and histombtherebecameapilgrimshrine.Itwasthegreatesttestament toHenryIII’sloveandreverencefortheConfessorthat,from , hewouldspendvastsumsrebuildingtheabbeyforasecondtime, replacingtheoldRomanesquechurchwiththemassiveGothicbuilding thatstandstoday.
Itwasnosurprisetoanyone,therefore,thatHenryshouldchoose tocallhissonEdwardinhonourofhisidol.Nor,probably,wasita coincidencethattheboyhappenedtobeborninWestminster.Henry spentplentyoftimeinhispalacethere,partlytobeneartheabbey, andpartlybecauseWestminsterwasacentreforsomebranchesofroyal government.Butthekinghadlotsofotherpalacesandcastlesallover England,andtogovernhisrealmproperlyhewasobligedtotravel aroundthem.ItseemslikelythatHenryhaddeliberatelyarrangedit sothatheandEleanorwereinWestminsterastheendofherterm approached,sothattheywouldbeintheclosestpossibleproximityto theConfessor’sshrine.BeingborninWestminsteralsomeantthatEdward couldbebaptisedthere.Afewdaysafterhisbirth,thenewbabybecame thefirstkingofEnglandtobechristenedintheabbey,surroundedby
agreatcrowdofbishops,noblemenandladies,nofewerthantwelve ofwhombecamehisgodparents.Henrywasevidentlydeterminedfrom thefirstthathissonwouldhavealltheaffectionandguidanceinchildhoodthathehimselfhadlacked.
Westminster’sspiritualandgovernmentaladvantagesmadeitabusy place,unsuitablefortheraisingofchildren.AfewweeksafterEdward’s birththecourtleftthepalaceandtravelledfiftymilesuptheThames (twentymilesasthecrowflies)totheroyalcastleatWindsor. Itwas here,inthequietBerkshirecountryside,thatHenryandEleanorintended theirsonshouldgrowup.Soonaftertheirweddingin Henryhad begunamajorrebuildingprogrammetoupdatethevenerablefortress –WindsorhadbeenestablishedbyWilliamtheConqueror–inline withcontemporarystandardsofluxuryandhisownexactingtastes.A brand-newchamberhadalreadybeenconstructedforthequeenand, justafewweeksafterhisbirth,workbeganonanadjacentcourtyard forherson.Henrywentontobuildawhollynewsuiteofroomsat WindsorforhimselfandEleanor,withanespeciallygrandchapel. Altogetherthekingspentwellover£, ontheseimprovements –enoughtohavebuiltanentirelynewcastlefromscratch.
Almostnothingofthesebuildingssurvivestoday.Thefragmentsthat remain,however(suchasthedoorstothechapel),andthedetailed ordersthatHenrysenttohisdesigners,areenoughtoestablishthe qualityofthelifethattheyafforded.Chamberswerefashionedexpensivelyinstone,withfireplacesanden-suitetoilets.Theywerelinked bycoveredwalkwaysandlitbylargewindows,glazedwithglassof manycolours.Interiordecorwassumptuous:floorswereexquisitely tiled,pillarsweresculptedfromPurbeckmarble,wallswerepainted withcolourfulpatternsorhungwithtapestries.Henry’sfavourite decorativescheme,itseems,wasforgreenwallsspangledwithgold stars.Outside,inthecourtyards,gardenswereplantedwithherbsand flowers.
NorwasthislevelofluxuryconfinedtoWindsor.Atallhispalaces andcastles,evenoneshehardlyevervisited,Henrydelightedincommissioningnewbuildingwork,improvingtheplumbingorthewainscoting, ororderingnewwall-paintings(favouritesubject:EdwardtheConfessor). Itmadehimsomethingofatargetforsatiricalcomment.‘Whitebread, chambersandtapestries,’mockedoneobserver,‘toridelikeadeanon adocilemount:thekinglikesbetterallthatthantoputonacoatof mail.’ButitalsomeantthatHenryandhisyoungfamilyenjoyeda levelofcomfortthatistheantithesisofwhatmostpeopletodayimagine as‘medieval’.EvenasasmallchildEdwardateoffsilverplate,anddrank
finewine,importedfromthesouthofFrance.Byhisparents’command, hewasdressedinexpensivesilks,robesofscarlettrimmedwithfur, andclothofgold.
Astheordersfortheseitemsimply,Henrywasanattentiveand dotingfather,andhisitinerarysuggeststhathespentasmuchtimeas hecouldatWindsor.Nevertheless,thefactthatsuchordershadtobe committedtowritingindicatesthat,formostofthetime,thebusiness ofgovernmentmeantthatthekinghadtobeelsewhere.Sotoo,on someoccasions,didEleanor–hermostnotableabsencebeinga seventeen-monthvisittoFrancewithHenryin –.Ingeneral, however,thequeenwasatWindsorfarmoreoftenthanherhusband. Suchevidenceassurvivessuggeststhatsheprobablyresidedatthecastle forwelloverhalfofalltheweeksinanyoneyear.
Thiswaswithoutdoubtbecauseshewantedtospendasmuchtime aspossiblewithhergrowingbroodofchildren.Intheautumnof EdwardhadbeenjoinedatWindsorbyalittlesister,deliveredatthe castleon SeptemberandchristenedMargaretinhonourofamaternal aunt.Afewyearslater,in ,cameBeatrice,borninBordeauxduring herparents’triptoFranceandnamedinthisinstanceafterEleanor’s mother.Whenasecondsonarrivedatthestartof itwasHenry’s turntodothenaming,andonceagainhedefiedconventioninorder tohonouranotherOldEnglishroyalsaint.BabyEdmundwassoon installedinwhathadbecomeaveritableroyalnursery.Aswellashis youngersiblings,Edwardbythisstagewaskeepingcompanywithhis cousinHenryandanumberofothernoblechildren.
Needlesstosay,thequeenhadplentyofhelpinraisingthemall. HerforemostassistantswereHughandSybilGiffard,ahusbandand wifeteamwhowereentrustedwithEdward’scustodyfromthemoment ofhisbirth.Sybil,indeed,hadhelpedtodeliverEdwardandwaslater wellrewardedbyHenryforhavingactedasmidwife.Therewerealso severalotherladiesonhandtoassistinthepracticalitiesofchild-raising. AsaninfantEdwardhadtwonurses,AliceandSarah,whoseresponsibilitieswouldhaveextendedtosucklinghim.
Eleanorwasalsosupported,inalessimmediatebutnevertheless cruciallyimportantway,bycertainmembersofherownfamily.Onher mother’sside,thequeenhadnofewerthansixcleverandambitious uncles.Thesemen,whohailedfromtheAlpineprovinceofSavoy,saw intheirniece’smarriagetheopportunityforself-advancement,andshe inreturnlookedtothemforhelpandadvice.Oneoftheseuncles, WilliamofSavoy,hadaccompaniedEleanortoEnglandin (and,until hisdeathin ,hadbeentheprincipalcauseofEnglishdiscontent).
AfewyearslaterBonifaceofSavoyarrived,havingbeenelected,at
Henry’surging,asarchbishopofCanterbury.Butbetweenthesetwo brothers,andmoreimportantthaneither,camePeterofSavoy.He appearedinEnglandsoonafterChristmas andimmediatelyestablishedhimselfasoneoftheking’sclosestadvisers.(Amongthemany propertiesthatHenrylaterrewardedhimwithwasahouseonthe Strand,whichbecametheSavoyPalaceand,latterly,theSavoyHotel.)
Anexceptionallysmoothoperator–evenMatthewParishadtoadmit thathewas‘discreetandcircumspect’–Peterunderstoodfromthestart thathisinfluencedependedonEleanor,andthatherimportanceflowed fromherpositionasthemotheroftheheirtothethrone.Peterthereforealsobecamehisniece’sprincipalconfidantandcollaborator,and tookstepstoensurethattogethertheymaintainedthetightestpossible controloverherson.EvenbeforePeter’sarrival,aSavoyardclerkhad beenmaderesponsibleforcontrollingaccesstoEdwardand,withina yearofhiscoming,theoldconstableofWindsorwasreplacedby BernardofSavoy,whomayhavebeenPeter’sbastardbrother.Noaspect ofEdward’swelfare,nomatterhowunglamorous,escapedSavoyard attention.Justmonthsafterhisarrival,presumablybecauseofthehealth risktheyposed,PeteradvisedHenrytoclearallthehorsesoutof WindsorCastle,alongwiththeirdung.
LittleisknownofEdward’seducation,butwemaymakesomegeneral observations.HughGiffard,husbandofSybil,wasdescribedbyMatthew Parisastheboy’steacher(pedagogus),anditisentirelypossiblethat HughwasresponsibleforgivingEdwardsomeofhisearliestlessons, thoughtheseweremorelikelyofabasicsocialnatureratherthanan overtlyscholarlyone.HughdiedbeforeEdward’sseventhbirthday, whichwasthestageatwhichmostmedievalthinkersreckonedthat infancyendedandthemorerigoroustrainingassociatedwithboyhood oughttobegin.Uptothatpoint,thecareandeducationofchildren wasconsideredtobeprincipallyafemaleconcern.
