Riverton: The Story of a Utah Country Town

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This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the U TA H DIVISION OF STATE HISTORY and the N ATIO N AL PARK SERVICE. Regulations of the U.S. Department of the Interior strictly prohibit unlawful discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, age or handi cap. Any person who believes he or she has been discriminated against in any pro gram, activity, or facility operated by a recipient of Federal assistance should write to: Equal Opportunity Program, U.S. Dept, of the Interior, National Park Service, P.O. Box 37127, Washington, D.C. 20013-7127.

Printed in the United States of America by Publishers Press Salt Lake City, Utah

Endpapers: Hand'drawn maps of early Riverton by Joseph E. Morgan

To Elias Butterfield and Karen Bashore, for their vision, persistent encouragement, and determined effort and to the memory o f Blanche Densley

Contents

Acknowledgments ix Preface xi Introduction by Chad Orton xv Chapter 1 “The Last Place on G od’s Earth to Bring a W om an’ The River Bottom Years (Early to 1869) 1

Chapter 2 “By Extraordinary Efforts and Determined Perseverance” The Canal-Building Years (1870-1881) 17 Chapter 3 “Keeping Abreast With the Times” Years of Improvement and Enterprise (1882-1900) 33

C o n ten ts

Chapter 4 “Dark Hours Before the Dawn” Years of Challenge and Prosperous Progress (1901-1917) 59 Chapter 5 Dodging and Weaving Years of War, Influenza, and a Rural Roaring Twenties (1918-1929) 97 Chapter 6 “It Was Rough” Hard Times and World War (1930-1945) 125 Chapter 7 “It Was the Awfullest Thing I Ever Saw” The 1938 School Bus Disaster 151 Chapter 8 Everybody’s Dream— To Live in the Country Growth, Development, and Progress (1946—1990s) 165 Chapter 9 Fun and Games Culture, Recreation, and Holidays 177 Chapter 10 Learning the ABCs Elementary and Junior High Education 205

C o n ten ts

Vll

Chapter 11 From Beetdiggers to Miners High School Education 245 Chapter 12 Incorporated Town to Third-Class City Politics and Government (1946-1977) 273 Chapter 13 “A Cat and Dog Fight” and Other Challenges Politics and Government (1978-1994) 311 Biographies 349 Appendix 1 Joseph E. Morgan Histories 399 Appendix 2 Federal and State Election Results, 1880-1992 413 Appendix 3 Town and City Officers, 1948—1994 421 About the Authors 423

Acknowledgments

First and foremost, no authors of a community history could have asked for and received more support from their elected of ficials than we have received from Mayors Gardiner, Warr, and Lloyd and those who have served terms on the Riverton City Council during this history book project. Their financial sup port and interest have made a great difference. Recognizably, there are communities in Utah where elected officials have little feeling for the past. Thankfully, Riverton is not one of those communities. Among our elected city officials, there are three who deserve special acknowledgment. Mont Evans de serves credit for informing the town of the opportunities avail able for funding and getting the Riverton Historical Society or ganized in a professional manner. Mayor Dale F. Gardiner and the city council during his administration supported the organi zation of the Historical Society by their vote of confidence and financial support. During the past decade, Russell L. Peterson has been a special friend of the Historical Society with his con tinual interest, encouragement, and support. We are also grate ful for the financial and professional support received from the Utah State Historical Society and from our involvement in the Certified Local Government program. It is difficult to imagine how anyone writing a history of any Utah community could overlook the resources in the Utah State Archives. The staff at the State Archives was especially helpful and encouraging during ix

A ckn o w led g m en ts

the year-long period spent in research at that document-rich repository. Members of the Riverton Historical Society have been willing contributors. Special thanks goes to Elias Butter field for spearheading the initial organizing efforts and funding. We are also grateful to Elvoy and Bertha Dansie for the research which they conducted in compiling a photographic and histori cal scrapbook record of the older homes in Riverton. Elias Butterfield, Elvoy Dansie, and Joe Butterfield also receive the authors’ appreciation for their ever-ready willingness to illumi nate incidents and events in the town’s history whenever either of the authors needed some first-hand clarification. A special word of thanks also needs to be tendered to Beth Bowen for clipping local news articles and compiling scrapbooks of con temporary town history. Karen Bashore receives our thanks for doing the ofttimes tedious and time-consuming work behind the scenes to take care of the financial accounting, bureaucratic pa perwork, and otherwise necessary whip-cracking to keep the project on course and directed toward (eventual) completion. As this book finally rolls off the presses, she will undoubtedly utter the loudest cheer. We also extend our gratitude to Desiree Crump for her efforts and support in the preparation of her hus band’s chapters of this book. Finally, we also thank all those who have contributed to telling this town’s story by sharing his tories, photographs, and memories.

Preface

This book has been a long time in the making— over a decade. Literally thousands of hours were spent in libraries and archives trying to gather the documentation necessary to un earth the facts and details of Riverton’s past. One of the most difficult things that the authors faced was the lack of a town newspaper to give a chronological framework. To compensate for this disadvantage, reel after reel of microfilm of old Salt Lake City newspapers were viewed searching for the infrequent arti cles about Riverton. Every imaginable nook and cranny was searched to try and piece together the town’s past. As a result of this resource-gathering effort, the town’s historical archives are now recognized as being one of the best and most complete of any community in Utah. The resultant volume of records was a rich resource for the authors. However it also posed a challenge, by dint of its very size, for organizing and drafting the story. Mel Bashore was the principal author, writing all chapters in this book except for the topical chapters 10, 11, 12 and 13 on education and politics, which Scott Crump wrote. Bashore also wrote all the biographical sketches. Every effort was made to in vite people to submit ancestral biographies and historical mate rials to use in writing this book. For several years, regular notices were printed in the city newsletter inviting submissions and at tempts were made to contact descendants and former residents living elsewhere. The authors decided that the biographical XI

xii

Pr efa c e

section should contain sketches for most of the early settlers (pre-1890) and a limited selection representative for other time periods. We were also guided by the counsel of Elias Butterfield, the first Riverton Historical Society president, who directed that this should not be just a history of the actions and accomplishments of the town’s elite. The authors considered that much of the history of the town was reflective of the history of its people and hope that readers will be interested in reading the biographies of the people who have lived here. We fully recognize that there will be errors in our story. We tried to do our best in accurately telling the history of our town. We realize that if any are seriously upset about any glaring mistakes in our book that it only evidences a deep love to see the truth told about a people and a place that they fondly care about. Since neither of the authors are old enough to have lived the bulk of the history they have written about, they had to rely on documentation and interviews. In some instances, foggy memories may have distorted the facts. To illustrate, one of the authors was teaching a lesson in church (Mormon) to his high priest group on the topic of baptism. He recounted a humorous story recorded in an oral interview by a woman who told about being baptized in the South Jordan Canal when she was a child. She said that she was baptized in the canal downstream from Dave Bills’s slaughter house. She recalled: He would have those cattle or sheep killed and let all of the en trails run into the canal. T h at’s where we were baptized. W e didn’t know it at the time, but it didn’t stunt me— I grew!1

It’s a funny story, but apparently it doesn’t square with the facts. Elvoy Dansie, whose memory for dates and facts is legend, heard the story and offered a corrective. He noted that the customary place of baptism was several hundred yards upstream (and away from the slaughter house) on the canal. We have heard that many local people found fault with Blanche Densley’s book after it was printed. It is easy to stand on the sidelines and point out the errors made by the players on the field— and Blanche

P refa ce

Xlll

Densley was a “player on the field”— writing and publishing the first history of Riverton after she was seventy years old! We take our hats off to her. In the course of writing this book, many have told us that they wouldn’t have wanted to live in any other place. We hope that this book does justice to and doesn’t de tract from this sentiment and that readers will be forgiving and tolerant of any errors made by the authors— who have come to love the town as much as if they had been bom here. In the course of writing this book, several titles were consid ered and discarded. In lighter moments, we thought about giving it a flashy title (like History from Hell) as the task of writing weighed us down and drug on interminably. As we wrote the early chapters and got caught up in the town’s history, we natu rally were beset by nostalgic feelings for the past. So even though Riverton is speedily and irrevocably losing its country look, these nostalgic feelings led us to title this book Riverton: The Story o f a Utah Country Town. Indeed, Riverton was a “country town” in the nineteenth century and remained “country” during much of the twentieth century. In spite of the wishes of many people who live in Riverton, much of Riverton’s “country” character is gone. As former agricultural lands are replaced by subdivisions and housing tracts, Riverton and its landscape are irreplaceably al tered. Old timers harbor nostalgic feelings about the Riverton of yesteryear. They fondly remember sledding on Tithing Yard Hill, swimming in the canal, or drawing a number for a left-over Christmas present under the big decorated tree in T. R Page’s store. Those are unforgettable and cherished memories which we hope will partly be preserved or refreshed in their retelling in this book. But they won’t bring back the “Old Domed Church” or the Commercial Building or restore the sugar beet and alfalfa fields. They are gone and each year more that was Riverton is changed. KC Davis, a Utah playwright observed that “the world only moves forward. Change is not something you can change.”2 In his brief history of Riverton, John McCormick observed that “Riverton was never stable. It was always in a state of flux, always in the process of becoming something other than what it was.”3 Change has been ever present throughout the history of

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xiv

Riverton, but today the pace of change has quickened. Old timers in Riverton have deep feelings about the way life was— simple, friendly, intimate, rural— and they yearn to have it re turn. One resident wished, “it’s nice to look out and see a sheep grazing in the field instead of a house.” That is becoming less and less possible. However, it’s entirely possible that some of the characteristics of the land and the people of Riverton— close family ties and everybody working together to make things good— can be preserved and nourished. That is the heritage of Riverton.

Notes 1. Mildred Densley, interview with Laurel Bills, August 3 1 , 1986. 2. “Angels in Am erica,” Salt Lake Tribune, December 13, 1992, p. E-2. 3. John S. McCormick, “A History of Riverton, U tah ,” (1 9 7 8 ) p. 35.

Introduction

My Grandpa and Grandma Morgan’s home on Redwood Road in Riverton was tom down when I was about eight years old. All that is left to me are the memories of my visits to that house. I remember my grandpa’s stories and poetry, and the gin ger snaps my grandma always seemed to have in her cookie jar. I vividly remember the hours spent playing in the irrigation ditch, the weathered storage sheds, and the sheep pens that had all been so vital to my grandpa’s livelihood. I also remember the unheated upstairs rooms that the grownups seldom visited and the large trees that surrounded the house. I occasionally take my children to see the spot where the house stood. While they do not have my first-hand recollections of the place, it is not just another vacant lot to them. They ap preciate its importance because I have shared my memories with them. Knowing these stories, they feel connected to the place. Like my grandparent’s house, the town of Riverton has also undergone a great change, the result of tremendous growth that few could have imagined twenty years ago. Many recent arrivals are anxious to become connected with the past by knowing who and what shaped the Riverton they know today. Many long time residents, and even former residents, are desirous that the memory of the Riverton they knew not be lost. This history retells some of the important events associated with the city and, to the extent it is read, will help foster a sense of commu nity among those associated with Riverton. X V

xv i

I n t r o d u c t io n

Because most of Utah’s cities and towns were settled by Mormon pioneers, many people have tended to lump them to gether and to view them similarly. Each, however, has a differ ent story to tell, making it unique in the fabric of the history of Utah. The authors of this history have done an exceptional job in bringing Riverton’s thread to life. Neither Melvin Bashore nor Scott Crump were raised in Riverton, but they invested themselves in the community and its history in an effort to ensure that the spirit of Riverton has been preserved, from its earliest days when people held little hope for its future, to the 1990s when its future looks bright. This history has been a labor of love, nearly twenty years in the making. Because of their devotion to the task, there are few people better qualified to produce this work. The quality of their effort is seen in the thorough treatment they give to such diverse topics as agriculture, recreation and entertainment, politics, and the bus tragedy of the 1930s that rocked the community and shocked the nation. Much of the information included here, except for their effort, might have become lost and forgotten. In 1865 when Jane Silcock looked out over the bleak and uninviting sagebrush-covered land that is now part of Riverton, she could not imagine a more inhospitable place to build her home. Over a hundred years later, Riverton stands as a witness to what hard work and determination can accomplish. In the intervening years, hundreds of families have been nurtured and raised within the city limits. Today Riverton is home to thou sands who, as a result of the entertaining and important story preserved in this book, will have a legacy on which to continue to build. Chad M. Orton Grandson of Joseph E. Morgan

“The LastPlace on G od’s Earth to Bring a Woman” T h e River B ottom Years (Early to 1 8 6 9 )

Introduction In the spring of 1865, British-born Mormon convert Nicholas Thomas Silcock was searching for another homestead to “better themselves.” He was middle-aged and had moved three times since coming to Utah in 1850. A t his last home in Grantsville, the scarcity of water had prevented him from raising enough hay to feed his livestock in the winter. After suffering a consid erable loss in livestock, he decided to move. He sold his farm, took his sheep, horses, and cattle and started for a place they had bargained for “up the Weber.” When they arrived in Salt Lake City, they learned that it was impossible to go further north because the high water had washed all the bridges out. While wandering around the city trying to decide what to do, Silcock met James Gordon, a man whom he regarded as a friend. N. T. Silcock told Mr. Gordon his problem. Gordon told him that he had just the place for him: a wonderful farm about twenty miles south of the city that he would sell for $2500. 1

R iv e r t o n : T

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Without going to look it over, Silcock bought the land at Gordon’s asking price. W ith hope and promise, he took his pregnant wife Jane and his children (eight under 15 years of age) and “started for no-man’s land.” They arrived at night and didn’t get to see what was to be their new home until the next morning. When his wife awoke and looked out over their deserted land, she said: “Well, you have moved a great many times, but this is the last place on God’s earth to bring a woman and little children.”1 At this time, Riverton had only a few families living in a scattered condition along the river bottom. It presented a very bleak appearance to new settlers. In very great measure, they had to have hope, faith, and vision to see any promise in this part of “God’s earth.”

Indians Riverton’s earliest settlers didn’t start occupying this land until almost twenty years after the Mormon pioneers entered the Salt Lake Valley. Early Utahns passed through and by this land of river bluffs and sagebrush for two decades before its settlement potential was realized. It wasn’t until the early 1860s that settlers could safely inhabit outlying areas in the Salt Lake Valley without erecting high-walled forts to protect them from the continual risk of Indian depredations. Forts in the valley were located next to creeks and streams at Herriman, Draper, Union, and at several places in West Jordan. There were no ap preciable creeks on the bluff flat lands of Riverton that could support a fort community. The bottom lands along the Jordan River were probably recognized as being an impractical fort lo cation for several reasons: Indians could shoot into a fort from the higher position of the bluffs and a fort would be susceptible to river flooding. There is evidence that Indians lived at one time on the northern boundary of Riverton.2 Although the life-threatening menace of the Indians was minimized by the early 1860s, they persisted in being an irritation to settlers in outlying parts at the

T h e R iv er B o t t o m Y e a r s (E a r l y

1869)

south end of the Valley. Hyrum Beckstead, whose family was one of the earliest to settle in the Jordan Valley, maintained a clear memory of early encounters with Indians at their South Jordan home. The Indians made semiannual trips on their way back and forth to northern and southern camping grounds. The squaws would visit the homes and beg for “white man’s biscuit” while the bucks would sit in their wagons waiting to be served the proffered meal. Hyrum recalled that the worst scare he ever got in his life was from an Indian. He said: Two Indians had died and members of their tribe came to our home and asked my father to dig a grave to bury them in. W hen the two departed members had been laid in their robes, along with articles of food, weapons, etc., one Indian took hold of me and said, “Hump, put um in papoose,” and though he was joking it was anything but a joke to me . . . the minute he let me go it did not take me long to run to the house and tell my mother she wanted me.3

Jane Silcock was also frightened once by Indians. She and her children were attending to their housework when a large Indian suddenly appeared in their doorway. He brandished a knife in his hands and made demands for food and other things. Fortunately, a government Indian agent made a timely appear ance and reprimanded the Indian. The Indian countered that he had no intentions of hurting anyone. He said that he only wanted to frighten them.4 Wilford Myers recalled that his mother was also afraid of the Indians. Danish-born Annie Myers “was so scared of the Indians that she’d almost go into hysterics if any of them came around.”5 Indians made occasional visits to Riverton yearly until the turn of the century. In his important history, Joseph Morgan recalled that the Indians had a favorite camping place on the south side of the Morgan Road (13400 South). On his accompanying handdrawn map, he located their campsite at approximately 1900 West.6 The site was shaded by a tall row of poplar trees along the road. He recalled that this was the “main gathering place for

R iv e r t o n : T h e S t o r y

of a

U tah C ountry T ow n

the Indians” and that they came here many years, camping in their tents and tepees in the shade of the trees. Their little ponies fed on the grass. While camped here, they went begging for flour, sugar, and other foodstuffs; everything except meat. From their homes in the South Mountains, they trailed down in their small wagons pulled by two little ponies. Morgan noted: “We could see them coming, a little trail of dust.” W hile here, they would pick up their 3 0 0 -400 pound allotment of coal from the Draper railroad station. From his history, it appears that the Indians may have stopped their annual visits about 1903.7

Settlement In spite of the threat of Indian marauding and counter to the counsel of Mormon colonization leaders, a few hardy settlers were attracted to land in the southwestern part of Salt Lake Valley which lay outside the protection of the forts. Brigham Young offered some pointed advice to the people settling Fort Herriman: W e expect all the Latter-day Saints, when they make homes, to settle close together, so that they can have day and evening m eet ings, day and evening schools, priesthood meetings, social gather ings and also visit one another without having to travel too far and expose themselves and children to the inclemency of the weather in the winter season; but where the Mormons, not Latterday Saints, settle we expect them to scatter out.8

Considering the scattered condition of Riverton’s early settlers, Brigham Young would probably have labeled them “Mormons.” Joseph Morgan mentioned in his history and illustrated on his map the presence of Jesse Beckstead, a sheepman who camped on the bench in the southern part of Riverton in 1855.9 According to an historical interview conducted with some of Riverton’s earliest residents, Abraham Hunsaker was regarded as the first person to have owned land in what is now Riverton.10

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Hunsaker was a convert to the Mormon Church from Illinois, a member of the Mormon Battalion, and an early settler of the Holladay area on the east side of the Salt Lake Valley. Hunsaker became attracted to the southwestern part of the valley as a herd ground for his sheep and cattle. Settlers from Fort Herriman had used these lands west of the Jordan River for graz ing since 1851.11 In 1855, Hunsaker moved his family to a house which he built in what is now Bluffdale. He herded livestock and lived there for only a year. After receiving a Mormon Church call to help colonize Carson Valley, Nevada, he sold his claim on the Jordan River bottom to Archibald Gardner.12

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Archibald Gardner was the first person to actually live in Riverton. He situated his family in a house on a rise above a meadow on the bottom lands. In order to hold the land, he enlarged and extended an irrigation ditch which had previously been made by Hunsaker. Gardner subsequently sold parcels of his land to Pleasant Green Bradford, James Gordon, and Samuel Green. He also moved his family north to West Jordan, but the Riverton region was locally referred to as “Gardnersville” during these early years.13 Prior to 1860, there were only two or three houses on the Riverton bottom lands. By 1865, there were a half dozen families living in a scattered condition along the course of the river. These early settlers farmed the bottom lands, most of them drawing water from the Hunsaker/Gardner ditch.

Glimpse of Settlement Life As previously mentioned, Nicholas T. Silcock settled in Riverton in the spring of 1865. We can empathize with Jane Silcock’s initial disappointment in viewing this bleak land of sagebrush, greasewood, and “prickly pear” when we discover that two months after they arrived, she had a baby. This child, Nina Etta Silcock, recorded many of her childhood memories in an autobiography. It is from this autobiography that we gain one of our earliest detailed glimpses of life in Riverton during its set tlement period.14 Nicholas T. Silcock, a British Mormon convert, was a car penter by trade. He fashioned a one-room log house, into which Nina Etta was bom, on the edge of a sandy hill overlooking the Jordan River. It had a window and two doors. To the west of the house were large clumps of rabbit brush around which the sand drifted. Nina mentioned that the wind blew “every day.” They used sagebrush or oak brush as fuel for cooking, baking, and heating. There were no trees. They obtained their water by packing it up the hill from the river.15 During that first winter, they had no hay or grain to feed their cows, so they had no milk products. As a substitute for butter, Jane sliced squash in thin

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pieces during the harvest and dried them. That winter, she cooked these dried squash slivers and spread the mashed squash on bread in the place of butter. They also were able to raise a crop of sugar cane, which after it was ground up and cooked, produced a juice which they called “molasses” which Nina said was “very nice” on bread. Silcock moved the log room from off the edge of the hill in early December 1866 to the lower part of the north side of the sand hill. He hoped that it would be warmer in that location in the winter. He built a dugout which he attached to the log room.16 The dugout served as a kitchen, having a fireplace and a slab roof with dirt over it. The dugout was warmer than the adjoining log room, which served as the bedroom, living room, and workshop. The dugout was fixed with a comer cook stove and the log room housed a loom and spinning wheel. Jane and Nina’s older sisters made different kinds of cloth for dresses and men’s clothes, both for their family and neighbors. Nina and her mother gathered different kinds of flowers and weeds from the meadow in front of their home to use in making the dye to color the yam. Jane was proficient in dyeing stripes in the cloth. A mile to the north, the Silcock’s nearest neighbor was a bachelor and their nearest neighbors on the south were a half mile away.17 After a snow storm, the bachelor used to walk down to the Silcocks to help in clearing the snow away. Depending on their ability, the Silcock children would assist with such chores as gathering vegetables, herding cows, washing dishes, or spinning yam and weaving cloth. In the first two years, the Silcocks did “fairly well.” They had a ten-acre field on the bottoms that they had fenced with willows to keep the stock from destroying the grain.18 At one time, their wheat crop was threatened by an infestation of grasshoppers. The farmers living on the bottoms tried without success to fight these hungry in sects. Nina Etta’s mother later told her about the united efforts of the small community of Mormon families who met together on a Sunday to pray and fast for divine relief. A strong wind arose the next day which carried the grasshoppers off in a great cloud and saved their crops from virtual destruction.19 Disaster

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struck the Silcocks in the third year (1867) after a hard winter when the Jordan River overflowed its banks and washed their best farming land away.20 For the next two years, their bottom farm land was under water. W hen the water in this “slough” finally receded, their farm was covered with bullrushes and flags. Thereafter, they were only able to raise red top hay on this land.21 This setback created additional hardships for this pioneering family. Without any land to farm, N. T. Silcock pursued his carpentry trade to earn money to support his family. His work took him away from home much of the time. During this time of adversity, Jane contributed greatly in helping meet the family’s needs. She made shoes, took in washing, wove clothes, baked, took cows to milk on shares, and peddled butter and eggs in Salt Lake City. Despite these hardships, Nina Etta recollected happy child' hood moments with her brothers and sisters. In the summer, they used the sand hill for sliding and building sand houses. They would break the limbs off the sage and rabbit brush and put them around the houses to simulate orchards. They molded little cows out of clay, using sticks for legs and letting them harden in the sun. They also made clay toy dishes. Their favorite games included “pomp-pomp pull away,” “six sticks,” “Andy I Over,” and hide and seek. They tied together two green willows for their jump rope and also used the willows for making hoops which they rolled by hitting them with a stick. In the winter, they sleighed on the hill. During their first year in Riverton, Silcock had found some temporary employ ment in Salt Lake City doing some carpentry work in December. The day before Christmas, he filled a sack with some gifts which he had purchased in the city and began walking home. He had to break a trail through the deep snow. Although Jane had received no communication from him, his wife hoped that he would come home for Christmas and anxiously watched for him all day. At dusk, one of the daughters went outside the home to get some thing and thought she heard her father whistle. It sounded like it came from the east side of the river, so one of the older sons took an old gentle horse across the river to where they heard the

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whistle. When he got there, he found his father so exhausted and cold that he was unable to get on the horse. N. T. Silcock just took hold of the horse’s tail and it pulled him home. He was nearly frozen.22 The first Christmas that Nina Etta could remem ber occurred in 1869. The snow was so deep that it prevented her mother from going to the city to purchase any gifts. Jane told her children that the snow was too deep for Santa Claus to be able to get through. After she had put the children to bed, she made molasses candy and cookies in different animal shapes. She put them in their stockings. The children awoke to an unex pected surprise and a happy Christmas.

Church and State For the bulk of the pre-1870 period, the residents of River ton came under the local government jurisdiction of West Jordan. Politically they were a part of the West Jordan Precinct of Salt Lake County until 1867, when they became a part of the South Jordan Precinct.23 This new precinct area followed a fourmile wide corridor bounded on the east by the river, south to the county line. Located near the hub of 19th-century Mormon settlement, Riverton’s citizens also reflected the predominant religious affil iation characteristic of rural Utah towns.24 The Mormon resi dents of Riverton came under the ecclesiastical direction of the West Jordan Ward. Until a branch organization was formed in Riverton in 1870, Mormons in Riverton attended church in West Jordan and South Jordan. A 14 x 18 foot adobe meeting house had been constructed in South Jordan in 1864-25 This building also served as a schoolhouse. A substantial 30 x 66 foot rock meetinghouse was constructed in West Jordan in 1867-26 With the distances involved, it is not surprising that there is in frequent mention of the names of Riverton people in the South Jordan and West Jordan church records. Faithful church atten dance and activity exacted greater sacrifice in pioneer times.

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Notes 1. Reminiscences of Nicholas Thomas Silcock and autobiography of Nina E. Silcock Dansie in Julian LeGrand Dansie and Lyona S. Dansie, comps., Our Family Circle (1 9 7 7 ) pp. 1 3 4 -3 5 ,2 1 6 . 2. In a conversation with Karen Bashore, Melba Seal told about Indian artifacts which she found on her farm in the 1930s. A drought had caused a pond on her farm to dry up, uncovering dozens of artifacts preserved in the bottom mud of the dry pond. There were arrows, spears, quivers, and numer ous kinds of Indian relics. She retrieved them and kept them for several years until her husband decided to throw them away. She also said that there were two wells on their land which she suspected were of Indian making. She de scribed these wells as being perfectly formed and sunk expertly through a twenty-foot thick hard pan. For the sake of safety, they filled the wells in with dirt. A t the expressed interest of an archaeologist, Karen Bashore and Melba Seal went back to her farm on the southern edge of South Jordan to try and relocate the site of the pond and wells. However, when they returned to the site of her old farm, Mrs. Seal hesitated about intruding on land that was now occupied by new homes. It is noteworthy that there are very few verifiable Indian archaeological sites in the Salt Lake Valley. This important site yet awaits archaeological uncovering and development. 3. Hyrum Beckstead was bom in 1855, a son of A lexander Beckstead, who settled in South Jordan in 1861. “Valley’s Oldest Resident Leads A ctive Farm Life,” Ute Sentinel, August 17, 1934. 4. Indian story recounted by N ina Etta Silcock in Julian LeGrand and Lyona S. Dansie, O ur Family Circle, p. 316. 5. Wilford Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 5, 1985. 6. In his later years (ca. 1970), Joseph E. Morgan wrote a history of Riverton. The copy of the history that we have was collected by John S. McCormick while researching the history of Riverton for the U tah State Historical Society in the 1970s. There are two parts: an 8-page untitled type script document and a 24-page manuscript document entitled “A Beginning of Some History of Riverton’s Homes.” There are also two large hand-drawn maps, probably drawn by Morgan, which we received in 1990 from the city engineer. The printed map (32.5 x 27.5) appears to have been drawn about 1 9 1 0 -1 1 . The map drawn with cursive writing (28.5 x 2 8 .5 ) appears to have been drawn about 1970, when Morgan wrote his histories. Hereinafter, refer ences to Morgan s histories and maps will be as follows: (1 ) 8-page typescript document-Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (typescript); (2 ) 24-page manuscript document-Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript); (3 ) [Joseph E. Morgan],

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Map (ca. 1910); and (4) [Joseph E. Morgan], Map (ca. 1970). Morgan’s histo ries are printed in the appendix of this book, but references in footnotes refer to pages in the actual documents and do not correspond with pages in the ap pendix. The site of the Indian gathering place is illustrated on Morgan’s later map (ca. 1970). 7. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), pp. 17 -1 8 . There are many points of similarity between the contents of Morgan’s manuscript and typescript histories. The portion of his typescript history dealing with the Indians may be found on page 7. 8. Brigham Young, letter to Archibald Gardner, September 23, 1867, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City, U tah (hereinafter referred to as LDS Church Archives). 9. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), p. 12 and [Joseph E. Morgan], Map (ca. 1910). Morgan drew a picture of Beckstead’s sheepherder wagon outfit, trailing smoke out of the stovepipe, on his illustrated handdrawn map. 10. Riverton W ard, Manuscript History, LDS Church Archives. On November 30, 1894, Andrew Jenson, a long-time Assistant Historian of the Mormon Church, visited Riverton for the purpose of gathering information in the interest of church history. He had spent November 29th gathering his torical information at Herriman and proceeded that afternoon to Riverton. He was invited to preach that evening in the Riverton meetinghouse. In the midst of his sermon, he had “to vacate the pulpit to go outside” because the turkey he had eaten in Herriman had made him sick. He said that “after turn ing my stomach inside out I returned to the pulpit and finished my sermon.” According to his journal, he “worked all [next] day in the Riverton school house with old settlers and secretaries to obtain historical information.” Andrew Jenson, Journal, Book E (1887—1894), November 30, 1894, LDS Church Archives. He met with Nicholas T. Silcock, John Hansen, Sr., Gordon S. Bills, William Henry Bowlden, Charles Mormon Nokes, James Blake, Orrin Porter Miller, and Samuel L. Howard. The information which he learned from these early settlers about the history of Riverton is recorded in the “Manuscript History” of the Riverton Ward in the LDS Church Archives. 11. In the summer of 1859, the people at Fort Herriman petitioned the county officers for the right to use the southwestern part of the valley as a herd ground for the exclusive use of their stock. The county officers granted their request on September 5, 1859. Salt Lake County Court, Minutes, Book B (1 8 5 7 -1 8 7 4 ), pp. 77—78, U tah State Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah.

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12. A polygamist, Hunsaker built a cabin at this Bluffdale site for his sec ond wife, Harriet, and their children. He recorded in his journal on May 11, 1856, that he “traded of[f|” his farm to Gardner. History of Abraham Hunsaker and His Family, ed. by Q. Maurice Hunsaker and Gwen Hunsaker Haws (Salt Lake City: Hunsaker Family Association, 1957) pp. 7 0 -7 1 ,8 4 . 13. Tire region was also referred to as the “South Branch” of the W est Jordan W ard and later as the “Upper Branch” of the South Jordan W ard. A lthough the names “U pper” and “South” sound contradictory, “U pper” referred to the headwaters of the Jordan River. A letter written by John Bennion in 1848 illustrates an early recognition of the south part of Salt Lake Valley as being the upper or head of the valley: “A t the head of the [Salt Lake] valley is U tah Lake, whence a river rises and takes its course down the middle of the valley, emptying itself into the Salt Lake at the foot of the val ley.” John Bennion, Letter, M arch 5, 1848, to Hannah Berry, in Harden Bennion, The Bennion Family in Utah, vol. 1 (Bennion Family Assoc., 1931) p. 33. Nicholas T . Silcock makes numerous references to “Gardnersville” in his journal, heading almost every page in his p re-1880 diaries with that geo graphic designation. Silcock said in his journal that Archibald Gardner per sonally named this region Gardnersville, but the Riverton W ard “Manuscript History” implies that the local residents took the name “Gardnersville” to honor their bishop, Archibald Gardner. It is of interest to note that later the area surrounding Archibald Gardner’s mill in W est Jordan assumed the name “Gardnerville.” Salt Lake County, Surveyor, Map, August 1, 1908, U tah State Archives. Gardner’s expanding business interests in W est Jordan and his ecclesiastical appointment as bishop of the W est Jordan W ard in 1859 probably compelled him to move further north. Delila Gardner Hughes, Life of Archibald Gardner: Utah Pioneer of 1847 (Provo, U tah: New Era Publishing C o., 1939) p. 7 2 -7 3 . 14- A n amalgamated autobiography of N ina Etta Silcock is printed in Julian LeGrand and Lyona S. Dansie, comps., Our Family Circle (privately printed, 1977) pp. 1 3 5 -3 8 .

15. Culinary water was also obtained from springs. T h e Jordan River may have been much purer during the pioneer period than it has been in modem times. Only a few days after the Mormons arrived in the Valley, Orson Pratt recorded in his journal that the Jordan River waters were “not quite so trans parent as the mountain streams generally in this valley.” Latter-Day Saints’ Millennial Star 12:12 (June 15, 1850) p. 179. It was apparently pure enough to support a sizeable fish population: “In the early days of U tah there were thou sands of fish in Jordan River. W hile we were living at Draper we used to catch them in nets. You could buy all you wanted for a cent a pound. They were mostly chubs but made many meals for the pioneer families.” James Herman Tegan, interviewed by Bernard C . Cannon, January 23, 1939, in “U tah

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Pioneer Biographies,” vol. 28, p. I l l , Family History Library, Salt Lake City, Utah. 16. Shifting sands on the site of this first Silcock home below the brow of the hill occasionally uncovered a rough cement foundation according to members of the Withers family. This dugout site was obliterated during the construction of the golf course in 1993. The typical Mormon dugout con sisted “of a ‘nearly square room measuring somewhere between 12 and 18 feet and dug to about 3 or 4 feet below the surface.’ Sometimes the earth walls were lined with logs, and sometimes the upper walls were merely logs laid on top of the ground. The roof, composed of layers of light poles, willow branches and dirt, was not unlike that used in the Southwest. Roofs were mostly gable form, but shed roofs also have been reported for early dugouts. The entrance to the structure was in the gable wall. These dugouts had all the disadvantages common to sod dugouts elsewhere and were usually abandoned within a year or two.” Allen G. Noble, “Building Mormon Houses: A Preliminary Typology,” Pioneer America: The Journal of Historic American Material Culture 15 (July 1983) p. 56. 17. The bachelor was probably Sam Green and the family to the south was probably the plural families of Timothy Gilbert, another British Mormon convert. 18. The entire acreage lying west of the Jordan River in Salt Lake County, commonly referred to as the “W est Jordan range,” was declared a grazing district on June 16, 1865. Salt Lake County Court, Minutes, Book B, p. 339, U tah State Archives. This official edict made it necessary to fence all farms and gardens. 19. Grasshoppers were a persistent problem in the nineteenth century. W hile traveling with Brigham Young and a group of Church leaders to W est Jordan, Edward Stevenson described the grasshopper infestation in 1867: “Down the State Road for several miles eyes were gazing around inquiringly for the location of the grasshoppers, or locusts . . . few could be seen until about eight miles from the city, and there they began to make their presence visible, which the increasing heat assisted them in doing, awaking them from the seeming inactivity of the night. Small patches of unbroken land were alive with them, and grain fields by the way side indicated their presence and activity in an indubitable manner. Still, the damage done to the com and other kinds of vegetation did not seem so much as we expected to see, though it is said that in places a distance from the road they have been very destruc tive. One wheat field, nearly nine miles out, seemed literally alive with them, flitting in countless myriads just above the grain, their thin gauze-like wings glistening in the sunlight.” “Dedication at W est Jordan W ard,” Deseret (Weekly) News, August 14, 1867, p. 261.

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For additional information about the grasshopper problem in 19th-century U tah see Davis Bitton, “Pestiferous Ironclads: T h e Grasshopper Problem in Pioneer U tah ,” Utah Historical Quarterly, 46 (Fall 1978) pp. 3 3 6 -5 5 . 20. The Salt Lake County Court minutes record that Silcock requested and received permission to use the waste water from the creek flowing out of Butterfield Canyon after it passed the Herriman Fort field. Salt Lake County Court, Minutes, Book B, May 13; 1867, p. 407. There is no indication how this water would be used either in the minutes or the Silcock family history. He made the request for this water probably prior to the flooding of his farm. Edward Stevenson reported the flooding conditions which the river bottom settlers experienced when he and other Mormon leaders attended the dedica tion of the W est Jordan rock meetinghouse. He observed that most of the land and grain along the river bottoms was under water. This agricultural disaster stimulated settlers to consider using the bench land west of the river bottoms for farming and settlement. “Correspondence,” Deseret [Weekly] News, June 19, 1867, p. 197. 21. This information is from a dictated journal entry attributed to Nicholas T. Silcock, in Julian LeGrand and Lyona S. Dansie, Our Family Circle, p. 245. 22. Although the family reminiscence is not explicit, Silcock may not have waded across the river behind the horse’s tail. The county had con tracted that summer for the building of a bridge across the river on the County Road leading from Draperville to Fort Herriman. This road and bridge would have been just north of Silcock’s farm. The county had con tracted on September 6, 1864 with Archibald Gardner to construct a bridge at that point, but for some inexplicable reason, it was not built. On September 6, 1865, the county contracted with Andrew Cunningham to con struct a bridge to their specifications for a fee of 2,075 dollars. The contract stipulated that the bridge should be 90 feet long, 14 feet wide, floored with 3inch red pine plank, resting on two substantial piers filled with rock. It was to be completed by October 15, 1865. O n December 23, 1865, two county se lectmen examined the bridge and found it to be defective and not built ac cording to contract. Salt Lake County Court, Minutes, Book B, pp. 302 ,3 4 4 ,3 4 9 ,3 6 0 , U tah State Archives. 23. On May 13, 1867, 26 citizens from the southern part of W est Jordan Precinct requested and were granted a new precinct, called the South Jordan Precinct. A justice of the peace and a constable were appointed. Salt Lake County Court, Minutes, Book B, p. 408. 24- Early property records including tax assessment rolls, federal land ac quisition records, and Salt Lake County land records were researched and compared with early Mormon ward and branch membership records. This in

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formal comparative study revealed that the majority of early residents were af filiated with the Mormon Church. In fact, there were very few names of Riverton residents until the late 19th-century that did not appear on the Mormon Church membership rolls. The central role of religion in the Mormon culture dictates that this community history examine the religious aspects of the community in some depth. It is fortunate that the Mormon records are so rich that they can accommodate a detailed investigation of Riverton’s religious heritage. 25. This dual-purpose building was located about a quarter of a mile south of the location of the South Jordan cemetery. Bernice H. Simpson, “A History of South Jordan W ard,” p. 10. 26. The W est Jordan W ard was divided into four widely-strewn districts: N orth Jordan (the northern boundary of this district being seven miles north of the W est Jordan W ard meetinghouse), W est Jordan, South Jordan, and Herriman. Members of these districts were counseled to meet in their meet inghouses each week, except on the second Sabbath of each month, when they were to meet in the meetinghouse in W est Jordan. This meetinghouse was built out of stone in 1867 at a cost of ten thousand dollars. It is still stand ing at this date (1 9 9 3 ). Notable Mormon leaders such as Brigham Young, John Taylor, Wilford Woodruff, George A. Smith, and George Q. Cannon attended the dedication. They traveled the 13-mile trip from Salt Lake City to W est Jordan in carriages on a road on the west side of the river. They were met by a mounted escort and school children lining the road displaying hand crafted banners. “Dedication at W est Jordan W ard,” Deseret [Weekly] News, August 14, 1867 and W est Jordan Ward, “Manuscript History,” LDS Church Archives.

2 “By Extraordinary Efforts and Determined Perseverance” T h e CanahBuilding Years (1 8 7 0 - 1 8 8 1 )

Early Canal-Building Efforts On August 5, 1881, a canal superintendent reported to Judge Elias Smith that water had successfully coursed through the “Big Canal”— the Utah and Salt Lake Canal. Smith noted in his journal that its construction had occupied much of his time and attention during the previous nine and a half years. He recalled that he had spent many sleepless hours trying to devise ways and means to further the enterprise and overcome the ob stacles which this gargantuan construction effort presented. He noted that it was only through “extraordinary efforts and deter mined perseverance” that the “greatest work of internal im provement designed and carried into effect in Salt Lake County” was accomplished.1 The successful completion of the South Jordan Canal and the Utah and Salt Lake Canal enabled the bench lands west of the Jordan River bottoms to be settled and farmed. The story of the building of these canals has never been fully written. 17

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The beginnings of the southwestern Salt Lake Valley canaL building can be traced back to an early recognition of the importance of the Jordan River as a source of irrigation. In 1854, the territorial legislature passed an act providing for the con struction of a canal to convey water out upon the western side of the valley. This canal was planned to extend from a point near the county line, coursing around the western side of the valley, to eventually empty in the Great Salt Lake. However, little more was done than surveying and making cost estimates until 1857, when a new survey was undertaken. A site for taking a canal out of the river was located further downstream than was originally proposed. Ground for the canal was broken by Brigham Young and the site was dedicated by Jedediah M. Grant. Some rough grading was done at the head of the canal in 1857, but work was halted when the threatened invasion by Johnston’s Army caused people in northern Utah to vacate their homes and “move south.” During succeeding years, canal con struction was only renewed spasmodically.2 In the interim, vari ous small canals and ditches, such as the Beckstead Ditch and Hunsaker-Gardner Ditch, were built.3

South Jordan and U tah and Salt Lake Canals In 1872, interest in constructing the canal was reawakened. In January 1872, the County Court resolved to commence work on the neglected enterprise.4 They located a site for a dam near the county line and entered into a contract for its construction with Archibald Gardner. On March 1st, Gardner established a construction camp and started work on the dam. He also con tracted to excavate the first five hundred feet of the canal, to build a substantial bridge across the dam, and make a road up the bluffs on both sides of the river. In early May, Brigham Young visited the construction site and expressed his pleasure with the work. By late summer, Gardner’s contractual work at the dam was completed.5 The location of the canal was partially surveyed and contracts let out for excavation work. Several men

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from Riverton took contracts to excavate various sections of the canal. Contracts were let to Christian Peterson and Nicholas T. Silcock at 18-20 cents per yard. The width and depth of the canal varied in different sections, but generally it was twelve to twenty feet wide and five to seven feet deep. The manner of canal construction utilized the tools available at the time: teams and plows, picks and shovels, and crowbars. There were several steps in building a canal. In the first step, an ordinary plow was used to loosen the soil along the canal route. The second step was to use a special plow called a “gO'devil” which dug a trench by throwing the earth out on the sides. This was a large wedgeshaped plow which was sharp at the point and wide at the rear. The final step was performed by men with picks and shovels who did the necessary “finishing” work.6 Winter slowed the work on the canal as the ground froze. However, in the spring, full-scale excavation work resumed. Prior to the county’s interest in building the Utah and Salt Lake Canal, the settlers in the Jordan Valley cooperatively un dertook the building of a canal on the bench land. John Hansen, Sr. was the principal contractor in building this “ditch.”7 In 1873, Elias Smith noted that “considerable work” had been done on the “ditch” by the people of West Jordan and South Jordan precincts. They had expended approximately $7,500 in money and labor and had brought the “ditch” as far north as Riverton. However, the selected course of the Utah and Salt Lake Canal required the relocation of some of the “ditch.” At this point, the county “resolved to take the . . . ditch in hand, increase its size and capacity, and make it available for irrigating purposes.” They began relocating, surveying, and releveling the “ditch,” which they named the South Jordan Canal.8 They let out contracts to widen it to 12 feet with a 4 foot depth. Initially they proposed making a dam in the river at the head of the canal, but they changed their plans in 1874. They decided to build a ditch and levee on the east side of the river which would carry the water into a slough. Using a flume or aqueduct, they could carry the water across the river from its collection point in the slough. They determined that this method would be no more expensive

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than building a dam. and it would be a safer arrangement in the event of a flood. Archibald Gardner obtained the contract to build the 100-foot long flume and Edward Holt undertook the contract to excavate the 1200-foot long ditch and levee which would draw the river water to the slough. On November 13, 1874, the canal work was deemed sufficiently finished to allow the testing of the canal. County Selectman Reuben Miller of fered a dedicatory prayer after which they hoisted the headgates and let the water into the canal. These initial tests were mostly satisfactory and they hoped that the excavation work would be completed to the point where they could run the water in the canal in 1875. However, due to leaks and canal breaks, they were unable to use the South Jordan Canal until 1876 in Riverton and 1877 in South Jordan. From this point in time, the bench coun try began to fill up with settlers who irrigated their farms with the canal water. Construction work had continued on the Utah and Salt Lake Canal concurrently with the work on the South Jordan Canal. An irrigation district and company, the West Jordan Irrigation Company, was formed in 1877 to continue the work on the “Big Canal.” They were empowered to let out contracts and oversee construction and maintenance. A South Jordan Irrigation Company and district was also organized at this time.9 The completed and under-construction canal work in the south western part of the valley attracted the interest of a visiting party of federal land officials in 1879.10 In order to further push ahead the work on the “Big Canal,” the citizens who had been engaged in its construction organized a new association on October 2, 1880. The Utah and Salt Lake Canal Company was a stronger organization than the formerly separate precinctbounded irrigation companies. A few months prior to the com pletion of the canal, a committee of Utah County citizens protested that the regulation of outflow of Utah Lake would cause their agricultural lands around the lake to become inun dated. Although tests determined that their lands would not be endangered through proper outflow regulation, they continued to be embittered.11 After dealing with these obstacles and nu

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merous breaks and leaks, water successfully coursed through the twenty-seven mile canal on August 5, 1881. Judge Elias Smith regarded it as the largest and most important work of its kind undertaken in Utah. It enabled the cultivation and settlement of even more bench land, resulting in a gradual increase in the population of Riverton.12

Settling the Bench Land We can get a simple demographic picture of the impact of the building of the canals on Riverton by looking at the county tax assessment rolls. Tax assessment lists record that there were three settlers in Riverton in 1870. At the completion of the South Jordan Canal in 1876, eleven settlers were listed. After the Utah and Salt Lake Canal was finished in 1881, seventeen people were listed. We can also learn from these tax assessment lists that the people generally, but slowly, began prospering when the water was brought up onto the bench land. These tax assessment lists not only record the assessed valuation, but they also enumerate the cows, horses, mules, sheep, vehicles, and other evidences of property of an individual. In 1870, the three taxed individuals had a combined count of nineteen cows, six horses, and three vehicles. Their average assessed valuation amounted to 553 dollars. In 1876, the eleven taxed individuals had a total of twenty-four cows, seventeen horses, four mules, two hundred fifty sheep, and nine vehicles. Their average as sessed valuation was 639 dollars. In 1881, the seventeen taxed individuals living on the expanded land acreage made possible by the completion of the “Big Canal” had a combined total of twenty-four cows, thirty-three horses, thirteen vehicles, and twenty sheep. Their average assessed valuation was 583 dollars.13 N. T. Silcock, the person of most means during this time period, remarked that the “people were poor” in Riverton.14 A simple look at the tax rolls of the time bears out his appraisal. Although he is not representative of the “poor” people who were attracted to the Riverton bench land, Elias Smith’s

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experiences in trying- to cultivate his land are typical.15 Judge Smith was a rare public-spirited man. Though he was a citydweller, he recognized the agricultural potential of this bench land. In one of his many trips to the south part of the county to oversee the work on the canals, he became attracted to some land in Riverton. He was able to travel with some regularity and convenience on the Utah Southern Rail Road which had stops in Draper and the Point of the Mountain South.16 On May 15, 1874, he surveyed some land in Riverton which he desired to obtain. That evening he ate dinner at N. T. Silcock’s and slept at Timothy Gilbert’s home. The Salt Lake County land records give no indication of a transaction at this early date, but he first mentions working on his 40-acre Riverton farm in Spring 1877.17 That year, he sowed thirty acres of his farm with wheat. His son, Jesse M., and a few laborers did most of the manual work on the farm, living in a tent camp until they fixed up a “shanty” in 1878. His neighbors were Charles and David Miller, who had improved their land with houses, in which Judge Smith occasionally stayed overnight. In April 1878, Smith planted locust trees between his ground and the Millers and along the north side of the Fort Herriman Road (12600 South). In October 1878, he had a shed, stable, granary, and a shanty built on his land. Jesse M. Smith had taken a contract to work on a section of the Utah and Salt Lake Canal north of the Fort Herriman Road and lived in the shanty on the farm. Elias Smith’s journal is replete with references to his son, Jesse M. Smith, coming to Salt Lake City for supplies. On February 16, 1879, Smith recorded that the Riverton farmers had com menced plowing, although Smith doubted that winter had per manently given place to spring. In 1879, he set out over a hun dred shade and fruit trees; sowed lucerne, oats, wheat, and barley; and planted potatoes. Although it was difficult to main tain his farm with his busy schedule and at such a distance from his home, he appears to have enjoyed having a “country place” of his own. He enjoyed driving his wives and children out to his “little farm” for outings. He took pleasure in visiting with his neighbor Charles E. Miller or sitting on Samuel L. Howard’s

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shaded porch for a relaxing summer evening of quiet conversa tion. In 1885, Jesse M. Smith moved his family from their home in Kaysville to live in Riverton. In the previous years, he had dutifully devoted much time to traveling between Kaysville and Riverton to assist his father in trying to make the farm produc tive. He obtained a 40-acre piece of ground on which he built a house for his family. He farmed both his own and his father’s land. The canals which Elias Smith was instrumental in devel oping were a blessing to both him and to his posterity.18

The 1 8 8 0 Census A little-used public source of historical information that can give us an interesting picture of Riverton in the past century is the 1880 Utah Census.19 One hundred-seventeen people lived in Riverton when the census was taken in June 1880. The com munity consisted of twenty-five inhabited homes. It was princi pally an agricultural village as seventy-three percent of the men were farmers. Most of the homes were widely scattered as the farms were located on large parcels of land. The other occupa tions listed included farm workers, sheep herding, granger, school teacher, store clerk, and canal worker. All women listed their “occupation” as “keeping house.” The majority of the population (61%) was comprised of children. Most of these children were native-born Utahns, al though fifteen children had crossed ocean and plains to “gather to Zion.” Fifteen children were listed as having attended school during the previous year. The ages of these school children ranged from eight to sixteen. The available school-age popula tion in this age bracket was twenty-eight so school attendance was discretionary and optional. The average age in the commu nity was twenty-one. Several of the children who didn’t attend school worked on family farms and two children were inden tured servants. Another interesting facet of the community was the polyga mous families. For many years, it has been popularly considered

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that only three percent of all Mormon marriages were polygamous. Recent and continuous detailed research by historians, social scientists, and demographers has revised the percentage of participation upward. The extent of the practice in Riverton bears out the findings of modern researchers. In the year of this census, twenty percent of the families or households in Riverton were polygamous. If we consider the extent of the practice among the married population (there were three never-married single people over 26 years old, one widow, and one widower), the figure is even higher. Indeed, twenty-four percent of the en tire population lived in a home where polygamy was the marital mode. Most of Riverton’s residents were emigrants from England and Denmark, twenty-eight percent of the adults having emi grated from each of those two countries.20 This mirrored the British-Danish population mix in Utah. In Utah, “Scandinavianborn residents throughout the nineteenth century were the second-largest foreign-born group after the British. In 1870 only Wisconsin had more Danish-born residents than did Utah.”21 Native-born Utahns comprised twenty-three percent of heads of houses. The remaining quarter of Riverton’s adult population had emigrated from Sweden, Scotland, Canada, Wales, and Germany. Scandinavian historian Jorgen Schmidt noted that “between 1850 and 1900 almost 25,000 Scandinavian Mormons emigrated to the United States. 57% of these were Danes, 32% Swedes, 10% Norwegians, and 1% Icelanders.”22 Like the rest of Utah, pioneer Riverton was a little melting pot. The customs and different languages of these Mormon converts persisted even into the twentieth century. In a sacrament meeting in 1913, John C. Wiberg “addressed his native Brethren in his Mother tongue: Danish language.”23 The assimilation of all these different cultures and ethnic groups into a cohesive, har monious community was not achieved easily. Merlin Myers, a Riverton-born anthropologist, made this observation: The English, I think, dominated. . . . All these Danes couldn’t speak their language and the English people held the day here.

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T hat put the English in kind of an ascendancy in the town. . . . they could express themselves in a way that the Danes couldn’t.24

Helen Papanikolas, a historian of ethnic Utah, observed: “The English thought themselves superior to the Scandinavians, par ticularly the Danish.” She wrote: “Their cultural clashes were resolved through intermarriages encouraged by leaders of the fledgling Church.”25 Ethnic intermarriages did occur with some frequency among young men and women in pioneer Riverton, but forces other than ecclesiastical encouragement were just as likely at work in the marital matches.

Religion On January 23, 1870, the Mormons in Riverton began hold ing meetings in Nicholas T. Silcock’s house. Under Bishop Archibald Gardner’s direction, Silcock was appointed president of the South Branch of the West Jordan Ward.26 Silcock served as branch president and John Hansen, Sr. as his counselor until 1877. Due to the absence of records for the South Braqch, little is known about the church meetings held in the Silcock home. However, it appears that only a general meeting was held there on Sundays. The Riverton people attended the South Jordan Ward meetinghouse for other special auxiliary meetings such as Relief Society and Sunday School. There is also some represen tation from Riverton on the organization of a United Order in the West Jordan Ward, although there is no evidence of its ac tive existence.27 On June 17, 1877, the South Jordan Ward was organized as a part of the general priesthood reorganization movement.28 Silcock and Hansen were released as the branch officers at the time of the ward organization. William A. Bills, who lived in Riverton during the last years of his life, was ap pointed as the South Jordan Ward bishop. The ward was divided into four districts for ward teaching purposes. Riverton was in the third and fourth districts with the dividing boundary being the Herriman Road.29 Traveling distance to South Jordan was a

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factor in limiting attendance for the Riverton people.30 Recog' nition of this problem prompted the organization of branch aux' iliaries in Riverton for the Relief Society (December 12, 1880), Sunday School (February 29, 1880), and Primary (February 5, 1882). They met in the 20 x 30 foot adobe school house which had been built in 1879.31 In 1881, a branch was organized in Riverton under the direction of the South Jordan Ward. Lars Jensen was appointed branch president, serving until his death in 1883. Beginning at the time of Jensen’s appointment, all general and auxiliary meetings were held in the combined school meetinghouse. The Mormon culture greatly influenced many aspects of the community. In the interest of home manufacturing, the Relief Society promoted home sewing and invested in a flock of sheep as a source of wool for weaving cloth. They built a granary for storing wheat which they donated to the poor. Church-sponsored dances were held for recreation.32 An alphabet class was held in the Sunday School in the interest of reading instruction for the young children. Moral discipline was also maintained in the com munity through the auspices of the Church.33

Public Affairs On December 23, 1879, the County Court established boundaries for “a precinct to be known and designated as Riverton.”34 So by the instrument of a court order, Gardnersville became Riverton. Joseph Morgan contends that Orrin P. Miller was responsible for choosing the name of Riverton, recording that “he gave the place its name.” In fact, Miller’s inspiration for the name came from early settlers who lived in Fort Herriman. When they were going from Fort Herriman in an easterly direc tion, they would say they were coming “down on the river, so he [O. P. Miller] said we will call it Riverton.”35 The precinct status allowed for the appointment of local residents to such public re sponsibilities as pound keeper, water master, constable, justice of the peace, road supervisor, and election judges. Funding for

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these services came from road and property taxes. From humble beginnings in the bottom lands, the canals opened up Riverton’s bench lands to farmers and families: the necessary components of a country town.

Notes 1. Bom in 1804 in Royalton, Vermont, Elias Smith was a first cousin to Joseph Smith, the Mormon prophet, and an early convert to his teachings. He emigrated to U tah in 1852 and had the distinction of being the first Probate Judge in Salt Lake City, a position which he held for thirty-two years. A civic-minded man, he was largely instrumental in guiding the construction of many of the canals in Salt Lake County. Biographical Record of Salt Lake City and Vicinity (Chicago: National Historical Record C o., 1902) pp. 2 9 8 -9 9 and Elias Smith, Elias Smith’s Journal, comp, by Sarah C. Thomas, vol. 3. 2. A n Eastern correspondent recorded his impressions of the dambuilding project on the Jordan River in July 1859, noting that there were “se rious obstacles to the full success of this enterprise in the inequality of the plain, which is gouged and cut up by numerous (now dry) water courses; but, if this project is well engineered, it will double the productive capacity of this valley. . . . In the absence of judicious and systematic irrigation, there are far too many cattle and sheep on this great common [land west of Jordan River], as the gaunt look of most of the cattle abundantly testifies. W ater also is scarce and bad here; we tried several of the springs which are found at the bases of the southern mountains, and found them all brackish. . . . In the ab sence of irrigation, nothing is grown or attempted but wild grass.” H. G., “An Overland Journey. XXIII. Salt Lake and Its Environs,” New York Weekly Tribune, September 10, 1859. A serious effort to renew construction was mounted in 1868. A t this point in time, the canal was to be called the Great South South W est Jordan Canal. It was estimated it would cost $ 3 00,000 and when completed, would provide irrigation water for 3 0 ,000 acres. Salt Lake County Court, Minutes, Book B, January 7, 1868, p. 433, U tah State Archives. 3. “U tah & Salt Lake Canal,” Deseret Evening News, March 27, 1888. 4. Sources used in writing this story of the South Jordan and U tah and Salt Lake Canals include Elias Smith’s journal, Salt Lake County Court min utes, Riverton Ward manuscript history, and Articles of Incorporation (lo cated at the U tah State Archives).

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5. Gardner was paid approximately $ 9 0 0 0 for the contract work and later accepted contracts for other improvements on the dam. Gardner was also building the road from W est Jordan to Camp Floyd at this time. Although the journal account is unclear, this probably followed the course of present-day Redwood Road. Elias Smith, Elias Smith’s Journal, vol. 2, August 9, 1872. He employed a large work force at the dam. James Bryant recalled that “when I was seventeen years of age, I worked with Bishop Gardiner building a rock dam at the Jordan Narrows.” Our Pioneer Heritage, comp, by Kate B. Carter, vol. 6 (Salt Lake City: Daughters of U tah Pioneers, 1963) p. 65. 6. This technique of canal construction is described in John M cC or mick’s unpublished paper “A History of Riverton, U tah ,” written in 1978 and deposited with the U tah State Historical Society. M cCorm ick accompanied a team of historians to Riverton on an Historical Society assignment to survey historical homes and buildings in the community in 1977. A t the conclusion of their survey, he wrote this 60-page paper, which is one of only two general histories written about the community. The other general history is Blanche Densley’s Excerpts from the History of Riverton & Lives of Some of It’s People, printed in two editions in the early 1970s. 7. W e were unable to locate any contemporary source documents con nected with the initial community efforts to build the South Jordan Canal. W e can only presume that the motivation to construct this “ditch” resulted from the Jordan Valley settlers’ discouragement with the county’s irregular efforts at building a canal. The unpredictable river flooding in the bottom lands was squeezing them agriculturally, leaving them no other alternative than to band together to get water up on the bench lands, with or without public monies. In his 1867 visit to W est Jordan Ward, Edward Stevenson learned that the people were principally sustaining themselves on stock raising and “canyon” work. There were 10,000 sheep and other stock on the range. However the people that he spoke with said that they preferred raising fruit and grain in lieu of so much herd ground. Deseret [Weekly] News, June 19, 1867. 8. Elias Smith, Elias Smith’s Journal, July 8 - 9 , 1873. The old Riverton settlers told Andrew Jenson that the county “came to the rescue” of the local canal builders. The task of constructing the canal became too heavy for them, as they “were mostly poor m en.” The county paid John Hansen about half of what his canal work had cost him up to that date. Riverton W ard, Manuscript History, LDS Church Archives. 9. It was reorganized into the South Jordan Canal Company shortly after the organization of the U tah and Salt Lake Canal Company. Elias Smith, Elias Smith’s Journal, O ctober 25, 1880. 10. The visiting government dignitaries comprised the following: G. L. Converse, Chairman of the House Comm ittee on Public Lands; Clarence

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King, Director of the U .S. Geological Survey; Judge Britton, Land Commission; and several local dignitaries including Erastus Snow, Abraham O. Smoot, Charles W . Penrose, John R. Winder, Daniel H. Wells, George Q. Cannon, Angus M. Cannon, Edwin D. Woolley, and John Sharp, superinten dent of the U tah Southern Rail Road. They traveled by train to the Point of the Mountain South, where they disembarked to view the waterworks from the sandy bluff. Their view of the canals was obstructed by the prevailing smoke and dust in the air. Elias Smith, Elias Smith’s Journal, September 12, 1879. 11. Some farmers whose land bordered U tah Lake were of the opinion that “the best plan is to go and blow out the Jordan dam as the easiest way of solving this question and the best way to protect ourselves and homes from the overflow.” “The Jordan Dam,” Deseret [Weekly] Nevus, February 2, 1881. 12. Because of varying figures, it is difficult to arrive at a correct cost of these canals. The most “sensible” figures place the cost of the South Jordan Canal at $ 3 5,122.36. John S. McCormick, “A History of Riverton, U tah,” p. 12. A newspaper article written seven years after the completion of the U tah and Salt Lake Canal, estimated its cost up to that time as being approxi mately $170,000. This estimate would have included maintenance costs in curred. “U tah &. Salt Lake Canal,” Deseret Evening Nevus, March 27, 1888. 13. Salt Lake County, T ax Assessment Rolls, U tah State Archives. 14- Julian LeGrand and Lyona S. Dansie, comps., Our Family Circle, p. 245. 15. Information about the bench land settlement experience of Elias Smith comes from his published journal: Elias Smith’s Journal. For the 1870s, it is the most detailed diary depicting the Riverton experience found. 16. In the 19th-century, Salt Lake Valley residents referred to the north ern tip of the Oquirrh Mountains (north of present-day Magna) as Point of the Mountain W est and the geographic rise southwest of Draper as Point of the Mountain South. 17. It appears that he obtained his Riverton farm according to the provi sions of the Desert Land A ct. The Desert Land A ct, enacted in 1877, enabled a settler to obtain up to 640 acres of desert land that would not, without irri gation, produce agricultural crops. The stipulations were that the settler had to pay 25 cents per acre at the time of filing, reclaim the land by irrigation within three years, and pay the balance of a dollar per acre when the land had been made irrigable. In contrast to the Homestead A ct, the settler was not re quired to live on the land. Stephen W . Stathis, “U tah’s Experience with the Desert Land A ct,” Utah Historical Quarterly 48:2 (Spring 1980) pp. 175-94. In 1881, Smith remarked in his journal that he “made final proof of the recla mation by getting water on the desert land I entered at the Land Office in

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Salt Lake City three years ago. . . . As I could not get the water on the land within the three years after the entry was made because the U tah and Salt Lake Canal through which the water had to come was not completed in time, as it should have been, and I was afraid that I might have some trouble on that account, but none occurred.” 18. Elias Smith died June 24, 1888, after an eventful and honorable life. 19. 1880 U .S. Census, U tah, Salt Lake County, South Jordan Precinct, p. 291, Family History Library. 20. Mormon converts from Europe constituted a significant portion of U tah ’s population. It has been estimated that over eighty percent of the Mormon population in U tah by the 1880s was British-born. David S. W hittaker, “Mormonism in G reat Britain, 1 8 3 7 -1 9 8 7 ,” Mormon History Association Newsletter #66 (July 1987) p. 3. 21. Donald K. Watkins, “Notes on the Early Mormon Mission in Denmark,” The Bridge: Journal of the Danish American Heritage Society 3 (August 1980) p. 1. 22. Jorgen W . Schmidt, Oh, du Zion i Vest; Den danske Mormon'emigradon 1 8 5 0 -1 9 0 0 (Copenhagen, Denmark: Rosenkilde og Bagger, 1965) p. 236. 23. Riverton W ard, General Minutes, O ctober 19, 1913, original book in possession of Langford Lloyd. 24- Merlin Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 26, 1985. 25. Helen Papanikolas, “U tah ’s Ethnic Legacy,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 19:1 (Spring 1986) p. 41. 26. Concerning this first officially-organized Mormon meeting in Riverton, Silcock commented that he “made a few remarks on the promises and blessings God promised his people on the prinshable of obbediants. W e ad a good meeting.” Julian LeGrand and Lyona S. Dansie, comps., Our Family Circle, p. 246. 27. W est Jordan W ard, United Order, Articles of Incorporation, May 3, 1874, U tah State Archives. N. T . Silcock, the branch president and person of most means at that time, was the sole Riverton person whose name appears on this document. Other than this unique document, no additional informa tion was located about this United Order organization. The lack of enthusi asm and reluctance to enter into this communitarian venture was characteris tic of both urban and rural wards in the Salt Lake Valley. A comprehensive study of Mormon United Order activities may be found in Leonard J. Arrington, Feramorz Y. Fox, and Dean L. May, Building the City of God:

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Community and Cooperation Among the Mormons (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976). 28. Andrew Jenson, Encycbpedic History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter'day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Publishing Company, 1941) p. 713. For additional details about the organization of wards in the Salt Lake Stake, see William G. Hartley, “The Priesthood Reorganization of 1877: Brigham Young’s Last A chievem ent,” Brigham Young University Studies 20 (Fall 1979) pp. 3 -3 6 . 29. South Jordan Ward, General Minutes, vol. 9 (1 8 6 6 -1 8 9 6 ), p. 2, LDS Church Archives. It is referred to as the County Road in the minutes. In the third district, John Hansen was appointed an acting teacher and James and Christian Petersen were ordained teachers. N. T . Silcock, Timothy Gilbert, and Lars Jensen were appointed acting teachers and John Silcock was an or dained teacher in the fourth district. For distinctions between acting and or dained teachers, see William G. Hartley, “Ordained and A cting Teachers in the Lesser Priesthood, 1 8 5 1 -1 8 8 3 ,” Brigham Young University Studies 16 (Spring 1976) pp. 3 7 5 -9 8 . 30. Jane Silcock mentioned that “it was her desire to meet often with the [Relief Society] sisters but it was on account of the distance that hindered her.” South Jordan Ward, Relief Society, Minutes, November 21, 1877, LDS Church Archives. 31. This building was raised through voluntary donations, serving vari ously as a school, Church meetinghouse, blacksmith shop, and presently (19 9 3 ) as a home. It is located at 13115 South 1300 West. 32. Bishop Bills discontinued the Church-sponsored dances in December 1880 “owing to the young men indulging in Spiritous liquor.” He exhorted the mothers not to let their daughters “keep company with young men [in cluding his own sons] that did not keep from such evils.” South Jordan Ward, Relief Society, Minutes, December 15, 1880, LDS Church Archives. 33. Charges were brought against Church members for such matters as profanity, drunkenness, gambling, threatening to fight, fraud, hauling ore on the Sabbath, and unlawful sexual intercourse. These and other matters were heard in non-public trials in which the bishop served as judge. South Jordan W ard, Bishop’s Court, Minutes (1877—1897), LDS Church Archives. 34- Salt Lake County Court, Minutes, Book C ( 18 74 -1 88 1) , pp. 6 9 6 97, U tah State Archives. 35. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), p. 6.

3 “Keeping Abreast With the Times” Years of Im provem ent and Enterprise (1 8 8 2 -1 9 0 0 )

In a composition of community boosterism, the Deseret Weekly published an article in 1893 headlined “Riverton to the Front.” The author, identified only as “J.,” asserted that al though Riverton lay in a rural district, it was “keeping abreast with the times in improvement and enterprise.” He proceeded to describe some of the evidences of prosperity and progress being undertaken in the community.1 In a study published in 1973, Leonard Arrington and Melvin Larkin identified three formative or building stages in the development of a typical Mormon town. In the case of Riverton, the period of develop ment to be recounted in this chapter would roughly fit the pat tern identified as stage two. Stage one was characterized by those elements which stamped the pioneering struggle: irriga tion ditches, makeshift meetinghouse, log cabins and dugout homes, etc. The second stage was marked by improvements to the irrigation system, the building of more substantial adobe 33

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homes, a community-constructed school and meetinghouse, etc. In essence, this second stage witnessed the formation of some major community institutions.2

Branch to Ward A Church statistical report for 1886 listed 233 “total souls” on the membership rolls of the Mormon Church in Riverton.3 Due to its relatively small population, it had functioned as a de pendent branch of the West Jordan Ward (until 1877) and the South Jordan Ward (1877-1886). On August 8, 1886, Riverton was organized as a ward in the Salt Lake Stake. Orrin Porter Miller, who moved to Riverton in late 1882, was set apart as its first bishop, in which office he served until the turn of the cen tury.4 The religious community had a variety of meetings and gatherings to accommodate its members. They continued to meet in the combination meetinghouse/schoolhouse, building a 36 x 18 foot brick addition on the east end of the structure in the spring and summer of 1888. W hile this addition was under con struction, general meetings were suspended. A decade later (1898), church leaders decided that the ward community had outgrown the combined meetinghouse/schoolhouse facility. The size of the Mormon community had doubled since the organiza tion of the ward and the number of families had tripled.5 A t a meeting held on November 28, 1898, a building committee was appointed and the work of excavation was commenced almost at once. Considerable rock was hauled to the construction site be fore the end of the year.6 In 1899, the walls were brought up to the square and the roofing was commenced. Both the Deseret Evening News and the Salt Lake Herald featured handsome front elevation drawings of the chapel in their newspapers on June 17, 1899. Architect Richard Kletting designed it in a Romanesque style.7 By the end of 1900, the roof was almost finished. Up to that point, $8000 in cash and $2000 in labor had been ex pended. It was estimated (in 1901) that nearly $20,000 would have to be expended to complete the building, popularly referred to in later years as the “Old Domed Church.”

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Polygamy The practice of polygamy in Riverton was consistent with the extent of the practice in the general Mormon Church popu lation. Almost a quarter of the community lived in a home where polygamy was the marital mode. Although it conjured up an image of barbarism in non-Mormon society, within the Mormon community it was generally accepted without fanfare.8 In 1870, Mormon women in the community went on record in favor of polygamy. A t this time, Riverton was included in the boundaries of the West Jordan Ward and members of the Relief Society wrote a memorial to Congress. In the memorial, they said: “We do believe in Plural Marriage, for we know it is a Commandment from God, and we shall sustain it.”9 In 1879, South Jordan Relief Society president Ann Holt mentioned in a meeting of the sisters (including those from Riverton) that it was the counsel to teach polygamy, “but she had not [had] prac tical experience in this matter but she was willing to defend it and advised us all to defend it.”10 Although the number of polygamous families fluctuated as they moved in and out of the community, there were more than a dozen polygamists in Riverton in the nineteenth century. The following polygamists lived in Riverton during the period 18601880s: William E. Bate, Alexander Bills, Gordon S. Bills, Robert Dansie, Jr., Daniel Densley, Jr., Joseph Draper, Timothy Gilbert, Alexander Henderson, Charles Mormon Nokes, Nicholas Thomas Silcock, and James Tempest. There were also some plural wives who lived in Riverton, but whose husbands established their primary households elsewhere. After the is suance of the Manifesto in 1890, several other polygamists es tablished homes in Riverton.11 These included William A. Bills, Joseph Smith Black, and Hans Christian Nielsen Hansen. Although two wives was the norm in the practice of polygamy, these three men and Daniel Densley and Timothy Gilbert had three or more wives simultaneously.12 These were the years of strife, when the federal government undertook a sustained effort to “Americanize” the Mormons by eradicating the practice of polygamy. Legislation and court

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decisions in the 1860s, 1870s, and early 1880s increasingly gave the government greater power in this regard.13 Ironically, it was a court decision against a polygamist with economic and relational ties to Bluffdale that eventually gave the government the necessary power to “sink its teeth” into polygamy. The man with Bluffdale connections was Angus Munn Cannon, the president of the Salt Lake Stake. On the same day in 1858, he married sis ters from a pioneer Bluffdale family, Sarah Maria and Ann Amanda Mousley, whose descendants are still prevalent in the community. The Cannon decision enabled the prosecution of hundreds of Mormons on the charge of cohabitation. The court decision stated that proof of sexual intercourse was unnecessary to obtain conviction for cohabitation.14 This court decision ushered in the era of the “Raid,” when federal marshals energetically and relentlessly pursued the Mormon polygamists. In order to avoid arrest, polygamists either moved to isolated places or hid on the “underground.”15 The polygamists in Riverton were no exception, moving to isolated rural areas in southern Colorado or hiding locally.16 Hans Christian Nielsen Hansen moved to Riverton principally because it was regarded as a good hiding place.17 To evade capture, Alexander Henderson hid among the bushes on the bluffs overlooking the Jordan River on the eastern edge of his farm. His children would bring him lunch and he would return home after dark.18 For some in explicable reason, Riverton avoided the intimidation experi enced in some neighboring communities. Organized raids were successfully conducted in Herriman and South Jordan in an ef fort to ferret out hiding polygamists.19 So successful were the Riverton polygamists in evading capture that only one local po lygamist was ever found and arrested.20 However, there was one tragic casualty. While moving his plural family from place to place to evade the deputy marshals, Gordon Bills’ 3 -month old daughter (Edith) was exposed to the cold night air and died.21 Charles Mormon Nokes was the single unfortunate polyga mist who had the misfortune of being caught by the marshals and serving a sentence in the adobe-walled territorial peniten tiary.22 On October 18, 1888, he appeared in the Third District

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Court on a charge of unlawful cohabitation to which he had plead guilty. His attorney asked that the court not impose a fine because Nokes was a “poor man.” The court asked Nokes if he knew he was breaking the law when he married his second wife and “he stated that he did.”23 He received a sentence of 85 days imprisonment and was ordered to pay a fine of 150 dollars. His imprisonment lasted from the date of his sentencing to February 9, 1889.24 At various times between these dates, 199 other Mormons from throughout Utah were also imprisoned with him. The surviving diaries and writings of some his fellow pris oners give us a glimpse of experiences Nokes may have shared during his months in prison. After visiting the prison, a plural wife of Joseph B. Forbes noted: It was quite a club. They had their musicals, entertainment, sa cred services and prayers. A stake of Zion was organized behind bars, and, since most of the leaders were locked up, half the church business was transacted there.25

A counselor in the First Presidency, George Q. Cannon, was im prisoned during this time and in his diary, he mentioned that his “cell has seemed a heavenly place and I feel that angels have been there. . . . I opened a Bible class. . . . There were fully 60 brethren present and a number of the other prisoners.” He said: [he found] it difficult to get down to writing much in prison. The atmosphere is not favorable to it, besides the brethren keep me well occupied relating to me their circumstances, asking counsel, asking questions concerning doctrine, &. c .26

Another inmate, Abraham Alonzo Kimball, described in detail the hospitality in “Uncle Sam’s Hotel”: Our bedding was piled down in our cell 7x5 feet made it look small indeed. I could not refrain from laughing, we had one tin bucket for all uses. Our bunks consisted of one small piece of can vass 2 1/2 feet wide stretched across one side of the cell. . . . Bro Hawkins was taken with grip[p]ing and was compelled to cristen

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our tin bucket, which created some unpleasantness but there was no getting out and we must be patient. . . . I could not keep [from] laughing when I would look through the holes in the gate, which was in front of us. I thought of my pigs in the pen and laughed.

He described their situation at meals: W hen the bell was wrung for breakfast we all marched in single file to the dining room. There were some 250 men all classes. T he march was a little too fast for me but I managed to keep up. All remained standing at the table until the clink of a bell, when all sat down and began eating. W e had potatoes and gravy, beef and bread. Also one pint of good coffee, with out sugar or cream. Our eating utensils consisted of one table spoon. This was quite awk ward, but we soon learned how using our left fingers for a fork.27

In addition to keeping journals, numerous Mormon prisoners kept autograph albums to memorialize their incarceration. Near the end of his prison term, Nokes signed a briefly-worded re membrance in George Brown Bailey’s album: W e are passing through very trying scenes at the preasant time which will eventualy prove a blessing to us if we prove faithfull to the end. May we do this is the humble prayr of your fellow Prisoner.28

Nokes was unable to pay his $150 fine, so thirty extra days was tacked onto his 85-day sentence for non-payment of fine. This would make his prison sentence a total of 115 days, but Nokes wanted to see if he could get an early discharge. He was taken to the city for a hearing before the Territorial Supreme Court. He was concerned about how he would look so he borrowed a pair of pants from a fellow prisoner.29 Nonetheless, his application for a release under the benefit of the Copper A ct which allowed for a deduction of time for good behavior was denied in his case.30 He served the full 115 days before being released. From the sketchy records that remain, life in polygamous families in Riverton was replete with as much variety and com

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monplace experiences as could be found in monogamous fami lies. Most of these families maintained separate households, but some polygamous wives lived under a single roof. Daniel Densley had three separate, but neighboring homes for his wives lining the east side of Redwood Road. Timothy Gilbert only had a single home in which to house his wives and family. Gordon Bills had homes for his two families that were almost a mile apart.31 Conflict and harmony existed in plural family experi ences in like measure. Robert Turner humorously recalled seeing two plural families approaching each other from different direc tions in wagons on the same road. The children jumped out of the wagons to gather rocks with which they pelted their oncom ing relations.32 In the defensive climate in which the religious doctrine and practice of polygamy was shielded, such stories en tertain us with their humanness and reality.