ItwasthereforemorelikelySybilGiffard,thenursesAliceandSarah, and,indeed,thequeenherselfwhobeganoneofthemostimportant aspectsofEdward’seducation,namelyteachinghimtoread.Although therewereanumberofmaleclerksintheboy’shousehold,theirtasks wereprobablyadministrativeinnatureandconnectedwiththeperformanceofreligiousservices.Itwas,asonethirteenth-centurypoemput it,‘woman[that]teachethchildthebook’.Learningtoreadwasperfectly normalforaristocratsinthethirteenthcentury,asindeeditwasfor mostotherranksofsociety.BythetimeEdwardwasking,forexample, itwasalegalrequirementthatevenserfs(unfreepeasants)shouldown asealwithwhichtoauthenticatedocuments.Writing,ontheother
handwasamorespecialisedtechnicalskill,andbecauseitwasrather messymanynoblesnodoubtconsidereditsomewhatbeneaththem, especiallysincetheyemployedplentyofdedicatedclericalstaffintheir households.Edward,therefore,wascertainlyareader,butprobablynot awriter.
Oneofthethingsthathadmadeliteracyeasierandmoreappealing fortheEnglisharistocracybythethirteenthcenturywastheincreasing quantityofliteraturebeingtranslatedintotheireverydaytongue.The Bible,prayerbooksandpsalterswereallavailableinFrenchtranslation, and,sincereligiousdevotionwastheprimaryspurtoreading,these wereprobablythefir stkindofbooksthatEdwardwouldhaveencountered.Nevertheless,despitetheincreasingavailabilityofsuchmaterial andtheincreasinguseofFrenchinletters,bothpublicandprivate,it wasimportantforaboywhowasbeinggroomedasafuturekingto obtainatleastabasiclevelofliteracyinLatin(herehisclerksmayhave beenmorehelptohimthanhismother).Latinremainedtheprincipal writtenlanguageofroyalgovernment,andtheonly linguafranca suitableforcorrespondingwithotherEuropeanrulers,particularlythe pope.Lastly,EdwardwouldalsohavelearnedEnglishfromanearlyage, probablyfromthemouthsofhisnative-bornguardians,HughandSybil Giffard,andperhapshisnurses,ratherthanfromhisProvençalmother. Suchknowledgewouldofferhimnogreatsocialbenefits–hardly anythingofvaluewascommittedtowritinginEnglish,norwasEnglish spokeninthesophisticatedcourtcirclesinwhichEdwardgenerally moved–yettherewouldhavebeenadvantageslaterinlifeforaking whocouldcommunicateinthetongueusedbythevastmajorityof hissubjects.
WhatkindofthingswouldEdwardhavelearnedabout?Therewas nocurriculumassuch,buttherewereneverthelessawiderangeof subjectsthatwereconsideredsuitableforstudy.Aknowledgeofhistory wasdesirable,chieflybecauseitfurnishedexamplesofworthyindividualswhosesuccessfulbehaviourcouldbeemulated,aswellaslosers whosemistakesoughttobeavoided.TothisendEdwardprobably learnedagooddealofthehistoryofhisownfamily,whichprovided ready-madeheroes,suchasRichardtheLionheart(Edward’sgreatuncle),aswellaslesslaudablefigures,suchhisgrandfather,KingJohn. Theunavoidableexemplar,however,wasEdwardtheConfessor.Henry IIIfilledhispalaceswithimagesofhisfavouriteroyalsaint,andnever failedtocelebratehistwoannualfestivals(usuallyatWestminster).Henry hadbeenparticularlykeenthathiswifeshouldjoinhiminappreciationoftheConfessor’sall-roundwonderfulnessfromthemomentshe arrivedinEngland,andcommissionednoneotherthanMatthewParis
towriteforher,inFrench,ahistoryofthesaintlyking’sreign.Eleanor dutifullyobligedherhusbandbyimitatinghishero-worship,andmust surelyhavesharedhernew-foundknowledgewithhereldestson: Edwardalsobecameadevotedfollowerofhisnamesake’scult,albeit nottothesameexcessiveextentashisfather.
IfEleanorhadapersonalhandinthedevelopmentofherson’s historicalawareness,itmayhavebeentoteachhimaboutthemore distant,legendarypastofthecountryshehadcometoregardashome. Tojudgefromherbookpurchases,thequeenwasagreatreaderof medievalromances–thatis,stirringtalesofchivalry,ratherthanlove storiesinthemodernsense.Herenthusiasmforsuchliteraturewas probablyformedduringheryouthinProvence–thefashionfor romanceshadoriginatedinsouthernFranceinthehalfcenturybefore herbirth.Thestoriestheyrecountedweresetinavarietyofhistoric epochs,includingAncientGreeceandRome(theRomanceof Alexander)andearlymedievalFrance(theRomanceofCharlemagne). Byfarthemostpopularromancesofall,however,notjustinEngland andwithEleanor,butineverypartofEurope,werethosesetinAncient Britain–thetalesofKingArthur,andhisknightsoftheRoundTable.
Suchstorieswereread,orlistenedto,forfunandamusement.They weretypicallyfullofaction,oftenviolentandbloody,andplaceda highvalueonsheerphysicalaccomplishment.Heroeswerepraisedfor theirprowessintournamentsandtheirbodycountonthebattlefield.
But,atthesametime,romancesalsohadadidacticpurpose,totheextent thattheycelebratedawidersetofvirtuesthatsociety–especially secular,aristocraticsociety–helddear.ThosewhoheardtellofArthur andhisknightlycompanionsknewthattheyshouldbecourageous, notcowardly;loyal,nottreacherous;generous,notgreedy;frankand openintheirdealings,notslyanddeceptive.
Whenitcametolearningaboutgeographytherewasnosubstitute forventuringoutintothewiderworld.Whileitmadesensenotto exposeyoungchildrentotoomuchtravel,theyweremovedonspecial occasions.HenryIII,forexample,typicallycelebratedChristmasat WinchesterorWestminster,andwecanbefairlycertainthathewould havewantedhisfamilywithhimforthefestivities.Similarly,Eleanor hadplacesshelikedtostayapartfromWindsor:theroyalpalaceat Woodstock,nearOxford,andthepalacesatClarendonandMarlborough inWiltshire,wereamongherfavouritedestinations.Herchildrenmust havebeenbroughttoherfromtimetotime–asinfantsbothEdward andMargarethadspecialsaddlesmadetoallowthemtoridewithan adult–orhavetravelledwiththeirmotherinhercarriage.Leaving thesafetyofthenurseryinevitablybroughtrisks:onhisseventhbirthday
in EdwardwaswithhisparentsontheHampshirecoast,celebratingthededicationofBeaulieuAbbey, whenhesuddenlyfellso seriouslyillthathewasunabletobemovedforthreeweeks.Bythe sametoken,illnesscouldstrikeanywhere:Edwardwasalsoreportedly sickasachildinthemorefamiliarsurroundingsofWestminsterand Windsor.
Riskhadtobebalancedagainsttheimportanceofallowingagrowing boytoexperiencetheworldbeyondthepalacewalls,andtopractise thekindofactivitiesthatwouldallowhimtodevelopamorerobust physique.Sevenwaspreciselytheagewhenitwasthoughtthatsuch trainingshouldbegin.Followingthedeathofhisfirstmentor,Hugh Giffard,in ,EdwardwascommittedtothecareofBartholomew Pecche,aknightformerlyresponsibleforlittleMargaret’swelfare.It musthavebeenunderBartholomew’swatchfuleyethathisnewcharge firstbegantoacquiretheskillsandenthusiasmsthathedemonstrated inlaterlife:howtogallopahorse;howtotrainandtrackhawks;how tohunt.HenryIII,almostuniquelyamongmedievalmonarchs,does notseemtohaveengagedinsuchpursuits,andclearlydidnotrelish them.Butin ,ayearafterPecche’sappointment,thekinggranted hissonpermissiontohuntinWindsorForest.ThisassumesthatEdward wasbecomingfamiliarwithweapons,learninghowtohandleknives, bowsandswords.Itcannothavebeenmuchlaterthathefoundthe strengthtoliftalance,andbegantohonetheabilityofhittingatarget.
AsEdwardlefthisinfancybehind,therefore,hegrewfitter,stronger, moreaccomplished,andmoreawareoftheworldaroundhim:notonly thehillsandwoodsaroundWindsorandanumberofotherroyalresidences,butalsothelandscapeofsouthernEnglandasawhole,seen firstfromthewindowsofhismother’scarriage,andincreasinglystanding inthestirrupsofhisownhorse.Bytoday’sstandards,thislandscape wouldseemthinlypopulatedandunderproductive:inthethirteenth century,onlyaround to millionpeoplelivedinEngland,thevast majorityofthemdwellinginsmallvillages,andobliged(eithertotheir lords,orfortheirownsakes)totillthesoilinordertosurvive.Yetby medievalstandardsthiswasadenselypopulatedcountrywithadynamic andexpandingeconomy.Thepopulationwasgrowingrapidly,which meantthatmoreandmorelandwasbeingbroughtundertheplough. Akingdomthattouswouldhaveseemedalmostemptymusthave seemedbustlingtoEdward.Everywherehelooked,therewereancient forestsbeingfelled,newtownsbeingfounded,andpeasantsontheir waytomarkettoselltheirsurplusproduce.