Civic and Commercial Development Before businesses were established, people in Riverton had to travel to other communities to purchase and sell goods or ser vices. As can be imagined, this was time consuming and incon venient. To illustrate, N. T. Silcock mentioned in his early 1880s diaries that he traveled to Sandy to purchase lumber and coal, to Draper for the blacksmith, to Salt Lake City to the mar ket, and to West Jordan to mill his grain. He could get to Sandy in his wagon in an hour and thirty-five minutes and it usually took him about six hours to travel to Salt Lake City. The estab lishment of local businesses in the community was a favorable development. The early commercial development in Riverton centered around the intersection of Redwood Road (1700 West) and the Herriman Road (12600 South). The first store in that central business district, situated on the southwest comer of the inter section, was operated by polygamist William E. Bate. The store only sold the bare essentials: salt, sugar, and flour. The business opened in about 1887 and was a wood and adobe single-story

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building with a square front. The store occupied the fore part of the building and the Bate family lived in the back part. In 1892, the application for a post office in Riverton was secured and Arthur Bate, a son, was appointed post master.33 The post office was located in this store. The postmaster picked up the mail from Sandy and it was brought to this store and distributed to the residents who came here to pick it up. This location was referred to by local people as Bate’s Comer. In 1897, Bate decided to incorporate and increase his stock of merchandise by pooling the resources brought in by investors. A t this point, the store was called the Riverton Pioneer Co-op. Thomas H. Nott of Salt Lake City was the principal investor. Other subscribers of stock (all from Riverton) were William E. Bate and his son Ernest T. Bate, Henry Brown, Samuel H. Green, and Edward Orgill.34 In 1891, Thomas P. Page established a general merchandise store.35 It was just a small business in the beginning, but at the peak of its operation, it was regarded as the largest retail depart ment store in the county outside Salt Lake City. W hile Page served a Church mission, the business was in other hands, prin cipally Seth Pixton. In 1905, the business was renamed the Page-Pixton Store and in 1908, John Hansen, Jr. became a part ner.36 The Page-Hansen Store stocked groceries, dry goods, boots and shoes, clothing, confectionery, and lumber. A t one time, the building housed the post office and a bank. The build ing, located at 12758 South 1700 West, was progressively en larged as the business prospered. Customers were served by a large staff of efficient clerks who climbed tall ladders to retrieve requested goods. In December 1892, a two-story white adobe brick school house was constructed at a cost of about $5,000.37 It was built on land donated by Thomas P. Page on Redwood Road between his home (12956 South) and his store (12758 South). There were four rooms in the school building, two on each floor. Construction funds were raised through taxation and all labor to construct the building was donated by people in the community. School continued to be held for some grades in the combined meetinghouse/school house on the Lower Road (13115 South

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1300 West) as work on the two-story building was not com pletely finished until 1905. In 1893, Daniel Densley built a two-story brick building to house small businesses and to provide a place for recreation. He funded its construction by selling his sheep herd for $42,000 to Charles Nephi Dansie.38 This building, known locally as the Commercial Building, housed a variety of different businesses including the post office, bank, implement shop, harness store, barber shop, beauty shop, shoe repair, and general merchandise store. The top floor housed a large amusement hall with a hard wood dance floor. In addition to attracting crowds from throughout the area for dancing, there was a stage for dra matics.39 Wedding receptions and community social gatherings were also held here. Before it was condemned and razed in 1939, the second floor was used in later years for indoor roller skating. In 1903, Densley sold the building to the Petersen Bros.40 The Southern Salt Lake County Gazetteer published in 1907 gives a detailed description of many of the businesses housed in the Commercial Building. These included Frank Webb’s harness shop, Bills and Park’s general mercantile, and Charles L. Millard’s carpenter shop. The description of the amusement hall indicated that the dance floor was large enough to accommo date two hundred couples. At that time the dances were con ducted every Friday evening under the personal management of George Bills, Edward Orgill, Charles L. Millard, and Samuel Howard. It noted: T he management caters to ladies and gentlemen only, and will not tolerate rowdyism. T he best bands obtainable are always employed, the best being none too good for the patrons of the hall.41

Chris Mortensen bought the building about 1909 and managed the upstairs under the name Riverton Opera House for several years before selling the entire building to the Riverton Ward.42 The ward used the upstairs for church programs and socials and the downstair’s businesses generated income for the church.

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In addition to the development of businesses, the growing population warranted continual improvements in roads and bridges. In 1895, a county census tallied 636 people in Riverton.43 Prior to statehood in 1896, government affairs in the Riverton Precinct were administered through the Salt Lake County Court. The minute books of the county court reveal how roads and bridges were established and maintained in the precinct, designated as being in District #31. One can also trace and date the construction of roads and highways in the commu nity by browsing through the minute books of the Salt Lake County Court. It was the road supervisor’s job to collect the poll tax which was used to keep the roads in good condition. Some of the road supervisors appointed in the late nineteenth century included Charles E. Miller, Jesse M. Smith, and John R. Thome. It was customary for residents to petition the county when they wanted some improvements such as a new road or bridge. In 1896, a new 48-foot span bridge was built across the Jordan River at a cost of $960.44 However, farming and livestock pursuits continued to be the premiere industries in the late nineteenth century. Farmers in Riverton kept abreast of agricultural innovations and changing markets. N. T. Silcock, a pragmatic diarist, kept a detailed daily record of his farming activities. It is evident from his diaries that farming in the 1880s was labor intensive. His boys and neigh bors were a great help to him on his farm. Indeed, he couldn’t have operated without their help. This was especially true at harvest time when he and his neighbors used the big threshing machines on their grain. In 1887, he needed “11 hands” to oper ate the “thrashing masheen” to harvest his oats and wheat.45 In that same year, he harvested 473 bushels of potatoes. He trans ported them by wagons to the railroad station at Draper where he filled up a car load and shipped them to market in Salt Lake City. Silcock became adept at using and maintaining the new farm implements that he either purchased, rented, or borrowed. They included such implements as grain drills, riding plows, hay mowers, sulky hayrakes, and disc and spring-root harrows. In ad dition to the modernization of equipment, farming increasingly

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7 D JT CN Alexander Bills

Chaa. N. Dansie

)N Jesse M. Smith

Hans Nielaen

John R. Thorne

TB B2 Z. Butterfield

C. Lovondahl

SG (D Sam. B. Green

Q cd G. >f. Beckstead

F ig . 2 . M a r k s a n d B r a n d s

John Hansent Sr

Gordon S. Bills

to A

05 ML 0. P. Hiller

Chas. M. Nokes

Heber S. Crane

G CD G. P. Beckstead

Alma D. Silcock

OR Geo. H. Dansie

RR RX 5B Edvard Rishton

o f

Seth Pixton

William Bate

E a r l y S e t t l e r s . Source: Record of Marks and Brands, Utah

State Archives. Graphics by Karen Bashore.

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became more scientific and business oriented in the decade of the 1890s. Scientific farming enabled farmers to produce more and increase their profits. Such benefits attracted the interest of farmers in Riverton. To illustrate, in 1898 the Salt Lake County Farmers’ Institute held a seminar in Riverton “to disseminate the principles of scientific farming.” The program included sessions on such subjects as “Crop Rotation As Applied to Utah Farm Conditions” and “The Private Dairy: Its Profitable Care and Management.”46 The latter seminar undoubtedly sparked wide interest as a creamery had been constructed on Charles Mormon Nokes’ ground in the previous year.47 Local dairy farmers found a ready market for their milk at the Riverton & Draper Creamery Company, managed by O. P. Miller. In his history of Riverton, John McCormick observed that local farmers became “geared to the market, producing not just what it was possible to produce, but what it was profitable to produce.”48 In truth, they were not just “farmers”— they were “commercial farmers.” Whereas previ ously they had grown a wide variety of crops, by the turn of the century they were specialists: wheat farmers, alfalfa growers, sugar beet farmers, dairy farmers, and dry farmers. Sheep raising was an important part of the Riverton econ omy in the nineteenth century.49 The wealthiest men in Riverton were the wool growers. They included such men as Daniel Densley, George F. Beckstead, Charles Blake, and Zachariah Butterfield. Local sheepmen typically grazed their sheep in the Wasatch Mountains, southern Idaho, Wyoming, or northern Utah in the summer. In the winter, they moved their herds on to the desert west of the Oquirrh Mountains. The lifestyle of a sheepman exacted its toll, but it gave many young men a good financial start. An 1892 newspaper article noted that “with good luck they [sheep] yield their owners about 30 per cent of their value in wool every year.”50 In 1886, a “tithing yard” was established in Riverton on land purchased from Samuel L. Howard. Located on the brow of the bench (1150 W. 12400 South) and sloping down the bank towards the river, the site was locally designated “Tithing Yard Hill.” Faithful Mormon Church members brought their tithed

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increases in produce, livestock, poultry, grains, and other farm products to this collection site. Prior to this, Mormon tithe-payers in the south part of the Salt Lake Valley had to transport their tithing farm products to Salt Lake City. Nicholas T. Silcock frequently mentions hauling tithing to the Salt Lake Tithing Office in his journals: “I whent to the City with Tithing Potatos and Squash.”51 Only months before the “tithing yard” was available in Riverton for people in the south end of the vaL ley (south of 6400 South), Silcock recorded that he “whent to the City with A Tithing Calf.”52 A locally-situated “tithing yard” was a real convenience for the farmers. On the bench ground, there was an office building, weigh scales, a small granery, a large root cellar, haystacks, feed mangers, and a bam. Cattle yards and pasture sloped to the river. Freeman R. Lloyd was the first supervisor of the Tithing Yard. Others who oper ated the “yard” included George W. Bills and George William and Nevada Butterfield. Thomas B. Lloyd, a son of Freeman R. Lloyd, wrote about the operation of the Tithing Yard: We fed cattle, sheep, hogs, chickens & etc. that was turned in on tithing. When the cattle & sheep & etc. were fat, they were dri ven to the Church farm at old 13th South & 1st West. Now 27th South. I spent many a day, trailing cattle and sheep to the Church farm. There they were butchered and sold, and the money turned over to the general authorities of the Church.53 The Tithing Yard discontinued operation in 1913 after twentyseven years of use. A monument and marker describing the his tory of Tithing Yard Hill were placed in the city park by the Tithing Yard Hill Camp of the Daughters of Utah Pioneers in 1980.54

Pioneer Co-op Arson Case A little after midnight on April 1, 1899, revelers at a dance in the “Bate’s Pavilion” emptied out into the street when an

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alarm of fire was raised. The dancers promptly formed a bucket brigade and extinguished the blaze on the next-door Pioneer Co-op Store building. The store was situated directly east of the dance hall on the southwest corner of the intersection of Redwood Road and the Herriman Road (12600 South). For the duration of three months, news reports routinely appeared on the pages of Salt Lake’s newspapers about the “sensational Riverton arson case.”55 The day following the fire, investigators concluded that the fire was of incendiary origin. The fire had been started on the inside of a small storeroom in the rear end of the main store. In one comer, they found a quantity of paper that had been satu rated with coal oil. On top of this paper, the arsonist had placed a candle which enabled him to start the conflagration and make good his escape without being identified or the fire discovered. However, the paper had been so thoroughly saturated with oil that it adhered to the floor and was only partially burnt. A nearby 40-gallon tank of coal oil fortunately did not explode, but the tank was so hot to touch that it could scarcely be rolled into the street. It was theorized that the arsonist ignited the fire close to the coal oil tank hoping that it would touch off an ex plosion that would consume the building. Due to the early dis covery of the fire and the quick action of the dance patrons, little damage was done. Damage was confined to a hole in the roof, a burned door, charred shelves, and blistered paint. The doors and windows were all intact and there was no evidence that the store had been broken into. This led investigators to surmise that the arsonist was someone who had a key to get into the building. On April 7th, Ernest T. Bate, Riverton’s postmaster and part-owner/manager of the Co-op Store, was arrested and charged with attempting to set fire to the store/post office.56 His arrest caused considerable excitement in the community. He spent the night in the county jail and pleaded not guilty the next morning when he was charged. He was released on $1,500 bail which was put up by Daniel Densley, Jr. and his store part ner, Thomas Nott. At the time of his arrest, he was twenty-two

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years old, married, with two young children. One article reported that he had been “drinking considerably of late.”57 On April 13th, the preliminary hearing began. Much evi dence was heard over the course of several days, the hearing concluding on April 22nd. A number of Riverton residents tes tified in the hearing, several of whom were depicted by court artists in newspaper articles.58 Bate became the primary suspect because of conflicting statements which he made about a quan tity of postage stamps which were missing. Witnesses also men tioned that Bate was in the store less than a half hour before the fire was discovered. Bate was playing the piano at the dance, but at 11:50 P.M. he left with Moroni Dansie, a young man attend ing the dance who wanted to buy some candy. They entered and left the store together and Bate locked the door as they came out. There were other suspicious circumstances in connection with the matter which tended to point towards Bate’s guilt, so he was arrested and charged. One interesting matter uncovered in the hearing revolved around the actions of Benjamin F. Grant, a special agent for the Home Fire Insurance Company. The Co-op Store building had been insured by the Home Fire Company for $250. On the night Bate was jailed, Grant was let into his cell with the intentions of trying to wring a confession from Bate. Pretending that he was also under arrest, Grant was let into the cell by the sheriff, jailer, and two officers who were accomplices in the scheme. When Bate took the stand in the hearing, he testified that Grant tried to get him to finger William Langton and Thomas Nott as accomplices in the fire.59 They were the owners of the Salt Lake Equitable Co-op which had also been destroyed by an earlier fire. The Riverton Pioneer Co-op had been a branch of the Salt Lake Equitable Co-op pre vious to the restructuring of the business in 1897 in which Nott became the principal shareholder and corporate president. Although investigators had not linked it to arson, Grant as serted he was satisfied that Langton and Nott “set fire to that building [Salt Lake Equitable Co-op] but they are too cute for us.”60 During the preliminary hearing, a deputy sheriff testified that he had overheard Bate admit to B. F. Grant on the night of

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his arrest, that he set fire to the Riverton Co-op Store. The de fense attorney asked Bate about this purported conversation be tween himself and Grant on the night of his arrest. “Have you, at any time, told Grant or anybody else,” asked Mr. Varian, “that you set fire to that place?” “I have not.” “Did you set fire to it?” “I did not.” “Do you know who did?” “I do not.”61 The defense attorney pointed out that it would have been senseless for Bate to set the fire. He owned his own home adja cent to the store. The home was not insured. He had a financial interest in the store, the dance pavilion, and a nearby ice house, all of which were imperiled by the fire. The attorney asked: Is it likely that a man could set fire to a building within a few feet of which his two children lay sleeping locked in the home, and further, jeopardize his father’s property and then return coolly to the dance hall and unconcerned await developments?62 The attorney argued that Bate had no motive to set the fire. Bate testified, and witnesses corroborated, that he did every thing possible to put the fire out. W hen the cry of fire was raised, he rushed out of the dance hall into the street and over to the burning store. He opened the store door and removed a post office cabinet. He then returned and carried out a show case from the store. Rushing around to the east side of the leanto, he kicked in the door and rolled out the coal oil tank that was in such a heated condition. The tank was so hot that his fingers were burned. He then climbed into the hole in the store ceiling and extinguished the blaze there.63 After hearing the ev idence and arguments, the judge bound Bate over to await trial in the Third District Court. On June 26th, the jury trial began. It lasted eleven days and Bate maintained his innocence and stuck to his story. The jury

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arrived at a verdict of not guilty, acquitting Bate of the serious charge. Nevertheless, a day before being cleared of the arson charge, Bate was removed as postmaster. Mrs. Catherine Thorne was appointed in his stead.64 Those in attendance at the trial conjectured that contradictory testimony was a key factor in bringing the acquittal. After the trial, Bate moved away from Riverton.65

Notes 1. “Riverton to the Front,” Deseret Weekly, April 15, 1893. 2. Arrington and Larkin study summarized in Edward A. Geary, “The Town on the Prickly Pear Flat: Community Development in Castle Valley,” Community Development in the American West: Past and Present Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Frontiers, Charles Redd Monographs in Western History, No. 15, ed. by Jessie L. Embry and Howard A . Christy (Provo: Brigham Young University, 1985) p. 55. 3. Riverton Ward, Manuscript History, Statistical Report, LDS Church Archives. The statistical analysis for 1886 counted the following categories: high priests (3 ), seventies (1 0 ), elders (2 4 ), priests (8 ), teachers (0), deacons (8 ), members [not holding priesthood office] (8 5 ), children under 8 years old (9 5 ), families (3 5 ), births (4 male/4 female), individuals drawing [welfare] support (2 0 ), and deaths (1). 4- Miller was recognized in the previously-cited newspaper article (Deseret Weekly, April 15, 1893) as being a “live, wide-awake man, working in the present and planning for the future; he directs with an almost unerring aim the affairs under his supervision to that elevated plane where progress and true religion meet in friendly embrace.” Although these sentiments are admittedly lofty, Miller was indeed a person of considerable stature and ability. 5. In 1898, there were 509 members in the ward and 91 families. Riverton Ward, Manuscript History, Statistical Report, LDS Church Archives. Although the Mormon community was predominant in Riverton, the non-Mormon population was sizeable. A comparison of Riverton Ward and Salt Lake County Bureau of Statistics population tallies for 1895 shows that there were 440 Mormons amidst a total Riverton population of 636. Roughly one-third of the people in Riverton in 1895 were not members of the Mormon Church. As a point of reference, the total population of some of the nearby communities in 1895 was, as follows: Bluffdale (288), Fort Herriman

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(2 7 8 ), South Jordan (5 2 1 ), Draper (9 3 7 ), W est Jordan (1 ,5 6 1 ), and Bingham (1 ,3 1 3 ). “Total County Population,” Deseret Evening News, May 22, 1895. 6. The building site location was on the west side of present 1700 W est at approximately 12800 South. Joseph E. Morgan mentions in his typescript history that “they got rocks for the foundation on the north side of South Mountain next to Rock Hollow.” This would have been in the foothills southwest of Bluffdale. It was a community volunteer building project and “many wagons went in 1898.” Morgan was with them and “helped load the rocks on.” 7. Kletting, the most prominent architect in 19th-century U tah, is re gionally renowned for his design of the U tah State Capitol, Saltair, and the old Salt Palace. The Carl Madsen family has in their possession one of the original blueprints (front elevation) of the Kletting-designed Riverton church. For more information about Kletting, see pages 319—21 in Allan Kent Powell, “The German-speaking Immigrant Experience in U tah ,” Utah Historical Quarterly 52:4 (Fall 1984) pp. 304—46. T h e 67 x 81 foot building was con structed of red brick and stone. It was 85 feet high from the foundation, with a large auditorium and gallery which were planned to accommodate nearly 1000 people. Classrooms were located downstairs. Although its completion was con siderably detained, it was touted in newspapers as one of “the finest ward meetinghouse[s] in the Church.” “Public Improvements,” Deseret Evening News, October 28, 1908. The entry stairs were awkward and the building proved hard and expensive to heat so a decision was reached to raze the beautiful building in 1939. Artifacts of the building remain in the possession of some in the com munity. As of this date (1 9 9 2 ), Bob Webster had the organ and Doug Brown possessed two of the large stained glass windows. The Riverton Historical Society has many photographic views of the old church, including a color postcard ca. 1920, in Elvoy Dansie, Photograph Collection. 8. Ren Howard remarked that people in Riverton accepted the practice of polygamy. He said “it was just a natural thing.” Lorenzo M. Howard, inter view with Mel Bashore, M arch 2, 1985. Meredith Page concurred, saying that “it was just a normal thing.” Meredith Page, interview with Mel Bashore, February 9, 1985. W hen asked if polygamist families were treated any differ ently by people in the community, Wilford Myers stated, “I don’t think there was any distinction made against them because they were polygamists. I be lieve they were treated all right.” Wilford Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 5, 1985. 9. South Jordan W ard, Relief Society, Minutes (1 8 6 9 -1 9 7 0 ), February 3, 1870, LDS Church Archives.

10. South Jordan W ard, Relief Society, Minutes (1 8 6 9 -1 9 7 0 ), February 23, 1879, LDS Church Archives.

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11. W hat was the legal status of polygamists after the Manifesto? In 1891, Mormon Church leaders petitioned the U .S. president requesting amnesty for all violators of the federal anti-polygamy legislation. On January 4, 1893, President Benjamin Harrison “granted amnesty to all Saints who had been in compliance with the law since the Manifesto. After the amnesty there fol lowed a carefully qualified truce between the government and the Mormon church. . . . T o marry polygamously or to cohabit with more than one woman continued to be a state crime, despite efforts by the U tah State Legislature in 1901 to repeal the territorial cohabitation law which had been inadvertently codified into state statute.” Martha S. Bradley, “Changed Faces: The Official LDS Position on Polygamy, 1 8 9 0 -1 9 9 0 ,” Sunstone 14:1 (February 1990) pp. 2 6 -2 7 . 12. A statistical study of 19th-century polygamous bishops indicated the following: 2 wives (16.3% ), 3 wives (21.2% ), 4 wives (6.7% ), and 5 or more wives (5.8% ). Statistics in D. Gene Pace, “Wives of Nineteenth Century Bishops: A Quantitative Analysis,” Journal of the West 21 (April 1982) pp. 49—57. One man, Jesse M. Smith, who had been a counselor in the bishopric in the Riverton W ard in the late 1880s, didn’t become a polygamist until 1904, fourteen years after the issuance of the Manifesto. He was living in Layton at the time of his post-Manifesto plural marriage. For additional infor mation about post-Manifesto plural marriages see D. Michael Quinn, “LDS Church Authority and New Plural Marriages, 1 8 9 0 -1 9 0 4 ,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 18 (Spring 1985) pp. 9—105 and B. Carmon Hardy, Solemn Covenant: The Mormon Polygamous Passage (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992). 13. The Morrill A ct (1862) was the initial, but unsuccessful, attempt to stem the practice of polygamy. In 1879, the “test case” against George Reynolds held that Americans had the right to any religious beliefs they de sired, but Congress was allowed broad powers to limit the practice of those beliefs. U ntil recently, Mormon historians have pointed to the Reynolds case as being one of the key events which opened the floodgates to Mormon perse cution for polygamy. It did play a major part in instituting this wave of perse cution, but it played a lesser role than it has for so long been credited with ac complishing. In 1882, the Edmunds Law declared polygamy a felony carrying a maximum sentence of five years and a five hundred dollar fine. It also gave the prosecutor the option of issuing a misdemeanor charge of cohabitation with a maximum six-month jail sentence and a three hundred dollar fine. However, cohabitation was only narrowly defined. Cohabitation was finally defined in the 1885 Angus M. Cannon court case, recounted in this chapter. 14. Ken Driggs, “The Prosecutions Begin: Defining Cohabitation in 1885,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 21:1 (Spring 1988) pp. 109-25.

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15. Beginning in 1885, polygamists were eagerly hunted by those who were attracted by the twenty dollar bounty offered for each polygamist ar rested. O n February 1, 1885, Mormon Church President John Taylor urged polygamists not to fight, but to run and hide from arrest. Vernal A . Brown, “The United States Marshals in U tah Territory to 1896” (M .S. thesis, U tah State University, 1970) pp. 1 4 4 -4 5 . 16. In a conversation with Mel Bashore in 1985, Willis Petersen men tioned that he found a concealed place underneath a closet, entered by means of a hidden trap door in the old Nielsen-Howard home south of his bam (ap proximately 12400 So. 1300 W .). He tore this home down in the early 1950s and wondered whether it might not have been employed as a “polygamist pit” for hiding from marshals. Polygamists from Riverton who moved to Colorado to evade arrest included Joseph Draper and Tim othy Gilbert. Gilbert took the bulk of his family to southern Colorado, but left his two plural wives in a se cretly-maintained boarding house for polygamous wives in Sandy. W hen he learned that they were being poorly cared for, he returned to U tah to gather them with the rest of his family in the San Luis Valley. The Mormons: 100 Years in the San Luis Valley of Colorado, comp, and ed. by Carleton Q. Anderson, Betty Shawcroft, and Robert Com pton (La Jara Stake, 1982) p. 183. Locale of the boarding house in Sandy was learned from a conversation Mel Bashore had with Minnie Heath, a granddaughter of Tim othy Gilbert, September 10, 1983. 17. Polygamy Lecture Program, Riverton Historical Society, M arch 16, 1989. 18. Marjorie Brown, telephone conversation with Mel Bashore, March 11, 1989. 19. All the homes in Herriman were searched in a raid that was con ducted on April 1, 1887. The next day, April 2, a raid was successfully con ducted in South Jordan. Alexander Bills, who later lived and ran a store in Riverton, was one of the casualties of the South Jordan raid. Copies of the court papers and files in his case are in the Riverton Historical Society collec tion. On September 20, 1887, he was sentenced to six months in prison and fined $ 1 0 0 plus $ 5 0 court costs. 20. Church members were counseled to be guarded in their conversation with strangers in order to shield local polygamists from possible arrest. The circumstances of the times were such that church leaders eventually became concerned that these deceptive tactics would have an adverse effect on the younger generation. George Q. Cannon, a member of the First Presidency, wrote that “some young people, when interrogated, have not been able to tell where their best friends lived, and there have been instances where they have even been unable to point out the house of their own parents.” He counseled

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that under certain circumstances, children might need to be evasive, but generally they must be circumspect and truthful. “Editorial Thoughts,” Juvenile Instructor 21 (November 1, 1886) pp. 3 2 8 -2 9 . Even fifteen years after the is suance of the 1890 Manifesto, local youth were being cautioned to be guarded in their conversation about polygamy. Mary A. Orgill told a class of young girls “some things she [had] heard about plural marriage [and] told the girls never to say anything about it.” In that same class, Sister Stringfellow told “of an incident she had read about polygamy that taught her never to say any thing about it.” Riverton Ward, Young Ladies’ Mutual Improvement Association, Minutes, October 15, 1905, LDS Church Archives. That atti tude of secrecy and circumspection about polygamy has even carried over into the present day. John McCormick mentioned to Mel Bashore that when he was interviewing people in Riverton in the 1970s in connection with his re search project survey for the U tah State Historical Society, people were very reticent to talk about polygamy. 21. Edith Naomia Bills died on June 25, 1887. Although family histories don’t give details, she may have been a casualty of the raids conducted on April 1 -2 , 1887 in Bluffdale and South Jordan. South Jordan Heritage (Histories), Book Two, comp, by Lonnie and A nnette Holt (1 9 8 8 ), p. 88. 22. A daughter of Charles Mormon Nokes said that it was her impression that her father had simply submitted himself to the authorities for arrest. She contended that “he found out the others [polygamists in Riverton] were hid ing out and he said, ‘I’m not going to hide out. I haven’t done anything I’m ashamed of.’ So he went and gave himself up.” Viola Nokes Dowdy,"interview with Mel Bashore, September 18, 1986. 23. “In the Grip of the Law,” Salt Lake Tribune, October 19, 1888. 24. “Third District Court,” Deseret Evening News, October 18, 1888 and U tah State Prison, Admission Records, List of Prisoners (1 8 7 5 -1 8 8 9 ), p. 219, U tah State Archives. Copies of U tah Territory 3rd District Court papers and files on the Nokes case are in the collection of the Riverton Historical Society. They include the grand jury report, indictment, and arrest warrant. Originals are on file in the Archives Branch, Federal Records Center, Denver, Colorado. 25. Paul Bailey, Grandpa Was a Polygamist (Los Angeles, California: W estemlore Press, 1960) p. 148. 26. George Q. Cannon, “The Prison Diary of a Mormon Apostle,” ed. by M. Hamlin Cannon, Pacific Historical Review 16 (November 1947) pp. 401,408. Nokes is pictured in a photograph with other prison- garbed polygamists flank ing George Q. Cannon. This photograph is in the LDS Archives and a copy is in the Riverton Historical Society files. According to family tradition, a framed

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copy of this photograph hung on a wall on the ground floor of the “Old Domed C hurch.” Ruth N. Crump, conversation with Mel Bashore, July 12, 1985. 27. Abraham Alonzo Kimball, Diary, pp. 4 8 6 -8 7 , LDS Church Archives. For additional information about the prison experience, see Melvin L. Bashore, “Life Behind Bars,” Utah Historical Quarterly 47:1 (W inter 1979) pp. 2 2 -4 1 . 28. George Brown Bailey, Autograph Album, February 6, 1889, LDS Church Archives. Under his signature, Nokes listed his place of residence as “Gale, Salt Lake County, U tah .” In the 19th century, Gale was the post office designation for South Jordan. These sentiments were written in Bailey’s album only three days before Nokes was released from prison. Although he characterized his prison experience at the time as “trying”, his daughter said “he enjoyed every minute he was in the prison. They treated him just beauti ful in there. He had no axe to grind and no fault to find at all.” Viola Nokes Dowdy, interview with Mel Bashore, September 18, 1986. 29. This is humorously and informatively described in a letter: “I came very close to the City this last week that is my pants went there twice W ith Bro Chas Nokes on a writ to try and get the benifit of the copper act on short sentences viz. 75 days. 85 days has no benifit for good behavior while 90 days has a benifit of fifteen days. A man sentenced to ninty days will leave the prison ten days before the man sentenced to eighty five day so you see the in justice and it is to try and change the ruling of the Court to let all be re warded for good Conduct.” George Brown Bailey, Letter, U tah Penitentiary, February 2, 1889. Original in possession of Gary E. Stay; copy on file in Riverton Historical Society. 30. “Habeas Corpus Denied,” Deseret Evening News, February 2, 1889. 31. Paul Goeldner stated: “T h e preferred manner of polygamous family habitation was for wives to have separate houses. But this was possible only as the patriarch of such families attained the econom ic means and material re sources on the U tah frontier to build more than one house. This was rarely achieved. Rather there was a wide variation of makeshift and experimental forms and styles adapted according to individual circumstances.” Quoted in Rickey Lynn Hendricks, “Landmark A rchitecture for a Polygamous Family: The Brigham Young Domicile, Salt Lake City, U tah ,” The Public Historian 11:1 (W inter 1989) p. 34. 32. Robert Turner, interviewed by Mel Bashore, May 30, 1985. 33. “A New Post Office,” Deseret Evening News, May 9, 1892. 34- Riverton Pioneer Co-op, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives.

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35. Thomas Phillips Page, Autobiographical Sketch, p. 4, LDS Church Archives. 36. The Seth Pixton Company, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives and “Public Improvements,” Deseret Evening News, October 28, 1908. 37. “Riverton to the Front,” Deseret Weekly News, April 15, 1893. 38. Ibid., April 15, 1893. 39. A newspaper report of the play entitled “The Social Glass” put on by the Riverton Dramatic Association in the Riverton Theater on January 3, 1895 noted that it was a “great success.” Those taking part in the play in cluded William H. Bowlden, John Hansen Jr., William Silcock, Fred W . Webb, Niels J. Christensen, Edwin A . Walker, Edith Miller, Sarah Bowlden, and Dora Peterson. “Notes from Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, January 12, 1895. In addition to plays produced by local talent, the theater hosted travel ing vaudeville troupes and theater groups. 40. “Fairly Prosperous Season,” Deseret Evening News, December 29, 1903. 41. Southern Salt Lake County Gazetteer (Murray: American Eagle, 1907) p. 30. 42. A newspaper clipping given by Robert W . Turner to the Historical Society entitled “Riverton Second W ard Tears Down Old Landmark,” dated October 10, [1939] gives a retrospective history of the Commercial Building property. It indicates that Charles E. Miller homesteaded the ground in 1876 and later sold it to bishop Robert Dansie, Sr. of Herriman. He in turn sold the property to Densley. This article says that William L. Parry, not the Peterson Bros., was the next owner and that it was Parry who sold the building to Mortensen. Searching through various volumes of the Utah State Gazetteer and Business Directory was not helpful in determining when Mortensen sold the building to the Riverton Ward. Volume 10 of that Polk directory pub lished in 1922 still lists Mortensen as manager of the Riverton Hall. The in accuracy of this is evident as Mortensen died in 1920. A daughter wrote that Mortensen “sold his business in Riverton” after his wife died in August 1918. Rachel Mortensen Perry, “The Story of Christian Mortensen and His Family,” (1987) p. 7. 43. For comparison, South Jordan had 521 people, Bluffdale (288), Herriman (2 7 8 ), W est Jordan (1 ,5 6 1 ), Sandy (1 ,1 9 5 ), Bingham (1,3 1 3 ), and Draper (9 3 7 ). “Total County Population,” Deseret Evening News, May 22, 1895. 44. “In City and County,” Deseret Evening News, August 29, 1896. In the

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records, this bridge is variously referred to as the Riverton Bridge or the Draper Bridge. 45. Nicholas Thomas Silcock, Journal, September 7, 1887, LDS Church Archives. 46. “W ill Hold a Farmers’ Institute,” Deseret Evening News, January 12, 1898. 47. “Riverton News,” Deseret Evening News, February 24, 1897. 48. John S. M cCormick, “A History of Riverton, U tah ,” p. 25. 49. The sheep industry was foremost in U tah ’s agricultural scene in the late nineteenth century. “U tah ’s cattle population peaked before 1880, and soon cattle were giving way to sheep. . . . By 1889 a million sheep and 3 5 0 ,0 0 0 cattle were in U tah; by 1899 the cattle population had stabilized, but the sheep count had increased four-fold.” Dan L. Flores, “Zion in Eden: Phases of the Environmental History of U tah ,” Environmental Review 7:4 (1 9 8 3 ) p. 332. 50. “Sheep and Their Owners,” Deseret Evening News, July 19, 1892. The writer of this article visited various sheep herds in W eber Canyon. He found a half dozen herds averaging 2 ,500 sheep each; pricing their worth at about $ 4 a head. Each owner could expect a 20% natural increase in the size of his herd, making a total profit of 50% . The expenses of keeping, shearing, and other facets of the operation were not great. Two men were needed as herders for each flock and their combined wages generally did not exceed $65 per m onth and their board was approximately $35 per m onth. A herd of 2 ,5 0 0 sheep would cost the owner $ 1 ,2 0 0 per year and produce for him $ 5 ,0 0 0 , leaving a profit of $3,800. He could also expect to deduct from the profit approximately $ 8 0 0 for loss of sheep due to death. 51. Nicholas Thomas Silcock, Journal, O ctober 29, 1884, LDS Church Archives. 52. Ibid., April 6, 1886, LDS Church Archives. 53. Thomas Butler Lloyd, “Life History,” p. 7, in Joy Slater, Papers. 54. Information about the Tithing Yard based on research files compiled by Tithing Yard Hill Camp, Daughters of U tah Pioneers and “Riverton Tithing Yard Hill No. 4 1 1 ,” An Enduring Legacy, vol. 10 (Salt Lake City: Daughters of U tah Pioneers, 1987), p. 309. 55. The recounting of this Riverton fire is based on newspaper articles that appeared in the three major Salt Lake newspapers: Deseret Evening News, Salt Lake Tribune, and Salt Lake Herald. The first newspaper account of this fire was “A Firebug’s Big Failure,” Deseret Evening News, April 1, 1899.

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56. Ernest Bate was appointed the postmaster on April 17, 1896. Hazel Blanche Densley, Excerpts from the History of Riverton & Lives of Some of Its People, p. 16. 57. “Bate Arraigned for Arson,” Deseret Evening News, April 8, 1899. A t the preliminary hearing, Bate was asked by the prosecuting attorney whether he had been “dissipating or gambling lately.” Bate replied, “N ot that I know of.” “Young Bate on the Stand,” Deseret Evening News, April 19, 1899. 58. Ernest T. Bate was depicted by an artist’s drawing in “Hearing of Arson Case,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 14, 1899. Elizabeth Bate, Edward Orgill, and Edith Nichols were illustrated in “Grant Admits Lying,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 15, 1899. 59. Bate testified that Grant “tried to get me to say that either Langton or N ott had a hand in the Equitable or the Riverton fires.” “Disputes Mr. G rant,” Salt Lake Herald, April 20, 1899. 60. Ibid. 61. “How Grant Schemed,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 20, 1899. 62. “Closing of the Bate Case,” Deseret Evening News, April 20, 1899. 63. “Young Bate on the Stand,” Deseret Evening News, April 19, 1899. 64- “Bate Is Acquitted,” Salt Lake Herald, July 7, 1899. 65. This wasn’t the last of Bate’s legal and personal troubles. In 1907, he and his wife, Mary Elizabeth Orgill Bate, were divorced. They remarried in 1913. They had six children bom during their first marriage and a son during their second marriage. In 1916, they were divorced for a second time. In the divorce complaint, Bate alleged that his wife was willfully cruel to him. She said that he didn’t make enough money to support them. She hit him on sev eral occasions, once with a club on his arm. He alleged that for half a year, she “refused to cook his meals” and he had to eat many of his meals in restau rants. The court decreed that the mother have custody of the children and that Bate pay $20 per month alimony and have weekly visiting privileges. Ernest T . Bate vs. Mary E. Bate, Third District Court, Salt Lake City, U tah State Archives. Soon after, he remarried (Neom a), and he died in 1930.

4 “Dark Hours Before the Dawn” Years of C hallenge and Prosperous Progress (1901-1917)

Riverton’s dependence on agriculture was never more evi dent than during the first years of the twentieth century. An ex tended drought seriously put at risk the very existence of the community. At the point when people considered abandoning their homes and farms, disaster was averted. As one local news correspondent observed: “The darkest hours often immediately precede the dawn.”1 This is the story of one of the town’s “dark est hours”; when it was literally brought to its knees, given hope, and then rejuvenated.