Andwhatoftheworldbeyond?Exceptforwhathesawwithhisown eyes,Edwardwouldhavehadonlyalimitedconceptofgeography.
Accuratemapsofthekindthatwetodaytakeforgrantedwereinhis dayentirelyunknown.Theextentofcartographicalscienceasitstood inthethirteenthcenturyisbestsummedupbythelargesheetofparchmentthatnowhangsinHerefordCathedral,andthatisgenerally referredtoasthe MappaMundi (althoughothermedievalmapsalsogo bythesamename,whichmeans‘clothoftheworld’).Edwardmay neverhaveseenthisparticularmap–itwascreatedtowardstheend ofhislife,probablyinLincolnshire.Hewould,however,haveseen otherexamplesdrawntoanidenticalscheme,fortheywerequite popularamongthoseabletoaffordthem.Inthe sHenryIII commissionedtwosuchworldmapsfortheroyalresidencesat WinchesterandWestminster,andminiatureversionsweresometimes copiedintoprayerbooks.ItwouldhavebeenquitelikelythatEdward ownedonehimself.
ItisapopularmisconceptionthatintheMiddleAgespeoplebelieved thattheworldwasflat.Theydidn’t–thisisapatronisingbutsadlypervasivemodernmyth.Astronomicalobservationandancientauthorities toldmedievalmanthathisworldwasspherical.Atrueunderstanding oftheEarth’ssurface,however,eludedhim,duetothelimitedextent ofhisgeographicalknowledge.InanagebeforeColumbus,Europeans knewofonlythreecontinents:Africa,Asia,andEuropeitself.These, theybelieved,wereentirelyconcentratedinthenorthernhemisphere, fortheequatorwasheldtobeanimpassiblyhotbarrier,beyondwhich nolifecouldexist.This,therefore,iswhattheHereford MappaMundi endeavourstoshow:thenorthernhalfofasphericalworld,andthe manywonderswithinit.
InthisglobalschemetheBritishIslesareextremelyperipheral, squeezedagainsttheedgeofthebottomleft-handquadrant.Yet,in spiteoftheverylimitedamountofspacethatthisaffords,theresultis surprisinglydetailed:overthirtytownsandcitiesarecrammedin,as wellasmountainrangesandmajorrivers.Themap’sdesigner,however, wasconcernedtorecordmorethanthemerelytopographic.Thefurther heventuredbeyondwesternEuropeandthehazierhisgeographical knowledgebecame,themorehefeltabletoincludematerialofa mythologicalnature.Themap’ssouthernedgeispopulatedbystrange humancreatures:hermaphrodites,peoplewithfoureyes,menwiththeir facesintheirstomachs.Africateemswithmonstersandbeasts,among themthecyclops,thefawnandtheunicorn.IntheMediterranean,too, thereisaheavyemphasisonancientlegend:theGoldenFleece,the LabyrinthandtheScyllaandCharybdisalljostleforspace.
Andyet,inspiteofthewealthofclassicalandfantasticalmaterial thatthe MappaMundi includes,itsviewoftheworldisunmistakablya
Christianone.ScenesfromtheBible,includingNoah’sArkandthe TowerofBabel,dominatethedepictionoftheHolyLand.Atthetop edgeoftheparchment,abovetheEarthitself,sitsGod,surroundedby angels,andbelowhimstandstheVirginMary.Butitistothemiddle ofthemapthattheviewer’seyeisinevitablydrawn.Atthecentreof thecircle–directlyoverthemarksmadebytheartist’scompassashe drewtheoutlineoftheworld–isthecityofJerusalem.
ToregardJerusalemasthecentreoftheworldwasobviouslyanother consequenceofpossessingaChristianperspective:immediatelyabove hispictureoftheHolyCity,the MappaMundi artistdrewapictureof thecrucifiedChrist.Morethanthis,though,itwastoseetheworld throughtheeyesofacrusader.Bythemiddleofthethirteenthcentury, theChristiansofwesternEuropehadbeenengagedfor yearsina struggletowrestcontrolofJerusalemfromtheIslamicrulersofthe MiddleEast.Attheendoftheeleventhcentury,whenthefirstcrusaders haddeparted,theideahadbeenarevolutionaryone;byEdward’sday itwasacentralanduniversallyacceptedfactoflife.Ajourneytothe Easttofighttheinfidelhadbecomeamajorpartofwhatitmeantto beaknight,asfundamentalasowningahorseorknowinghowto holdalance.Towearthesignofthecrossandtofightindefenceof theHolyCitywasthehighestofallknightlyendeavours.Norwasit justtheconcernofthemilitaryclasses:allranksofsocietywereexhorted tosupportcrusaders,morallyandfinancially.Rarelywouldayeargo bywithoutanewpreachinginitiative,intendedtodrumupprayers andfundsforanewexpedition.
Edward’sunderstandingofthehistoryofcrusadingwouldhavebeen limitedtowhatheheardinpopulartales.Fromthesehewouldhave known,forexample,howtheknightsoftheFirstCrusadehadtravelled thousandsofmiles,overcomeunimaginablehardships,andeventually succeededinliberatingJerusalem.Likewisehewouldhaveheardthe equallyfamousstoriesoftheThirdCrusade,theattempttoretake Jerusalemafteritsfallin –anultimatelyunsuccessfulmission,but oneredeemedbytheheroicexploitsofRichardtheLionheart.King Richard,ofcourse,providedafamilyconnectionwithcrusading,being theuncleofHenryIII,butbyEdward’sdayhehadbeendeadfor almosthalfacentury.Analtogethermorevitallinkwithcrusading existed,however,intheformofEdward’sownUncleRichard,Henry’s youngerbrother.
Richard,earlofCornwall(orRichardofCornwall,asheisusually known)hadleftEnglandoncrusadeinthesummerof ,before Edward’sfirstbirthday.Itwas,infact,thankstoEdward’sarrivalthat theearl’sdeparturehadbecomeafeasibleproposition,becausebefore
thatmomenthehadbeenfirstinlinetothethrone.Alas,whenitcame tofighting,Richardhadmoreincommonwithhisolderbrotherthan hisillustriousnamesake,andasaconsequencetherewasnomilitary actionofanyconsequenceinthecourseofhisexpedition.ButRichard wasfarmoreintelligentthanHenry,andwasespeciallyskilledatnegotiation.Indeed,suchwashisdiplomaticabilitythat,duringhisbrief stayintheHolyLand,theearlnegotiatedthereturnofJerusalem.The dealprovedshortlived–thecityfellagainfouryearslater–butat thetimeitsecuredRichardaninternationalreputationforstatesmanship,andhereturnedtoEnglandin garlandedwithlaurelsand convincedofhisowntriumphantsuccess.Moreover,hereturnedfull ofthewondershehadseen:bandsofmusiciansridingonthebackof elephants,Saracengirlswhodancedonballs.Theearltoldthesetales toMatthewParis,whowrotethemdown,andwecanbefairlycertain hewouldhavesharedthemwithhisnephewaswell:Richard,aswell asbeingEdward’suncle,wasoneofthemoreimportantofhismany godparents,andthetwoofthembecameveryclose.
HenryIIIwaspredictablymoremutedinhisenthusiasmforcrusaders andcrusadingthanhisbrotherandmostofhisothersubjects.He possessedtherequisitepietyinabundance,butlackedthenecessary penchantforviolence.Inthelate s,however,inthewakeof Jerusalem’srecentfall,thepressureonhimtoparticipatewasbecoming irresistible.ManyEnglishnoblemenwerereadytogoeastundertheir ownbanners,oreventojointheexpeditionofLouisIX,kingofFrance, whoset sailfortheHolyLandin .Thislast,inparticular,really threwdownthegauntlettoHenry,fortheFrenchkingwashisgreat rival.Wouldhe,thekingofEngland,standidlybywhileKingLouis tookalltheglory?Withnationalanddynasticprideatstake,Henry eventuallydecidedthattheanswerwasno.InMarch ,inagrand publicceremony,thekingsurprisedhissubjectsandtookthecross. Manyothernoblesandknightsalsotooktheirvowsatthesametime, andcrusadefeversoontookholdofthewholecourt.Withinafew weeks,QueenEleanorhadborrowedacopyof TheSongofAntioch,a romancehistoryoftheFirstCrusade.ThefollowingyearHenrybegan tocommissionnewwall-paintingsinmanyofhiscastlesandpalaces, featuringscenesfromthesamestory,orepisodesfromthelifeofRichard theLionheart.Whereveranimpressionableeleven-year-oldlookedor listened,therewasanexhortationtogooncrusade.