The Drought That Almost Erased Riverton From the Map There was every evidence for prosperity at the close of the nineteenth century. That these were good times was apparent in the “great many fine residences at Riverton” that were being 59

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erected.2 Although the sugar beet yield had been light in 1900, there was every prospect for improvement and farmers were expectantly making contracts for the raising of beets in 1901. Early in the summer (1901), Deseret News readers were informed that a drought was threatening to burn up 30,000 acres of crops in the Salt Lake Valley. A report by Orrin Porter Miller, a man of “known conservatism” and a commissioner of the water supply in Utah Lake, underlined the seriousness of the sit uation. He reported: The prospects are very discouraging for the farmers on the west side of the valley. Such a condition never has existed in the his tory of Utah lake. It may be necessary to have to close down all the mills on the river to save the wheat crop. Angus M. Cannon, president of the South Jordan Canal Com pany concurred: There never has been a time in my recollection when Utah Lake was furnishing such a small quantity of water to the farmers in this county as now. Unless rain comes the loss will be incalculable.3 These disturbing reports excited the farmers who began advanc ing and listening to proposals and ideas formulated to solve the water shortage. James H. Gardner, superintendent of the Utah Sugar Company and a resident of Riverton during his youth, ad vanced a plan for the installation of a $15,000 pumping plant in Utah Lake.4 In August, the officers and stockholders of the canal companies endorsed a plan set forth by Thomas P. Page to cut a canal over the Kamas bench to divert water from the Weber River to the Provo River. The intent of this project was to make Utah Lake a big storage reservoir. They also approved the installation of an electric pumping apparatus in Utah Lake in order to pump water into the Jordan River when the lake was at a low level.5 However, nothing was accomplished in time for the farmers to salvage their crops and plantings. One discour aged resident remarked that most of the farmers “failed to raise

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crops enough to pay their taxes and other expenses through lack of water for irrigation.” In a discouraged vein, he mentioned: [They were] patiently waiting for the directors of our canal com panies to awake from their lethargy and unitedly devise means to prevent the abandonment of what was once one of the most pro ductive districts of the state. Indeed, the situation was serious. Crop failures had caused some people to sell their farms and move. Most of those who sold out moved to southern Idaho or Oregon. A ray of hope that condi tions would improve abided in many of those who remained. The townspeople held a meeting in late November to discuss the possibility of building a high school in the community. They of fered to furnish the building, heating, and janitor work free if a high school would be located here. In a wry vein, the news corre spondent noted that it was a sign that “we are not quite dead.”6 During the drought years, Joseph E. Morgan “helped fill bar rels with water. . . . This was on a wagon drawn by two horses. The water was used for animals and house use.” They hauled water from stagnant water holes in the Jordan River. During the drought, the grasshoppers were destructive pests. In order to try to preserve their field crops, he and his family would rise early in the morning to try to kill the pesky pests. They began in the center of a field and worked outward, hitting the hoppers “with sacks or boards.” The voracious grasshoppers would eat bare the sunflower stalks, mustard, and sweet clover. Unless they could rid the pests from their fields, “they would eat a field of alfalfa if it was green. Nothing left but steams [stems].” He recalled that people cut blue grass up on the flats to use for animal feed.7 As the winter progressed, more people became disheartened at the inaction of the canal companies to do something to avert another season of crop failures. A local reporter describing the conditions in Riverton noted: This little burg, which at one time had the name of being the most prosperous farming district in Salt Lake county, and in

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which so many of our citizens have built noticeable fine residences . . . is now suffering from a loss in population and deterio ration of property due to the lack of water in the Jordan canals. A large exodus has taken place . . . and many others would leave but for the reason they are unable to sell at present and they do not wish to leave their property unprotected. Their concerns were not without justification as vandalism to abandoned homes was “quite rampant.” Niels J. Christiansen had left his home and moved to LaGrande, Oregon. Vandals had destroyed all the windows in his home and the windows in the unprotected homes of others who had also moved away. The vandalism problem became quite severe as many citizens balked at bringing the actions of these delinquents to public notice, fearful that they would be the object of reprisals. It was noted: [A young Riverton man had] shot a horse and also a cow, merely for his amusement as he wanted a target. Stables have been en tered at night and good horses taken out and almost ruined by the brutal treatment they have received.8 Riverton boys had a reputation for wildness and their rowdiness exacerbated an already discouraging situation.9 Despite the dis couraging conditions, many of the landowners expected that the pumping station would be installed at the mouth of the Jordan River in time for the 1902 farm season. Newspaper re ports to that effect were hopeful, noting: The threatened exodus of our farmers to other places, has some what abated, since the canal companies have acted favorably to ward installing a pumping plant at the intake of the Jordan river. Expectations were that it would be operational before July 1st. The reporter offered a warning caution: “If there should be any undue delay in the action of our canal officials, with the great losses and dead orchards of last year . . . feelings the reverse of kindly will apt to be engendered.”10 In April, the Salt Lake City Council passed the Jordan pump proposition over the mayor’s

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veto, convincing many “that it was practically assured that pumps would be immediately erected.” The townspeople were so thrilled at this action that it was noted: Some of our citizens got together and with a wagon and band of brass instruments paraded this and adjoining wards. The wagon was covered with bunting with mottoes: “G ood prospects o f crops,” “Salt Lake City council favors p u m p s,” “H urra h for p u m p s,” etc.11 On this hopeful news, farmers planted their crops. Nevertheless, as many feared, the installation of the pumps was stalled after the crops had been planted. By mid-June, the situation was fearfully grim. A. Parley Hamilton and George Washington Beckstead cut their losses, the former moving to the Snake River country in Idaho and the latter to LaGrande, Oregon. The local news correspondent observed: Our hearts are also sore to see our wheat and oats dying out by scorching in the sun, and to see our old men discouraged, our middle aged men trying to sell out and our young men and boys having to herd sheep. There were no buyers for farms that were “offered for sale at one-half the prices they could have been sold for three years ago.” Church meetings were sparsely attended “with over half the benches vacant where formerly standing room was at a pre mium.” At parties, for want of young men, young ladies were “tripping the fantastic toe with each other.” The unfinished domed church, “which has the name of being the grandest meeting house among all the country wards of Zion, lacking not only windows and inside finish, but a congregation, as our pre sent attendance would not fill one comer.” The prospects seemed so bleak that the newspaper headlined that if water was n’t made available, Riverton would “soon be erased from the map.”12 For weeks, Church speakers had been urging people to be patient and not to abandon their homes and farms. On June 11th, townspeople faced their “darkest hour” when

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the Jordan pumping, plant project was discontinued. The orders for the pumps and the electrical machinery to operate them were countermanded and the project engineer was discharged. A t the last moment, when the contracts were ready for signing, Peter Larsen, the president of the Utah and Salt Lake Canal Company, refused to sign the contract or to be responsible for paying for any part of the pumping plant. This dreadful change in affairs prompted a mass meeting of the stockholders, held at the schoolhouse on June 12th. Although order was maintained, many “hard words” were uttered and the feelings against Larsen were “very intense.” Some ventured that he would have been “badly treated” had he appeared at the meeting. On June 14th, a meeting of the canal directors deposed Larsen from his position as president and appointed Samuel S. T. Sedden in his stead.13 The canal company presidents regrouped and reapproached the machinery and power contractors to ask if they would again un dertake the project. They hesitantly agreed, but only with the stipulation that $10,000 be paid in advance. Previous to this setback, the contractors had been quite willing to wait for pay ment, but the credit of the canal companies had been badly damaged by the contract debacle. The signed contract called for two of the pumps to be in working order by July 24th. This wouldn’t be time enough to salvage the grain crops, but if com pleted on time, the orchards and alfalfa could be saved. The talk of local merchants, who were “seriously thinking of boxing up their goods and shipping to other parts and the stopping of win ter orders given by storekeepers” was abated.14 The pump con tract date came and went with the pumps still not operational and farmers understandably anxious to see water coursing down the irrigation ditches. The principal topic at the Jordan Stake quarterly conference on August 2nd was the water situation. Apostle John Henry Smith stressed patience, saying: “The peo ple should not leave their homes and become discouraged . . . on account of lack of water.” On the second day of the confer ence, Hyrum Goff, first counselor in the stake presidency, point edly addressed the matter of being patient about the water issue. He said: “Those who leave their homes, selling them to out

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siders against the wishes of the servants of God, will not prosper any better then if they were to remain and trust in the Lord.”15 At the conclusion of the conference, canal officers and stock holders held a meeting to address the question and proposition of the federal government taking charge of the Utah Lake and Jordan River irrigation system. Meeting attendees accepted a resolution favoring the government offer and plan.16 With their patience stretched to the limit, the townspeople were relieved to learn that two of the large pumps were installed and scheduled to be tested on the night of August 5th. In the course of the next few days, the other two massive pumps were also scheduled to be installed. Day and night shifts had been employed to expedite the work. If everything tested properly, all that remained was to complete the large dam. The entire con struction cost of the operation was estimated at over $40,000.17 The dam construction was completed and the pumps delivered water from Utah Lake into the Jordan River at the rate of 400 cubic feet of water per second. After three long years of drought, the canals carried the irrigation water to the parched farm land. On October 20th, the townspeople held a banquet and ball to commemorate the delivery of the water to the irrigation .canals. The banquet for invited guests was held in George F. Beckstead’s home, after which they repaired to the upper floor of the Commercial Building where they enjoyed music, dancing, and speeches until midnight. It was a time for rejoicing and opti mism. A news article reported: “Land values are on the rise; many who have thought of pulling up stakes for a better locality have concluded to remain here.”18 Edward M. Morgan was one of the local people who looked into moving away. He was at tracted by the encouraging letters of others to look for a farm in LaGrande, Oregon. After the water was available in the canal, he went to Oregon to look for property. He left his eight-yearold son, Vem, in charge of watering his crop of potatoes. The young boy took his water turn, staying up all night, watering three or four rows at a time. Ed Morgan returned from Oregon, having decided to continue farming in Riverton.19 As evidence of new hope and optimism, a real estate office began platting

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out and selling town lots from $50 to $100 each. The two mercantile companies in town were reportedly doing “a good bush ness” and there was some talk of bringing in some manufacture ing interests.20 Although some of this activity may be chalked up to community boosterism, Riverton’s “darkest” of hours was indeed behind the town.

Agricultural Prosperity Marked agricultural prosperity prevailed annually in Riven ton for the next three decades. Although the pumps were in place, users continued to strive for water-related improvements. In 1903, the leading citizens of Riverton, South Jordan, and Bluffdale banded together in an inter-community cooperative effort to build up the southwestern portion of the county. Irrigation problems were some of the principal matters on the agenda in the initial meetings of the Oquirrh Commercial Club. They sent a petition to the legislature with several resolutions requesting state supervision of watersheds without regard to county lines.21 Cooperation and unity among the irrigators was also evident in the formation of a Jordan Valley Canal Club. As a group, it favored the Utah Lake project being proposed by the federal government.22 In the winter of 1903-4, the county drilled a public well on the southeast comer of the intersection of Redwood Road and the Herriman Road (12600 South). In the winter, there was very little water let into the major irriga tion canals, so those people who didn’t have wells were forced to drive their stock clear to the river for water. This county well at the cross roads was beneficial to many. A windmill drew the water from the ground up into a raised wooden tank. The water for the animals was let down into a 30-foot long water trough. Ren Howard recalled: “Herd after herd of cows would go there and in the winter time you’d have to chop ice so the cows could drink.”23 Joseph Morgan remembered the excitement around the water trough when the horses and cows came to drink. When they got there, the cows “would fight and bunt each

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jj/ce<Jc\ sgeasdl 7& 2am\ Snir/y I W tf/terS j Tfr~»T+t,I \ sti/*0Ck\ N ~ £ j. B tftfe rfc / d

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£.WJ^hrj4> F ig . 3. M a p OF R i v e r t o n , 1908. Source: Salt Lake County Surveyor, Utah State Archives.

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other till they were knocking each other down, and it was a big problem to get your own separated from the bunches at the trough.” People also came there for culinary water.24 The county well was deemed expendable after the Riverton Pipe Line water was available. In 1912, the associated canal companies made some improvements to their pumping plant at the head of the Jordan River. They installed the largest irrigation pump in the world in order to pump more water from Utah Lake into the Jordan River to supply the canals in Salt Lake County. It weighed twenty-seven tons and had a pumping capacity of 100.000 gallons per minute.25 In 1905, it was reported that landowners on the “flats” above the canals were making applications for government aid under the reclamation act and were hopeful that irrigation water might be made available for their dry land.26 However, this reclamation project didn’t get underway until 1911. Two proposals were on the table for consideration. The Telluride Power Company’s pro posal involved installing pumping stations on the banks of the Utah and Salt Lake Canal. The other offer, promoted principally by Joseph R. Murdock and J. William Knight, planned the devel opment of a pumping plant on the north shore of Utah Lake and the construction of a canal and distributing system. The Murdock and Evans’ offer promised to deliver water to about 8.000 acres of land above the canals at a cost not to exceed $50 per acre and an annual maintenance charge not to exceed $5 per acre.27 Murdock and Knight’s plan was accepted, incorporating under the name Utah Lake Irrigation Company. Construction on the project was begun in 1912 and water was turned into the “pump canal” on June 5, 1913. The pumping plant, near Saratoga Springs on the north shore of Utah Lake, was housed in a brick building. Water pumped from the lake was lifted a hun dred feet in elevation up to the outlet into the canal. From here the water was carried by gravity through winding canals and four thousand feet of concrete-lined tunnels in the Jordan Narrows to emerge into the west side of the Salt Lake Valley. In the Riverton district, land under this new “pump canal” was con verted from dry farming methods to irrigated acreage. It in

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creased the irrigated acreage of Riverton by about fifty percent.28 In 1914, the Utah and Salt Lake Canal was enlarged to accom modate the increased water needs of the Utah Copper Company.29 In 1915, the Provo Reservoir Canal was completed which brought water from the Provo River to arable lands on the “flats” west of the “pump canal.” Through the efforts of Joseph R. Murdock and the financial assistance of Jesse Knight, twelve thousand additional acres of land on the west side of Salt Lake County was made irrigable.30 In 1907, a group of far-sighted community leaders formed a corporation, the Riverton Pipe Line Company, to bring culinary water from Bear Creek Canyon in the mountains east of Draper by pipe across the valley to Riverton. Prior to this, people ob tained their drinking water from the river, irrigation canals, and from wells. Daniel Densley’s families got their drinking water from the irrigation ditch. His daughter, Marie, recalled that they “used to have to get water out of the ditch and let it settle so we could use it.”31 Later Densley built a three-story high pump house with a windmill. They shared their water with neighbors and people from South Jordan, Bluffdale, and Herriman. There was much interest in developing the water pipe line to bring culinary water into the homes. Even so, it was an uncommon and expensive undertaking for a community the size of River ton. At the time of its organization, the officers of the pipe line company included George W. Bills as president, A. T. Butter field as vice-president, Seth Pixton as secretary/treasurer, and joining them on the board of directors were Zachariah Butter field, Thomas P. Page, and William A. Turner, Jr.32 They entered into a contract to purchase water from the Bear Canyon Pipe Line Company for $25,000. In late 1907, Bills and Butterfield resigned and David Bills and Zachariah Butterfield filled the po sitions of president and vice-president respectively. They pur chased and contracted to lay 4-inch diameter wood pipe in hand-dug trenches across the valley and the Jordan River into the homes of the people.33 Construction was completed in 1908 and water was delivered into the homes of most of the resi dents.34 It was reported that the people were very satisfied

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“though the expense per family comes high, no one who now has it would do without it even if the cost was higher than it is.”35 Newspaper reports touted it as possibly being “the purest water in Utah.” The pipe line system was reportedly “working like a charm.”36 As the population of the town increased, additional water was purchased and improvements were made to the system. In fact, the culinary pipe line system was a major factor in boosting the population of the town. Reportedly, “since that improvement the town has grown rapidly.”37 In 1911, the town reportedly had a population of 706, of which 201 were under eight years old.38 Even though the pipe line extended to make culinary water available to most of the homes, it often took a number of years before home owners were financially able to rig up the plumbing to actually bring the water into their homes. W ith the insurance money she got after her husband died, Dora Butterfield built a house in 1917 for her family. It was built without indoor plumb' ing. Her son, Joe, said that they first used “the water from the ditch. W hen we finally got the pipe line water, we had to carry it in.” The water barrels were heavy so Joe carted them to the house on a horse'drawn sled. The ditch water was laden with dirt so they had to let the water settle before it could be used. The pipe line water was clear, but it still required a lot of work to pack it into the house. The difficulties in packing and heat' ing water made bathing usually just a once-a-week affair. Joe de' scribed the bath night process in the Butterfield house: We had no bathroom, no running water in the house. We had no bathroom fixtures at all. . . . You had to heat your water on the stove with a copper boiler. It was oblong—about two and a half feet long and eighteen inches high. You’d fill that. When you’d take a bath on Saturday night, that was the legal night. You’d bath the baby first, then the second one, the two-year-old, then the three-year-old, and so on. When they got up to me, that tub was almost full because the water would get cold and we’d have to empty more water out of the reservoir on the back of the stove or out of the boiler. I was getting to be a big boy . . . I’d lean over and do my head, ears, mouth, and shoulders. Then I’d sit in it with my

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feet hanging over. After I’d get that done, I’d get up and sit on a chair and put my feet in. That was our bath.39 The pipe line water not only came with a financial cost, but for many it came with a physical cost until they could afford to pipe the water into their homes. With both financial and physical costs to bear for their water, Joe Butterfield declared: “We couldn’t afford to waste it.” In 1990, the Bear Canyon spring water was disconnected from the few homes it serviced on the Lower Road so that it could be publicly available at a bottle fill ing station fountain located in the city park.40 Farmers enjoyed a “fairly prosperous season” in 1903, the first growing season in which the Utah Lake-Jordan River pumping plant was in full operation. It was reported that the farmers “did fairly well, raising fairly good crops of lucem and beets; grain and potatoes, however, were only moderate. Some fruit was raised but it was an off year for apples.”41 A number of the farmers planted tomatoes to supply a new cannery that was established in Draper. In 1904, air pollution caused by smelter smoke began affecting agricultural yields in the Salt Lake Valley. Five smelters in the valley spewed out sulphur-laden smoke that was injurious to farm crops and livestock. A number of suits were brought against the smelter operators by valley farmers. In a 1905 court case involv ing 419 valley farmers, smelting operations were summarily dis continued in four of the smelters as a result of a court decision. Forced to reassess their operations, the smelters either complied with strict operational guidelines or relocated their operations to the western part of the county. However, smoke continued to be a problem for agriculture in Salt Lake Valley.42 The relationship between farmers and miners remained mired in conflict, but the farmers and merchants in Riverton depended on the Bingham market. They could not entirely “bite off the hand” that fed them. David Bills peddled his meat in Bingham. Twice a week he would take a wagon-load of meat up to Bingham, pulled by a team of four horses to get up the steep hillside roads to the vari ous mining communities in and above Bingham Canyon. Ren Howard, his son-in-law, helped Bills haul meat. He recalled:

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Bingham was the salvation of this whole valley. Why if it hadn’t been for Bingham, there wouldn’t have been hardly anybody down here. . .. we’d go up to Bingham twice a week with a load of meat and we’d furnish all the meat markets up there. . . . Then we’d go up on the hill. Hell, they had terraces, roads all the way up to the top of that mountain. And we’d go peddle it out. Some of those old foreign ladies would come out there and you’d have a quarter beef sitting in your wagon and she’d say, “I want that piece right there.” You’d cut it off and weigh it and she’d fork out the money. She knew what she wanted.43 This relationship between the Mormon farmers and the Gentile miners was amusingly described in a 19th-century Nevada min ing town newspaper: The dear bretheren of Zion are again supplying our market with flour. Strong grows the belief that Mormons were created for Gentiles, and that Gentiles were created for Mormons. Mormons till the soil and raise produce for Gentiles, and Gentiles blast rock and dig silver for Mormons. Mormons raise pretty girls that blos som and bloom and look sweet, and Gentiles raise the devil and elope with the girls. Gentiles and Mormons [were] created for mu tual benefit.44 In 1910, several large hay bams were erected. Bams were a mea sure of farm prosperity, and a few bams in the community bor dered on being extraordinarily pretentious, to wit, the Charles Blake and A. T. Butterfield barns. In particular, the Butterfield brick bam sported hardwood floors, a stained glass window, and a parapet at each comer. The Riverton district presented excel lent conditions for growing alfalfa. Although the alfalfa crop was reduced in 1910, the yield was still “about two tons higher than the farms watered from the mountain streams, the reasons being that the water is warm, and that with the system of pumps as much irrigating water can be had in the fall as in the spring.”45 Some local people referred to the river irrigation water as the “Jordan soup,” as it was “not particularly suited for drink ing purposes, but is fertilizing, and far better than cold, bright,

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pure, sparkling mountain stream water for the purpose of irriga tion.”46 In 1914, Riverton was a high point on the itinerary of four hundred visitors from Salt Lake City, touring rural commu nities in celebration of “Salt Lake County Day.” They stopped at noon in the shade of the trees in the baseball park to have lunch on the grass. After their luncheon, they toured an exhibit of local products including garden truck, fruit, vegetables, sheep, hogs, horses, and cattle. Local attendance boosted the crowd to almost nine hundred people. Utah’s governor, William Spry, gave the principal address and he complimented the residents on the excellent exhibit and hospitality. Before leaving, Thomas R Page invited all the visitors to visit his orchard and load up on apples before leaving Riverton.47 Such an event would have been unthinkable a decade previously, when the lack of irrigation water threatened the town’s vitality. Another boost to the local agricultural economy came in 1915 when the Riverton Canning Company was organized. They purchased a tract of land from James W. Dansie on which they built a large brick canning factory on the north side of the Herriman Road (12600 South) at approximately 1860 West.48 They contracted with the Hastings Industrial Company of Illinois to construct the building and furnish and install the necessary machinery for canning and preserving fruits and veg etables. The factory was conveniently located just to the west of the railroad station for shipping and receiving. The officers of the company at the time of incorporation were David Bills as president, William A. Turner as vice-president, Franklin E. Smith as secretary, and Seth Pixton as treasurer.49 Fruit orchards continued to be popular among some of the farmers. In 1903, George W. Bills planted 1,500 winter apples and George F. Beckstead put in 3,100 Bartlett pears.50 A pear blight in 1908 was singularly destructive.51 In 1911, apple or chards were planted by several local fruit growers including Hans B. Jensen, Thomas Nichols, Thomas P. Page, and Charles M. Nokes. They principally favored the Jonathan, Rome Beauty, and Stayman’s Winesap varieties.52 Riverton fruit grow ers banded with others in the Salt Lake County Fruit Growers’

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Association in an effort to improve marketing conditions in Salt Lake City. This association assisted them in disposing of their products under fair conditions of competition.53 In 1912, the local growers organized a society to handle their crop of fruit.54

F ig . 4. J o r d a n V a l l e y D r y F a r m S t o c k C e r t i f i c a t e , 1907. Source: Langford Lloyd.

In 1907, local farmers became interested in the possibilities of dry farming. In January, a large crowd attended a lecture by Lewis A. Merrill, editor of the Deseret Farmer and manager of a large dry farm near Nephi. He spoke of the successful arid farm experiments being conducted in Cache and Juab counties and outlined cooperative methods by which dry lands could be made productive economically. Many â&#x20AC;&#x153;doubtersâ&#x20AC;? attending the meeting were convinced and a local group of entrepreneurs received encouragement to push ahead with their plans to farm the vast

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areas of lands located above the canals.55 The Jordan Valley Dry Farm Company was organized in February 1907 with a capital stock of $50,000. At the time of its organization, its officers were Thomas Nichols as president, Henry Brown as vice presi dent, Freeman R. Lloyd as secretary/treasurer, and Thomas R Page was one of the locals on the board of directors.56 By the summer of 1908, the company and interested participants had selected and purchased more than 3,000 acres of arid land. Among the land buyers were Thomas Hamilton, Reuben Hamilton, John Spencer, Chris Larsen, Carl Madsen and sons, Edward Morgan and others. The company also purchased an im mense steam combined harvester-thresher. At the time, it was the only steam harvester in Salt Lake County. A local news re porter mentioned that Riverton was “as proud as a dog with two caudal appendages [i.e., tails].”57 At the end of the season, the touted steam-powered combined harvester which was capable of cutting, threshing and sacking the grain in one operation was reportedly “a complete success.”58 By 1910, it was evident that dry farmers were still trying to gain experience in the technique of arid farming. Decreased production was attributed in part “to the long period of rainless weather, and to the shiftless methods the planting had been done through the previous rainy years giving a crop with little effort.”59 Conditions in Riverton were ideal for the growing of sugar beets and it became a leading cash crop for decades. A majority of the local farmers raised sugar beets, beginning to grow them in the 1890s. They transported their beets to the Utah Sugar Company factory at Lehi. Among sugar beet farmers in Salt Lake County, there was an interest in locating a sugar factory in the county. At a meeting of associated commercial clubs held in Riverton in 1914, it was even suggested that one factory wouldn’t be sufficient, that county beet growers could supply enough sugar beets to keep two factories busy.60 The interest among beet grow ers in having a local factory was addressed by the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company. Local farmers guaranteed to plant 5,000 acres in beets and in May 1915 land was purchased in West Jordan on which to build a factory. At the time of the factory’s completion

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in 1916, 846 growers in the district had planted 6,132 acres of beets.61 On the heels of the completion of the West Jordan sugar factory, some Denver capitalists tried to see if they could interest sufficient growers in contracting to grow beets for a projected factory on the Jordan River between Riverton and Draper. Their offer was conditional on getting farmers to contract for 5,000 acres of beets. At the conclusion of the meeting in Riverton at tended by 150 farmers, only five hundred acres was contracted and the idea died from lack of interest.62 The local livestock industry also underwent sundry changes. For various reasons, most of the wool growers got out of that business in 1903. Previously, many of the largest operators in the state resided in Riverton. However, many things combined against the large sheep owners to discourage them from continu ing in the sheep business. These included the establishment of forest reserves, regulations against the entry of sheep into Idaho and Wyoming, range leases, and heavy losses in the spring lamb crop. There were a few who were also put out of business be cause of unwise speculation.63 Unfortunately, many of the wool growers had been public-spirited men and they no longer had the wherewithal to contribute to community endeavors. It was reported in 1911 that Riverton was “becoming quite a chicken center.” Some of the poultry raisers were Charles L. Millard, Thomas Freeman, Joseph Hamlin Freeman, Edward Orgill, and Seth Pixton.64

Commercial Progress There were early civic and business associations in Riverton such as the Oquirrh Commercial Club and the Jordan Valley Canal Club, but their memberships and interests took in a wider range than just Riverton. The Riverton Commercial Club was the first known association which focused on the specific inter ests of Riverton. An early mention of a meeting of the Commercial Club was reported in 1911 when leading business men and farmers were hearing proposals on the irrigation recla

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mation projects planned for the arid lands above the canals.65 The officers included Dr. C. J. Ferguson as president, William Frisby as first vice-president, David Bills as 2nd vice-president, Seth Pixton as secretary-treasurer, and Samuel H. Howard and Henry Brown were directors. They had six standing committees: (1) manufacture, new industries, and promotion, (2) lands, irriga tion, agriculture, horticulture, and their products, (3) good roads, public improvements and parks, (4) education, sanitation, and public welfare, (5) public entertainment, and (6) livestock and poultry. This information was gleaned from a letterhead on an in formative letter written by David Bills to Reuben S. Hamilton dated December 20, 1911. In this letter, he briefly described the commercial state of affairs in Riverton to his friend, as follows: “We have a Doctor, a barber. Butcher Shop, plenty of Stores and Very little cash in Riverton at present.”66 Because there was “very little cash” in the town, local businessmen urged the residents to patronize local businesses. In a sacrament meeting talk in 1912, Seth Pixton stated: “During the year 1910 there had been $6,000 sent [out] of Riverton . . . through the Post Office Mostly to Mail Order Houses.”67 This was money that could have benefited the local business community that went elsewhere. In 1912, it was re ported that there were seventy-five members in the Commercial Club. Having the interests of the community at heart, they put in two miles of graveled sidewalks using the volunteer labor of fifty men and thirty teams. When the county commissioners learned about this, they appropriated enough money to pay for the grad ing of two miles of streets in the town by the local force of workers.68 In 1913, Samuel H. Howard was reported as being the president of the Commercial Club. In addition to reporting business changes in the community, the Salt Lake newspapers also served as a means of attracting new businesses. The local Deseret News correspondent in 1910 noted: “There would be a fair opening here for a barber, and we are inclined to think that a milliner, a plumber and a dentist would do well to consider this as a location.”69 In 1913, the news paper reported: “A new undertaker has opened up a warehouse here, making two undertaking establishments for Riverton.”70

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A short-lived newspaper, the Salt Lake Valley Examiner, was reportedly published in Riverton during this period. As far as is known, no copies of this newspaper have been preserved and very little is known about it. Rulon Dansie couldn’t remember the name of the paper or the editor, but he recalled the local paper being “in the house all the time.”71 Dr. Alfred T. Faerber was the editor and manager of this weekly newspaper. It was reportedly published every Friday beginning in 1912 through about 1916.72 In 1905, the Jordan Valley Bank was organized with a capitalization of $10,000. It was initially located in the bottom floor of the Commercial Building. A t the time of its organization, the elected officers included A. T. Butterfield as president, Thomas Nichols as vice-president, and John Hansen, Jr. was cashier. Seth Pixton was serving as cashier in 1907. After eighteen months of operation, the deposits totaled almost $33,000 with one hundred depositors. At its peak during that period, it was servicing loans exceeding $24,000.73 In October 1910, the bank purchased a third of an acre parcel of land from Aaron and Eliza J. Densley on the southeast comer of the town’s principal intersection for the purpose of constructing a building of their own. In a letter dated December 20, 1911, written by David Bills to Reuben S. Hamilton, who was then serving a church mission in California, he noted: “We hope to have the Bank on the comer by the time you get home.”74 Although Bills’ comment in this letter would indicate that the brick single-story building would be finished by early 1912, the actual completion date has been difficult to de termine.75 Two unsuccessful attempted burglaries occurred in the latter part of 1912. The first break-in occurred in late November. Bank directors offered a reward of $500 for any information lead ing to a conviction of the burglars, but they weren’t appre hended.76 On December 31st at two A.M., three burglars woke up night watchman Henry Brown as they rattled a key in the lock of the front door. Unable to open the door, they tried to pry open a side window with a pick and spike maul. W ith his gun leveled at the window, Brown called out that “he was ready for them if they entered.” The surprised crooks dropped their tools and an over coat and fled in haste.77

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Unfortunately, crime and vandalism in the community was a recurring problem. In 1903, it was noted that “rowdyism” persisted resulting in several arrests being made.78 In 1905, the post office and Page-Pixton Company store were burglarized. After breaking into all the locked desks in search of money in the post office section of the building, the burglars tried to force the ad' joining store door. Two men who were sleeping in the store were awakened by the disturbance and frightened the burglars off with an exchange of gunfire. On the following night, two rob' bers (believed to have been the same pair who attempted the post office/store burglary) attempted another armed holdup. A local dramatic troupe had been performing a four-act play entitied “Because I Love You” in the Riverton Opera House (upper floor of the Commercial Building). They played to a “crowded house” and Ray Densley, the troupe’s treasurer, was on his way home with the evening’s earnings when he was accosted by two highwaymen who ordered him to “turn over his money or his life.” Instead of complying, he fled at full speed to the sheriff’s home.79 Mormon Church leaders tried to encourage stricter parental supervision of children. At a fast meeting in 1909, the following resolution was presented to and unanimously accepted by the assembled congregation: Resolved that we as Parents Pledge Ourselves that our Children Shall Not be found upon the Streets after 9 P.M. without a Suitable Escort that is able to Control them, and further we respectfully ask Our neighbors to Join us by pledging themselves to this resolution; Further we resolve that we do not allow Surprise Parties at Our Holmes to Stay there Later than 8 O’clock P.M., that is among Our Children under the age of 14 years Old.80 A few months later, the Riverton Ward bishopric received ap proval from their congregation to submit a petition “to the Judge of the Juvenile Court Praying that an Officer be ap pointed and a curfew ordinance Established in the Riverton Precinct.”81 Rowdyism was still an issue in 1915, so much so that the townspeople petitioned the county commissioners to appoint an additional deputy sheriff. They declared: “Petty acts

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of violence have become so common that no one’s property is safe.” Seth Pixton' pointed out: “Even religious services could not be held without disturbance from rowdyism.” W ith the nearest officer at Midvale, offenders had ample time to get away before the officer could be summoned to Riverton.82 Samuel H. Howard was appointed deputy sheriff.

Civic Improvement Technological advances made life in Riverton less isolated. Telephone service was made available as early as 1893 with the first telephone being installed in T. P. Page’s general store. Page’s store served as the Riverton station for the Rocky Mountain Bell Telephone Company. In 1893, local people could place phone calls from the store to other phone installations in cities served by the company. A billing record for November 1893 is preserved in T. P. Page’s papers in the LDS Church Archives. It records calls made by Daniel Densley to Salt Lake City for $.25 and by Charles Nephi Dansie to Grantsville for $.25.83 Telephones gradually were installed in people’s homes. In 1916, a heated controversy developed in what was referred to as the “telephone war.” Using the rationale of needing to increase rates to improve services, the Mountain States Telephone and Telegraph Company proposed to begin charging a toll in calls made from outlying communities in Salt Lake County to Salt Lake City. Citizens throughout the county were incensed. A mass meeting was held in Riverton and people unanimously opposed the telephone company’s proposal. They were so infuriated that they even broached the question of forming an independent telephone company.84 Meetings were held in communities throughout the county and enraged telephone subscribers deL uged the telephone company with adamant requests to discon nect their telephones.85 The Jordan School District Board of Education unanimously adopted a motion to remove all school telephones including those in the Riverton school. Money was reportedly being offered to capitalize an independent telephone

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company and angry county subscribers were seeking permission to parade through the streets of Salt Lake in protest.86 Two weeks later, the issue was resolved to the satisfaction of county tele phone subscribers and disconnected telephones were speedily re connected by the Mountain States Telephone Company.87 In 1912, under the auspices of the Riverton Commercial Club, the town contracted for the installation of an electric light system. Almost all the homes in the vicinity were wired for lights and street lights were also installed and put into opera tion.88 Phyllis Butterfield recalled the wonder of the moment when an electric light unexpectedly flashed on over her head in a room in her family’s home. She recalled: The power had not come to Riverton when they first built the house, but my Father had it all wired. I was down in the basement. I looked up and I said to Mother, “Oh something’s happened down here.” I called to her up the steps and said, “You better come down. There’s a light in the ceiling.” She said, “That’s the power.” They’d turned the power on. It kind of frightened me to look up and see a light in the ceiling. It hadn’t been there before. . . . My Dad had it all wired. They said, “What are you doing that for?” He said, “One of these days we’re going to have power in Riverton.” So it was all wired for the lights. When the power was turned on, the light came on. I was the first one to see the light. I was quite proud of that. I didn’t know what it was.89 Joe Butterfield also recalled the arrival of home electrification and lighting in their home: I remember the men putting wire from a pole out in the road into our house and then putting a wire from the center of my ceiling down two or three feet and a globe at the end. I wondered how we could get a light from that. We had used lamps and lanterns be fore and I had watched Momma wash the lamp chimney, trim the wick, and put coal oil in the lamp and light it with a match. The electric light was sure bright and we were told not to look directly at it for fear it would bum our eyes and we would become blind. They put a light in each room and we had to pay $1 per month whether we used that much electricity or not.90

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The advent of electric lights in the town was a cause for celebration with a sumptuous banquet and joyful dance attended by 450 people. The labor and expenses needed to maintain the roads and streets required constant attentiveness. In 1909, the Midland Bridge Company contracted to build a steel bridge over the Jordan River for $5,467.91 In 1913, the county commissioners proposed a million dollar bond to build a system of macadamized roads. Representatives met with the Commercial Club in May to present their proposal. They were told that two or three north-south roads and a similar number of east-west roads in Riverton would probably be macadamized if the bond issue was accepted by the voters.92 Prior to the road being grav eled, ruts in the road were especially troublesome in the spring when the ground thawed. School children used to skate in the frozen ruts. Rulon Dansie used to ice skate to school. He re called: “I skated from [my house] up to the school house many a time on skates. After they put the gravel there, well, that stopped that.”93 Citizen complaints about the road conditions were occasionally voiced to the county commission.94 In 1914, James W. Dansie submitted a claim to the county for a hundred dollars for injuries to his horse incurred while riding on Redwood Road.95 It was about this time that automobiles first began to appear on the roads of Riverton, so there was a grow ing interest in having better roads. Although it is difficult to pinpoint who owned the first car in Riverton, a number of peo ple reportedly bought cars in 1913.96 First-time early car buyers included Dr. O. R. Hardy, Ed J. Butterfield, George W. Bills, Seth Pixton, Thomas Independence Page, and William Mittendorf.97 Marie Densley Bills recalled the excitement when Ed Butterfield first pulled up to her house in his new car. W hen she heard him coming, she’d run up the lilac-bordered path and grab hold of the hands of her two younger brothers. She said: “That car made so much noise. . . . We was all thrilled about it.” He asked Marie’s mother, Lizzie Densley, if she’d go for a ride in it. He said, “Now Lizzie, you got to go with me.” Lizzie declined, saying, “I want to wait until it doesn’t sound so bad. I’m scared

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to get in it. It makes so much noise.” The next time he came, they all went for a ride in his Model T, but Marie recalls that “it was making a terrible noise.”98 Viola Nokes Dowdy also remem bered the loud noise of the first car that came down the streets of Riverton: “It was a Model T. It come in there just a roaring.”99 Ren Howard also recalled the noise and excitement of those early automobiles. Many of the early car-buyers bought Fords because they were affordable. However, Heber Crane “came out blooded . . . he bought a German-made Stutz.” He bought it for his son, Cecil, who instead of having a muffler, “put a cutout on it and you could hear that damn thing coming for miles.” When people driving horse and buggies “heard that sound coming, they pulled in people’s driveways, out of his way. Let him come on through!”100 One of the important developments during this period was the Salt Lake and Utah Railroad, better known as “the Orem line.” When this interurban railway was fully completed in 1916, the line stretched for sixty-seven miles from Salt Lake City southward to Payson.101 The railway was locally called “the Orem line” because it was financed, constructed, and operated by a company headed up by W. C. Orem of Boston, a builder of a number of mining railroads in the West. Construction on the line began in late 1912 and the grading on the portion of the line through Riverton was reportedly almost completed in late October 1913.102 A month later, the interurban had almost completed the laying of track to Riverton.103 Joe Butterfield de scribed the grading and track laying operation: My father got a contract to build a levee across the hollow where the interurban train tracks was going to be where they could get through that big wash. He had a nice team and sometimes he’d put three horses on that fresno when it got too high and in order to get up to the top. I would drive the team and he would run the fresno scraper. We worked there and it seems like it took us two months or more filling that wash. Then when they got the wash and the grade all leveled out, they started laying the tracks. They had a old steam engine come along with a couple of flat cars in front of it loaded with ties and rails. Then a passenger car behind

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the engine so the men could ride to work back and forth. They’d go about a length of rail or two and then it would pull up on those and they’d lay more ties down and spike the ties with spikes and hold the rails in place and then they’d pull up a little bit.104 In March 1914, public passenger and freight service was established between Salt Lake and American Fork using gasolinepowered Hall-Scott motor cars. Delighted by the completion of the interurban railway and also of the new “pump canal,” the townspeople held a dance to celebrate the dual triumphs of progress. They extended invitations to the Salt Lake Com mercial Club, to similar clubs in towns west of the Jordan River, and to those of Lehi and American Fork.105 By June 1914, ser vice was extended to Provo and electrification of the line was completed on July 14. A t that point, the gasoline motor cars were replaced by electricity-powered steel passenger and freight cars. Service was hourly at first, but was reduced to two-hour in tervals by the mid-1920s.106 A substantial station building was erected at Riverton.107 Travel time on the “big red” passenger cars to the Salt Lake passenger terminal on the southwest cor ner of South Temple and West Temple Streets averaged fortyeight minutes. The Riverton station was a regular stop, as were stops at West Jordan and Granger before arriving at the Salt Lake terminal. If a passenger desired to board the train at a point between the station stops, he had to stand to the side of the rail and swing his arm. A t night, he had to display a light and according to the instructions in the Tim e Table, “if no other light available, strike a match.”108 Riding the trains was very convenient, speedy, dependable, and greatly reduced the feeling of isolation. Mildred Densley rode the “Tall Red Heifer” with six or seven others from Riverton attending the University of Utah in the late 1920s. She recalled: “There were a whole group of us who rode back and forth on the interurban.” Leslie E. Butterfield worked for many years as the agent at the station. When Butterfield saw the college crowd waiting to catch the train, he would invariably say, “You damn kids!,” Mildred Densley laughingly recalled.109 Olive Crane Smith remembered how convenient it was to catch a car into the city. She said:

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The Orem ran many cars a day. We would catch the 7:15 A .M . and go into school and catch the 3:15 P.M. coming home. You could also go in the afternoon and go to a show and catch the train and come home.110 The domed church took a number of years to complete, finishing work having been set back by the economic effects of the 1900-1902 drought. In 1903, it was reported that the beautiful meetinghouse was “still unfinished” and the citizens were hoping that an abundant crop in 1904 would enable them to further its completion.111 In 1908, it was reported that the meeting' house was “close to completion and probably will be ready for occupancy in a course of a couple of months.”112 Rulon Dansie recalled that in 1908, they finally put the roof on the building. He said: “They had it up to the square and it stood for quite a few years. Then there’s four of them raised the money to finish building it, put the top on.”113 Ren Howard remembered going to school next to the uncompleted domed church. He recalled: “They started to build it and they run out of money. We kids used to gather bird’s eggs all through i t . . . . the windows were all in and they just run out of money, that’s all.”114 In the fall of 1908, the meetinghouse was described as being “about com' pleted, although the upper story is not seated yet. The lower portion of the building has been used for the last month for meetings, Sunday schools, etc.”115 Despite its near-finished condition, the first general church meeting was held in the building on September 6, 1908. A t the meeting, Bishop Gordon S. Bills expressed his gratitude that “we had at last been able to meet in Our New Meeting House to worship.”116 Steady progress was being made at this time toward finishing the handsome structure. A newspaper article gave a glowing description: The lower [floor] is divided into five class rooms, a stage and audi torium. The upper floor will be used for general church gather ings. It is spacious, well lighted and approached by a large semi circular stairway made of cement. When this large auditorium is seated, being now ready for the seats, it will be equaled by few ward houses and excelled by none.117

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A t one time, the construction of a balcony was contemplated, but work on it was never begun.118 It wasn’t until late 1920 that the church was finished and completely paid for so that it could be dedicated by Reed Smoot.119

Notes 1. “Tow n’s Depopulation A verted,” Deseret Evening News, June 19, 1902. 2. “South Jordan,” Deseret Evening News, December 7, 1899. 3. “Salt Lake Grain Crop Threatened,” Deseret Evening News, June 20, 1901. Cannon was quoted in that article about the “unprecedented drouth” conditions in 1900 that initiated the serious problems that were being experi enced in 1901. He said, “It is true that we had a good deal of snow last winter but some of our directors failed to attach sufficient importance to the fact that it had been preceded by a year of unprecedented drouth, and that the ground was so dry that it absorbed water as almost never before.” 4. “W ater Shortage in U tah Lake,” Deseret Evening News, June 22, 1901. 5. “Increase W ater in U tah Lake,” Deseret Evening News, August 27, 1901. The details of the plan set forth by Thomas P. Page, including a map showing the proposed canal and water systems, is found in “Problem of Making U tah Lake a Big Storage Reservoir,” Deseret Evening News, December 21, 1901. 6. “Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, November 25, 1901. 7. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), pp. 2 0 -2 2 . 8. “Vandalism Ram pant,” Deseret Evening News, M arch 6, 1902. 9. The boys were even wild and unruly in a church setting. For instance, in 1898 one young rowdy brought a horse inside the church. T h e Sunday School minutes record that Superintendent Samuel L. Howard was grieved to learn “that one of our deacons had a horse in the W ard House.” Riverton W ard, Sunday School, Minutes, January 16, 1898, LDS Church Archives. Church minutes are replete with the difficulties teachers had in maintaining order in Sunday School and priesthood meetings. There were frequent warn ings about profanity, tobacco and alcohol use, and unruliness. For instance, in one unexceptional Aaronic Priesthood meeting in 1897, Thomas M. Hamil

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ton “reproved the boys for laughing during prayer.” Clifford W arner observed that it would be better if they read some good books “instead of roaming the streets at night.” Riverton Ward, Aaronic Priesthood, Minutes, November 1, 1897, LDS Church Archives. One month later, Thomas M. Hamilton re marked “that he was discouraged in trying to keep order.” Ibid., December 13, 1897, LDS Church Archives. Several decades later, discipline was still a prob lem. In 1925, the subject of discipline was the sole item on the agenda of a Sunday School business meeting. One of the officers noted “that Riverton Sunday School is the worst in the stake on discipline and order.” Riverton Ward, Sunday School, Minutes, December 17, 1925, LDS Church Archives. Drinking was also a problem among the boys. Nicholas T. Silcock remarked in his journal several times on this matter. Frequently there was drinking at the dances at the meetinghouse/schoolhouse. He noted that in a dance at the schoolhouse in 1880, “thay ad A nisey [noisy] and Disordaly party. Thair was Considerable wiskey thair.” Nicholas Thomas Silcock, Journal #L (1878—1881), December 1, 1880, LDS Church Archives. On the following Sunday, he expressed his displeasure with “the wickedness the people indulge in and Come and Desacrate the house of God and I ham Ashamed of such A Course in Persons that profess to be Saints.” Ibid., December 5, 1880, LDS Church Archives. Whiskey drinking at a dance at the schoolhouse in 1881 caused a disturbance and a public reprimand from a disgusted Silcock. In his journal, he wrote “thair was A Dance to Night and we whent to it and C Peterson and A[lbert] Brown ad whiskey thair and thair was A row and sev eral took of[f] thair Coats to fight and thay ware put out of the house.” Nicholas Thomas Silcock, Journal #3 (1881—1884), December 29, 1881, LDS Church Archives. A t the succeeding Sunday meeting, Silcock “Spoake A few minits of the Drunkenness of some of the young Brethen. Of Geting Doun at the water Ditch and passing the Bottle along one to another and all such trickers to G et wiskey and then ask the Brethen to prove that thay ad been Drinking and they will heat up some thing to take the smell from thair breath and some times thay C an scarsely stand.” Ibid., January 1, 1882, LDS Church Archives. Apparently Church fellowship was a disciplinary measure used to keep drunken behavior in check. Two weeks following the previous meeting, Silcock “was at Riverton Meeting house and Br Charles Houlson [Olson?] and Albert Brown, thay whare thair to Meeting and thay made acnoladge ment of thair roungs [wrongs] and I did not sustain. I thought it was best to Let them prove them Selves before restoreing them to feloship but thay whare restoared to feloship when thay made thair aknoladement. That re stored them.” Ibid., January 15, 1882, LDS Church Archives. 10. “Riverton,” Deseret Evening Nevus, March 20, 1902. 11. “Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, April 4, 1902. 12. “Gardens Returning to Desert,” Deseret Evening News, June 10, 1902.

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13. “Pump Scheme Still Lives,” Inter-Mountain Farmer and Ranchman, June 17, 1902. 14. “Tow n’s Depopulation A verted,” Deseret Evening News, June 19, 1902. 15. “Conference of Jordan Stake,” Deseret Evening News, August 4, 1902. 16. “Discussion of W ater Question,” Deseret Evening News, August 6, 1902. 17. “Two of Great Pumps A re Ready,” Deseret Evening News, August 5, 1902. 18. “Riverton Is Happy,” Inter-Mountain Farmer and Ranchman, O ctober 2 8 ,1 9 0 2 . 19. “Biographical Sketch of Vernon Hugh Morgan G iven A t His Funeral, Dec. 14, 1978, By His Daughter, Roberta.” 20. “Riverton Is Happy,” Inter-Mountain Farmer and Ranchman, O ctober 28, 1902. 21. “Vexed Irrigation Question,” Deseret Evening News, February 28, 1903. 22. “W ater Users M eet,” Deseret Evening News, February 2, 1904. 23. Lorenzo M. Howard, interview with Mel Bashore, M arch 9, 1985. In his cheerful earthy manner of speaking, Howard recalled the condition of the roads when herders drove their cows to the public well or to pasturage on the river bottoms. “Hell, the cow shit would be two or three inches deep. There’s so many cows walking down the road!” 24- Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), pp. 12—13. In the U tah State Archives is a 4-page letter written by Gordon S. Bills on January 2, 1905, to the Salt Lake County Commissioners. This is a follow-up letter to a petition requesting that a gasoline engine be installed on the county well. Apparently, the windmill was unable to pump enough water to meet the demand on the well. In his letter, he wrote that people “feel the surface wells is causing much sickness in our community.” Therefore, the people desired an improved flow of water at the county well which he noted “is a fine well and good water.” Salt Lake County Commission, Petitions and Contracts, U tah State Archives. 25. “Largest Irrigation Pump in the W orld,” Deseret Evening News, May 21, 1912. 26. “Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, January 14, 1905.

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27. “Plans to Reclaim Land in Salt Lake County,” Deseret Evening News, March 29, 1911. 28. “Irrigation Pumps Test Satisfactorily,” Deseret Evening News, April 24, 1913; “Riverton Is Growing, Triplets Are Named,” Deseret Evening News, June 5, 1913; “Canal Full of W ater,” Deseret Evening News, June 18, 1913; and “Great Irrigation Project Now Complete,” Deseret Evening News, September 13, 1913. This canal is commonly referred to as the “pump canal” or the “million dollar canal.” 29. “Riverton N otes,” Deseret Evening News, November 21, 1913. 30. ‘“Hands Across the Boundary Line’ Between Salt Lake and U tah Counties,” Deseret Evening News, April 24, 1915. 31. Marie Densley Bills, interviews with Evelyn B. Dryer, November 24, 1986, and with U tahna Frantz, August 13, 1986. Marie had a playhouse on the second floor of the pump house where she and her girl friends played with their dolls. Her mother had a wash house on the first floor. In Marie’s inter view with Evelyn Dryer, she described the wash house: “She had a cook stove in there and a boiler, and one of those benches that she had two tubs on that she did her washing in. She always boiled her clothes.” 32. Riverton Pipe Line Company, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives. 33. The decision to use wood pipe was arrived at in the meeting of the di rectors on January 9, 1908. They had originally considered using a lock-joint steel pipe, but were swayed when they investigated the merits of wood pipe. The matter of digging trenches was discussed at the meetings on September 28 and October 15, 1907. They determined that the trenches were to be dug at a depth of 3 feet 4 inches by contracted labor. Riverton Pipe Line Company, Minutes, Book 1 (1 9 0 7 -1 9 3 3 ), copy in Riverton Historical Society. 34. “Thresher and Harvester,” Deseret Evening News, August 10, 1908. 35. “Public Improvements,” Deseret Evening News, October 28, 1908. 36. “New Meetinghouse,” Deseret Evening News, January 8, 1909. 37. “Riverton Citizens Improve Their Town,” Deseret Evening News, January 30, 1912. 38. “Old Folks Entertained; Reclamation Project,” Deseret Evening News, February 2 4 ,1 9 1 1 . 39. “1918 Flu Epidemic Lecture Program,” Riverton Historical Society, May 1 9 ,1 9 8 8 .

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40. Riverton City Newsletter, Fall 1989. 41. “Fairly Prosperous Season,” Deseret Evening News, December 29, 1903. 42. See John E. Lam bom and Charles S. Peterson, “T h e Substance of the Land: Agriculture v. Industry in the Smelter Cases of 1904 and 1906,” Utah Historical Quarterly 53 :4 (Fall 1985) pp. 3 0 8 -2 5 , and W alter E. Pittm an, Jr., “The Smoke Abatem ent Campaign in Salt Lake City, 1 8 9 0 -1 9 2 5 ,” Locus 2:1 (Fall 1989) pp. 6 9 -7 8 . 43. Lorenzo M. “Ren” Howard, interview with Mel Bashore, M arch 2, 1985. 44. Copied from Pioche Record into Manti Home Sentinel, O ctober 2, 1885, quoted in Albert A ntrei, “The Salt Press of Old Sanpete,” Utah Holiday 16:1 (O ctober 1986) p. 52. 45. “Prosperous Conditions Around Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, O ctober 15, 1910. 46.

“Bishop Appointed

in South Jordan,” Deseret Evening News,

September 25, 1911. 47. “Salt Lake County Day Tourists,” Deseret Evening News, September 16, 1914. 48. This is the present (1 9 9 3 ) location of the Intermountain Farmer’s Association. The IFA building incorporated the old cannery building with a modem front until remodeling at which time they razed the remnant of the cannery factory and warehouse buildings in August 1986. A n old brick from the factory, acquired at the time of its demolition, is in the possession of Mel Bashore. 49. Riverton Canning Company, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives. 50. “Grangers More Hopeful,” Deseret Evening News, M arch 20, 1903. 51. “Thresher and Harvester,” Deseret Evening News, August 10, 1908. 52. “Plans to Reclaim Land in Salt Lake County,” Deseret Evening News, M arch 29, 1911. 53. “Suburban Farmers W ant Open Market,” Deseret Evening News, April 15, 1912. 54. “A Bit of A ncient Family History,” Deseret Evening News, July 24, 1912.

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55. “Farmers’ Institute,” Deseret Evening N e m , January 12, 1907. 56. Jordan Valley Dry Farm Company, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives. 57. “Thresher and Harvester,” Deseret Evening News, August 10, 1908. 58. “Public Improvements,” Deseret Evening News, October 28, 1908. 59. “Crop Conditions in South of Salt Lake County,” Deseret Evening News, July 9, 1910. 60. “Sugar Factory Is Talk A t Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, December 12, 1914. 61. Journal History, May 25, 1915, p. 6, LDS Church Archives; Journal History, August 12, 1916, p. 4; and Leonard J. Arrington, Beet Sugar in the West (Seattle, Washington: University of Washington Press, 1966) p. 189. 62. “Discuss Question of Factory A t Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, November 24, 1916, and “Factory A t Riverton Promised Farmers If Acreage Is Secured,” Deseret Evening News, November 25, 1916. 63. “Grangers More Hopeful,” Deseret Evening News, March 20, 1903. Ren Howard recalled that his father, Samuel H. Howard, was put out of the sheep business by a late season storm. He recalled that “he sheared his sheep too early [early May]. A big snow storm came and wiped him out. He lost the whole thing. [The sheep] just went wild. [They] went to those big washes and they just jumped in on top of one another and smothered. There was just a few that they saved but that put him out of business.” Lorenzo M. Howard, in terview, March 2, 1985. 64. “Pumping Project Will Be Inaugurated,” Deseret Evening News, March 18, 1911. 65. “Pumping Project W ill Be Inaugurated,” Deseret Evening News, March 18, 1911. 66. David Bills, letter to Reuben S. Hamilton, December 20, 1911, copy in Riverton Historical Society. 67. Riverton Ward, General Minute Book, March 25, 1912, original book in possession of Langford Lloyd. 68. “Riverton Citizens Improve Their Town,” Deseret Evening News, January 30, 1912. 69. “Prosperous Conditions Around Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, October 15, 1910.

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70. “Riverton N otes,” Deseret Evening News, O ctober 27, 1913. 71. Rulon Dansie, interview with Mel Bashore, February 6, 1986. 72. Information about this newspaper comes from “T h e Editor Is Happy,” Deseret Evening News, July 9, 1913 and Utah’s Newspapers, Traces of H er Past; Papers Presented At the Utah Newspaper Project Conference, University of Utah, November 18, 1983, ed. by Robert P. Holley (Salt Lake City: M arriott Library, University of U tah, 1984) p. 205. In 1912, Faerber was a president of a med ical company in Salt Lake City. In 1919, he was found guilty of cruelty to ani mals in not providing food, drink, or shelter to his horse for three days. U tah vs. Dr. A . T. Faerber, Case # 5204, Salt Lake County, Third District Court, U tah State Archives. He was still in U tah in the early 1930s as he was a de fendant in a couple of criminal cases brought against him by the state of U tah. Morris Butterfield said that he attended a court trial in about 1 9 2 2 -2 3 in which Faerber was found guilty of performing an abortion which resulted in the death of a young woman. He recalled that Faerber was sent to the peni tentiary. Morris Butterfield, interview with Mel Bashore, July 19, 1985. O ther than these matters of public record and Butterfield’s recollections, nothing else was found by the authors about Dr. Faerber. It would be most interesting if a copy of an issue of his newspaper could be found, maybe in an old trunk in someone’s dusty attic. 73. “Jordan Valley Bank,” Deseret Evening News, April 18, 1905; Jordan Valley Bank, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives; and Southern Salt Lake County Gazetteer (Murray, U tah: The A m erican Eagle, 1907) p. 36. 74. David Bills, letter to Reuben S. Hamilton, December 20, 1911. 75. In 1991, the Riverton Historical Society contracted with C . Ray Varley, an architectural historian, to perform an intensive level survey on the Second Renaissance Revival-style Jordan Valley Bank building located at 12607 South 1700 W est. In comments which he made in his report, he noted that “the most difficult task was in determining the exact date of construc tion.” After a thorough search in “every conceivable source,” he determined that 1918 was the approximate date of construction. In 1938, Roland Page, who owned the building at that time, told the Salt Lake County tax assessor that 1918 was when the building was built. In the absence of other convinc ing and contemporaneous documentation, that seems to be a reasonable date to accept. However, David Bills’ com m ent in his letter to Reuben S. Hamilton about the bank being on the verge of completion in 1911 certainly gives pause to question why it took so long to finish. There are others who date the completion of the building to the early 1920s. One interesting source of information was George R. Gygi, who moved into the “just vacated” old Jordan Valley Bank site in the Commercial Building on September 25, 1923,

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according to his diary. In an interview, Gygi elaborated on this, saying that “the bank had just been built immediately across the street. And this building became available. It had a big vault in it.” I interviewed him when he was 88 years old, and asked him to clarify the history of his move into this building. He said, “The Jordan Valley Bank on the north side of the street built their new bank on the south side of the street. That one on the north [in the Commercial Building] became available. And it was only a couple of days be fore I came down. It was just new and available. So I took it.” George R. Gygi, interview with Mel Bashore, Salt Lake City, September 7, 1985. Gygi’s diary is found in George Rudolph Gygi, “Genealogy, History and A uto biography of George R. Gygi and His Ancestors, Family and Descendants,” (Salt Lake City: G. R. Gygi, 1983) in Family History Library, Salt Lake City, U tah. W hen Varley was doing his research on the com er bank building, we had overlooked sharing this Gygi documentation and interview with him. This information from George R. Gygi, which seems quite plausible and is based on a contemporary diary entry for dating, would place the completion of the Jordan Valley Bank building in September 1923. Others who concur with this date include Lovell Densley and Marvin and Elvoy Dansie. Telephone conversations between Mel Bashore and Lovell Densley, October 9, 1991, and Elvoy Dansie, October 8, 1991. 76. “Canal W ork Progressing; $500 Reward Is Offered,” Deseret Evening News, December 5, 1912. 77. “Attempted Burglary at Riverton Bank,” Deseret Evening News, December 31, 1912. 78. “Fairly Prosperous Season,” Deseret Evening News, December 29, 1903. 79. “Postoffice Burglarized,” Deseret Evening News, January 30, 1905. 80. Riverton Ward, General Minute Book, June 6, 1909, original book in possession of Langford Lloyd. 81. Ibid., October 17, 1909. 82. “Deputy Sheriff for South End of County,” Deseret Evening News, March 4, 1915. 83. Thomas P. Page, Papers (ca. 1 8 8 4 -1 9 2 4 ), LDS Church Archives. 84. “T o Offset Proposition of Telephone Company,” Deseret Evening News, March 17, 1916. 85. ‘“Phone Users G et Together for Big Fight,” Deseret Evening News, April 5 ,1 9 1 6 .

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86. “Telephone Tolls A re Justified,” Deseret Evening News, April 6, 1916. 87. “Telephones A re Being Connected,” Deseret Evening News, April 24, 1916. 88. Salt Lake County Commission, Minutes, Book Q (1 9 1 1 -1 9 1 3 ), April 22, 1912, p. 250, U tah State Archives and “Electricity’s A dvent Causes Big Rejoicing,” Deseret Evening News, August 3, 1912. For a general history of the development of electric power service in U tah, see John S. M cCorm ick, “The Beginning of M odem Electric Power Service in U tah, 1 9 1 2 -2 2 ,” Utah Historical Quarterly 56:1 (W inter 1988) pp. 4 - 2 2 . 89. Phyllis Butterfield, interview with Elvoy Dansie, November 4, 1986. 90. Joseph P. Butterfield, interview with Donald B. Petersen, September 1 1, 1 9 8 6 . 91. C ontract bids, accepted contract, and engineering drawings for the Jordan River bridge are in Salt Lake County Commission, Petitions and Contracts, U tah State Archives. 92. “Millions W anted for Roads in This County,” Deseret Evening News, May 17, 1913. 93. Rulon Dansie, interview, February 6, 1986. 94. Salt Lake County Commission, Minutes, Book R ( 1 9 1 3 - 1 9 1 5 ) , O ctober 20, 1913, p. 128, U tah State Archives. The county road commis sioner responded to this complaint, stating: “I have been over the roads since that complaint was referred to me and find that the roads of Riverton com pare favorably with other districts in the County. As to the hiring of boys, I took this matter up with Mr. [Samuel H.] Howard and he informed me that the boys are young men and are capable of doing and are doing an honest day’s work which is always his instructions.” In a later minute book entry, the county road commissioner observed that more work was required on the Riverton roads because of “the travel, business and condition of the soil.” Salt Lake County Commission, Minutes, Book S ( 1 9 1 5 - 1 9 1 6 ) , January 15, 1915, p. 25, U tah State Archives. 95. Salt Lake County Commission, Minutes, Book R ( 1 9 1 3 - 1 9 1 5 ) , February 27, 1914, p. 261, U tah State Archives. T h e county attorney disap proved Dansie’s claim. 96. Blanche Densley notes that Edwin J. Butterfield owned one of the first automobiles in Riverton. She dates this first car to about 1911. Hazel Blanche Densley, Excerpts From the History of Riverton and Lives of Some of Its People, 2nd ed., p. 28. Delbert Page was told by his mother that his father, Thomas

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Independence Page, bought one of the first cars in Riverton— an Oakland. Delbert Page, phone conversation with Mel Bashore, January 2,19 93 . 97. “Riverton Is Growing, Triplets Are Named,” Deseret Evening News, June 5, 1913. 98. Marie Densley Bills, interview with Evelyn B. Dreyer, November 24, 1986. 99. Viola Nokes Dowdy, interview with Mel Bashore, September 18, 1986. 100. Lorenzo M. Howard, interview, March 9, 1985. 101. As early as 1906, an interurban railway was being contemplated for Salt Lake County. The U tah Light and Railway Company requested a fran chise for lines to different parts of the county. In a letter to the county com missioners, a number of men and businesses from Riverton voiced their sup port for granting this franchise. The document was signed by 27 men and is in the papers of the Salt Lake County Commission, Petitions and Contracts, U tah State Archives. Franchises were also granted in 1910 and 1911, but ac tual construction was not performed until the project was taken over by the Orem interests late in 1912. 102. “Riverton Notes,” Deseret Evening News, October 27, 1913. 103. “Riverton Notes,” Deseret Evening News, November 21, 1913. 104- Joseph P. Butterfield, interview, September 11, 1986. 105. “Celebrate Completion of Interurban and Canal,” Deseret Evening News, April 3,1 91 4106. Information obtained from George W . Hilton and John F. Due, The Electric Interurban Railways in America (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1964) pp. 3 8 4 -8 5 and Ira L. Swett, Interurbans of Utah (1974) pp. 3 6 -4 5 , 63. 107. The original location of the station building in Riverton was approxi mately 1830 W est 12600 South on the north side of the road. 108. Salt Lake and U tah Railroad, Time Table (1919), U tah State Historical Society. 109. Mildred Densley, interview with Laurel Bills, August 31, 1986. 110. Olive Crane Smith, interview with Elvoy and Bertha Dansie, February 8, 1987.

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111. “Fairly Prosperous Season,” Deseret Evening News, December 29, 1903. 112. “Thresher and Harvester,” Deseret Evening Nevus, August 10, 1908. 113. Rulon Dansie, interview, February 6, 1986. T h e four men were Charles Blake, George Francis Beckstead, Zachariah Butterfield, and George Henry Dansie. Each of them gave $ 5 0 0 to help pay for the domed roof. As the story goes, Bishop Gordon S. Bills stood up in a sacrament meeting and re lated to the congregation that these four men had appeared to him in a dream. In his dream, they donated the money necessary to finish the roof. In order to fulfill the dream and make the roof a reality, some of the aforemen tioned men reportedly had to go to the bank for a loan. Elvoy Dansie, tele phone conversation with Mel Bashore, December 24, 1993. 114. Lorenzo M. “Ren” Howard, interview, M arch 2, 1985. 115. “Public Improvements,” Deseret Evening Nevus, O ctober 28, 1908. 116. Riverton W ard, General Minute Book, September 6, 1908, in posses sion of Langford Lloyd. 117. “New Meetinghouse,” Deseret Evening Nevus, January 8, 1909. 118. Edward Byram Beckstead, interview with Mel Bashore, April 6, 1985. 119. Journal History, December 20, 1920.

5 Dodging and Weaving Years of War, Influenza, and a Rural Roaring Twenties (1918-1929)

World W ar I Although the general conflict pitting the Allies against the Central Powers began in 1914, the United States remained relaÂ tively uninvolved until 1917 when it declared war on Germany. A number of local boys enlisted and embarked for Camp Lewis in Washington for training. It wasnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t until the later stages of the war that most of them saw any action. The two known casualÂ ties among the local boys strangely enough were not battlerelated. Clarence Miller, an early enlistee from Riverton, was among the first contingents from Salt Lake County to go to Camp Lewis. Soon after arriving in the cantonment with his brother William Lewis Miller, he became sick and died.1 The second home to have a gold star placed in its window was in the home of Samuel H. and Rosa Ann Howard. Their eldest son, Samuel Elmer Howard, contracted influenza during the Argonne drive in France and died in a base hospital in October 1918.2 A younger brother, Ren Howard, returned home in 1919 97

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after being wounded by shrapnel in the Argonne drive. Howard was a lanky third baseman on the Riverton baseball team and he recalled in an interview that most of the ball team was drafted. The Riverton boys were in the same company for a long time until they reorganized the regiment and put them in differ ent companies. They all went through basic training together. Howard said: We left here on the 10th of May, 1918, and we set sail for France on July 4th. It took us twelve days to get over there and then we were on the Argonne Front. Well, the first front we were on was the Saint-MihiePs Front, then we went on the Argonne Front, then up in Flanders. We was up in Belgium when the Armistice was signed. He emotionally recalled the fatigue of being a soldier: War . . . takes a lot out of you. You don’t know how tired you can get and still go on. When we went to the front [the] first time, we had full packs and your rifle and the damn gas mask attached on the front of you and two bandoliers of ammunititon. And we started just at dark about nine o’clock at night and you walked fifty minutes and you rest ten till daylight the next morning. . . . you’re so damn tired when you fall out, you just flop and they have to go around and kick them to get them up. That last time that we fell out, and it was just daylight, we walked all night long.3 Robert Turner, of Bluffdale, described some of the experiences in training: Ren [Howard] and them were drafted before me. I went in on the 23rd of May and I went to Tacoma, Washington. I was in the depot brigade. They lined us up one day and said, “Everybody whose names we call, line up over here, and the others stay where you are.” Well, I was called out and I was put in the 361st Infantry. Ren was in the 362nd. We was in the same division, but in different regiments. . . . When we was up in Camp Lewis, they’d take us through a line and you’d roll your sleeve up and one

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man would paint your arm with iodine. One big, tall, slim guy, he looked at that and all of a sudden he toppled over. And they had n’t even put a needle or anything in him. One of the orderlies says, “Hey doc, here’s one that’s passed out!” Doc, he grabbed the needle and goes over and gives him a shot and when he comes to, it was all over with.4 Turner and Howard were in the same engagements in Europe and both were wounded in the Argonne. Turner’s regiment had been kept in reserve at St. Mihiel, but they were in the thick of it on the front lines in the Argonne. He recalled that the fight ing “was rough. In the squad that I was in, two of us were able to walk back on our own out of eight. The rest were either wounded or killed.” Close hand-to-hand fighting took place in a forest and “those big shells would explode the leaves and the branches and everything. The air just stunk of smoke.” Comi cally, Turner was not only trying to dodge the enemy’s bullets, but after his sergeant found out that he was a Mormon, life took a turn for the worse for Turner in his own platoon. Turner re counted: “I was dirt under his feet. Hell, I got all the rough de tails that he could give me.” One night, heavy shelling was ex pected and the men were ordered to dig foxholes. Turner said: Boy I’ll tell you, I got busy and I dug a hole and got in it!.. . . That night here come that old sergeant creeping along and keeping down pretty low so he wouldn’t get hit. He comes up and he says, “Turner, can I share this foxhole with you tonight?” I said, “Yeah, you can if you want to.” So he got in there with me. Then after awhile, he said, “Turner, I imagine you’re wondering why I wanted to share this foxhole with you tonight.” I said, “Yes, I have won dered.” He says, “I know that God has got his protecting arm around you and that I’ll be perfectly safe in this foxhole with you tonight.” Well, from then on, no more duty!5 Turner got hit by shrapnel in his left shoulder while in the Argonne Forest. It was a minor wound and he didn’t want to go to the hospital to have it treated. Turner said: “I’d seen them poor buggers lined up along the fence and looked like living

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skeletons. I thought, I don’t want to go to the hospital.” Soldiers commonly believed that if a bullet didn’t kill you, then medical care in the hospital might. However, Turner’s wound “got all green and yellow” with infection. He showed it to the sergeant who took him to the field dressing station on the firing lines. When the doctor saw the infected wound, he gave Turner an earful: He began to cuss me. He says, “These wounds are not so bad when we get them when they’re first done, but when we get ahold of some damn fool like you that don’t care, you can look for the worst. I thought, I don’t want my arm off. I want to go to home all together.6 The old doctor patched up his wound and treated the infection and Turner was reassigned to transport ammunition and supplies to the front lines. He finished the war in the supply detail and was discharged and returned home in April 1919. On the homefront, women were particularly active in trying to do their part in the war effort. Anna Wiberg reminded her Relief Society sisters about the importance of conserving food. She said: “We should be more careful and not waste any thing that can be eat, at least during war time.”7 The young children in the ward Primary were even engaged in “making things for the soldiers.” In 1917, they and their teachers and ward Primary officers made 50 rolled socks, 27 wash cloths, 11 tray cloths, 27 handkerchiefs, 3 shoulder wraps, and 7 pints of jelly to donate to the Red Cross for the war effort. In a wartime conservation effort, they planted and harvested an acre of potatoes yielding 16,310 pounds which sold for $187. They donated some of that money to the amusement fund for soldiers. They also gleaned several bushels of wheat from farmer’s fields. In 1918, the Primary teachers cut snibbing for pillows and hemmed wash rags and napkins for the soldiers.8 The end of the war was joyously received, especially by those who had loved ones fighting. Lucy Madsen, whose brother-in-law Jack had married her sister Norma, heard that the Armistice had been signed. She had to

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share the good news with someone and hailed Joe Butterfield who was out riding his bicycle. She said: “Oh, Joe. They’ve signed the Armistice! The war’s over! Now, Jack can come home. Oh, he can come home!”9

Influenza Epidemic More than ten times as many people died in the influenza epidemic of 1918 and 1919 in the United States than died on the battlefield in World War I. More than twenty-one million people died in the world from the flu. It was one of the three worst epidemics in world history. Cases of the flu were first re ported in the United States in the spring of 1918, however no one started dying from it until after that summer. In Utah, the first cases of the flu were traced to Coalville. A soldier entered a barbershop there in late September for a haircut. The following day, every person in the barbershop came down with the flu. It spread from there throughout Utah in epidemic proportions and at a lightening rate of speed. The first reported death from the flu occurred in Ogden on October 4th. In the month of October, there were 2,300 cases of the flu in Salt Lake City and 125 people statewide died that month. It was a killer. The state Department of Public Health mobilized into ac tion in response to the seriousness of the epidemic and began mandating various public health rules. Places where the public congregated were ordered closed at the peak of the disease. These included schools, churches, and dance and pool halls. Teachers were asked to serve as nurses. In Salt Lake City, shop pers were required to wear masks in the ZCMI store. Newcomers to the city were quarantined for four days. Windows were open on street cars. Anyone caught spitting on the street could be ar rested. Burning autumn leaves was disallowed because it would irritate noses and throats. Initially public funerals were discour aged and then banned altogether. November election voting took place in outdoor tents.10

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In mid-October 1918, the state board of health reported that the disease was in ninty-five communities in Utah. Riverton appeared on the list and was ordered to put into effect the regulations closing schools, churches, and forbidding all in door public assemblages.11 The first local casualty was probably James E. Madsen, a married father of three children and a re spected resident, died on November 8th.12 Many people died in Salt Lake County during November. T. J. Howells, the county physician, recommended that the county commission require “the wearing of gauze masks in public places uniformly through out the county.” He reasoned: As there has been reported to our office during the month of November one thousand cases of influenza with forty-eight deaths, and as these reports we believe are incomplete a great many of the cases having never been reported, we feel that the condition is very serious and deserving of more drastic measures for the prevention of the spread of this disease. . . . Towns of Bingham and Murray have already inaugurated the compulsory use of the mask in public places. . . . We recommend that gause masks be worn by all employees of stores, banks, and other places of business throughout the County. We recommend that people visiting all places of business, stores, banks, etc. be requested to wear masks. We recommend that persons riding upon street cars or upon stages or public vehicles of any kind operating in Salt Lake County be required to wear masks.13 The County Commission moved and ordered that the county physician’s recommendation be put into immediate effect. Alonzo B. Isaacson, the principal of the Riverton School, died after a two-week bout of influenza in January 1919. Only twenty-eight years old, he had only been married for a few months.14 Various cures were proposed. Clifton Densley said that “whiskey was one of the best medicines they had!” None of the members of his family got the flu. He attributes their good health to staying at home and being isolated from the public. He recalled:

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They made you wear a mask anyplace in Riverton; when you went to the store or anyplace. There was no church services held. At the cemetery, they held graveside services. One thing that they thought added to this epidemic was the weather. . . . In 1918, in the fall of the year, it was cold. Oh man, it was cold! Redwood Road didn’t have any surface on it. It was dirt and so was all these roads.. . . I can recall the horses and the teams going up and down the roads and the dust flying in December. It was cold. A lot of people thought, if we could just have a snow storm, it would pu rify the air. They call it the flu [now], but it was always called in fluenza. They used to make a joke about it—I opened the door and in - flu - enza.15 Clifton’s wife, Lola Densley, had firsthand experience with the flu. She recalled: My brother brought it home to us. He had it twice. The masks they wore were just cheese cloth. We had Sunday School in our home. We would have the sacrament. I only remember going to one funeral. That was my cousin’s baby that choked to death on a cracker. They had the funeral in their home. We were allowed to go to that. She described what the flu was like: “My eyes burned. . . . I couldn’t imagine what was the matter with me. I couldn’t see— my eyes was hurting. I must have had quite a fever.” She remem bered: We had our whole family down. My oldest sister was married. There was nine and then there was Mother and Dad. They were lucky enough to get one nurse to come out and take care of us. But she drank the whiskey! The whiskey that they were able to buy, she drank it. Maybe that kept her on her feet. We were lucky. My brother that brought it home, caught it the second time. We were all in bed in different rooms. Mother got up at times to wait on the family when she shouldn’t have so she had it a lot longer than anybody. My eyes burned. I had a headache. We just went to bed and stayed there.. . . It seems to me that we were in bed about two days. Mother was [in bed] longer than that.16

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With such a deadly disease, people were extra cautious about their contact with others. Joe Butterfield had a night-time newspaper route and weekly he collected the fifty-cent subscription fee. People were afraid that he would carry the flu virus from one place to another so “when pay day would come, they’d put the money in the mailbox in an envelope or tied in a handkerchief or a piece of cloth.” Butterfield recounted how “the women were called to help when it broke out” in Riverton. He recalled the gauze masks that were made by the women to prevent contagion: My mother got word that they was making masks. T hey’d meet up in the old domed church in the back where the stage was. They’d go in the back door there, because in the winter they couldn’t heat the whole [building]. T hey’d get gauze, sheets, old pillow slips and cases and sew them into a little bandage about five inches across and three inches high with string over your ears and tie it in the back and another string by the chin. You had to wear that whereever you went in public. . . . You didn’t wear them out side— it was when you went in. W h en they’d get dirty— I remem ber my M other washing and ironing them.

In addition to making gauze bandages, Joe’s mother, Dora C. Butterfield, helped in the homes of people who were stricken by the influenza. He recalled that she “helped sit up with people. She helped lay out the dead and prepared bodies for burial.” On December 20, 1918, Dora’s brother, Angus Petersen died of the flu. He and his young family lived in Riverton. Dora went to their home and made arrangements for one of the bishopric to have a little funeral service in the home for Polly. She was also seriously ill with the flu and grief stricken, so Dora took their five little children home with her. As these children had been in the midst of all this flu, she sequestered them in the front room of their new four-room home they had just built. Then three days after Angus’s death, Polly died. Five little children were deprived of their parents. The eldest was an eight-year-old girl and the youngest child was eighteen months old. W hile the little orphans were quarantined in the front room, they “took the food down to the front door and put it in. That little eight-

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year-old girl fed that eighteen-month-old baby, the three-yearold boy, and two other children for ten days.” Afterwards, the children were taken in by relatives and Dora took in and raised the two youngest children.17 Not everyone caught the flu nor was it fatal to everyone who caught it. Wilford Myers caught it in early May 1919, near the end of the epidemic. He suffered a comparatively light case, being sick for only a few days. During the epidemic, the bishop asked him to extend a helping hand to those who were suffering and needed help. He was kept busy taking care of people, so much so that to him it seemed like “the whole town had the flu.” One time Myers “went in a place where there was nine of them in the family, they was all laying on the floor sick.”18 He bought and brought groceries and medicine to people. Dr. Hardy gener ally prescribed some type of liquid medicine. James Steadman’s family all contracted the flu and his daughter, Maurine, remem bered that “they came and gave us an inoculation.”19 Fortunately, the epidemic ran its course by the spring of 1919, leaving several empty chairs in Riverton homes in its deadly wake.