Havingtakenhisvow,HenryIIIcouldnotdepartatonce.Acrusade wasnotawhimsicaljaunt;onthecontrary,itwastheundertakingof alifetime,andrequiredmanymonths,runningintoyears,ofcareful preparation.Crusadershadtobesure,aboveall,oftwothings.First,
thattheyhadenoughmoneytofundtheirexpedition.Tothisend, Henrymadeeconomiesinhisexpenditure,andbegantosaveupa goldtreasure(goldhavinggreatercurrencyintheEastthanthesilver coinageusedintheWest).Second,acrusaderneededtoensurethat hislandswouldbesafeandsecureduringhisabsence.HereHenryhad lesssuccess,andsoonfoundhimselfrunningintodeepdifficulties.These difficulties,however,evenastheycasttheking’scrusadeintodoubt, werethemakingofhiseldestson.
HenryIIIwasfirstandforemostkingofEngland,buthewasalsolord ofotherlandsbesides.InIreland,forexample,Englishadventurershad carvedoutnewdomainsinthelastdecadesofthetwelfthcentury,and Henry’sgrandfather,HenryII,hadintervenedtoensurethattheEnglish Crownhadthewhiphand.InWalestoo,theEnglishhadmade considerableinroadsinthecourseofthetwelfthcentury,withtheresult thatlargepartsofthesouthandeastofthecountrywereruledby Englishlordsorroyalofficials.Neitherofthese‘British’zones,however, wasacauseforconcernin ;they,likeEngland,seemedsecure.The problemthatloomedin layacrosstheChannelwithHenry’s ancestrallandsontheContinent.
Eversince ,whenDukeWilliamofNormandyhadseizedthe throneofEngland,Englishkingshadheldextensivelandsinwhatis nowFrance.Inthecourseofthetwelfthcenturytheyhadexpanded theirempirefurtherandfurthersouth,untileventuallytheirpower reachedthePyrenees.HenryII,thechiefarchitectofthisexpansion, hadendedupwithmorelandsinFrancethanthekingofFrance himself,andthis,naturally,wasthemaincauseofAnglo-Frenchantagonism.Thebalanceofpower,however,hadbeendramaticallyreversedin thenextgeneration.HenryII’sson,theincompetentKingJohn,had lostalmostallthelandshisfatherhadassembled.Withinadecadeof John’sdeathin ,andbeforehisson–HenryIII–hadcomeof age,allthatremainedofaoncegreatfamilyinheritancewasthesouthwesterncornerofFrance,knownasAquitaine,orGascony.
Seeninthislight,Gasconywasamuchdiminishedrump,butregarded onitsowntheduchywasanextensivepossession,stretchingover milesfromnorthtosouthandaroundhalfthatdistancefromeastto west.HenryIIIjealouslyguardedthislastremnantofhisContinental inheritance,andsoughtanxiouslytoprotectitbyextendinghisinfluenceelsewhereintheregion.Ithadbeenforthisreason,andtokeep upthecontinuingcompetitionwithFrance,thatthekinghadsought awifefromProvence:eighteenmonthsbeforeHenryhadmarried Eleanor,KingLouishadmarriedhereldersister,Margaret.Oneday,
Henryhoped,hewouldregaintheterritorieshisfatherhadlost.Itwas withthisambitionthathehadsetoutforFranceduringEdward’s infancy–adisastrousadventurethathadservedonlytounderlinehis reputationasamilitarybungler.Inthemeantime,whatmatteredmost wasconservingGascony.ThiswasaparticularpriorityforEleanorand heradvisinguncle,PeterofSavoy,fortheyhadlongdeterminedthat theduchyshouldonedaygotoEdward.Almostfromthemomentof hisbirththeyhadseenoffotherwould-beclaimants–principally RichardofCornwall–and,soonafterhistenthbirthday,theirlabours wererewarded:inSeptember ,HenryIIImadeaformalgrantof Gasconytohiseldestson.Butbythetimethekingtookthecross somesixmonthslater,affairsintheduchywere spinningoutofcontrol. Rebellionwasbeginningtorage,imperillingbothEdward’sinheritance andHenry’scrusade.ItscausewasSimondeMontfort.
SimondeMontfort,earlofLeicester,wasHenryIII’sbrother-in-law (theking’ssister,anotherEleanor,wasSimon’swife).HewasalsoeverythingthatHenrywasnot:quick-witted,silver-tonguedand,inthe wordsofMatthewParis,‘famousandexperiencedinwarfare’.His personalityandaccomplishmentshadrecommendedhim,particularly toEleanorofProvence,asthebestmanforthejobofsafeguarding GasconyuntilEdward’scomingofage.Inthesummerof ,largely atthequeen’sbehest,MontforthadbeenappointedbyHenryasthe royallieutenantintheduchy.
Itwasabaddecision.ToughandcleverMontfortmayhavebeen,but hewasalsouncommonlyegotisticalandinflexiblyself-righteous.These qualities,whicharoseinpartfromhisreligiousfanaticism,madetheearl anidealcr usader–hehadalreadybeeneastonceandhadvowedto goagain–buttheyrenderedhimaltogetherunsuitableforthebusiness ofgoverningGascony.Thelieutenant’sauthorityandresourceswere limited:localtownsandlords,whentheygrewfractious,neededgentle conciliation.Montfort’smethodwastofightfirewithfire,andverysoon thewholeduchywasablaze.EvenasHenryIIItookthecrossinMarch ,hisbrother-in-lawwaswritingtohim,explaininghowcertain Gasconswereusingguerrillawarfaretocripplehisgovernment.
Henry’sinitialresponsewastobackMontfort:throughout the earlwasgiventhousandsofpoundstospendonmercenariesandcastlebuilding.But,asthetideofcomplaintsfromGasconyswelled,andthe rebellioncontinuedtointensify,Henrystartedtochangehismind. Eventually,muchtoMontfort’sanger,thekingcuthisfundingand,at Christmas ,thetwomenhadafuriouspublicrow.Theearlwas toldtostanddown,butreturnedtotheduchyindefianceandwreaked morehavoc.
TheescalatingcrisisinGasconyhadgraveimplicationsforHenry’s crusade,andalarmedthoseofhissubjectswhohadsworntogoeast. InApril theirworstfearswereconfirmed,ironically,byHenry’s botchedeffortstoallaythem.Atthatpointthekingletitbeknown thathewoulddefinitelybedeparting,andthattothisendhehadfixed afirmdate.Butthedatewasmidsummer ,afurtherfouryears intothefuture.Thelongdelaywasnecessarybecause,havingsent investigatorstoGascony,Henrynowbelievedthattheonlywaythat theprovincecouldbestabilisedwaswithamilitaryexpeditionledby himself.
Heretoo,however,thekingranintoextremedifficulty.Thefundamentalproblemwasmoney.Warwasanexpensivebusiness,andHenry IIIwasnotarichking.Hisprivatefinancialresources,whichamounted totherentsandsalesfromhisownlands,werebynomeansgreat.He coulddemandextramoneyfromhissubjects,butthemethodsfor obtainingitwereoldfashioned,punitiveandunfair.Essentially,theking wasreliantonrevenuesandfinesraisedbyhislocalofficials–foresters, justicesandsheriffs–andthemorefundsthatwereneeded,themore oppressiveandunscrupuloustheseofficialshadtobe.Itsaysalotthatthe storiesofRobinHood,inwhichsuchmenarethevillains,originated inHenry’sreign.
Theobvioussolutionwastoimposeagenerallevyoneveryone–atax–andHenry’simmediatepredecessorshadonoccasiondonejust that.KingRichardandKingJohnhadfoundthattheycouldraisehuge sumsinthisway–England,itbearsrepeating,wasarichandprosperouscountry–butsuchtaxesprovedhighlyunpopular,andwereregarded astantamounttorobbery.Itsoonbecameimpossibletoimposethem withoutfirstobtainingamuchbroaderdegreeofconsentthanwas customaryforotherpoliticaldecisions.ThesolutionsuggestedinKing John’sreign,thatthekingshouldconsultwithallthosewhoheldlands directlyfromhim,provedimpracticable.ItfelltoHenry’sministersto deviseanewwayofobtainingapproval,and,atsomepointinthe period –,theydecidedtosummonrepresentativesfromthe countiesandtownsofEngland.Aroundthesametime,anewword wascoinedtodescribesuchassemblies:parliament.
Tohissurpriseandfrustration,however,Henryfoundthatwhen parliamentsweresummonedtheywerenotnearlyascompliantnoras automaticallyobligingashewouldhaveliked.Knightsoftheshires andburgessesfromthetownshadplentytosayabouttheoppressivenessofhisgovernment,andlinkedhisdemandsformoneytotheredress oftheirgrievances.OntheissueofGascony,moreover,theywereloath topayanymoneyatall.ThekingsofEnglandmighthavebeendeeply
attachedtotheduchy,buttheirEnglishsubjectsfeltnosimilaraffection –tothemitwasmerelyanexpensiveburden.When,intheautumn of ,Henryaskedforataxtofundhisintendedexpedition,parliamentrefused(and,toaddinsulttoinjury,pointedouthisshortcomings asawarrior).Thekingwaslefthamstrung.Caughtbetweenrebellion inGasconyontheonehand, andpoliticaloppositioninEnglandon theother,Henrydidwhathedidbest,anddithered.