Agriculture Conditions and Affairs Improvements were completed in 1921 which brought in creased water to the Provo Reservoir “pump canal.” Also known as the “High-Line” canal, only a comparatively small amount of water was delivered when the canal was originally built. Obtaining its water from the Provo River and from small reser voirs on the headwaters of that river, it brought water up onto the bench lands by means of an inverted syphon. However, the diverting capacity of the headgates and the carrying capacity of the canal were too small. To increase the flow of water, a $60,000 pumping plant was built to pump and elevate the water 250 feet to the bench canal.20 In 1923, local farmers endorsed a federal government reclamation plan to dredge the Jordan River and to enlarge the Utah Lake and Provo Reservoir canals.21 In 1924, the Provo Reservoir Water Users Association was organized to

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take over a part of the irrigation system of the Provo Reservoir Company including the “High-Line” canal. The new corpora' tion was capitalized for $2 million dollars under the leadership of Joseph R. Murdock with the intentions of extending the canal and making other improvements.22 The Riverton Livestock Company was organized in 1919. The principal officers at the time of organization included Zachariah Butterfield (president), Heber S. Crane (vice-president), and A. T. Butterfield (secretary-treasurer).23 The company built an alfalfa mill factory (located at approximately 13300 South 2350 West, just west of the Big Canal) on Reuben S. Hamilton’s farm. Most of the farmers and ranchers who invested in the company were interested in furthering the use of their grain and alfalfa crops. Lionell L. Myers was one of the directors of the company and he subscribed to $1,000 in stock in the venture. His son, Holly Myers, said that his father was “interested in rais ing some sheep and feeding cattle through the winter in order to use up his grain and alfalfa crop.” Holley Myers described the feeding operation: T he Riverton alfalfa plant . . . was located on the Orem transit tracks so it was handy for them to ship in grain for feed. They built feeding corrals at the plant, but most of the farmers who were interested in this plant were feeding animals at their own farms and were taking hay by wagon to the plant, having it chopped up and grain put with it and then bringing the chopped hay back home by wagon to feed their own livestock. This was for the operation of feeding cattle to fatten them up through the win ter for sale in the winter time.24

Robert Turner, of Bluffdale, worked at the alfalfa mill for three or four winters. He fed the sheep in the feeding corrals using a team and wagon. He maneuvered the wagon on access roads lo cated between the corrals. He described his job: I would chop the hay and I would feed those sheep. T h at was my job to feed those sheep. You’d drive up those driveways and you could throw it in the feeders from either side of your wagon.25

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Eldred Hamilton recounted how they milled the feed: They’d bring their hay in and chop it and then they would mix it with molasses. They had a big mixer up in the top of the field that they’d mix it. They would tell them how much grain they wanted or molasses mixed with their feed. They would put it in through their feed to the amount that they wanted. . . . They’d chop it up and take it right back home. . . . They got the molasses from the sugar beets. There was a factory at W est Jordan and they would ship the molasses out . . . in big tanks. They would have to heat that up to get it to run into the tanks.26

In 1921, the company investigated the possibility of expanding its livestock feeding operation by securing money from the War Finance Corporation.27 In that same year, a large number of the company’s sheep were killed in a train accident by the mill. It happened on November 3rd as an interurban passenger train headed north on an evening run towards Salt Lake City. The case ended up in court with the Livestock Company seeking damages for the herd of sheep that were killed. The Livestock Company argued that the train “carelessly and negligently ran into and upon, knocked down, mangled, dragged along said track and killed five hundred of said sheep.” They sought dam ages of $3,000. The Orem Line train company denied that they were negligent in any way. They argued that the livestock com pany tore down the fence that they had erected and failed to provide a herder to keep the sheep from entering through the opening onto the tracks. After dragging on through several cross-complaints and counter-claims, the court dismissed the case almost two years after the accident, adjudging that each party should “bear his own costs.”28 In 1922, meetings were held to encourage farmers in enlarging and expanding their existing winter livestock feeding. Winter feeding operations furnished a home market for hay, increased the value of sugar beet by products, and added fertility to the soil.29 Holley Myers de scribed those factors which caused the suspension of the live stock feeding operation:

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This organization was active in Riverton for a good many years, but the plant finally got caught when the market went down greatly for fat cattle. Having their pen full of cattle, which was purchased from borrowed money, which was borrowed from the bank in Riverton, with the personal guarantee of the directors in the alfalfa plant operation. Many of them lost a good deal in the crash of the price for cattle that year Father lost a good deal in that operation, as did Zach Butterfield, A . T. Butterfield, W ill Crane, and many others who were active in the plant.30

The alfalfa mill buildings were tom down in 1932. During the 1920s a number of agricultural cooperatives were established. A news article reported that in 1921 and 1922, farmers in the southwest part of Salt Lake County had been ad versely affected by “low prices for farm products and high taxes for land.”31 After enduring two straight years of such conditions, local farmers viewed the establishment of agricultural coopera tives with increasing favor. In 1922, initial discussions were held for the purpose of establishing a potato grower’s association. A t that time, they anticipated marketing 800 to 1,000 carloads of potatoes. During 1921, the Orem Line shipped about 5,000 car loads of freight in 50-foot steel reinforced boxcars.32 In 1923, the Jordan Valley Potato Grower’s Association was formally or ganized. Headquartered at Riverton, several local people served as officers in the organization including Lionell L. Myers, M. Horton Kirk, Nicholas H. Silcox, and Joseph Morgan.33 In the year following, a farm bureau was established in Riverton with Roy Glazier as president and extension work was carried on in the community.34 In 1924, five hundred people attended the an nual convention of Salt Lake County Farm Bureau, held in Riverton. In addition to the business meeting, practical demon strations, and seminars, the attendees were fed complimentary elk meat sandwiches and entertained by musical selections.35 In 1924, a dairy cooperative was organized. The Riverton Dairy was headed up by Niels J. Nielsen (president), Thomas M. Hamilton (vice-president), and Martin B. Peterson (secretary/ treasurer).36 A livestock cooperative, the Riverton Feeders Association, was organized in 1926 with T. A. Butterfield (presi

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dent), Roy Glazier (vice-president), and M. J. Tischner (secre tary/treasurer) .37 After a disastrous business slump following the war, Utah’s canning industry rebounded in the early 1920s. The Riverton canning factory was one of thirty-nine canneries in Utah. The quality of Utah canned goods was so well established that they could only fill sixty percent of their orders. The demand was great and the highest prices were paid for Utah canned products.38 With the objective of trying to establish standard grading and packing methods, the canning factory installed an apple grading machine in 1925.39 Wesley E. Lloyd’s first job was a part-time after school job in the canning factory. He recounted how empty cans were shipped in a box car on the Orem Line to the factory. They stored them in the attic of the canning factory prior to filling them with processed fruits and vegetables. His job entailed putting cans down a chute to the sealer. He recalled: “The first payday I got, the amount was $5.25. . . . We used to go there on the way home from school for an hour or an hour and a quarter.”40 Thomas B. Lloyd, an older brother, helped build the factory and worked there every canning season from 1915 to 1922. In his history, he recalled that 1921 was a bountiful year for the factory as “there was lots of apples and lots of pump kins.”41 Phyllis Butterfield also worked in the factory after school. She was paid according to how much work she could do. She ad mitted that she was “awfully slow.” She said: “I didn’t make no money at the beans.”42 Inez Dansie Neff was another who worked in the canning factory, “snipping beans until the toma toes came on.”43 The canning factory operated in Riverton for many years. According to Holley Myers, the operation was disor ganized after farmers determined that Riverton was not well suited to growing tomatoes.44 Cecil Ensign Freeman recalled that the farmers experienced two or three years of a heavy frost that killed most of the tomatoes. After that, he stated: “No one would plant them but Dad [Isaac Ensign Freeman] and a few others and the cannery went belly up.”45 In the mid-1920s, a sugar factory was proposed again for River ton. The Utah-Idaho Sugar Company entered into negotiations

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with A. T. Butterfield to purchase a 160-acre tract of land one mile east of Riverton in the river bottoms for a factory site. The factory was to be called the Pioneer Sugar Factory and they contracted with local farmers to grow beets, furnishing the seed. They anticipated completing the beet slicing portion of the operation in the fall of 1924. Other plans included construction of a pipe line to the Lehi factory in which juices would be pumped for the final sugar manufacturing processes. One of the intents in building the Riverton factory was to stimulate the dairy industry by providing beet pulp for feed. Joe Butterfield was one of those who raised a crop of sugar beets for this factory, but he said that it simply “never got built.” He had to unload his beet crop at the West Jordan sugar factory and they docked the initial seed cost from his check.46

Business and Civic Affairs Riverton had its first paved roads in 1920. Prior to that they “had dirt roads in them days,” according to Marie Densley Bills.47 Water sprinkling wagons were used to keep down the dust.48 The road to Herriman was particularly rough. Joe Butterfield recalled: There was no graveled roads between here [Riverton] and Fort Herriman. W hen you’d drive a team up there, their hoofs would go in that soft mush and it would just scatter. It would run around from the wagon wheels up around the belly [of the wagon] up to the hub. . . . If the wind blew, you would get it [dust] on to your buggy or on to your horse.49

In 1920, the road contractor established their headquarters at George H. Dansie’s farm. Gravel and cement were transported by rail and a large cement mixer was built at Dansie’s near the railroad tracks. They built a concrete road on Redwood Road from South Jordan hill to Bluffdale and on the Herriman Road to State Street in Draper. The mixed cement was dumped into dump trucks and driven out Dansie’s driveway to the roadway.-50

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Eldred Hamilton helped grade the road in preparation for the cement surfacing. He recalled: “They had a Case steam engine that they used to break up the road.” When the gears broke in the steam engine, Eldred and his uncle Reuben S. Hamilton hooked up their big teams of horses to plows and broke up the road. He recalled: “We’d plow it up and break it up and then they’d scrape it off with scrapers until they got to the grade they wanted on it. Then we’d tear it up some more.”51 Joe Butterfield got a job helping to cure the sections of poured cement. They banked up an earthen edge around the perimeter of each ce ment section which they filled four to six inches deep of water. Butterfield’s job was to keep these ponds filled with water. He described the task: My job was to hold the hose from the tank that hauled the water and fill up the ponds. And as they’d pull up to the next one, I’d pull the hose and fill that one. I worked for nearly all the summer filling those ponds that they made until the cem ent hardened. T hen after it hardened, they’d be farther up the road and we’d fol low them along. I received two dollars a day and I was lucky to even have a job. Some of the men that was moving the cement and tromping it and putting the forms in was only getting three dollars a day.52

The combination of better roads and availability of afford able cars popularized ownership of automobiles. There was a tremendous variety in models of cars. Delbert Page fondly re membered the different models which various people owned. They included: Ed Morgan (Oakland), Forest Parry (Graham Paige), S.C.B. Sorenson (Packard), Harry Sandstrom (Pontiac), Mr. Knollmyer (Overland), Eldred Hamilton (Frazier), S. F. Stephensen (Chrysler Imperial), Clifford Swenson (Model A with homemade bumpers), and Selyf Page (Oldsmobile).53 Riverton became a hub for automobile dealers in the south end of the county in the 1920s and 1930s. At one time, there were six or seven dealerships in business at the same time. There were at least ten different brands of automobiles sold. They included Chevrolet, Ford, Oldsmobile, Plymouth, Dodge, Kaiser, Henry J.,

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Desoto, International, and Frazier. Riverton Motor was one of the earliest and it had the longest tenure of any car dealership. Established in 1920, they operated initially in the south section of the Crane Building (12662 South 1700 West). According to Wesley Lloyd, the Crane Building was built in 1915. This large commercial structure was built by Heber S. Crane and Isaac Freeman. Lloyd said: “The first ones to run an automobile busi ness there was the Crane Motor Company. They sold a lot of cars at that time.”54 After Crane quit the car business, Taylor Motor used the building, but only for auto repair. After Taylor Motor left, Riverton Motor occupied the place. They began as a Ford agency. Gwynne Page, Orrin Berrett, and Clyde Terry each invested $167 apiece to come up with the $500 that they needed to start the business. Page shortly bought out the others and by 1922 was the sole owner.55 Thomas Independence Page, a brother who had lent Gwynne money to get into the business, was one of his early salesmen. They built the Riverton Motor building (12741 South 1700 West) in 1932, taking on the Chevrolet line.56 Dissatisfaction persisted with the Mountain States Tele phone and Telegraph Company. In 1922, a meeting was held to again consider the formation of an independent telephone com pany.57 In 1923, a short-run newspaper was published in Riverton. In September, George R. Gygi “found an empty business build ing for rent” and set up a small printing business.58 It was lo cated in the Commercial Building where the old Jordan Valley Bank had been situated prior to moving to its own building. Calling it the Jordan Printing Company, Gygi moved in his equipment and opened for business on September 25, 1923. It was a small, one-man printing shop specializing in commercial printing, binding, publishing, designing, and advertising. After operating from that location for only a month or two, he was in formed that the Post Office had gotten the long-term lease on it and he had to move out. He “moved to a large room in the south part of the old Page-Hansen department store.”59 Busi nessmen in Draper approached him about starting a newspaper.

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They proposed that “they would support it with advertisements and it would be a considerable benefit in publicity for them in their poultry-dairy business.” The poultry and dairy business in Draper was booming at that time. Gygi agreed to the proposal and called the newspaper the Jordan Journal because “it was near the Jordan River.” Gygi recounted: It was largely a four-page standard size paper, part of it pre-print. In those days a place like W estern Newspaper Union, a printer’s supply organization, furnished pre-print papers for small towns. In other words, they would print maybe four pages and they would secure advertising nationally. They would print four pages for the local paper for which we would furnish news and maybe some ad ditional advertising. It was called pre-print papers. They do that now with some things like funny papers. I think I had printed two pages of the four. I didn’t actually print the paper because I had no press as big. It was printed at W estern Newspaper who printed the first two pages.

He didn’t have any regular correspondents. People volunteered local information for him to include in the newspaper. He also made personal telephone calls and visits to gather the news. The newspaper was very short-lived. It’s story is sadly poignant: It only ran about three weeks. I was run out of business. It was an unfortunate thing. There was a long established . . . printing busi ness in Midvale. It had a newspaper called the Midvale Messenger. . . . W hen I started up my printing business in Riverton they greatly resented it. I didn’t realize it until customers told me. They resented me coming in there into what they thought was their ter ritory. And in a few weeks I began to see. In those days quite a bit of printing business came from the farmers’ wives who had butter wrappers that had to be printed. It was quite a sizeable business in a small farm place like that. I began to realize that all of a sudden, butter wrapper prices were cut in half by the Midvale plant. People told me that you could get them half price up there now at Midvale. I began to realize they resented me coming into that area. I was from Riverton, but they thought they owned all that south territory. I thought that it was free and open to anybody.. . .

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After I had [put out] two or three issues of the newspaper, suddenly there appeared another free newspaper given to all the in habitants down there given the same name as mine — Jordan Journal — distributed free to them. W ell, I looked at it and I could determine that it had com e from the Midvale plant from the ty pography. . . . I went up to Midvale to talk to the manager. “How come you used my name [Jordan Journal] on a newspaper distribut ing [it] free down there?” He was arrogant about it. H e said, “W ell, you’ll have to go and see the cashier of the Midvale State Bank.” It happens that the printing shop is owned by the Midvale Bank. The cashier was the President of the Board. I knew the man. He was a Sunday School teacher in Midvale. [I] went down and saw him. “How come you’re printing the name I selected on a newspa per and distributing it free down there?” He was arrogant about it. He said, “Well, you didn’t register your name there. W e went up and registered it.” Took my name and registered it. I could have done it, but I didn’t think about it. A nd he just laughed about it. It was funny. W ell, I took it for two weeks, but I didn’t have the money to put out a free newspaper. [I] didn’t have money to fur nish printing at half price. I went on for a little while. In the mean time, my wife got sick and died. . . . I carried on for maybe three months [after her death]. I just couldn’t make it, couldn’t get the business. T he paper— after three issues . . . they distributed two, taking my name free. I quit. I couldn’t com pete with that. Thay had a bank behind them. They literally ran me out of busi ness, intentionally. So I quit the paper. I told the people to com e and get the [printing] equipment. I couldn’t pay for it anym ore.60

Although Gygi was certainly set back by the underhanded busi ness dealings of the Midvale bank and printing competitor, he was absolutely devastated by Louise’s death. The funeral was held in Draper and was attended by a great many people, a dele gation of friends even coming from Malad, Idaho. In his journal, Gygi wrote of the overwhelming kindness of so many people. He wrote that he went to the cemetery for the burial, “but it seemed as if I was in a trance all day.” Afterwards, he went home, but nothing is home any more, there is nothing left. ♦ . . I will spend the night alone.”61 He didn’t return to his shop until about ten days after his wife’s death. He had employed a boy to

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work for him in his absence, but he lacked experience to be able to do anything much but run errands. His absence from the business came in the midst of the conflict with the Midvale peo ple about the newspaper. Gygi noted that his business affairs were “in pretty bad shape.”62 Following the second day of his re turn to work, he wrote: “I came home from work to an empty room; I just wish I could leave it all and forget.”63 Unfortunately, he couldn’t do that because he was faced with over $3,000 owing on his business and bills incurred on his wife’s illness and burial. It was impossible to pay the creditors who were demand ing payment as his business had “been exceedingly poor” that summer. He could find no buyers for his business or anyone who would even take it over and resume the payments. On August 11th, the sheriff appeared with orders to collect on an overdue note or immediately close his shop. He was granted a short ex tension, but Gygi realized that it would only temporarily solve his problems. Having no other recourse, he decided to let the sheriff have his property and simply leave. He packed a few be longings and personal things in his old Ford and on August 19th, Gygi left Riverton. Without direction and downcast, he wrote in his journal that he was “bound for I don’t know where.”64 After a short while, he decided to go to California and begin his life anew. Although the story of the ill-fated Jordan Journal didn’t have any bearing on it, it was over fifty years be fore anyone tried to publish a newspaper in Riverton again.65 In 1924, approval was granted by the public utilities com mission for the Riverton Pipe Line Company to raise its water rates. This was the second increase granted the company, the first being authorized in 1919. The new increase, calculated at $2.50 per month up to 5,000 gallons and $.25 for each addi tional thousand gallons, was deemed necessary to fund the re placement of six miles of deteriorated main pipe line.66 In 1928, Riverton Farms Dairy was organized with the fol lowing as principal officers: Heber S. Crane (president), Hans B. Jensen (vice-president), and Isaac E. Freeman (secretary/treasurer). Merlin Myers recalled the store that the dairy had in the Commercial Building:

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My dad [Wilford Myers] had an ice cream store in it at one time, he and his brother [L. L. Myers]. Riverton Farms Dairy. They made ice cream and they marketed that ice cream partly at the outlet at the shop in that store in that building and they had an other outlet in Murray.67

In 1928, construction was begun on the LDS Riverton 2nd Ward building. The basement was excavated by using a horsedrawn fresno and slip-scraper. Completed in 1929 at a cost of approximately $55,000, it housed Mormon members living above the Herriman Road. The 2nd Ward was organized on September 18, 1927.68 After the accrued building debts were cleared, the chapel was dedicated in 1939 by Heber J. Grant, the LDS Church president.69

Roaring Twenties Modem motion pictures and television have given people the impression that the 1920s were overflowing with bathtub gin, gangsters, and wild and crazy fast dancing. It would be stretching the chronicles of history to characterize Riverton’s 1920s as “roaring.” However, there were elements of the popular perception of the “roaring twenties” in Riverton, albeit on a limited scale. The upper floor of the Commercial Building was a drawing card for dancing. Dancing was very popular in that era and the Riverton Hall in the Commercial Building drew young people from all over the south part of the county. Meredith “Punk” Page loved to dance in the Commercial Building. He said that was where he did “fast dancing. . . . stirring up the dust.”70 Wesley E. Lloyd recalled that they used to have “a combo come in and play.”71 Burglaries and robberies occurred occasionally. In 1924, bur glars broke a window to gain entry into Thomas P. Page’s store. They used a pry bar to open the cash register, removing fifty dol lars. They also hauled away $400 in merchandise.72 In 1929, the

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cashier of the Jordan Valley Bank apprehended two bank rob bers following a racing gun battle chase. The robbers, David Penn of Nebraska and Willis Wood of Riverton, entered the bank shortly after 10 A.M. Penn stood in the doorway, leveling his gun on the cashier, three clerks, and two customers, while Woods scooped up all the money into a canvas bag. Woods then cut the telephone wires inside the bank, herded the customers and bank personnel into a closet, and made their getaway in a waiting automobile. Henry R. Hurren, the cashier, got out of the closet and chased them in his car.73 About two miles south of Sandy, Hurren opened fire on their car with his gun and forced them off the road. The bandits returned fire and started running across a field, scattering silver dollars in all directions as they ran. With the help of Earl Porr of Fort Herriman, Hurren, a former grid star at the University of Utah, captured the fleeing youths. Mike Crane noted that the reason they were able to catch the robbers without getting shot was “because the gun these kids had, had jammed. After the gun jammed, they caught them.”74 They recovered almost $1,700 and the outlaw pair were remanded into custody.75 In the general election in 1918, Riverton voters over whelmingly favored (136 to 14) ratifying the Prohibition Amendment.76 W ith Prohibition in effect in the 1920s, an ille gal liquor trade developed. Even in rural, law-abiding commu nities like Riverton, there were places where a thirsty soul could procure a drink. Evelyn Dreyer grew up during Prohibition. She recalled: They had all those places to go get booze and stuff— home brewed. I remember once me and my brother went up to one of the places. I was the third girl in my family, so my sister would say, “G et home you little snot.” So I’d go around with my brother. I was a tom boy. He said I could go with them if I wouldn’t ball. . . . He and his buddies went to the bootleg joint. So we proceeded to drink beer and we came home drunker than heck and my Mother chased my brother and got him— she couldn’t catch me— and locked him in the house.77

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Mike Crane also grew up during the Prohibition era. For awhile, he had a clever ruse going with a Mrs. Holman, a local supplier of home-brewed alcohol. He would steal a chicken from his un cle’s hen house and take it to Mrs. Holman in trade for her home-brewed alcohol: She’d give us four quarts of home brew. This old sitting hen would [then] go back to her nest that night. So we’d go back to the nest, get the old sitting hen, [and] take it back down for four quarts of brew the next day. Mrs. Holman said, “I think you’re bringing that same old hen down there.” W e’d say, “O h, we wouldn’t do that, Mrs. Holman.” She cut off our source. She killed the old hen.”78

Crane said that “everybody made a little home brew.” You could buy the hops to make the home-brewed beer in the stores.79 One local bootlegger, Gus Eckland, hid his still underneath his pig pen. Crane recalled: “He’d always have straw . . . over it so no body could find where it was.” Crane asserted that the local po lice occasionally overlooked illegal brewing operations. They would have periodic raids, “but the police were from Riverton so they didn’t shut them down too often.”80 Court records indicate that some Prohibition law breakers occasionally did get caught. In 1920, Deputy Sheriff V. Christopherson obtained a search warrant and found a half gallon of “W hite Mule” at John Base’s farm. He was charged with possession of intoxicating liquor.81 In 1921, Deputy Sheriff Sam Howard arrested Vernon J. Nell after finding a pint of “moon shine whiskey” in his pockets. The pint of moonshine was kept as evidence and then “destroyed pub licly” about five months later.82

Notes 1. Soldier Coming Home for Father’s Funeral,” Deseret Evening News, February 19, 1918. 2. Body of Riverton Soldier Arrives Home for Burial,” Deseret Evening News, July 6, 1921, and Soldiers of the Great War, Vol. Ill, comp, by W . M.

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Haulsee, F. G. Howe, and A . C. Doyle (W ashington, D.C.: Soldiers Record Publishing Assoc., 1920) pp. 303,307. 3. Lorenzo M. Howard, interview with Mel Bashore, March 2, 1985. Unfortunately, the tape came to the end of the reel without the interviewer realizing it while Howard was reminiscing about the war. The interviewer has a vivid memory of his unrecorded recounting as Howard was emotionally overcome in retelling some of his war experiences. He shed tears while recall ing brutal trench warfare with dead and wounded littering the battlefields. He told about packing wine in canteens because of polluted water, of poisonous gas, of the fearful sounds and sights of gun and artillery fire while hunkered in dank foxholes in the dark woods, and of having his military-issue helmet dented by a bullet. 4- Robert W . Turner, interview with Mel Bashore, April 30, 1985. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. Riverton W ard, Relief Society, Minutes, January 22, 1918, LDS Church Archives. 8. Riverton W ard, Primary, Minutes, November 19, 1917 and February 11, 1918, LDS Church Archives. 9. “1918 Flu Epidemic Lecture Program,” Riverton Historical Society, May 19, 1988. 10. Background information on the influenza epidemic came from research notes of Cherry Nash, U tah State Archives. For additional information on the ef fects of the epidemic in U tah see Leonard J. Arrington, “The Influenza Epidemic of 1 9 1 8 -1 9 in U tah, Utah Historical Quarterly 58:2 (Spring 1990) pp. 165-82. 11. “Situation As to Influenza Is W orse,” Deseret Evening Nevus, October 17, 1918. 12. “Riverton Man Victim of Influenza-Pneumonia,” Deseret Evening Nevus, November 9, 1918. Madsen’s name appears in the red leather volume “Cemetery Record, Town of Riverton”, kept by William O. Silcox, and given to the Historical Society by his widow. Other names appearing in the “Cemetery Record” who were buried in the Riverton Cemetery during the time of the flu epidemic include: Ernest M. Howard, Hyrum E. Henderson, Angus Petersen, Mary J. Park Petersen, James M. Henderson, John J. Lloyd, Cleon O. Lloyd, and Annie Shannon. W ithout looking at the certificates of death, we can’t say that all of those listed died of the flu, but several of them definitely were flu casualties. A nother known flu casualty was Chris Mortensen, who was buried in South Jordan.

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13. Salt Lake County Commission, Minutes, Book U (1 9 1 8 -1 9 2 1 ), December 4, 1918, p. 104, U tah State Archives. 14. “School Principal of Riverton Passes Away,” Deseret Evening News, January 14, 1919. 15. “1918 Flu Epidemic Lecture Program,” May 19, 1988. 1 6 .Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. Wilford Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 12, 1985. 19. Maurine Page, interview with Mel Bashore, M arch 2, 1985. 20. “W ill Pump W ater to High Line C an al,” Deseret Evening News, July 11, 1921, and “Electric Current Starts Pumps A t Jordan Narrows and Big Irrigation System Is Now in A ctual O peration,” Deseret Evening News, July 1 2 ,1 9 2 1 . 21. “Farmers Take First Steps in Big Irrigation Schem e,” Deseret News, September 21, 1923. 22. “Provo Reservoir Users A re Incorporated,” Deseret News, July 7, 1924. 23. Riverton Livestock Company, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives. 24. Holley Myers, audiotape recording, September 1986. 25. Robert W . Turner, interview, April 3 0 , 1985. 26. Eldred Hamilton, interview with Mel Bashore, January 29, 1986. 27. “Federal Farm Loan Bank for South End of County Planned,” Deseret News, November 4, 1921. 28. Riverton Livestock Company vs. Salt Lake and U tah Railroad Company, Case No. 31666, Third District Court, Salt Lake County, U tah State Archives. 29. Livestock Feeding Urged at Riverton,” Deseret News, December 22, 1922. 30. Holley Myers, audiotape recording, September 1986. 31. W here Sagebrush Grows,” Deseret News, December 16, 1922. 32. Jordan Valley Potato Growers Organize,” Deseret News, June 7, 1922, and “Interurban Roads Look Forward to N ext Year W ith Confidence,” Deseret News, December 17, 1921.

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33. “Jordan Potato Growers Organize,” Deseret News, October 9, 1923. 34. “Eighteen Farm Bureaus A re Formed in County,” Deseret News, December 10, 1923, and Riverton Farm Bureau, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives. 35. “S. L. County Citizens Invited to Farm M eet,” Deseret News, December 29, 1924, and “S. L. Farmers Pass Move to Beat Child A ct,” Deseret News, December 31, 1929. 36. Riverton Dairy, Inc., Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives. 37. Riverton Feeders Association, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives. 38. “U tah Canned Products Spread Fame of State,” Deseret News, December 15, 1923. 39. “Apple Grading Devices Put at Sandy, Riverton,” Deseret News, September 17, 1925. 40. Wesley E. Lloyd, interview with Donald B. Peterson, February 20, 1986. 41. Thomas Butler Lloyd, Autobiography, p. 13, in Joy Slater, Papers. 42. Phyllis Butterfield, interview with Elvoy Dansie, November 4, 1986. 43. Inez Dansie Neff, interview with Elvoy Dansie, October 2 0 /1 9 8 6 . As a m atter of interest, tokens were used as a medium of exchange by the Riverton Canning Company. Two variants of these tokens are illustrated in Campbell’s Tokens of Utah, 3rd ed., published by Harry F. Campbell (1987) p. 443. T h e book lists the value of these tokens to collectors as $35 to $55. 44- Holley Myers, audiotape recording, September 1986. 45. Cecil Ensign Freeman, “Childhood Memories of My Father (Isaac Ensign Freem an),” p. 2. 46. Joseph P. Butterfield, telephone conversation with Mel Bashore, January 15, 1993, and “Sugar Mill at Riverton to Be Built at O nce,” Deseret

News, June 18, 1924. 47. Marie Densley Bills, interview with Evelyn B. Dreyer, November 24, 1986. 48. Salt Lake County Commission, Minutes, Book S (1 9 1 5 -1 9 1 6 ), February 17, 1915, pp. 8 6 -8 7 , U tah State Archives. 49. “1918 Flu Epidemic Lecture Program,” May 19, 1988.

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50. Elvoy H. Dansie, Autobiography, [1978]. 51. Eldred Hamilton, interview, January 29, 1986. 52. Joseph P. Butterfield, interview with Donald B. Petersen, September 11, 1986. 53.

“Childhood

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Society, September 15, 1988. 54. Wesley E. Lloyd, interview with Donald B. Peterson, February 20, 1986. 55. Riverton Motor Company, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives. A t the time of incorporation, M arch 17, 1923, the principal offi cers were Gwynne Page (president), Vernal C . W ebb (vice-president), Mary J. Page (secretary), and Lancelot Bills (director). Page and W ebb had both subscribed to equal shares of stock (2 5 0 shares at a par value of $ 2 ,5 0 0 ). 56. Donald M. Page, conversation with Karen Bashore, May 1992. Riverton Motor moved to Sandy in 1993 in response to market studies con ducted by General Motors. They made every effort to remain in Riverton and moved somewhat reluctantly. 57. “Independent Telephone Company Is Considered,” Deseret News, August 11, 1922. 58. Gygi had family ties in Riverton and Draper. Fergus Lord’s wife, Mary, was his aunt. However, the principal reason that George and Louise Gygi moved here from Malad, Idaho, was the fact that his wife’s parents had moved to Draper. They lived with his wife’s parents in the first house on the south side, east of the river on the Draper-Riverton Road. They lived and at tended church in Draper, but Gygi established his business in Riverton be cause “it seemed like a better business area than Draper at that tim e.” George R. Gygi, interview with Mel Bashore, September 7, 1985. 59. George R. Gygi, letter to Mel Bashore, June 19, 1985. 60. George R. Gygi, interview, September 7, 1985. Gygi had put all of his savings totaling $ 5 0 0 into purchasing the printing equipment. He had a m ort gage on the balance of the equivalent and had to give it all up. Gygi men tioned that printing butter wrappers formed a considerable part of his printing business. The Riverton Historical Society has an example of a printed butter wrapper in its collection (W illa Dansie Conkle, Papers). It reads as follows: Sixteen Ounces W hen Made, Pure Separator Butter, Manufactured By Mrs. W . B. Dansie, Riverton, U tah .” It was printed by the Murray Printing Company for Eva Lucille Dansie, the wife of W ilford Benjamin Dansie. Gygi

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recorded in his journal that Leon Olson was the Midvale bank cashier and board president of the Midvale Messenger. After Gygi stopped publishing his newspaper, he still owed people for the subscriptions he had received and had to refund that money. A few weeks after he stopped publishing the Jordan Journal, “the Midvale firm reverted to their original name again [Midvale Messenger], indicating that their only objective was to eliminate me.” It was doubly a shame because one of the reasons Gygi established his newspaper in the first place was because the Midvale Messenger “had virtually ignored all of the south end of the valley.” George R. Gygi, Journal, August 8, 1925, in George Rudolph Gygi, “Genealogy, History and Autobiography of George R. Gygi and His Ancestors, Family and Descendants,” (Salt Lake City: G. R. Gygi, 1983). In Family History Library. 61. Ibid., May 1, 1925. 62. Ibid., May 4, 1925. 63. Ibid., May 5, 1925. 64- Ibid., August 19, 1925. In 1925, Gygi bought his old Ford “from the Ford Motor that was run by the Pages.” George R. Gygi, interview, September 7, 1985. This was Riverton Motor, headed by Gwynn Page. In California, Gygi pursued his trade for about a decade in such cities as Los Angeles, Hollywood, and San Francisco. Afterwards, he returned to U tah and opened a printing business in Salt Lake City in 1941. He successfully ran Fine Arts Press for over four decades. “George R. Gygi: A Man of Distinction,” History of the Salt Lake Valley View Stake, comp, by W ylene H. Fotheringham (Salt Lake City: Salt Lake Valley View Stake, 1979) p. 585. 65. In 1986, Bob Sweet published a few numbers of a weekly free-distribution local newspaper called the Jordan Valley Journal. In 1992, Paul and Kay Evans started a bi-monthly free-distribution local newspaper called the South

Valley News. 66. “Rate Increase for Riverton W ater Is Fixed,” Deseret News, October 1 8 ,1 9 2 4 . 67. Merlin Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 26, 1985. 68. “Riverton W ard to Build Home,” Midvale Journal, July 13, 1928, and “Riverton W ard House Nears Completion,” Midvale Journal, September 28, 1928. 69. “Riverton Second W ard Chapel Dedication to Be Held November 12,” Midvale Sentinel, November 2, 1939. 70. Meredith Page, interview with Mel Bashore, March 2, 1985.

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71. Wesley E. Lloyd, interview, February 20, 1986. 72. “Riverton Store Robbed of $ 4 5 0 ,” Deseret News, O ctober 6, 1924. 73. Hurren was appointed cashier of the bank in September 1925 follow ing the sudden death of Martin H orton Kirk. “H. R. Hurren Is Named Jordan Bank Cashier,” Deseret News, September 25, 1925. W hile touring southern Utah, Kirk suffered a ruptured appendix and died following an operation. “Riverton Bank Cashier Dies at Panguitch,” Deseret News, September 14, 1925. The news article reported that “Mr. Kirk and wife were touring scenic southern U tah on a two-weeks’ vacation.” 74. Mike Crane, interview with John M cCorm ick, August 12, 1980. 75. “Riverton Bank Robbed Monday,” Midvale Journal, December 26, 1929. 76. U tah State Election Papers, 9th Precinct, 178th District, November 5, 1918, U tah State Archives. 77. Evelyn B. Dreyer, interview with John M cCorm ick, August 12, 1980. 78. Clarence J. “Mike” Crane, interview, August 12, 1980. T h e sitting hen came from C rane’s uncle, George Henry Dansie. Mrs. Holman lived in the house located at 1443 W est 12600 South. Mike dates this episode in his life at about 1934 or 1935. Clarence J. “Mike” C rane, telephone conversation with Mel Bashore, January 18, 1993. 79. Clarence J. “Mike” Crane, telephone conversation, January 18, 1993. For a good general history of bootlegging in U tah , see Helen Z. Papanikolas, “Bootlegging in Zion: Making and Selling the ‘Good S tu ff,” Utah Historical Quarterly 53:3 (Summer 1985) 2 6 8 -9 1 . 80. Clarence J. “Mike” Crane, interview, August 12, 1980. 81. U tah vs. John Base Farm, Riverton, Case # 5517, Salt Lake County, Third District Court, U tah State Archives. 82. U tah vs. V. J. Nell, Case # 5 9 4 6 -A , Salt Lake County, Third District Court, U tah State Archives.

6 “It Was Rough’’ Hard Times and W orld W ar

(1930-1945)

The stock market crash of 1929 started a prolonged depres sion— a financial depression so severe that it has ever after been denoted with capital letters: the Great Depression. Lasting until 1939-40, when the country began to rearm, the Great Depression affected Utah more severely than most states. Hard times for Riverton’s farmers really began in the early 1920s. One historian of Utah’s depression noted that “agricultural regions were buckling long before the calamitous thirties.”1 Many farm ers had expanded production to meet the increasing demands during the First World War, but the demand lessened with the end of the war. Farmers were left with a limited market for their products and debts incurred from expansion. Farm prices in Utah had dropped fifty per cent in 1922 and remained at that level until the stock market crash. At that time the bottom ab solutely fell out of the market. Agricultural prices took a spiraling nosedive, reaching rock-bottom in 1932-33.2 1 25

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Through cooperative associations, farmers in Riverton had tried to improve their lot in the 1920s. The alfalfa mill, canning factory, and feeders association were all organized toward this end. The Riverton Produce Association, another cooperative marketing association for fruit and vegetable growers, was orga nized in 1931. J. H. Berrett was president and J. R. Petersen was secretary.3 However, the market crash was so resounding that it put these pre-crash developments into an ineffectual tailspin. Even the most resourceful and successful farmers suffered. On the eve of the depression, George Henry Dansie had over five hundred acres of land and annually ran a substantial herd of sheep. When the market broke, Elvoy Dansie said “everything we had to sell went to pieces: hay, grain, lambs, potatoes, even beets.”4 In the ensuing years, he didn’t make enough to pay ei ther taxes or interest and was forced to sell much of his land. Many people lost their land and quite a few lost their homes. In an interview with Bob Turner of Bluffdale, he solemnly charac terized the depression years: “It was rough.” He recalled: I had a 40-acre farm and I thought I was doing pretty good. . . . they had an adjuster com e from the [Federal] Land Bank in Berkeley, [California]. It was muddy and he wanted to go around and see the different farms. So I hooked up one of these mules with one of my horses and took him around. W h en we got up onto my farm, he said, “Do you own any other property besides this place here?” I said, “Yeah, I own my own hom e.” He looked at me a minute and he said, “If I were you, I wouldn’t say anything about that hom e.” He said, “I’m not saying you’re going to lose this farm, but if you did, you’d lose your home, to o .” I says, “I don t own a damn thing! Only this farm.” He smiled, and th at’s all that saved my home here. I lost the farm up on the flat.5

Farmers lost their land and people lost their homes because they were unable to make their mortgage payments and because they didn t have enough money to pay their taxes. Bert and Johanna Gilbert moved to Riverton from Idaho in 1922. After several years of saving, they bought a 20-acre farm on 3600 West and built a four-room home. After making a go of it for seven years,

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they lost their home and farm in the depression. They leased a place further up on the “flats” which was without electricity or indoor plumbing. It was the old Huggins’ place and it took about three hours a day to pump and haul water for their live stock. A t the time, they had nine children. They had six cows, 150 chickens, four horses, and two sows, but when the depres sion came, they had to kill all the little pigs so they wouldn’t starve to death. Johanna had to stand in line for flour, sugar, and other groceries which were rationed out to them. They also had to get shoes and clothing from the government.6 Ken “Bus” Silcox was one of the student-age bus drivers in the 1931-32 school year. He received a dollar a day for driving high school students from Bluffdale, Draper, and Crescent to Jordan High School. Ken recalled: T hat dollar a day was the only money that come into the house, in Dad’s house. W e had eggs and butter and milk and stuff like that. W e had a few animals to supply us with. W hen the drought hit, we didn’t even raise enough hay to feed the cows. W e had to get rid of a couple of them and just keep two so we’d have the milk.7

Although his family had to really stretch his dollar-a-day earn ings, Ken attested: “I don’t know what we’d a done without it.” Conditions worsened when the school district ran out of funds in March. Ken’s bus driving job dried up and the family lost its meager income. In 1933, there were 33,000 Utah families on re lief. Rulon Dansie remembered that “practically everybody” in Riverton was on government relief. Riverton was dependent on agriculture and Dansie said “there wasn’t a sugar beet growing. You couldn’t grow a potato or nothing.” Dansie recalled that the government brought meat and commodities to the center of town where it was distributed. They went into Salt Lake with a relief order to procure clothing.8 Evelyn Dreyer worked for her uncle Roland Page for ten dollars a week. She said that her mother “couldn’t get on welfare because I was making enough to keep us. We didn’t have anything.”9 The relief check, relief work, pension checks, and other kinds of government welfare

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measures were necessary for many to survive the hard times. In 1933, a fourth of the country’s workforce was unemployed and it was estimated that 12,000 families in Salt Lake County were receiving some form of public relief.10 Mike Crane helped support his parents and family by working in a Civilian Conservation Corps (C CC ) camp in Bountiful in 1936. His family was “still trying to farm a little bit” and his father was working in the mine at Lark making $2.50 per day trying to support a family of seven. Mike was paid $30 per month for his work at the C C C camp of which $25 was sent home for his family.11 In 1934, some people were afforded work building the sidewalk on the west side of Redwood Road. This was a Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) project that employed a crew of twenty-eight local men.12 Those families who had ground to farm and water to irrigate were able to keep food on the table and could barter for other goods and services. Horace Nokes had ten children to feed and clothe. His son, Reid, recalled: “We had always plenty to eat, but we didn’t have the money to spend.”13 Don Petersen also recalled: “Being on a farm during the Depression wasn’t bad as far as eating was concerned.” Fancy cuts of steak, whip cream-topped desserts, ice cream, pies, and eggs for breakfast were everyday fare in his family’s house hold. In Petersen’s assessment, “We had it all. We ate like kings.”14 In 1934, the Second Ward Primary held a “Hard Times Dance.” Mr. and Mrs. Roy Hodgkinson won the first prize of a fifty-pound sack of flour and Mrs. M. J. Tischner won a fivepound sack of cereal for second prize.15 In the winters, most peo ple couldn’t afford to buy coal so the townspeople went after wood in the canyons of the Oquirrh Mountains. Elvoy Dansie described these wood-gathering treks to the canyons: In 1932 we had no money to buy coal so we sharpened our axes and greased the wagons, found some chains and started for the hills to cut wood. Started in Dry Holler, then into Butterfield Canyon and Rose Canyon. W e cut oak and maple and brought out the dry quaken aspen. This continued all of ‘3 2 and ‘33 and 34. W e made a saw frame out of some parts of a old threshing m a chine father had that was wore ou t.1*1

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Martin Bowen did the same. The district schools closed in March because they didn’t have enough funds to continue oper ating. Let out of school early, he went with his father up to Rose Canyon to cut and haul wood for fuel for the next winter. He said: “They didn’t have any money to buy any coal. Everybody [cut wood]. Dust up there was over a foot deep.”17

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The problems of the depression were compounded when Utah suffered a catastrophic drought in 1934. The seasonal snowfall in Utah was only about half of normal in the preceding four years and in the great drought year of 1934, precipitation was only about 35 per cent of normal. Utah Lake, the primary source of Riverton’s irrigation water, contained “only one-third of its non mal volume of water, and the actual shoreline was two and onehalf miles inside the traditional outer border.”18 The Utah Lake canal went dry in August 1933 and never had water in it again until 1946. The crop loss in Riverton in 1933 was valued at ap proximately $250,000.19 Rulon Dansie reflected on those times: W h at hurt us was the drought! T h a t’s what hurt us. Do you know in ‘3 2 . . . you couldn’t break the clods. You couldn’t put a plow in the ground in ‘3 2 and ‘3 3 . . . . [It was] too dry. T here was no rain, no nothin’ all winter long. . . . W ell, you couldn’t plant nothin’. In order to keep my trees alive out here, I had to haul . . . water and make sure each tree got a bucket of water every week. Lawns all died. Flowers all died. There was so many grasshoppers, a guy brought ninety turkeys over and I just turned ‘em loose. I’ll be darned if the dam things didn’t . . . com e in with about 3 0 0 little ones [in the fall]. I just turned ‘em loose and let ‘em go.20

Ren Howard lost his farm on the flats when the canals dried up. He recalled: I had a farm up here on the flat. It was forty acres and I was get ting along just fine. Heck, good as could be. Dad was helping me. Well, all at once, we had two dry seasons. N o water. C ouldn’t farm. It just burnt right up, that was all. W ell, I wasn’t alone. T h at whole west side went broke, nearly all of them. Yes, just about all of them, they all moved off of the flat. Just one season it was bad and the next season was worse and that killed them all. . . . They had to start all over again and those people with four or five chil dren just couldn t make it and then people with a little money and a little credit come in and they took it all over. . . . those peo ple with some good credit and a little cash, they bought the whole flat. Then the water come back in the canals and it’s been good ever since.21

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In 1934, Utah received $600,000 from FERA for drought relief. These relief funds were divided among seventy-one approved projects in twenty-eight counties. One of the approved projects included the installation of a pumping plant at Pelican Point to pump water from Utah Lake to save 60,000 acres of crops in Salt Lake County. Joseph E. Morgan was involved in its construction: The government with one of its relief projects dug a canal on the west side of [Utah] Lake next to it from pumps to the Pelican Point. This [was] a strip of land coming into [the] lake from the hillside, like its name. [They installed] two big pumps and they put them several feet below .[the] bottom of [the] lake, then dug a big canal south to where [the] deepest place of water is— about four miles. This was done by big bull dozers with scrapers. A road was made on [the] east side of [the] canal from [the] top of [the] pumps to [the] river. I engineered this. It was done by team. Two horses and scrapers leveled it smooth and flat. Taken one hundred days. This helped some. Pumps drawing from [the] water in [the] channel and when [the] wind was blowing, [to] fill the canals, then open [the] weirs. [They’d] have about twenty minutes to share every ten days or two weeks. It was about enough to keep the grass growing along ditch banks.22

Elvoy Dansie recalled that the water from this pumping project came into the canals at the end of August 1934- He said: W e watered stubble to plow and plant. W e planted nine acres in one piece a[nd] 5 in another in [the] fall of ‘34. W hat little water we had was divided between the canals that fall and also next spring. W e had 54 shares of stock but had 27 h[ou]rs of water every three weeks. W e couldn’t raise much. In 1935 on two acres of beets I raise[d] about 12 tons. 2 acres of potatoes I hauled home on the dig ger. About 5 tons of hay. About 600 bu[shels of] wheat, 100 bu[shels of] oats on 55 acres of ground. Yes, it was really tough going.23

The crop yield was very poor. Dansie described the poor harvest: W e had beets and potatoes that wasn’t hardly big enough to dig. A t that time, Kennecott Copper was off— two weeks work and

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two weeks off. THe men used to com e down and help pick the potatoes up and top beets. They used the potatoes for their wages and took them back up to Bingham and sold them to their friends to get the money for their work.24

The drought took its toll on the apple orchard owned by Thomas P. Page. The orchard ordinarily produced several thousand bushels of apples each year, but after not bearing apples for six years they decided to pull up all the trees in 1937. A newspaper reported: “The trees were pulled up by a tractor at the rate of 30 to 40 trees per hour, and hundreds of people came to see the sight. The wood was sawed up and hauled away.”25 Under normal conditions, local boys could find seasonal work with the farmers. During these drought years, they had to look for farm work outside of Utah. When Reid Nokes graduated from high school in 1935, he went to Idaho with a group of about forty local boys to “work in thinning beets.” Mahonri Butterfield accompanied the group of boys. Nokes went up again to Idaho in 1936 to thin beets and work in the hay with another couple of fellows.26 In that same year, the Riverton 2nd Ward Relief Society secretary noted in the minutes: “Many of the young people are going away to the cities. They tire of the farm as it is so much hard work.”27 After graduating from high school, Martin Bowen tried to get a job helping construct buildings “over in Jordan.” His father, Abram Bowen, had a hard time making ends meet, but chose not to take any of the jobs available through government programs. Unfortunately for Martin, this affected his chances to land the job “in Jordan.” Over fifty years later, Martin still rankled in telling this story: I went over when they was trying to build one of those new build ings over in Jordan and asked for a job and they says, “Your dad on W PA? I says, “N ope.” They says, “You don’t need a job.” Make me out of patience! He needed a job as much as the others only he didn t get on it. Well, they figured they only get guys on W P A needed a job. If he wasn’t on it, his kids didn’t need it. Boy!28

The federal government also adopted a program to prevent the starving of cattle and sheep. Instituted in 1933, the Federal

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Surplus Relief Corporation was established as a relief measure and to protect the livestock industry. In Utah, the government purchased 126,000 cattle and 206,000 sheep. This helped to preserve scarce forage by removing animals from the use of the range and made available usable meat to needy families. The government paid a flat price of $2 for sheep, $4 to $5 for calves, $10 to $15 for yearlings, and $12 to $20 for cattle two years and older. Stockmen frequently complained at the prices, but it was a buyer’s market and many of the animals were in poor condi tion and couldn’t have been sold on the market except at dis tress prices. Over $200,000 in drought relief monies were also expended in Salt Lake County in 1934-35 to over 46,000 fami lies and over 3,500 farms through the auspices of the Farm Credit Administration.29 Another big blow to the local economy was the failure of the Jordan Valley Bank. It was one of twenty-five banks that failed in Utah between 1929 and 1933. On January 12, 1932, the bank di rectors requested that the Utah State Banking Department take charge of the property and assets for the purpose of liquidation.30 All accounts were frozen and a bank examiner was appointed to oversee its orderly liquidation and foreclosure. No matter The size of the account, many still remember how much was in their ac count when the bank failed. Reid Nokes was only twelve years old when the bank went broke, but over fifty years later he re membered how much he had in his account: “I had $4.38 in my little bank book and I lost all of it. . . . That meant a lot when you had a little bank book like that.”31 Don Petersen was six years old when the bank failed and the resultant loss of his little savings was a cause of great wonder. He recalled his perplexity: “How could we lose money that we’d put in there because we trusted those people?”32 The liquidation proceedings took over five years to process with the bank officially closing on October 28, 1937 by court order. All preferred claims against the bank were paid in full and dividends amounting to 48 per cent of the claims were paid on all common claims. The bank building was valued at $11,500, including the value of a new roof that had been put on in 1936 at a cost of $118.75. Among the assets that were sold included fifty safety deposit boxes for a hundred dollars

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to the Temple Square Hotel in 1936.33 The bid of $24,500 received from the Columbia Holding and Finance Company was accepted and the remaining assets were sold to them on .April 9, 1937. This included the building and its furniture which in cluded two safe doors, nine mahogany chairs, three mahogany tables, an oak desk, a wall regulator clock, four chandeliers, and other assorted pieces of furniture. Although the bank was officially closed in 1937, its former vice-president and director Isaac E. Freeman tried to personally pay off depositors in the bank and businesses in the community. In the course of doing this and paying off failing investments, he mortgaged his farms and beautiful fourteen-room home on the Lower Road. He eventually lost everything and moved into a small home on Redwood Road. Although he was not legally bound to do so, he felt morally bound to try to repay those de positors in his bank. A son, Cecil Ensign Freeman, wrote that his father “was probably the only stockholder that did not take bankruptcy and escape the financial responsibility law. He gave up everything he owned.”34 Another son, Weldon A. Freeman, recalled that his father considered these “debts of honor” that “must be paid.” He could have taken out bankruptcy which would have enabled him to salvage some of his holdings, but he resisted doing this and was left almost penniless.35

Commercial Development Poultry raising was important in Riverton and the Riverton Poultry Association was organized in 1930. In cooperation with the Utah Poultry Producers Co-operative Association, the offi cers of the local association included Roy Glazier (president), Vernal C. Webb (vice-president), and Thomas A. Callicott (secretary/treasurer). As in other enterprises, the depression im pacted the poultry industry. The course of the economy may be traced in the number of baby chicks which were brooded by Riverton poultry growers. The number of chicks brooded by year were as follows: 118,700 (1930), 59,700 (1931), and 28,300

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(1932). The brooding of chicks picked up again in 1933, more than doubling the production of the previous low year.36 In his later years, Thomas P. Page turned over management of the Page-Hansen Store to his son, Roland. Another son, Meredith, bought controlling interest in the company stock and took over the management reins. Violet Page Hamilton worked in the store during this time of management transition, from 1926 to 1930. Thomas P. Page was her grandfather and, like all the other grandchildren, was given an opportunity to work in the store. She was in the tenth grade at Jordan High School when her grandfather offered her a job as an apprentice book keeper. She accepted. Page was “getting pretty old” when she worked in the store. She recalled: [Thomas P. Page] had his funny ways. He never made a mistake. You couldn’t tell [him] he ever made a mistake. I was supposed to check all the mistakes, but if you told him he made one . . . he didn’t appreciate that.

She described the interior and operation of the store in the late 1920s: They had shoes and groceries and corsets and hats and dresses. You name it, they had it. He called it a department store and they really had departments. Everything was sectioned off. If you had a customer come in, you followed the customer to all the different departments where they wanted things and wrote it all down in a book and added it up. All those sales slips had to be checked over by the bookkeeper the next morning to see that nobody’d made a mistake. . . . T he groceries were high and you had one of these ladders that roll along the track to get to the high shelves. You’d have to roll the ladder over here and climb up to get the peas off the shelf or whatever, a box of the corsets or something in the corset room— they had a ladder in there. . . . Everything was seg regated out in departments.37

Meredith Page recalled that at one time, there were seventeen clerks employed in the store to wait on customers.38 Thomas P.

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Page passed away at age eighty-two in 1933. In 1934, the PageHansen Company opened up a general merchandise branch store in Midvale.39 In 1937, the company stockholders decided to dissolve the corporation owing to the “lean years.”40 In 1937, Butterfield Motor Company was organized by Joseph P. Butterfield, Thomas A. Callicott, and Almon L. Butterfield. They obtained a Ford automobile franchise, situated in the south part of the Crane Building.41 In 1938, Callicott and Joe Butterfield left the business and Elias Butterfield joined as a partner with his older brother Almon Butterfield. Joe Butterfield recalled some of the difficulties in trying to get their car dealership off the ground and which caused him to decide to return fulltime to his coal-hauling business. He noted: “There wasn’t enough cars being sold, especially Fords because Gwynne Page had the Riverton Motor and he sold Chevrolets. And practically everybody in town drove Chevrolets.”42 Because of high rents, they tried to purchase the Crane Building, but were unable to do so. They were later able to purchase property on the east side of Redwood Road and built a garage and showroom on that site (12655 South) in 1951. Riverton Motor continued to grow under the leadership of Gwynne Page. They employed a sizable work force and Page promoted community events like free picture shows.43 In the mid-1930s, they reportedly had annual automobile sales of more than five hundred. In 1936, they opened a used car lot in Midvale.44

Civic Development In 1933, the Riverton Pipe Line Company received a gov ernment loan of $200,000 to install new and larger water mains and to construct a 174 million gallon reservoir. The project took ten months to complete and supplied work for more than five hundred men. They celebrated the completion of the project with a lunch that was served for 325 people and an evening dance in the Second Ward amusement hall.45 In 1934, the com

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pany replaced a mile of leaking old wooden pipe with iron pipe using $2,350 received from the drouth relief fund.46 The Riverton Commercial Club continued in its efforts to im prove conditions in the community during the depression. New officers were elected in 1934. They included George J. Bills (presi dent), Ren Howard (vice-president), and Marion J. Stringfellow (secretary/treasurer).47 On occasion, they sponsored free picture shows for adults and children.48 On the heels of a destructive fire at Libbie Densley’s home, Gwynne Page, representing the Riverton Commercial Club, petitioned the county for a fire hose cart to be stationed at the Riverton Motor Company.49 In 1938, several community leaders related the history of Riverton, touted its agricultural potential, and boosted the residential advantages of the town on a broadcast over radio station KDYL.50 In 1937, a decision was made to raze the old domed church.51 Vernal C. Webb was the bishop of the First Ward when the decision was made to raze the old landmark. The bishop at the time of its demolition was Niels K. Thomson, the principal of the Riverton Junior High School. He explained: “The old chapel doesn’t suit our purpose and to remodel would be too expensive to be practical.”52 Violet Hamilton said that the old domed church “was pretty, but . . . it wasn’t func tional.”53 Her husband, Eldred, was in the bishopric when the building was demolished. He recalled one of the reasons they decided to raze the building: “It was hard to heat.”54 Rulon Dansie recalled: “It wasn’t practical. It was about forty feet from the roof down to the floor. It took a ton of coal to heat it in the wintertime so they give it up.”55 Vivian Freeman Brown re counted a different story about the reason why the domed church was razed. Her mother, Hattie Freeman, owned the cafe across the street from the domed church. It was the first cafe in which the legal sale of beer was allowed in Riverton. She said: My mother had a beer joint across the street and they told her they couldn’t hear the singing in church for the music box in the bar. They tried to tear her [beer joint] down, b u t . . . they couldn’t make her stop having it because she was there legally.56

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It’s a colorful story, but not a likely major reason for tearing down and relocating the church. One of the reasons frequently mentioned as a cause for the building’s razing was the impracti cal curved front stairway. The design of the stairway made it next to impossible to bring a casket into the chapel for a fu neral. To those in the church leadership at the time, the only feasible solution was to raze the building and construct a new one. Even so, feelings were deep about seeing the old building tom down. Maurine Steadman Page said: “Everybody, I think, felt bad about that when it was tom down.”57 Evelyn Dreyer was grateful that she wasn’t able to see the leveling of the old build ing. She said: “I was glad I was in California.”58 Viola Nokes Dowdy also avoided seeing the razing of the building and echoed Evelyn Dreyer’s feelings: “I would have cried my eyes out if I’d have seen that.”59 Ren Howard described the feelings of people in the town when the domed church was demolished: It was really nice, but it was so much wasted space. It took so much to heat it. Well, anyway they abandoned it and then they tore it down and some of ‘em really raised a fuss. Some of ‘em wouldn’t speak to one another for quite some time. . . . those that worked so hard to give money to build that thing up, why, they hated to see it thrown away, but it got so it wouldn’t handle the population. . . . Too much wasted space. See, they only had five rooms in the [downstairs] floor space and then they had the big auditorium upstairs. W ell, it just wasn’t big enough to take care of the ward.60

In late 1939, volunteer workmen began tearing down the old landmark.61 Mike Crane watched them tear it down. He re called how the sturdy landmark resisted demolition: Mr. Lloyd . . . had a great big old steam engine and tractors and big cables that they tried to saw that big dome in half and into pieces and they couldn’t saw it down and they couldn’t tear it down.62

Reid Nokes was among those who volunteered and accepted as signments to help in its razing. The work he did included

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“knocking] bricks apart and tear[ing] things down.” He didn’t share in the sentimental feelings about tearing the building down because he “was younger at the time.”63 The bricks and us able lumber in the old building were used in constructing the new First Ward meetinghouse (12888 South Redwood Road). While under construction, the ward made arrangements to meet in the junior high. The ward members weren’t able to meet in their own chapel for almost eight years because the exigencies of the war halted construction on the new meetinghouse and the shortage of building materials after the war slowed progress and extended its completion until 1947. Two months prior to the razing of the domed church, the old Commercial Building was also tom down. The wrecking of this old landmark was viewed “with sadness” by many old residents.64 At the time that the Commercial Building was condemned, it was owned by the Second Ward. When the Riverton Ward was divided into the Riverton 1st and Riverton 2nd Wards in 1927, a division of property was made. The 1st Ward received the domed church and the 2nd Ward received title to the Commercial Building. The building was sold for less than five hundred dollars for salvage. Rulon Dansie was one of those who helped dismantle the building. He recalled: “I got a $100 to clean it up and haul the junk off.” Rather than take his pay in cash, he got credit for a hundred dollars in groceries from Lute Peterson. He hauled the old scrap lumber to his home and used much of it for heating, cooking, corrals, and outbuildings.65 Merlin Myers, a son of Wilford Myers, recalled happier times when the building feted MIA drama productions and New Year’s Day children’s dances. He reflected on the reason it was tom down: It was allowed to deteriorate so badly that no one wanted to under take the task of refurbishing it. So they just tore it down. Oh, it was bad, too. It was full of bugs, cockroaches, budbugs, and all that sort of thing. N o one wanted to have too much to do with it.66

In 1941, the old street lighting system was replaced in the business district. Each of the eleven new lighting units cost $60

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and produced 600 candle power.67 In 1942, seven additional lights were added in the central area.68

World W ar II During World War II, people in Riverton served both in civilian and military roles. Some served the country in uniform and many served in war industries on the home front. In early 1941, Reid Nokes joined the National Guard with about nine other local boys. He spoke of his feelings of uncertainty and fears at the start of the war: I went in the service in February of ‘41. A group of us went in the National Guard from here, about nine boys. My number was quite close up in the draft at the time, so we went in February o f‘41 and went to San Luis Obispo. . . . at the time that the war started, we’d just come back from a bivouac and maneuvers .. . about sixty miles north of San Luis Obispo. We were thinking about coming home for Christmas from Army. That was going to be a great deal to have a furlough to come home. We’d been home once in September, but this was in December. And the war started then. I had an appointment to go have my tonsils out on December 8th. War was declared on December 8th, but as we were setting there, the Japs bombed Pearl Harbor. There was a whole division there in that camp and they had them evacuate from the camp. Those that were in the hospital they left there. I’d went to the hospital that day on December 7th and had my tonsils out on December the 8th. I couldn’t talk for a week after, sore two weeks. My folks come down to see me at that time and took me on down the coast to where my unit had went to, clear down to San Diego. That was 350 miles south. Escondido. That is a feeling that is a hard feeling to have with the war started and you don’t know what’s going to happen or whose going to bomb what or where. Nobody knew nothing at that time.69 Some of the dozens who served overseas included Willis Petersen in the South Pacific, Ralph Crane with the Army Air Force in England, and Ray Bills on a “tin can” with the Navy in

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the Pacific. Mike Crane had a different war experience. He joined the Army in 1942 and after boot camp at Camp Roberts, he was slated to go overseas. A mixup occurred when he was on a train going to Fort Ord and he wound up with several other carloads of soldiers in Camp Haan, near Riverside, California. He spent several months there in various schools, during which time his rank was upgraded to sergeant. The Army learned that he had had mining experience and sent him back with about ten other experienced men to Utah to work in the mines. He worked in the St. Joe Mine in Butterfield Canyon mining lead, silver, and copper for almost two and a half years as a military miner.70 When Lois Langford was eight years old, she moved to Riverton with her mother and father. After graduating from Jordan High School, she decided to join the WACs. Her mother wasn’t in favor of her joining the Army, but her father felt it would be beneficial. She recalled: O n my twentieth birthday, July 7, 1944, I went to Fort Douglas and was sworn in by the sergeant. M other and Dad were there. T he sergeant said, “Raise your right hand,” I raised my left, and I thought if this is any indication what I’m going through I better not do it.71

Nonetheless, she survived the brief moment of embarrassment and after basic training in Des Moines, Iowa, she saw service in Washington, D.C. and Wilmington, California and had interesting and broadening experiences during her tour of duty. While entraining from Washington, D.C. to California, she had an eight-hour stopover in Chicago. She and another WAC companion wondered how they could entertain themselves until the train departed from the Windy City. She recalled: W e had an eight-hour stopover in Chicago. Now some of those train stations are just not for scenery, and we thought, how can we kill eight hours? It was very easy. There was a big sign about a half a block from the train station that said, “Burlesque, ladies wel com e.” W e went in and passed five beautiful hours. I couldn’t be lieve it. T hen they turned on the lights and we were the only two

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W ACs. There was a whole thing full of sailors. T h a t is an educa tion in itself, to go to my first burley-que, twenty-one years old, that’s fantastic.72

A considerable number of local people worked in war-related industries or otherwise supported the war effort on the homefront. With so many men called into active service, it was nec essary for women to work in factories and weapons manufactur ing plants. In 1942, Inez Dansie Neff worked in the Remington Arms manufacturing company and later at the Tooele Ordnance plant.73 Several local people worked in the Remington Arms plant (located at approximately 2000 West 1700 South). Put in operation in December 1941 at a cost of $30 million, it em ployed about 10,000 people manufacturing .30 and .50-caliber machine gun ammunition used in aircraft.74 Willard Bone worked there making cartridges for shells. Although they didn’t have automobiles to sell, Almon and Elias Butterfield kept their automobile franchise and garage going by alternately working at Remington Arms and at their garage on different shifts. Elias Butterfield worked at Remington Arms for a year and a half and recalled: I went to Remington Arms as a m echanic. I made 91 cents an hour. After six weeks I got a raise to 95 cents an hour. W h en I had been there three months I was paid 9 9 cents an hour. . . . O n af ternoon shift our pay was five per cen t more than the amount we were making. O n graveyard our pay was ten per cen t more than what we were making. O n Saturday we got time and a half, and on Sunday we got double time. W e worked seven days a week.75

As the war effort slowed, they learned that Remington Arms was planning to close down. Almon had a low draft number and to avoid joining the army, he needed to have employment re lated to the war effort. Both brothers were hired to work at Clearfield Naval Supply as riggers. They were helped in their transportation costs to and from Clearfield by ferrying other workers. Tom Brown was one who rode with them for two dol lars per week. They drove a green Ford Galaxie 500 four-door sedan. Elias recalled:

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Cars were scarce. They were hard to get. You had to get an autho rization from the board that took care of the supplies. In those days we had to have points. W e had to get coupons to buy meat, to buy butter and buy various things. And you had to get a coupon to buy a car.76

Joe Butterfield was forced to discontinue his coal-hauling busi ness because he couldn’t get drivers, tires, or gasoline to operate his small fleet of trucks. He recalled the war rationing of sup plies: It was hard to get tires or gasoline. The tires was on ration. W hen I went over to the ration board to get a set of tires, Mr. Mickelson said, “W hy Joe, I can let you have one.” I looked at him and I said, “O ne won’t do me no good. W e have ten tires on each truck and I’ve got three trucks. And I need a set of tires.” He said, “I can’t do nothing for you.”77

Products like tires and gasoline were rationed to the civilian population so the soldiers would have the supplies to fight the war. Gasoline rationing became an issue of real concern as peo ple carefully planned their lives around their personal allotment of petrol. It became a matter of discussion at a meeting of the di rectors of the Riverton Pipe Line Company in 1943: Due to gas rationing the question of meeting at president Franklin E. Seal’s store instead of at vice president John Hansen’s home was discussed after which a motion was made and passed that the meetings of the Riverton Pipe Line Company be held at president Franklin E. Seal’s store.78

There was about a half mile distance between these two meet ing sites for meetings that occurred twice in a month, but it was a matter of some importance for individuals who were on a strict gasoline allowance. Local people also tried to do charitable things during the war for the fighting men. For instance, members of the Ladies Literary Club sent Christmas boxes to wounded veterans at the close of the war.79 After the war, memorial plaques listing veterans and

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war casualties were mounted in both ward meetinghouses.80 Those listed thereon who lost their lives included Wayne W. Bills, Ivan M. Lovendahl, Ivan L. “Ike” Bills, William H. Cardwell, Jr., Melvin C. Cowdell, and Mont F. Stephensen. One interesting footnote to World War II is the encounter that Morris Butterfield had with Adolf Hitler. He left Riverton to serve a Mormon Church mission in Germany in 1925. W hile in Leipzig, he heard Hitler give political speeches. He recalled: I had the privilege of talking to old A dolf Hitler. I never ever thought that he’d be a dictator. He wasn’t a dictator when I was there. I thought he was a mugwump. He had a little swastika on a little shirt, little trousers, half wore out, and old raggedy shoes. . . . he used to preach there every day at four o’clock and I used to hear him. Outside my window where I lived there was a. . . . park. . . . I had my window open, you know, and I could hear him speak. He was a pretty smart duck. He was a good orator.

On one occasion, after Hitler finished speaking, Butterfield ap proached him and gave him an LDS religious tract. Butterfield said: I told him to read this, that this would save him. I said, “T h at what you’ve got ain’t a-going to save you.”81

One can only speculate on how different the history of the world might have been had Hitler taken Butterfield’s challenge and pursued a different life course and set of values.

Notes 1. Brian Q. Cannon, “Struggle against G reat Odds: Challenges in U tah s Marginal Agricultural Areas, 1925—3 9 ,” Utah Historical Quarterly 5 4 :4 (Fall 1986) p. 327. 2. John S. M cCormick, “A History of R iverton,” (1 9 7 8 ), pp. 3 7 - 3 8 . See also the special issue devoted to the story of the G reat Depression in U tah in Utah Historical Quarterly 54:3 (Summer 1986).

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3. Riverton Produce Association, Articles of Incorporation, U tah State Archives. 4. Elvoy H. Dansie, Autobiography. 5. Robert W . Turner, interview with Mel Bashore, April 30, 1985. 6. Albert and Johanna Gilbert, “The History of Albert and Johanna Gilbert,” [p. 3]. 7. “Bus Driver December 3, 1986.

Lecture

Program,”

Riverton

Historical

Society,

8. Rulon Dansie, interview with Mel Bashore, February 6, 1986. 9. Evelyn B. Dreyer, interview with John McCormick, August 12, 1980. 10. R. Thomas Quinn, “Out of the Depression’s Depths: Henry H. Blood’s First Year as G overnor,” Utah Historical Quarterly 54:3 (Summer 1986) pp. 217,220. 11. Clarence J. “Mike” Crane, interview with John McCormick, August 12, 1980. 12. Reid Nokes, interview with Mel Bashore, October 8, 1985; “New Sidewalks Put in at Riverton, Bluffdale,” Deseret News, June 26, 1934; and “Riverton FER A Sidewalk Project Nears Completion,” Ute Sentinel, October 26, 1934. The sidewalk was constructed from approximately 12150 South to 13400 South and sections of the sidewalk are intact today (1 9 9 3 ). 13. Reid Nokes, interview, O ctober 8, 1985. 14. Donald B. Petersen, interview with Mel Bashore, April 9, 1986. 15. Riverton 2nd Ward, Primary, Minutes, February 28, 1934, LDS Church Archives. 16. Elvoy H. Dansie, Autobiography. 17. Martin Bowen, interview with Mel Bashore, February 13, 1986. 18. Leonard J. Arrington, “U tah ’s Great Drought of 1934,” Utah Historical Quarterly 54:3 (Summer 1986) p. 248. 19. The $ 2 5 0 ,0 0 0 crop loss is based on an estimate in a newspaper report about the U tah Power and Light Company’s refusal in early summer to supply power to pump water into the U tah Lake Distributing Canal. Although the power company agreed to accept payment of only fifty per cent of the power bill and continue to supply power to pump water, the receding shoreline of

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the lake by late summer negated the controversy. “Riverton Crops Saving Is Seen,” Midvale Journal, June 2, 1933. 20. Rulon Dansie, interview, February 6 ,1 9 8 6 . 21. Lorenzo M. “R en” Howard, interview with Mel Bashore, M arch 2, 1985. 22. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (m anuscript), p. [24]. 23. Elvoy H. Dansie, Autobiography. 24. Elvoy H. Dansie, interview with Inez Dansie Neff, O ctober 20, 1986. 25. “Page Family Holds Party in H onor of Departing Members,” Ute Sentinel, June 4 ,1 9 3 7 26. Reid Nokes, interview, O ctober 8, 1985. 27. Riverton 2nd W ard, Relief Society, Minutes, M arch 3 1 , 1936, LDS Church Archives. 28. Martin Bowen, interview, February 13, 1986. 29. Leonard J. Arrington, “U ta h ’s G reat Drought of 1 9 3 4 ,” Utah Historical Quarterly 54:3 (Summer 1 986) pp. 2 5 8 -5 9 ,2 6 2 . 30. Papers in M atter of Liquidation of Jordan Valley Bank, Case N o. 4 9391, Third District Court, Salt Lake County, U tah State A rchives. O ther papers preserved in the State A rchives relating to the liquidation of the bank include bound claims ledgers and dividend registers. T h e documents are volu minous and detail the assets, disbursements to creditors, and claims of deposi tors on their accounts. 31. Reid Nokes, interview, O ctober 8, 1985. 32. Donald B. Petersen, interview, April 9, 1986. 33. The Temple Square Hotel in Salt Lake C ity was built in 1930. Mel Bashore visited the hotel on July 9, 1987, and was permitted to look at the old Jordan Valley Bank safety deposit boxes housed in the hotel vault. O ne of the deposit boxes-number 49-had an interesting history. Bashore noted th at it was a large box with no face plate. Apparently W illiam A . Crane had rented that deposit box and kept personal effects in it. He died in 1928 and during the course of probate, the administrators of his estate had been misinformed that there was nothing in the box. T h e liquidation papers list the contents of this box including such items as a Lady Hamilton w atch (belonging to Gladys C rane), two bottles of perfume, a rhinestone hair ornam ent, emerald ring, and an old fashioned rope watch chain among other pieces of jewelry.

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Ownership of the effects were finally granted to Joseph John Crane in 1944. Jordan Valley Bank Liquidation Papers, File No. 49391, Third District Court, Salt Lake County, U tah State Archives. 34. Cecil Ensign Freeman, “Childhood Memories of My Father (Isaac Ensign Freem an),” p. 3. 35. W eldon A. Freeman, “Fulfillment of God’s W ill,” pp. 5 -6 . 36. “Riverton Growers Brood Many Chicks,” Midvale Journal, March 24, 1933. 37. Violet Page Hamilton, interview with Mel Bashore, January 29, 1986. 38. Meredith Page, interview with Mel Bashore, February 9, 1985. 39. “Page-Hansen Company Formerly [sic] Open Today,” Ute Sentinel, February 23, 1934. 40. “Pioneer Store of Riverton Quits Business,” Ute Sentinel, November 1 2 ,1 9 3 7 . 41. “Jos. P. Butterfield Opens Ford Agency in This District,” Ute Sentinel, May 2 8 ,1 9 3 7 . 42. Joseph P. Butterfield, interview with Donald B. Petersen, September 11, 1986. 43. “Riverton Motor to Give Free Show, Free Goobers,” Ute Sentinel, March 27, 1936, and “Riverton Concern Among Largest Employers in Valley,” Ute Sentinel, April 24, 1936. 44. “Riverton Motor Firm Opens Used Car Lot at Midvale Junction,” Ute Sentinel, November 27, 1936. 45. “Reservoir, Pipe Line Completion Celebrated by Rivertonites,” Ute Sentinel, March 30, 193446. “$ 2 ,3 5 0 Received by Riverton Pipe Line,” Ute Sentinel, August 17, 1934. 47. “Riverton News,” Ute Sentinel, March 9, 1934. 48. “Riverton News,” Ute Sentinel, April 27, 1934. 49. “Fire Destroys Densley Home in Riverton Sunday,” Ute Sentinel, October 25, 1935, and “Petition Made for Fire Hose Cart at Riverton,” Ute Sentinel, October 25, 1935.

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50. “Leaders Give.History of Riverton,” Salt Lake Tribune, May 27, 1938. 51. “Historic Riverton Chapel to Be Razed,” Ute Sentinel, April 3 0 , 1937. 52. “Old Riverton L.D.S. W ard Chapel Soon W ill Be T o m Down for Modem Building,” Salt Lake Telegram, Novem ber 23, 1939. 53. Violet Page Hamilton, interview, January 29, 1986. 54. Eldred Hamilton, interview with Mel Bashore, January 29, 1986. 55. Rulon Dansie, interview, February 6, 1986. 56. Vivian Freeman Brown, interview with John S. M cCorm ick, August 12, 1980. 57. Maurine Steadman Page, interview with Mel Bashore, M arch 2, 1985. 58. Evelyn Dreyer, interview with John S. M cCorm ick, August 12, 1980. 59. Viola Nokes Dowdy, interview with Mel Bashore, September 18, 1986. 60. Lorenzo M. Howard, interview, M arch 2, 1985. 61. “Razing of Riverton First W ard Chapel Begun Last Friday,” Midvale Sentinel, December 1, 1939, and “Riverton W ard Chapel Razed,” Deseret News, December 15, 1939. 62. Clarence J. “Mike” Crane, interview with John S. M cCorm ick, August 12, 1980. 63. Reid Nokes, interview, O ctober 8, 1985. 64. “Riverton Razes A ncient Building,” Midvale Sentinel, O ctober 13, 1939. 65. Rulon Dansie, interview, February 6, 1986. 66. Merlin Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 26, 1985. 67. “Riverton Gets 11 New Lights,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 3, 1941. 68. Riverton Receives New Street Lights,” Salt Lake Tribune, January 10, 1942. 69. Reid Nokes, interview, O ctober 8, 1985. 70. Clarence J. ‘Mike” Crane, telephone conversation with Mel Bashore, April 14, 1993.

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71. Allan Kent Powell, Utah Remembers World War II (Logan: U tah State University Press, 1991) pp. 1 4 4 -4 5 . 72. Ibid., p. 146. 73. Inez Dansie Neff, interview with Elvoy Dansie, O ctober 20, 1986. 74- Leonard J. Arrington and Anthony T . Cluff, Federally'Financed Industrial Plants Constructed in Utah During World War II (Logan: U tah State University Monograph Series, 1969) pp. 1 3 -1 5 . 75. Elias C . Butterfield, My Life History (1 9 9 2 ) pp. 5 4 -5 5 . 76. Ibid., p. 71. 77. Joseph P. Butterfield, interview, September 11, 1986. 78. Riverton Pipe Line Company, Minutes, February 13, 1943. 79. Ladies Literary Club, Minutes, December 6, 1945. 80. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Plaque Dedicated,â&#x20AC;? Salt Lake Tribune, June 11, 1945. In about 1990, both wards gave these plaques to the Riverton Historical Society. 81. Morris Butterfield, interview with Mel Bashore, July 18, 1985.

7 “It Was the AwfuUest Thing I Ever Saw” T h e 1 9 3 8 S ch ool Bus Disaster

It had been one of the coldest Novembers on record in 1938 in the Salt Lake Valley. Those who arose early on December 1st in communities in the south part of the valley to do their chores or to get ready to go to work or school were disappointed to find that rain was falling. The rain, which had begun at 4 A.M ., turned into a hard-driving snow storm before sunrise. The Denver & Rio Grande Western railroad’s fastest freight train, dubbed the “Flying U te,” had left Denver on Wednesday at 6:30 A.M . The entire train crew was from Salt Lake, behind schedule, and in a hurry to get home. They were due in Salt Lake City at 7 A.M . and they were almost two hours late by the time they entered the Salt Lake Valley. The northbound freight train, which was about a half mile long, was traveling at speeds variously estimated at between fifty and seventy miles an hour. A Jordan District school bus had picked up high school students on its route through parts of Riverton, South Jordan, 151

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Crescent and Bluffdale. The bus, which had carried almost fifty students the previous day, was carrying thirty-eight students as it traveled north on Fourth West. Doug Brown was one of the Riverton students who boarded the bus. He recalled the weather conditions on that morning: It was snowing real heavy when I went out to ca tch the bus. They were big flakes and they were wet. T here was no wind. They were coming straight down. I ran and got on the bus and when I got there I was wet from the storm .1

Due to the storm, visibility was very poor, limiting the vision of those who might have been able to alter the fate of this bus which had a destiny with destruction.2 The road along which the bus was traveling, paralleled the railroad tracks for several hundred feet until it reached the part of the road locally referred to as “One Hundred Sixth South” (actually 10200 South). A t this point, the road made a right-angle turn east, crossed the tracks at “Schulsen’s Crossing” (it was also called “Lampton Crossing”) and then swerved north again. The bus followed this route, stopping before the railroad crossing which was marked with a cross-bar signal bearing the words “R R Crossing-Look Out for the Cars.” The fireman of the “Flying U te,” Alfred Elton, had about a half mile of visibility. He saw the bus stop at the crossing. The engineer, E. L. Rehmer, a veteran of thirty-one years driving locomotives, was blowing the whistle for the crossing at the time. When the fireman, who had the view of the bus on his side of the train, saw the bus start across the tracks, they were only an engine and two car lengths away. He frantically yelled: “Big hole’er!” That cry, ringing through the cab of the “Flying U te” was made to notify the engineer that he should make an emergency stop. The engineer immediately applied the brakes. He said: I was blowing the whistle for the crossing at the time. I had to let go of the whistle to apply the brakes. I couldn’t see anything in front of me, because I was on the opposite side from the bus.