Perhapstheonlypersonwhocouldhaveviewedtheking’sprocrastinationwithsomethingapproachingequanimitywashiseldestson. ThecrisisinGasconypulledEdwardontothepoliticalstageforthe firsttime(MatthewParis,forexample,nowbeginstonoticehim properly).InApril ,aspartofhisstrategyofappeasement,Henry publiclyrenewedhisearliergrantoftheduchytoEdward.Those GasconstheninEnglandweresummonedtoLondon,andEdwardwas presentedtothemastheirnewlord.Hewentthroughtheconventionalperformanceexpectedinsuchcircumstances–receivingoaths ofloyaltyfromtheGasconlordswhokneltbeforehim,anddistributingvaluablegiftsasatokenofthebenefitsthathislordshipwould bring.Edwardwastwelvegoingonthirteenatthetime;tooyoung, perhaps,toplayhisrolewithtotalconviction,butonlyjust.Withevery monththatHenrydelayed,hissongrewtallerandstronger,more convincingandmorepoliticallyconscious.When,inthesummerof ,HenrypromisedtointerveneinGascony,hewasabletoenvisage analternativescenario,acceptabletohimselfaswellastotheGascons, inwhichEdwardwouldbesentinhisstead.Edwardmayevenhave beenprivatelypleasedthatthesummerof wasstillfouryears away;itwasnotbeyondtheboundsofpossibilityforseventeen-yearoldstogooncrusade.
AnyimmediatehopesthatEdwardentertainedofalargerroleasa resultoftheGasconcrisis,however,weredashedbyitsrapidescalation inthespringof .Castile,thegreatestoftheseveralkingdomsthat madeupmedievalSpain,hadfordecadesbeenafriendlyneighbour onGascony’ssouthernborder.Butnowithadacquiredanewkingin theshapeofAlfonsoX,whohadenteredintohisinheritancethe previousyeardeterminedtomakehismarknotonlyinSpainbutalso onthewiderEuropeanstage.Withatenuousclaimofhisownto Gascony,andalmostcertainlytemptedbyinvitationsfromtheGascon rebels,Alfonsofoundtheprospectofextendinghispoweracrossthe Pyreneesimpossibletoresist.Inthespringof anewrebellionwas launchedwithhisbacking,andhemadeitclearthathisintentionwas toinvade.Castlesandtownsfellswiftlyinthefaceofthisnewassault; inAprilthepeopleofBordeaux,Gascony’sprincipalcity,wrotea
panickedlettertoHenryIII.Ifhedidnotactimmediately,theyassured him,theduchywouldbelostforever.Itwasaprospectterrifyingenough toshakethekingintoaction.Stillunabletosecureaconsensualtax, heresortedtoaprerogativetowhichalllordswereentitledand demandedalevytopayfortheknightingofhiseldestson.Ifthisgave Edwardcausetoimaginethatthismeantthebeginningofhismilitary career,however,hewasmistaken.WhenHenryandhishastilyassembledarmysailedfromPortsmouthinAugust,heleftEdwardbehind, inthecareofhismother,whoremainedinEnglandasregent.‘The boy,’saysMatthewParis,‘stoodcryingandsobbingontheshore,and wouldnotdepartaslongashecouldseetheswellingsailsoftheships.’
Whenitfinallycamedowntoit,Edward,nowfourteen,wasstill consideredachildbyhisparents;theroletheyenvisagedforhimwas notknightbutpawn.Evenasthekingsailedtowar,hisadviserswere labouringtomakepeace.TheycorrectlydivinedthatAlfonso’sbacking fortheGasconrebelswasopportunisticandspeculative,andworked throughoutthesummerandautumntoconvincehimthathisbest interestslayinadiplomaticsolution.TheSpanishkingwasaslippery customer,repeatedlystallinginthehopeofestablishingthebestterms hecouldget,butHenryIIIhadconsiderablesuccessinputtingdown theGasconrebels,andbythestartof Alfonsowasreadytosettle. Hewaspreparedtodrophissupportfortherebellionandhisclaim toGasconyinreturnforamarriagealliance.Hisyounghalf-sister–yetanotherEleanor–wouldmarryHenry’seldestson.
Henryhad,infact,envisagedsuchanalliancefromtheoff.‘Friendshipbetweenprincescanbeobtainedinnomorefittingmannerthan bythelinkofconjugaltroth,’hehaddeclared,ratherloftily,inthe springofthepreviousyearwhencommissioninghisambassadors.What hehadnotanticipatedwasthatsuchfriendshipwouldhavetobe boughtatsuchahighprice.Beforehewouldagreetothemarriage, AlfonsodemandedthatEdwardbeendowedwithlandsworth£, ayear.ThiswasalmostcertainlymorethanHenryhadeverintended togive,but,shortofotheroptions,hedulyconsented.On February, stillinGascony,theEnglishkingissuedacharterthatcreatedforhis sonagreatappanage.Itsprincipalcomponentwas,ofcourse,Gascony itself,ashadlongbeenintended.But,tomeetAlfonso’sstipulatedvalue, itnowalsocomprised(withcertainexceptions)alltheroyallandsin IrelandandWalesand,inEngland,thelapsedearldomofChester,the castleofBristolandanumberofimportantmanorsintheMidlands. NorwasthistheendoftheSpanishking’sconditions.Alfonsowasalso determinedtomeethisfuturebrother-in-lawbeforetheweddingtook place,anddemandedtheprivilegeofknightinghim.Consequently,
Edwardfoundhispositiondramaticallytransformed.Atasinglestroke hehadbecometherichestlandownerinHenryIII’srealmafterthe kinghimself.Moreover,theprospectofoverseasadventure,deniedto himjustninemonthsbefore,hadbeenreopened.On Mayheand hismothertookshipatPortsmouthandsetsailforGascony.
Thesummerof ,duringwhichhecelebratedhisfifteenth birthday,wasthereforeoneofmanynewexperiencesforEdward:his firstseavoyage,whichlastedalmostafortnightandplacedhim,asnever before,atGod’smercy;hisfirstglimpseofwarfare,forhejoinedhis fatheronwhatremainedofthefrontline,andparticipated–atleastto theextentthathewaspresent–inthereductionofthelastrebel strongholds.Butwhatmustsurelyhaveloomedlargestintheyoung man’smindduringtheseweekswasthethoughtofhisimpending marriage.Itwas,ofcourse,anarrangedmatch,dictatedtothegreatest possibledegreebytheexigenciesofforeignpolicy.Nevertheless,itwas notaforcedarrangement.Constrainingcouplestomarryagainsttheir willhadbeenforbiddenbytheChurchsincethelatetwelfthcentury, afacttowhichEdwardalludedinJuly,whenthefinaldocumentsfor hisbetrothalweredrawnup.Anxioustoprovehewashisownman andthatnoparentalarm-twistinghadoccurred,heaffirmedthathe hadagreed‘willinglyandspontaneously’tomarryEleanor,adding,with achivalrousflourish,‘ofwhoseprudenceandbeautywehaveheardby generalreport’.
InlateSeptember,havingspentseveralweeksinBordeaux,Edward setoutforSpain.Hewentwithouthisparents.Henryhadalreadyspent toomuchtimeandtoomuchmoneyonthepacificationofhisrestless duchy.ItwastimeforhimandthequeentoreturntoEngland,which theydulydidafewweekslater.Thisdidnotmean,however,thattheir sontravelledunaccompanied.Aretinueoflords,thebestthatcouldbe assembledatshortnotice,rodewithhim.Somepersonsofimportance camefromEngland,othersfromGascony.Several,bydesign,werealso youngmen,yettobeknighted,andthiswasthesecondmatterthat wouldhaveimpingedonEdward:hisimpendinggraduationintothe ranksofknighthood.Significantly,hetravelledtoSpainwithhistutorin-arms,BartholomewPecche,andtwoofBartholomew’ssons,who werealsoduetobedubbedbytheSpanishking.
On OctobertheAnglo-GasconridingpartyarrivedinBurgos,a citythathaduntilrecentlyprideditselfonbeingtheprincipalresidence ofCastile’skings,andthatstillboastedstrongattachmentstotheroyal house.Theirarrivalwastoolateforanyoftheplannedfestivitiesto coincidewiththefeastofthetranslationofEdwardtheConfessor ( October),asHenryIIIhadhopedmightbethecase.Frustratingly,
thankstothesilenceofSpanishsources,weknowalmostnothingof whathappenednext–noteventhedatesoftheceremonieswereregisteredbylocalchroniclers.Edwardandhiscompanionswereinall probabilityknightedon November,inthemonasteryofLasHuelgas, outsidethecitywalls,wherethekingsofCastilewereburied.Onthe sameday,andinthesameplace(but,again,withthesamecaveatsabout probability)EdwardmetEleanorforthefirsttimeandtheyweremarried. LikeEdward,wearealmostentirelyignorantofanydetailsaboutEleanor beyondthegeneralreportofherprudenceandbeauty.Wedoknow thatshewasafewweeksshortofherthirteenthbirthday.
Edward,hisnewwifeandtheircompanionsdidnottarryforlong inCastileafterthewedding–nomorethanaweekatmost.By NovembertheywerebackinGascony,atwhichpointtheirprogress deliberatelyslowed.Withtheessentialdiplomacyofthemarriage completedandthethreatofCastilianinterferencefinallyremoved, Edwardhadnoneedtorushanywhere.Onthecontrary,thedeparture ofhisparentsafewweeksbeforemeantthathewasnowinchargeof theduchyinhisownright,anditwasthereforeimportantforhimto visititsmostimportanttownsandimpresshimselfonhispeople.‘Edward, firstbornsonoftheillustriouskingofEngland,nowrulinginGascony asprinceandlord’–theopeninglineoftheveryfirstdocumenthe issuedafterhisreturnfromSpainseemstocatchtheduchy’snewyoung masterinanexultantmood.
Butsoonintothenewyearthespiritoffestivityfaded,andthe seriousbusinessofrestoringorderbegan.FindingGascony’sfinances inadirestate,Edwardelectedtolevyatax,thepretext(asearlierin England)beinghisrecentelevationtoknighthood.Byitselfthiswould havebeenbadenoughfromtheGascons’pointofview;asitwas, Edward’sdemandcoincidedwithanotherimposedbyHenryIIIto fundhiscrusade,andthecombinedburdenwasenoughtosparkafresh roundofdissensionintheduchy.Bythespringof Edwardhad beenforcedontothedefensive:seizingtowns,fortifyingcastles,ordering theconstructionofships,andbringinginsuppliesofmaterial,money andgrainfromhisothernewlordshipofIreland.InEngland,hisfather waspanickedintosendingreinforcementsofpre-paidknights,even cancellingatournamentinviewofwhathesawashisson’sdesperate needformanpowerinanhourofperil.
Forsuchparentalassistance–assumingiteverarrived–Edward wouldpresumablyhavebeengrateful.Bythesummerhehadquelled thenewdisturbancesandwasexpandinghisauthoritybydealingwith theolderrivalriesamongtheGasconsthemselves.NotallHenryIII’s interventions,however,canhavebeensowelcometohim.Indeed,the
difficultiesEdwardfacedinassertinghisauthorityinGasconyhadas muchtodowithitslimitednatureasitdidtoanyGasconresistance. Withmostoftheduchy’sofficialshavingbeenputinplacebytheking beforehisdeparture,littlewaslefttohisson’sinitiative.Ontherare occasionswhenEdwarddidtakeindependentaction,moreover,Henry wouldintervenefromafarandmodifyhisdecisions.Inthemainrebel townofLaRéole,forinstance,therebelshadheldoutinthechurch, andforthisreasonEdwardorderedthatthebuildingberazedtothe ground.Hisfather,however,immediatelyoverruledhim,andsubmitted thedecisiononthechurchtothearbitrationoftwobishops,withthe inevitableresultthatmostofitsfabricwasspared.
CommentingontheamountoflandthatHenryIIIhadgrantedto hisson,MatthewParishadbeentypicallywithering.Henry,hesaid, hadlefthimself‘amutilatedlittleking’.Infact,Henryhadbeenquite canny.Whilethegrantwasunquestionablylarge,itwascomposedalmost entirelyofoutlyingterritorieswherehisownauthoritywasdebatable; eventhecastlesandmanorsgrantedtoEdwardinEnglandwererecent acquisitionstowhichtheking’srightwasfarfromunimpeachable.More importantly,Henryhadnotresignedhispositionasthechieflordof anyoftheselands,andhadretainedthetitles–lordofIreland,duke ofAquitaine–thatwentwiththem.Edward’sinitial,one-offassertion thathewas‘thefirstbornsonoftheillustriouskingofEngland,now rulinginGasconyasprinceandlord’mayhavebeenjubilant,butits self-evidentawkwardnessbetrayedthefactthathehadnonewtitleof hisown.Indeed,itunderlinedthefactthathisauthoritywasentirely derivedfromthatofhisfather,whocouldinterfereandoverruleat anytime.JustlikeSimondeMontfortbeforehim,Edwardwasreally nomorethanHenry’slieutenant.
Thewaytherelationshipwassupposedtoworkwasspeltoutina letterthatthekingsenttohissonon August .Onhisway homefromGasconyHenryhadvisitedParistorenewhistrucewith thekingofFrance,andnowthatanewthree-yearceasefirewasin place,HenryfeltitwastimethatEdwardmovedon.Heshouldgoto Ireland,wherehecouldspendthewinterreformingandorderinghis othernewoverseaslordship.Gasconycouldbeleftinthehandsofa lieutenant–indeed,Henryhadalreadyappointedasuitablecandidate. AllthiswasdoneatthesuggestionofPeterofSavoy,thegreat-uncle whohadmicro-managedEdward’saffairssincehisearlyinfancy.Infact, theletterconcluded,allbeingwell,Peterwouldprobablyarrivein Gasconyinafewweeks’timetohelpEdwardmakethenecessary arrangementsforhisdeparture.
AlthoughnothingwassaidinHenry’sletter,itmusthavebeen
communicatedtoEdwardprivatelythatthekingexpectedhimtogo toIrelandonhisown–thatis,withouthisnewwife.Justdaysafter writingtohisson,thekingbegantomakepreparationsforthereceptionofEleanorofCastileinEngland.Thisdecisionisnotunduly surprising:Irelandwasawildplace,onlyhalftamed,andtherefore perhapsregardedasanunsuitabledestinationforaSpanishprincess. Therewas,however,anotherandperhapsmorelikelyreasonforwishing tokeepthecoupleapart.AttheendofMay,Eleanor,whowas thirteenandahalf,hadalmostcertainlygivenbirthtoapremature daughter. She,itseems,hadnotbeenasfortunateashernamesake inavoidingtherisksthatwentwithearlyconsummation.Thesadnews wouldhavereachedEnglandlaterinthesummer,andEdward’sparents woulddoubtlesshavefeltthestrongurgetoadviseandprotect.Aperiod ofabstinenceaftertheirownexamplemusthaveseemedagoodidea, butcouldnotbeinstitutedwithanyeffectivenessuntilEdwardand EleanorwerebackinEngland.Inthemeantime,asix-monthseparationwouldbeagoodstart.Suchthinkingonthepartofthekingand queenwouldbeunderstandable,evensensible.Butgiventheyoung couple’sstrongattachment,aswitnessedbytheiralmosttotalinseparabilityinlateryears,Edwardcanonlyhaveregardedthisasyetanother unnecessaryinstanceofparentalinterference,andafurthermockeryof hissupposedindependence.Hecertainlydecidedtoresistit.
InaccordancewiththewishesofHenryIII, EleanorofCastilewas dispatchedtoEngland,probablyinlateSeptember–shearrivedsafe andsoundatDoveron October.Herdeparturemusthavecoincided withthearrivalinGascony,aspromised,ofPeterofSavoy,whofor thenextmonthproceededtohelpEdwardfinalisethearrangements forhisownexit. Peter,however,hadnotseenhisgreat-nephewfor atleastayear,andmayhavebeensurprisedbythepicturewithwhich hewasnowpresented.Atsixteenyearsold,Edwardhadprobably attainedthephysicalattributesforwhichhewaslaterfamous.Hewas broadbrowedandbroadchested,blondhairedandhandsome,despite havinginheritedadroopingeyelidfromhisfather.Beyondallthis,though, hehadgrowntobemightilytall.Edward,saidonecontemporary, ‘toweredheadandshouldersabovetheaverage’,andaneighteenthcenturyexhumationofhisbodyconfirmedthathewas,infact,six foottwoinchestall–hence,ofcourse,his(apparently)popularnickname,Longshanks.Intermsofappearance,itisevenpossiblethat Edward,lefttohisowndevices,hadbeguntodressdifferently:asan adult,hereportedlyeschewedthekindofrichandostentatiousgarments thathisparentshadprovidedforhimasachild. Itmusthavequickly becomecleartoPeterofSavoythathisprotégéhaddevelopedinall
kindsofdirectionsandcouldnolongerbemanipulatedwiththesame ease.EdwardleftGasconyattheendofOctober,butnotforIreland ashisparentsandPeterhadplanned.Instead,hetravellednorthwards throughFrance,andfromtherehecrossedtoEngland.Bytheendof NovemberhewasinLondon,wherethecitizensreceivedhimwith thesamepompthathadgreetedthearrivalofhiswifejustsixweeks before.
Inspiteofhisbest-laidplans,therefore,HenryIIIfoundhimself celebratingChristmasnotonlywithhisnewdaughter-in-law,butalso inthecompanyofhisfirstbornson,whowasseeminglydetermined totestthelimitsofhisindependence.ThatChristmastheirfirstrecorded quarrelarose.ItscuewasarowbetweenthemerchantsofGascony, whocomplained–toEdward–thatroyalcustomsofficerswereseizing theirgoodswithoutpayment.Theofficersrespondedbyseekingout theiremployer–Henry–beforewhomtheydeniedtheaccusations, whileatthesametimeremindinghimthat‘thereisonlyonekingin Englandwhohasthepowertoadministerjustice’.Theheartofthe matter,inshort,wasthescopeofEdward’sownauthority,andthe extenttowhichitwassubordinatetothatofhisfather.WhenEdward raisedtheissueinpersonwithHenry,thekingtheatricallyrecalledthe misfortunesofhisgrandfatherHenryII,whosesonshadfamously rebelledagainsthim.Edward,ofcourse,wasnowherenearrebellion, andverysoontheaffairwascalmed.Butheremainedchafingathis restraints,anxioustoplayamorevisiblerole,andtoexercisegreater power.AccordingtoMatthewParis,whotookitasabadomen,Edward increasedthesizeofhisownretinueatthistime,andnowrodeaccompaniedby horsemen.
PariswasseeingbadomenseverywhereinEnglandthatwinter. RecordingthereceptionofEleanorofCastileinOctober,thedyspeptic monkhadnotedthattheLondonershadlaughedderisivelyatthe fashionsofherSpanishentourage(theirinstallationofcarpetsinher chambersbeingespeciallyworthyofscorn).Wiserheads,saidParis–bywhichhemeanthimself–weremoretroubledbythewiderproblem ofwhichEleanor’sadventwasmerelythelatestregrettablesymptom, namely,theking’spreferenceforsurroundinghimselfwithundesirable foreigners.FirsttherehadbeenHenry’sownqueen,whosearrival twentyyearsearlierhadoccasionedaninfluxofSavoyards–notonly greatmenlikePeterofSavoyandArchbishopBoniface,butdozensof otherlesserindividualswhohadcometoEnglandinsearchofadvantageousmarriages,pensionsandpositionsatcourt.Now,itseemed,a similarinvasionofSpaniardswasimminent.
Farmoreharmfultothekingdom’shealththaneitherofthesegroups, however,weretheforeignerswhohadarrivedintheinterim.Inthe springof
HenryIIIhadbeenpleasedtowelcomeintoEngland someofthechildrenofhismother’ssecondmarriage.Isabellaof Angoulême,havingabandonedHenryandhissiblingsthirtyyearsearlier, hadneverthelessgoneontohavemoresonsanddaughtersbyher secondhusband–ninemore,tobeprecise–andtheseyoungmen andwomenfacedpoorprospectsintheirnativePoitou,diminishedas itwasbyFrenchexpansion.Henryhadshownnohesitationininviting fiveoftheirnumbertocrosstheChannelandenjoyallthebountyhe wasabletobestow.Tohishalf-brothersAymerandWilliamdeValence, thekingwasespeciallygenerous:Aymer,atHenry’sinsistence,was electedasbishopofWinchester(theoppositionwasstiffbecauseAymer wasneitherwell-educatednoryetoutofhisteens);William,meanwhile,thekingpromotedintotheupperechelonsofsecularsociety, grantinghimlands,pensions,andthemarriageofarichheiress.Pensions werealsopromisedtotwootherhalf-brothers,GuyandGeoffreyde Lusignan,andHenry’shalf-sister,Alice,wasgrantedthefutureearlof Surreyasherhusband.
BypromotingtheLusignans(ashishalf-siblingsarecollectively known)inthisway,Henrywasstoringupforhimselfaworldoftrouble. Itwasnotsimplythattheking’sopen-handedgenerositywasexcessive;theproblemwithsuchprofligacywasthatitplacedHenry’sfamily indirectcompetitionforpatronagewiththefamilyofhisqueen,and sparkedabitterrivalrybetweenthemthatthekingcouldneither comprehendnorcontrol.Ithadalreadyledtoanotoriousincidentin whenAymerandhisbrothershadsoughttosettlearowwith ArchbishopBonifacebyattackingtwoofhismanorsandroughingup severalofhisservants.Theresorttoviolencewasalltootypicalofthe Lusignans,andsotoowastheking’sreadinesstoexcuseit.Henry regardedallhisrelativeswithasimple,blindaffection,buthewasparticularlyindulgentofhishalf-brothers.They,morethananyone,had helpedhimtocrushtherebellioninGascony,andasaconsequence thekinghadreturnedtoEnglandmoredeter minedthanevertosee themraisedandrewarded.
Edward,forthisreason,remainedextremelywaryoftheLusignans, seeingintheirhungerforlandamajorthreattohisownnewlycreated networkoflordships. Nevertheless,theyounglordwiththelargeretinue ofhorsemenwasevidentlyattractedbytheglamorousauraofviolence ofthekindhishalf-unclesprojected.Thenextoccasiononwhichwe catchupwithEdwardisinJune ,afortnightbeforehisseventeenth birthday,atwhichpointwefindhimparticipatinginhisfirsttournament.
Theevent,whichtookplaceatBlythinNottinghamshire,hadbeen speciallyarrangedonhisbehalf,andwasprobablygiventhego-ahead onlyafteracertainamountofspecialpleading:ingeneralHenryIIIdisapprovedoftournaments,andalmostalwaystookstepstobanthem.According toMatthewParis,themeetingatBlythwasintendedasanintroduction tothe‘lawsofchivalry’.Edwardmustalreadyhavebeenanaccomplished horsemanandproficientintheuseofweapons.Whatheneeded,and whatatournamentoffered,wastheopportunitytoputtheseskillsinto practice,todemonstratehiscapacityforprowessandcourage,andtolearn thestrategicartsofwar.Thirteenth-centurytournamentshadlittlein commonwiththoseofthelaterMiddleAges,wheretheemphasiswas onentertainmentandindividualjousting.Suchspectacleswerebecoming morepopularinEdward’sday,buttournamentswerestillforthemost partwhattheyhadalwaysbeen–mockbattles.Overawidearea, twoteamswouldsetabouttryingtooutwitandcaptureeachother,just astheywouldinagenuineengagement.Tothisextent,tournaments approximatedtoday’smilitaristicteam-buildingexercises,buttheydiffered inbeingfarmoredangerous.Eventhoughparticipantsworearmourand usedbluntedweapons,therewasstillamplescopeforseriousinjuryor worse.EdwardappearstohaveescapedunscathedfromhisdebutatBlyth (deferencetotheheirtothethronenodoubtplayeditspart),butothers werenotsolucky.Parisreportsthatmanyoftheparticipantswerevery badlywounded,andnotedthatbyChristmasseveralofthemweredead.
FromNottinghamshirethenewlybloodedknightandhiscompanions rodenorthtocontinuetheiradventuresinScotland.Edwardhadno territorialintereststolooktothere,ashedidinIrelandandinWales. Scotlandwasakingdominitsownright,andrecognisedassuchby thekingsofEngland.Thiswasnotsomuchadiplomaticvisit,however, asasocialcall.FiveyearsearlierEdward’syoungersister,Margaret,had beenmarriedtoAlexanderIII,kingofScots.Atthattimetheyhadall beenchildren–thegroomagedten,thebrideagedelevenandher olderbrotheragedtwelve–andsowereallintheirmid-teensatthe timeofEdward’strip.Althoughwecannotsayforsure,itseemslikely thatEdwardwouldhavetakenEleanorwithhimonthisnorthernjaunt andthatoneofhismainreasonsforvisitinghissisterwastointroduce hertohisownwife.Thetriplastedonlyafewweeks,andnextto nothingisknownabouttheiractivities,butEdward’sappearanceat Whithorninsouth-westernScotlandissuggestive.Hecanonlyhave beendrawntherebytheshrineofStNinian,sothepossibilityexists thatthetwoyoungcoupleshadembarkedonapilgrimagetogether.
Shortandobscurethoughitis,thisnorthernexcursionservesto
emphasiseanimportantpoint,namelythatthekingdomsofScotland andEnglandrubbedalongquitewellinthethirteenthcentury.The Englishdidnotregardtheirnorthernneighboursasequals,norwere they.Scotlandwasamuchpoorerandlesspopulouscountrythan England,itskingsfarlesspowerful.HenryIII,ingivinghisdaughter awayin ,hadhammeredthispointhomebyorganisingawedding ceremonyatYorkofunparalleledmagnificence.Preparationshadbegun sixmonthsinadvance,withsuppliesorderedfromalloverEnglandas wellasfromtheContinent.(Edwardhadbeenpartofthespectacle thatday,dressed,likehisknightlyattendants,fromheadtotoeingold.) Henryatthattimewasstillhopingtogooncrusadeandintended beforehisdeparturetoimpressuponhisnewten-year-oldson-in-law, albeitbenevolently,thesupremepoweroftheEnglishCrown.Nonetheless,theveryfactofthemarriageprovedthatthekingsofScotswere regardedaspartofthecivilisedclubofEuropeanrulers.Theyandtheir noblesdemonstratedtheircredentialsformembershipbyspeaking French.InthetownsofScotland,especiallyintheLowlands,mostScots spokeEnglish.Inwaysthatwerecruciallyimportant,Scotlandwasvery aliketoEngland.
Bycontrast,thenextstoponEdward’sitineraryin wasvery different.FromWhithornEdwardtravelledsouth,arrivingathislordship ofChesterbymid-July,fromwherehemovedintoWales.Geographically, ofcourse,thereweresimilaritiesbetweenWalesandScotlandthata first-timevisitorwouldhavereadilyappreciated,andthismeantthat economically,too,theyhadcertainsimilarities–Wales,likeScotland, waspoorincomparisonwithEngland.Culturally,however,Waleswas verydifferentfrombothitsnearneighbours.Perhapsmostobviously, theWelshspokeWelsh,evenatthehighestsociallevels.Thiswasa sourceofpridetotheWelshthemselves,buttotheFrench-speaking kingsandnoblesofEnglandandScotlanditsoundedlikesomuch incomprehensiblebabble.
MoreperplexingstillforEnglishandScottishonlookers,andfar moreproblematic,wereWelshsocialattitudes,whichstoodinsharp oppositiontotheirown.Take,forinstance,therulesgoverninginheritance.InEnglandandScotland,andindeedalmosteverywhereelsein westernEurope,therulewasprimogeniture:firstbornsonsinherited estatesintheirentirety.Thiswashardonanyyoungerbrothersorsisters, buthadthegreatadvantageofkeepingafamily’slandsintactfromone generationtothenext.InWales,bycontrast,therulewas‘partibility’: everymalememberofthefamily–notjustsonsandbrothers,but unclesandnephewstoo–expectedhisportionofthespoils,andrules ofprecedencewereonlylooselydefined.Thismeantthatthedeathof
aWelshlandownerwasalmostalwaysfollowedbyaviolent,sometimes fratricidalstruggle,aseachmalekinsmanstrovetoclaimthelion’s share.
Theresultofthisidiosyncraticapproachtoinheritancewasthat Welshpoliticswerewonttobetumultuous.Thefactthatpartibility appliedatthehighestlevelswasoneofthemainreasonswhythere wasnosinglepoliticalauthorityinWalesastherewasinEnglandand Scotland.Welshpoetsspokeoftheircountryasifitwereneatlydivided intothreekingdoms,butthiswasabroadsimplification;therealitywas acomplexpatchworkofpettylordships.Occasionallyonerulermight, throughforceofarms,diplomacyorsheergoodluck,contrivetoestablishsomethinggreater.Butsuchconstructswerealwaystemporary. WhenasuccessfulWelshrulerdied,hisworkwasswiftlyundoneby thegeneralcarve-upthatinevitablyfollowed.
SuchculturalandpoliticaldifferencesmeantthattheEnglishfound itdifficulttodobusinesswiththeWelshastheydidwiththeScots. Inherentinstabilitymeantthatamicablerelationswerehardtosustain. ThekingofEnglandcouldmarryhisdaughtertothekingofScots, safeintheknowledgethatherrightswouldbeguaranteed;buthe wouldnotgiveherawaytoaWelshruler,nomatterhowgreat,for whoknewhowlonghisgreatnessmightlast?
Andyet,iftheEnglishfoundthepracticeofpartibilitybaffling,they werefarmoretroubledwhentheWelshshowedanysignsofabandoningit.Fromthestartofthethirteenthcentury,upuntilthetimeof Edward’sbirth,therehadbeenaworrying(fromtheEnglishpointof view)movementinthedirectionofpan-Welshpoliticalunity.Gwynedd, themostremoteandtraditionalofWales’sthreeancient‘kingdoms’, hadextendeditspowerfromthemountainsofSnowdoniatocover muchoftherestofthecountry.When,therefore,thearchitectofthis expansion,LlywelyntheGreat,haddiedin ,HenryIIIhadbeen quicktointerveneandundohiswork.Intheyearsthatfollowed, Gwyneddwastorndowntosize,anditspretensionstoleadershipwere crushed.Llywelyn’sdescendantswereforciblypersuadedtofollowtraditionalWelshpracticeandsharepoweramongthemselves.LesserWelsh rulerswhohadformerlyacknowledgedLlywelyn’smasterywere disabused,andobligedtorecognisethattheirproperoverlordwas,in actualfact,thekingofEngland.Mostcontentiously,Henryconfiscated andkeptforhimselfalargeandcomparativelyprosperousareaofnorth Wales.Knownas Perfeddwlad (middlecountry)totheWelsh,andasthe FourCantrefstotheEnglish,thisregionbetweentheriversDeeand Conwyhadbeencontestedbybothsidesforhundredsofyears,but HenrywasdeterminedthatfromthatpointontheEnglishwouldretain
itforgood.TheFourCantrefs,hedeclared,wereaninseparablepart oftheCrownofEngland,andtogiveforcetothisassertionhebuilt twonewroyalcastlesthere,oneatDyserth,theotheratDeganwy.At thesametime,lordshipintheregionwasmademoreexacting.From theirbaseatChester,royalofficialsintroducedEnglishcustomsand practices,includingmorepunitivefinancialdemands.By ,when theFourCantrefs(or‘theking’snewconquestinWales’,astheywere nowalsobeingtermed)werehandedovertoEdwardaspartofhis endowment,thecastleswerecomplete,andtheprocessofanglicisation welladvanced.AtthetimeofEdward’svisittwoyearslater,hisofficialstherewereinasupremelyconfidentmood.Accordingtochroniclereports,hischiefstewardboastedopenlybeforethekingandqueen thathehadtheWelshinthepalmofhishand.
Edward’sstayinWales,likehisstayinScotland,wasbrief:byearly AugusthewasbackinChester,andbytheendofsummerhewas backinLondon.Hisfatherwasalsothereatthattime,togetherwith manyothergreatlords.Thecity,saysMatthewParis,hadbeenornamentedinhonouroftheircoming.On Augustagreatfeastwas throwninWestminster.Thekingandqueenwereinattendance,along withalltheirchildren:evenMargaretandherhusband,KingAlexander, werepresent,attheendofashortvisittoEngland.Theroyalfamily, whenoccasiondemanded,wasstillabletopresentaunitedfront.
Butthetensionsamongthemweremany,seriousandmultiplying. BetweenEdwardandHenrythestruggleforauthoritywentonunabated. Behindtheking’sback,forexample,Edwardhadbeguntointerferein themunicipalpoliticsofBordeaux.WithinafortnightoftheWestminsterfeast,hehadstruckasecretdealfavouringonecityfaction abovetheother,undermininghisfather’seffortstoreconciletherival parties.Thetusslebetweenfatherandson,moreover,wasleadingto widerproblemsinEngland.Edward’shungerforpowerwasdriving himtoirresponsibleexcessesandcreatingscandalinthecountryat large.MatthewParistellsonetale,muchcitedinmodernhistories,of howEdward,outridingonedaywithhisgangofthuggishfollowers, encounteredanotheryoungmanandorderedhisgratuitousmutilation. Thestorylooksvague–nonamesorplacesaregiven–andwemight charitablyinterpretitasexaggeratedgossip.Butthereareplentyof otherstoriesaboutthebadbehaviourofEdward’shouseholdatthis timethatarealltoocredible,andthatarecorroboratedbyadministrativeaccountsofthedamagetheycaused.
Henry,meanwhile,continuedtoexhibithisownbrandofirresponsibilitybyfailingtotakeactionwhereitwasneededmost.Naturally,he
failedtocurbhisson’sexcesses,justashefailedtocorrectthebad behaviourofhisLusignanhalf-brothers.Butthatwasnotall.Itwas nowoversixyearssincethekinghadvowedtogooncrusade,and overfouryearssincehehadassuredmorecommittedcrusadersthat theywouldbeleavingatmidsummer .Here,too,therefore,Henry
wasseentohavefailed.Thedeparturedatehadpassed,andnopreparationsforanexpeditionwereinplace:suchgoldtreasureastheking hadamassedfortheEasthadbeenspentsavingGascony.Notthatthis deterredHenry,whoseinabilitytotakeappropriateactionwasexceeded onlybyhispropensityforembarkingonpreposterouspersonalinitiatives.Inspiteofhisinsolvency,thekingwasnowpursuinganew schemetoinstallhisyoungerson,Edmund,onthethroneofSicily. Thepope,whohadsuggestedtheproject,hadassuredHenrythatit wasaperfectlyacceptablealternativetofightingintheHolyLand.The king’ssubjectsinEngland,however,beggedtodiffer:whenparliament wasaskedtofundtheludicrousadventuretheresponsewasaflatrefusal. Unabletoobtainmoneybyconsensualmeans,Henrydemandedmore andmorefinesfromhissheriffs,justicesandforesters.Witheachday thatpassed,throughoutthewholekingdom,hisgovernmentbecame evermoreoppressiveandunpopular.
Then,lastly,therewasthequeen.EleanorofProvencewasnowthirtythreeyearsold,poisedpreciselybetweenherteenagedsonandahusband approachinghisfiftiethyear.MorematurethanEdward,morevigorous thanHenry,Eleanorwasinmanyrespectsnolessirresponsiblethan either.Aharshandexactinglandlord,sheshowednosympathyforthe Englishintheirsuffering,reciprocatingthelackofaffectiontheyhad shownhersincethestart.Theslipofagirlfromthosedayswasgone: inherplacestoodagrownwoman,andbehindherapowerfulnetwork ofexpatriateSavoyards.Tothesepeople–herownpeople–thequeen didfeelresponsible,andinrecentdevelopmentsshesawgreatdanger totheirposition.Herhusbandfavouredhishatefulhalf-brothers,and hersonwasr unningoutofcontrol.Edward,fromthemomentofhis birth,hadbeenthesourceofallherpowerandinfluence.Themorehe begantopullawayfromher,themoreshepreparedtotightenher embrace.