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W hen I heard the cry of my fireman I didn’t stop to do anything but apply those brakes.3

The sound of the engine and screeching of the brakes failed to entirely mask the tortuous sound of the inevitable crash and human screams as the train rammed into the bus. Fireman Elton sadly noted: “The locomotive struck the bus in the center. It was terrible. We did everything we could to prevent it.” Engineer Rehmer relived the nightmarish scene: “When we hit, things began to fly pretty fast. I saw the hood of the [bus] on the engine.”4 Newspapers covering the tragedy designated it the worst traffic tragedy in U tah’s history. It was front-page news in the New York Times, which labeled it “one of the worst crossing disasters in the nation’s history.”5 Several pictures and a brief re port of the accident also appeared in Life magazine.6 After some research into the record of such disasters, it was found to have been the worst train-bus accident in the history of the United States to that time.7 One of the students on the bus, Marjorie Groves of South Jordan, described the crash to a reporter while she was being treated for injuries in Salt Lake General Hospital: I was riding on the right side of the bus. The bus stopped for the crossing and then started across the track. Someone yelled, “Train!” I looked up and saw a blur. It must have been the train. There was a terrific crash and all the students yelled. Then every thing went black. W hen I came to I was lying beside the track in the snow. My side and back hurt me very badly. I was numb with cold. One of the other girls came over to me. She apparently was not hurt. She helped me to stand and just then a man came and told us to get into the caboose of the train. It was warmer in there. Then they brought us to the hospital.8

David Witter, a hobo riding the fast freight train, described the frightful accident and carnage: It was snowing pretty hard. I was riding a reefer (fruit car) when all of a sudden I felt a terrific bump. I was hurled to the floor. Finally the train pulled to a stop. W hen I looked out I thought the

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train had hit a herd of cattle, there was so much flesh and bone scattered around. I got off. It was the awfullest thing I ever saw. I saw a little girl sitting alongside the tracks. She was terribly mangled, but alive. She was screaming horribly, holding for dear life to a little pocketbook. I rushed over, but she died before I could reach her. None of them seemed to die right away. One by one they would stop screaming. One boy had virtually all of his clothes stripped off.9 A 16-year-old girl, June Wynn, was waiting at her home north of the crossing for the bus to pick her up. She was an eyewitness of the tragedy. She told a reporter: I was standing in the doorway of our home, about 300 yards from the crossing, when the terrible accident occurred. I guess I was about the only eyewitness. Both the bus and the train were com ing and I wondered whether the bus was going to stop. It did stop, and had just pulled onto the track directly in front of the train. I heard the crash, then screams. When the front of the train got op posite me, I could see the frame of the [bus] still on the engine. The train started slowing down immediately. I and father, who came from the house, rushed to the track, and trainmen told us to go back and call ambulances and doctors. It was foggy and snow ing quietly at the time.10 Many of the surviving students were in shock and some were unconscious. Doug Brown was one of those who were knocked unconscious. He recalled: I was knocked unconscious and when I came to, I was in the bot tom of the bus and something heavy was on me. I remember try ing to raise up and as I raised up I blacked out again. I don’t re member anything till I got out into the air and LaRaine Freeman was sitting over on the right-of-way fence and it had hit him so hard, it had knocked his shoes off. He said, “Doug, go get me some shoes. My feet’s freezing.”11 Brown went back into the bus and found a pair of shoes to put on LaRaine’s cold feet. Mary Freeman recalled that one of her

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brother’s shoes, which was later found and returned to him, “was just literally twisted to pieces. The doctor said that he was really lucky ‘cause if that shoe had stayed on his foot, it would have probably torn his leg right off.” The scattered shoes is one of the vivid images that has remained with Glen Kump: “The thing that got me more than anything else was to see so many shoes.” Brown and LaRaine Freeman had been sitting together in the same seat about a third of the way from the front of the bus. Children sitting in seats on every side of them were killed, but Brown and Freeman were spared and Kump was only “bruised up a little bit.”12 As soon as the accident report came in, every available am bulance in the city and county rushed to the scene. Glen Kump was amazed at how quickly help arrived: “Within minutes, re ally. You can’t believe how fast people came.”13 Wilby Durham, a staff writer and cameraman for the Deseret News, rushed to the accident scene and wrote a vivid description of the sight: O n our way to the accident we passed the first two ambulance loads of injured, dead and dying. It was snowing, the road was icy and one ambulance narrowly missed hitting us as it skidded at 70 miles an hour. The freight train had been uncoupled at the point where the accident occurred. The upper shell of the cmmpled yellow school bus lay 75 feet up the tracks where it had been hurled by the terrific impact. The train had rolled nearly two blocks after the fatal crash. All around us were hysterical parents, sheriffs, officers, police, doc tors and milling spectators. Bodies were strewn for two blocks along the railroad tracks. Men were loading them into trucks, ambu lances, anything. Those lying on the ground were crudely covered with whatever was at hand. School books, brief cases, band instru ments, shoes-some with feet still in them, were scattered around the point of impact like chaff. I watched deputy sheriffs as they loaded 14 bodies into a truck, a make-shift ambulance. Grief stricken par ents looked into each bundle as it was place on the truck. Most of them turned away with numbed, horror-stricken looks. Iden tification for the most part was an impossible task.14

In the confusion of trying to hastily separate the survivors from those who were dead on the scene, Marjorie Beckstead was

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mistakenly placed with the dead students. Bernice Beckstead gives an account of this grisly mistake: There was a lot of chaos that morning. I recall th at they had piled bodies up. They was all trying to get anybody th at was alive out. They had piled these bodies up and my sister-in-law, Marjie Beckstead, was in a pile of [dead] bodies. A nurse walked along the track . . . and heard a groan and took her out of that pile of bodies and rushed her to the hospital.15

Carter Grant, the seminary principal at Jordan High School, was one of those who rushed to the scene of the accident when word of the tragedy reached the school. He assisted with the in jured and the dead. After doing all he could, he returned home grief-stricken and his clothes stained with blood. He slumped down on a kitchen chair with his head cradled in his hands and just cried.16 Both the dead and injured were taken to the Salt Lake County General Hospital. A temporary morgue was established in the psychopathic ward and county and city school nurses as sisted in the identification of the bodies.17 It was ghastly work as some of the bodies were terribly mangled. In one case, they were only able to identify a small segment of a boy’s torso by his pocket. Doug Brown recalled the confusion at the hospital: W hen my mother and dad cam e in to the hospital, I was listed as dead and they took them in and showed them Neal Dens ley. They said that was me. So I know that there was confusion and a lot of chaos at the hospital. My mother, when she com e and looked and saw Neal Densley dead, she said, “W ell, th at’s not my boy.” T hen they started looking and they found m e.18

The accident victims were consolidated into an entire 12-bed ward and the emergency ward. Teams of doctors and nurses worked in shifts and around the clock to try to mend the broken bodies. Doug Brown had some cuts that were sewn up by an in tern. Before being released to go home, he had to be seen by a doctor. The doctor was aghast at the quality of suture work. Brown recalled:

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I was sewed up by an intern and they went to release me and he [the doctor] had to sign all the release slips. He looked at me and he said, “My good God! W ho sewed that kid up?” He tore all the stitches out and did it over again. All we had to hold on to [to dull the pain] was a board.19

Ann Webb was one of the more severely injured survivors. She had a broken back, broken legs, and broken arms. One news an tide reported that she was “near death.”20 Doctors at the county hospital said that even if she survived, it was unlikely that she would ever walk. Dr. Paul S. Richards examined her and con vinced A nn’s parents that her prognosis might be more hopeful under his care. He was the physician at the Bingham hospital and Ann’s parents decided to risk the transfer. She was carefully and methodically transported by ambulance in a move that took six hours to the Bingham hospital. She spent six and a half months there under Richards’s care. According to Ann, Dr. Richards said that three of her vertebrae were so severely crushed that “it was like taking an apple and hitting it as hard as you could with a hammer.”21 Richards pegged her to an inclined iron frame bed with her head down in order to try to “stretch” her out. His methods were successful in that she recovered from the paralysis and was enabled to walk. Several others who were critically injured remained in hospitals for extended stays and Marjie Beckstead was even sent back to the famed Mayo Clinic in New York because of the severity of her injuries. LaRaine Freeman was the only one who reportedly “escaped without in jury.”22 He was just bruised and shaken. When he found his mother in the hospital hall, he sobbingly cried out: “I’m the luckiest boy ever!”23 However, according to his sister Mary, 15year-old LaRaine was traumatized by the accident. He was afraid to sleep alone and for a year following the accident, he slept in the same bed with his mother and father. Glen Kump is another who has suffered with residual fears. He confided that he doesn’t cross a railroad crossing without hearing that train whistle and envision that train bearing down on him on the tracks.24 Shortly after news reached Jordan High School about the crash, school officials dismissed the classes. The high school

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remained closed until all of the funeral services had been held. Mass funeral services were held in segments at various times on Sunday and Monday. Group services for the bulk of the victims were held in the Riverton Junior High School auditorium. Those from Riverton who died in the crash included: Ferrald H. Silcox, Carol V. Stephensen, Roland Blaine Page, Kenneth C. Peterson, William Glazier, Neal W. Densley, Harold W. Sand' strom, Allen Ole Petersen, Dean Lee Roy Winward, and Robert H. Egbert. Overflow crowds attended each of the group services. Speakers and sympathetic dignitaries who attended the funerals included Governor Henry H. Blood, Joseph Fielding Smith, Samuel O. Bennion, school superintendent C. N. Jensen, assis' tant state attorney general Grover A. Giles, and school board member Gwynne Page.25 Being unable to attend any of the fu' nerals, David O. McKay delivered a memorial address at a spe cial service conducted several weeks later in the West Jordan Stake.26 The LDS Church First Presidency issued a statement of consolation which said, in part, that they did “mourn with the families and, indeed, with the whole community which has suf fered such an appalling loss.”27 Nine hundred students attended a memorial service in the auditorium of Jordan High School to honor the memory of their classmates.28 The tragedy touched many people and imprinted a sorrowful recollection in the memory of many that is vivid fifty years later. Students who normally rode the school bus, undoubtedly pondered the blessing of being alive and the turns of fate during these memorial services. A t least seven Riverton students had failed to make connections with the bus at their bus-stop.29 Eldred Hamilton was a school bus driver who picked up students on “the flats” west of Riverton. He recalled: I was driving a school bus out on the flat at the time, a contract bus. I d pick up kids out on the flat and bring them down here [to Riverton] and I’d have to meet the bus down here. I was late that day and had to wait for some of the kids and I was late catching the bus. Several of them [riding his bus] missed it.30

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One student, Dexter Page, sluffed school that day. He called his mother from Salt Lake City after he heard about the accident to relieve his family from heartsick worry about his fate.31 Bruce Peterson was going to get on the bus with his brother Ken, but as fate would have it, he decided to wait for a friend and took the next bus.32 Violet Page Hamilton’s brother slept in and also had to catch a later bus.33 Robert Turner’s son was riding the accident-fated bus, but that morning “he rode the bus to Riverton and then got off there.”34 Mabel Smith, one of the student riders from Riverton, echoed the feelings of these fortunate students and expressed gratitude that the bus “wasn’t as crowded” on the day of the accident as it had been the previous day.35 A public fund-raising campaign was undertaken throughout the county in order to help defray funeral expenses and aid in the rehabilitation of the survivors. Administered under the di rection of the Red Cross, the committee was composed of church, civic, business, veterans groups, media, and school offi cials. Charity motion picture shows were held in movie theaters in Draper, Midvale, Sandy, and Riverton. The LDS Church and Salt Lake County made sizeable contributions.36 Beginning with a personal investigation at the scene of the crash site by Governor Henry H. Blood, a probe was launched by various agencies. These included the Interstate Commerce Commission, the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad, Utah Public Service Commission, and other public bodies. An investigation of railroad crossings used by school buses in the state had already been in progress, but its importance was mag nified by the crash. A railroad official asserted that they didn’t want to avoid any responsibility or blame anybody, but con tended: “The accident could have been avoided if travel over this particular ‘S ’ crossing had been closed.” In his opinion, “This terrible crash happened because there is a dangerous sharp S turn at the point the bus driver attempted to cross over.”37 Each agency conducted their investigations thoroughly and carefully, making several observations, recommendations, and assessing responsibility. On the basis of its investigation, the

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Interstate Commerce Commission faulted the bus driver. They noted in their report: “Had the driver taken proper precautions he could have seen or heard the train as it approached No reason can be given for his failure to see the train.” The ICC recommended to the state that drivers of all school buses be re quired to open the front side door when the stop is made at all railroad grade crossings.38 In February 1939, parents of some of the victims filed lawsuits seeking aggregate damages of $365,500 from the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad and the train engineer and fireman.39 Doug Brown recalled: The railroad tried to get us to say th at there was noise and confu sion and th at he didn’t stop and th at he didn’t do this and [that] . . . they come in and started this and my Dad just opened the door and said, “W e’ll see ‘ya- W e don’t need this kind of confu sion. H e’s had enough and that is not correct.”40

An out-of-court settlement was reached and the railroad ten dered $80,000 to the families.41 Fifty years later, several of the crash survivors simply ac cepted the tragedy as an accident doomed by fate. Although deeply saddened at the lives of their classmates that were lost, they harbored no ill will or desire to blame or fault anyone. Doug Brown contended that it was a “good bus” and that “Slim [Silcox] was a good driver. . . . There was no way in the world that he should ever be blamed in any way, shape, or form for this accident.” Glen Kump agreed. He said: “I never blamed the bus driver for anything. . . . This was just one of these things that just was meant to happen.”42 W hether such tragic accidents are ever “meant to happen” is debateable. Fifty years after the tragic train-bus accident which snuffed out twenty-four lives, eight of the survivors gathered together in an anniversary reunion. They remembered their classmates whose lives were taken and mar veled that their lives had been spared. Doug Brown reflectively said, “It is something I will never, can never forget.”43

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Notes 1. Doug Brown, Bus-Train A ccident Lecture, Riverton Historical Society, O ctober 20, 1988. Hereinafter referred to as “Lecture Program.” 2. Doug Brown asserted that the driver’s window was clear, but without defrosters on the bus, the side windows were unavoidably frosted. Ibid. Jordan District transportation supervisor C. R. Nelson stated that the frost shields “functioned perfectly” in the district buses. He said that “as far as he could de termine, there was no steam on the inside of the windshield and the side win dows in the driver’s com partm ent.” He acknowledged that no one could be sure if there had been snow on the outside of the window panes. “State Probes Bus Tragedy,” Salt Lake Telegram, December 2, 1938. 3. “Trainmen Tell Story of Crash,” Salt Lake Tribune, December 2, 1938. Fifty years after the accident, several of the survivors recalled their memories of the moment of impact. Doug Brown said that he didn’t hear a whistle. Brown said that the bus driver “stopped, he opened the door, he looked and I personally did not hear anything.” Silcox, the bus driver, then “shut the door and started up and . . . it started to spin a little bit. . . . when it just took ahold and we climbed up on [to the railroad tracks].” Glen Kump’s memories of the crash adds detail: “W e come around this turn here [referring to a map and diagram of the crash scene] and the bus stopped. You’ve got to remember, there is an incline from here to where the tracks are. It was not right level. This street was wet. W e had a little snow on it. . . . I can remem ber how quiet that bus was. T o this day, I will remember that windshield wiper going back and forth. Now, if you had a lot of kids talking and loud and all this stuff, you’d never hear that. . . . W hen it hit, there was a train whistle, there was a crash, and it was all over.” Lecture Program. 4- “‘First Mishap of Career,’ Says Engineer,” Salt Lake Tribune, December 2, 1938. 5. “23 Killed in School Bus Hit By Train in U tah in Storm,” New York Times, December 2, 1938. 6. “22 Children A re Killed in U tah As Train Hits Bus in Snowstorm,” Life 5:24 (December 12, 1938) p. 22. 7.

“Disaster Tops U .S.

Bus-Train Crashes,” Salt Lake Telegram,

December 2, 1938. 8. “Victim Saw Disaster Nearing,” Salt Lake Telegram, December 1, 1938. 9. This is an amalgamation of two different accounts of the transient W itter’s comments: “24 Killed in Bus Crash,” Salt Lake Telegram, December 1,

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1938, and “23 Killed in School Bus H it By Train in U tah in Storm ,” New York Times, December 2, 1938. 10. “Girl Standing at Home Door Sees A ccid en t,” Deseret News, December 1, 1938. 11. Lecture Program. 12. Ibid. 1 3 .Ibid. 14. “Scribe Gives Crash Views,” Deseret News, December 1, 1938. 15. Lecture Program. 16. Bernice G rant Casper, conversations with Mel Bashore, December 9, 1988 and August 11, 1993. 17. “Doctors, Nurses Praised for Aiding Injured in Bus C rash,” Deseret News, December 2, 1938. 18. Lecture Program. 19. Ibid. 20. “New Crash Death Boosts Bus-Train Fatalities to 2 3 ,” Deseret News, December 2, 1938. 21. Lecture Program. 22. “Official List of V ictim s,” Ute Sentinel, December 2, 1938. 23. “Sorrow Stalks Hospital Halls,” Salt Lake Telegram, December 1, 1938. 24- Lecture Program. 25. “23 Jordan Crash Victims Eulogized at Mass Rites,” Deseret News, December 5, 1938. 26. “David O. McKay to Speak at Riverton,” Ute Sentinel, December 16, 1938. 27. Church Heads Issue Statem ent on Crash,” Deseret News, December 2, 1938. 28. Solemn Throng Hears Memorial T alk,” Deseret News, December 1938. 29. 7 Miss Bus; Lives Spared,” Deseret News, December 1, 1938. 30. Eldred Hamilton, interview with Mel Bashore, January 29, 1986.

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31. Donald B. Petersen, interview with Mel Bashore, April 12, 1987. 32. “History of Louis W . Peterson and E. Grace Vawdrey Peterson.” 33. Violet Page Hamilton, interview with Mel Bashore, January 29, 1986. 34- Robert W . Turner, interview with Mel Bashore, April 30, 1985. 35. “Sorrow Stalks Hospital Halls,” Salt Lake Telegram, December 1, 1938. 36. “Public Asked to Contribute in Mercy Drive,” Ute Sentinel, December 9, 1938; “10,000 W ill Be Raised to Bury Victims,” Deseret News, December 2, 1938; and “Bus Fund Drive Swelled by Big Contributions,” Ute Sentinel, December 23, 1938. 37. “Six Agencies Launch Probe,” Salt Lake Telegram, December 1, 1938. 38. “I.C .C . Urges Tightening of Bus Rules,” Salt Lake Tribune, February 1 2 ,1 9 3 9 . 39. “Damage Suits for $ 3 6 5 ,5 0 0 Filed by Bus Victims’ Parents,” Ute Sentinel, February 24, 1939. 40. Lecture Program. 41. Ibid. 42. Lecture Program. Silcox got the job as bus driver when the district made a ruling that all drivers had to be at least twenty-one years old. Prior to that, most of the drivers were boys attending high school. Martin Bowen was one of those student drivers. During the Depression, he made $1.05 per day as a student bus driver and felt like he was “a rich kid.” The age ruling for drivers came before he turned twenty-one and “that’s how Silcox and them got in.” Bowen had gotten married after graduating and was working in the coal mines in Rock Springs, Wyoming, when they got word about the bus acci dent. Martin’s wife, Beth, said: “He come home from work, 12 o’clock at night, . . . and I told him about it. He took a bath and got dressed and went down and caught a train and come down to see if he had a chance of getting on as a school bus driver.” He viewed the tragedy as an opportunity to leave the mines and return to Riverton, but “they wouldn’t hire him.” Someone else was hired to fill Silcox’ position, but in 1952 Bowen was hired to drive a school bus and drove for twenty-seven years. Martin and Beth Bowen, inter view with Mel Bashore, February 13, 1986. 43. “Survivors Planning Reunion to Share Lives on 50th Anniversary of School Bus Crash,” Deseret News, November 14, 1988.

8 Everybodyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Dream â&#x20AC;&#x201D; To Live in the Country G row th, Developm ent, and Progress

(1946-1990s)

The war only temporarily halted a general movement away from the farm that really began in Riverton in the 1930s. With the commercialization of agriculture, fewer and fewer people were able to farm. The business of farming required increasingly larger levels of capital investment. In order to be successful, a farm operation needed to move in the direction of larger acreage and increasingly costly and more equipment. Much of a farmerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s success also depended on many things that were outside his control. Farmers were vulnerable to such things as increased costs, increasing land prices, transportation charges, interest rates, forces of supply and demand in the market, fluctuating bank lending policies, and increasingly restrictive government policies and regulations. Those farmers with little money and limited credit found it more and more difficult to engage in competition with the big operators who were more easily able to cope with the higher costs of agriculture. As one Riverton 165

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farmer said: “Now with farms getting bigger and bigger, the little man hasn’t much of a chance.”1 Many of the farmers in Riverton either quit farming altogether or became part-time farmers while pulling in most of their income from a second job. To illustrate, Martin Bowen was one of those farmers who worked a second job. He operated a dairy from 1945 to 1977. When Bowen first began, there were quite a few other dairymen in the town, but they “gradually faded out.” Bowen worked a second job as a prison guard and a driver on a mail route before landing a job as a school bus driver in 1952. He retired from dri ving the school bus in 1980. W hen asked why he stopped dairy ing, Bowen said: “Run out of kids.” Without the help of his own children and hired neighbor boys, he couldn’t have operated the dairy. W ith eighteen cows, the milking operation took a mini mum of three people. Bowen described the procedure: W hen we milked, it took three of us to milk. W h en we cleaned up, one washed the bam , one washed the milk things, and one went out and fed the c o w s .. . . W e’d get up at 4 :3 0 in the morning and get out there and be going by ten to five so we could be back in and ready to go . . . so I could get in the bus and go by quarter to seven.2

He maintained this work-day regimen for twenty-five years and was one of the last commercial dairy farmers in Riverton.3 Full time farmers who were able to operate efficiently and balance expenses and income without incurring large debt were able to continue to stay on the land. However the rising cost of new farm equipment made it economically imperative for such farm ers to increase the size of their acreage. Mayor Paul Mortensen made the following observation in 1976: Professional planners tell us we should keep the land agricultural. But how can you when land values have inflated so m uch that a farmer can sell his land on con tract and make more off the inter est than by farming it? It isn’t practical to farm on a small scale anymore. You need $ 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 in machinery to farm 4 0 acres, or 240 acres, so part of the answer has to be to keep the land in large

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parcels and only allow it to be developed logically, one parcel fol lowing another.4

In Utah, the size of the average farm nearly tripled between 1950 and 1975, from 324 acres to 924 acres. During this period, the value of farm machinery trebled.5 In this new agricultural environment with its stress on bigness, there was little room for the farmer who simply wanted to live on the land, work the soil, and sell enough to make a living. Time had passed such a farmer by. A telling statistic is the reduction in the number of farms in Utah. In 1945 there were 26,322 farms in Utah. The number of farms in the state had declined to only 13,054 in 1969. There was an even greater drop in the number of farms in Salt Lake County during this period. In 1950, there were 2,595 farms in the county and in 1969, there were only 798. During this same period, the average size of farms in Salt Lake County also mir rored the state trend. The average size of farms increased from 174.9 (1950) to 328.4 acres (1969).6 The final stage in Riverton’s evolution from raising farm produce to raising houses began in the late 1960s. Land prices in Riverton and other parts of the south part of Salt Lake Valley skyrocketed. Housing developments spread rapidly. As John McCormick described: T h at meant bonanza returns to the owners of land, as they sold it for ten or twenty or fifty times what they paid for it, but it also moved land out of the reach of younger farmers of modest means. Land in Riverton simply became too expensive to use for farming.7

Rather than simply retire from farming, a number of the local land sellers moved to states like Idaho where they were able to reinvest their cash into larger parcels of farm land. In surveying the dwindling farm acreage in Riverton today, it is almost un fathomable to realize how quickly this transformation has oc curred. In 1960, about 94% of Riverton land was agricultural. In the 1970s, decline in agricultural land in Riverton was grad ual but continuous. The percentage of Riverton land that was

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agricultural had dipped from 89.3% (1970) to a mid'decade measurement of 85.9% (1976). A 1977 study by the Wasatch Front Regional Council projected that by 1995, the percentage of agricultural land would be 65% . A t the time, historian John McCormick thought that the pace of housing growth would cause a more severe loss of agricultural land than predicted by the Wasatch Front Council.8 McCormick was right. Only 40% of the land in Riverton was agricultural in 1988.9 In less than three decades, agricultural land use dropped 54%. Residential land use has displaced agricultural land use prb marily because of population growth. Prior to the decade of the 1970s, Riverton’s population was reasonably stable. The decade of the 1970s is when population began to climb. In 1970, Riverton’s population was 2,820. Population figures for selected years in the 1970s demonstrate the upward growth trends during that decade: 3,180 (1973), 3,442 (1975), 5,500 (1977 est.), 6,500 (1978 est.), and 7,032 (1980). Riverton experienced a 149.4% change in its population during that decade.10 One reporter noted that the town’s expanding population growth in the mid'1970s was “like a filled balloon ready to explode, as

F ig . 6. P o p u l a t i o n , 1 9 0 0 -9 0 . Sources: U . S. Census, city directories, gazetteers, etc.

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more pressure is applied.”11 The estimated population in 1993 is 13,000. This is more than a four-fold increase in just a little over two decades. Between 1970 and 1993, Riverton’s average an nual growth rate was 4.35%. For comparative purposes, the av erage annual growth rate in Salt Lake County was 2.5% be tween 1940 and 1991-and Salt Lake County was one of the state’s fastest growing counties. During this fifty year span, Salt Lake County had the fourth fastest growth rate among Utah counties, although in actual numbers its population increase was the greatest.12 W ith many of the areas in Salt Lake County already heavily occupied, room for expansion and growth of the county’s burgeoning population has naturally pressed southwards-towards towns like Riverton. John McCormick foresaw in 1978 that Riverton had become and would continue to develop in the direction of “a country style suburb of the metropolitan area.”13 There is every indication that foreseeable urban growth trends will continue for Riverton and other formerly rural areas of Salt Lake County. Indeed, Utah is already (1990) the sixth most urban state in the nation, with 87 percent of Utah resi dents inhabiting urban areas.14 In 1988, the Wasatch Front Regional Council projected that Riverton’s population would be in excess of 21,000 people.15 In 1993 the Wasatch Front Regional Council revised their assessments of Riverton’s growth potential. They regarded it as one of the “hot spots for growth” on the Wasatch Front. One of the Council’s spokesmen listed Riverton and several other “hot spot” communities as having the potential to “increase twofold over the next 25 years.” In ad dition to sizeable population increases, these suburban commu nities could also be expected to attract businesses and jobs.16 Although Riverton’s population has swelled, the nature of the population has not dramatically changed. The people re main overwhelmingly native-born, white, relatively young, mostly married, and live mostly in single-family homes.17 In conjunction with the rapid increase in population, there has also been a change in occupational composition. Except for a marked decline in the agricultural category, the number and percentage of workers in virtually all occupational categories

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F ig . 7. R i v e r t o n N e w R e s i d e n t i a l C o n s t r u c t i o n V a l u e s . Source: Utah Statistical Abstract, comp, by Bureau of Econom ic and Business Research (Salt Lake C ity: Graduate

School of Business, University of U tah ).

has increased. 13.3% of the work force was engaged in farming in 1960. Ten years later, only 4.5% were farmers and by 1976 only about 1% remained in farming.18 The acceleration of change in the character of the community since 1960 has been phenomenal. In the early 1970s, a long-standing and unique community tradition was discontinued. There is no written record of either when it began or why it started, but for many decades businesses closed on Thursday afternoons at noon or one o’clock. Both em ployees and employers in Riverton took the afternoon off year round. Violet Hamilton Page, who worked in the Page-Hansen Store in the late 1920s recalled: “We had a half a day [off] when I worked in the store on Thursday afternoon. I don’t know why.” In the months when the weather was good, Eldred Hamilton re membered: They d usually have a baseball game going.”19

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Butterfield Ford closed on Thursday afternoons, but was open on Saturdays for business. When asked if he knew why the car dealership was closed on Thursday afternoons, Elias Butterfield quipped: “Well, so you didn’t have to work, I guess.” He explained: It gave the businessman a chance to go to Salt Lake and pick up his wares, decide what he wanted to buy, what he needed for the n ext week or the next month [and] it gave the employees a little time off themselves.20

Bob Silcox worked for Mortensen Appliance in the 1950s and 1960s. Paul Mortensen loved to hunt and fish so he closed his business for the entire day on Thursdays and went up into the canyons and mountains. Silcox reported: I don’t know why it started, but I went fishing and hunting with Paul Mortensen a lot of times on Thursday. W e’d go for the day. H e’d take us fishing. He had two or three guys working for him and if they wanted to go fishing, he’d take them fishing and take ‘em hunting. T hen we’d work Friday and Saturday and then have Sunday off and back at it again Monday. Thursday we’d go fishing again.21

Thursday business closure was a custom unique to Riverton. None of the other surrounding towns engaged in this tradition. The authors surmised that the custom might have begun with the monthly 19th-century ritual of closing businesses for the Thursday afternoon Mormon fast and testimony meeting or with the British custom of closing businesses for a half-day on either Wednesday or Thursday. However none of the old timers who remembered this tradition taking place in the teens and 1920s could offer a reason why it began. Elias Butterfield noted that the reason local businesses did away with the Thursdayclosing tradition was that “competition became a little keener.”22 When convenience stores and fast food outlets opened for busi ness in Riverton in the 1970s, Sunday- and 24-hour business hours were introduced in the town.

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The booming growth of the past several decades since 1970 have brought with them a need for increased services: police and fire protection, water, sewer, sanitary, and street mainte nance. This has been costly and the city has endeavored to strengthen its weak commercial bases to compensate for the in creased growth. The loss of several large businesses (Butterfield Ford, Riverton Motors, and Oakdell Egg Farm) during this pe riod made a financial impact on the city. For instance, when Riverton Motor notified the city that it would be leaving town to relocate in Sandy, city administrators figured that they would be losing about ten percent of their sales tax base. A t the time, Riverton Motor was the single biggest sales-tax payer and it was adjudged to be “a major fiscal loss” and a “severe blow to its once-thriving downtown.”23 In the late 1980s, it was reported that the attitude of both residents and city government was not supportive of local businesses. Chris Thomas, the president of the Riverton Chamber of Commerce during this period ob served: W e have seen time and time again when attitudes in this town have stopped business from coming or enlarging. . . . W e had one business after another fold after a year because the majority of res idents go out of Riverton to do their shopping.24

After the town received negative media attention for its atti tude toward business, it seems that a greater effort was made by both city government and residents to support local business and to encourage business development.25 In the past several decades, population growth and develop ment have changed much of the physical nature and character of Riverton. In 1976, Mayor Paul Mortensen told a reporter that one of the interesting aspects of Riverton’s growth during that era of change was that the old-timers “welcome[d] the newcom ers. He noted: “Newcomers are the ones who are opposed to any further growth.”26 In a sentimental and almost melancholy vein, John McCormick wrote about some of the people’s feel ings about the passing of the town’s rural landscape:

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Much is gone, and each year, less and less remains. As one resi dent said, “It’s nice to look out and see a sheep grazing in the field, instead of a house.” T hat, however, is less and less possible as what was once agricultural land is filled with subdivisions. And, as de velopment increases, as people forsake the city, they change Riverton, as one resident said, “bringing in what they are trying to get away from.”27

He noted the strong feelings that people harbored about their town and its influence on their lives: Many people in Riverton today have deep feelings about the way Riverton was and the way of life it embodied. They speak about the close family ties and the unique work relationship that char acterized farm life. For many, it is this quality of life on the land that has been most meaningful to them. “W hen I was a boy, it seems like families were so much stronger,” one man said. “In my family we all worked together, you know. Us kids all worked. I was doing the chores almost as far back as I can remember. It was like a whole little world right there, everybody working together and wanting to make things good, everybody putting in his share.28

McCormick remarked about the attempts of some people, who strongly valued the work ethic and farm life, to nurture, pre serve, and pass on those elemental values: For other people, it has been the relative independence and selfsufficiency of farm life that has been most meaningful. Such people talk about the value of working for oneself and setting one’s own schedule. “I never worked for anyone else. I couldn’t do it.” They emphasize the satisfaction a man and his family feel in seeing the fruits of their own labor and in being able to produce much of the food that they need. “Anybody who hasn’t grown his own stuff doesn’t know how it feels. I wouldn’t want to work in a factory and have a check and take it to the grocery and buy canned goods. Food wouldn’t taste the same. You’ve got to live with it and raise it yourself.” It is that kind of feeling that has led many people in Riverton who have jobs outside the town, and otherwise have no connection with farming, to keep a few chickens, a cow, perhaps

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some sheep, and maintain a vegetable garden. Often such people do that sort of thing mainly for their children, they say. They want their children to experience at least a little of the independence and self-reliance the farmer feels, at least a little of the satisfaction that comes from the simple fact of living close to nature.29 There was a time when a resident could know almost everyone in Riverton by sight and by name. Passing motorists would honk their horn and wave to anybody and everybody walking along the roadside because everyone knew everyone. W ith thousands of residents in Riverton, such folkways are increasingly uncom mon. McCormick made some observations about the changing nature of the community as it has grown ever larger: Strong community ties and neighborliness have also been impor tant aspects of life for many residents of Riverton. Many people have deeply valued the intimacy and friendliness of a small, rela tively stable community where people have known each other for generations, and they see this aspect of life disappearing as Riverton grows ever larger.30

Notes 1. John S. M cCorm ick, “A History of Riverton, U ta h ,” (1 9 7 8 ) p. 46. The authors are indebted to M cCorm ick for the framework and many of the ideas presented in this chapter. His history of Riverton proved most useful for placing Riverton in a larger con text, especially in the m odem period. 2. Martin Bowen, interview with Mel Bashore, February 13, 1986. 3. As of this date (1 9 9 3 ), Leroy W ithers is the only dairy farmer in Riverton. 4. George Sorensen, ‘“Growing Pains’ Starting to Trouble R iverton,” Salt Lake Tribune, June 25, 1976. 5. John S. M cCorm ick, “A History of Riverton, U ta h ,” p. 47. 6. Ibid., pp. 4 9 -5 0 . 7. Ibid., p. 52. 8. Ibid., p. 56.

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9. W asatch Front Regional Council, Surveillance of Land Use and SocioEconomic Characteristics, 1988 Supplement. The Council discontinued its sur vey of agricultural lands with this report. This report indicated the following land use for Riverton: total acreage (1 5 ,6 8 1 ), agricultural acreage (6 ,2 2 2 ), and vacant land (3 ,7 7 7 ). 10. U tah Foundation, Statistical Review of Government in Utah, 35th an nual ed., 1992 (Salt Lake City: U tah Foundation, 1992) p. 10. 11. George Sorensen, “‘Growing Pains’ Starting to Trouble Riverton,” Salt Lake Tribune, June 25, 1976. 12. “Urbanization Trends in U tah 1 9 4 0 -1 9 9 1 ,” Utah Foundation Research Report #546 (April 1992) pp. 79,82. 13. John S. McCormick, “A History of Riverton, U tah ,” p. 60a. 14. “Urbanization Trends in U tah 1 9 4 0 -1 9 9 1 ,” Utah Foundation Research Report #546 (April 1992) p. 79. 15. “Davis, S.L. County Populations Boom ,” Salt Lake Tribune, October 21, 1988. 16. “Population May Reach 1.5 Million By 2 0 1 5 ,” Deseret News, August 1 6 ,1 9 9 3 . 17. In the accompanying figure illustrating the valuation of new residen tial construction in Riverton from 1963 to 1993, the $30,894,061 is not a final figure for the year 1993. It only includes valuation for authorized con struction of 316 homes based on information provided by Riverton City from January through October. 18. John S. McCormick, “A History of Riverton, U tah ,” p. 56. 19. Violet and Eldred Hamilton, interview with Mel Bashore, January 29, 1986. 20. “Baseball Lecture Program,” Riverton Historical Society, April 20, 1989. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid. 23. “Riverton Is Losing a Major Taxpayer,” Deseret News, October 3, 1991. 24. “Are Rural Attitudes Stifling Riverton?” Salt Lake Tribune, August 23, 1989.

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25. Only days following the adverse article in the Salt Lake Tribune, city administrator D’A rcy Dixon Pignanelli announced that the city would take part in a Community Development Block-funded program to begin revitaliz ing the business district. “Riverton W ill Participate in Project to Boost Businesses,” The Green Sheet, August 3 1 , 1989. 26. George Sorensen, ‘“Growing Pains’ Starting to Trouble R iverton,” Salt Lake Tribune, June 25, 1976. 27. John S. M cCorm ick, “A History of Riverton, U ta h ,” (1 9 7 8 ) p. 58. 28. Ibid., pp. 5 8 -5 9 . 29. Ibid., pp. 5 9 -6 0 . 30.

Ibid., p. 60.

T im o th y G i l b e r t f a m ily - e a r ly R i v e r t o n s e t t l e r s , c a . 1865.

Minnie Heath. (front row, 1. to r.) Johanne Margrethe (plural wife), Louvine Rasmine (dau.), Timothy Gilbert; (back row, 1. to r.) Mary Georgine (dau.), John Timothy (son), Anne Johanne (dau.).

N ic h o l a s T

homas

S il c o c k

FAMILYâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; EARLY RIVERTON SETTLERS, 1865.

Clarence

Silcox. (front row, 1. to r.) Nicholas Thomas Silcock and Jane Heath. (back row, 1. to r.) Nicholas Henry Silcock and William Hulme Silcock.

U t a h P e n i t e n t i a r y â&#x20AC;&#x201D; M o r m o n p o l y g a m i s t s , c a . 1888. LDS

Church Archives.

Charles Mormon Nokes (2nd from right); also includes George Q. Cannon (seated center) and James C. Hamilton (2nd from left).

F i r s t CHURCH m e e tin g h o u s e / s c h o o l , c o n str u c te d 1879.

Ruth Crump.

C h a r le s M o rm o n N o k es.

Reid Nokes.

S a r a h N o k e s â&#x20AC;&#x201D; plural wife of Charles Mormon N o k e s.

Reid Nokes.

D o m e d C h u r c h â&#x20AC;&#x201D; v iew lo o k in g n o r th e a s t.

Gwen Shulsen.

D a v id B i l l s M a r k e t , c a . 1906.

Francis Bills.

(1. to r.) Lute Peterson, [poss.] Louie (M a d s e n ),__________, David Bills,

Henry Bills (in

wagon).

D a v id B i l l s M a r k e t â&#x20AC;&#x201D; i n t e r i o r , c a . 1 9 3 1 .

Francis Bills.

David Madsen, Lorena Madsen Smith, Vera Skoglund Bills, Lancelot Bills.

T h o m a s N ic h o ls .

Neal Allen.

T h o m a s N ic h o ls c o n f e c tio n a r y s t o r e â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in te r io r .

Neal Allen.

C a r d -p la y in g co w b o y s.

Willa Conkle.

(1. to r.) Wilford B. Dansie, George â&#x20AC;&#x153;Jetâ&#x20AC;? Bills, Mike Silcox.

E d w a r d Ja m e s O r g i l l .

Mildred Densley

REDWOOD R o a d â&#x20AC;&#x201D; looking southwest at Page-Hansen Store, Domed Church, Riverton School.

Utah State Historical Society.

REDWOOD R o a d — lo o k in g sou th. Riverton Historical Society.

P io n e e r D a y PARADE— w est of Domed Church.

Evelyn Dreyer

R iv e r t o n E le m e n ta r y S c h o o l , constructed 1 9 0 9 . Mildred Densley.

R iv e r t o n E le m e n ta r y S c h o o l ( 1 9 2 7 - 1 9 9 5 ) a n d R i v e r t o n J u n i o r H ig h S c h o o l ( 1 9 2 7 - 1 9 5 8 ) . S co tt

Crump.

R iv e r t o n E le m e n ta r y S c h o o l , 4 t h g r a d e , 1 9 1 0 . Mildred Densley.

I n t e r s c h o la s t ic t r a c k r a c e , R iv e r to n S c h o o l.

Evelyn Dreyer.

^13ÂŽ *

R i v e r t o n S c h o o l b a s e b a l l t e a m , 1912. Robert W. Turner. (front row, 1. to r.) Clyde Peterson, Duke Page, Orin L. Crump, Cecil Crane; (back row, 1. to r.)

Thomas Callicott, Robert W . Turner, Reynold Bills, Herbert Quinn (coach), John Madsen, Lorenzo Howard.

R i v e r t o n S c h o o l , 8 t h g r a d e c l a s s , 1912. Robert W. Turner. (front row, 1. to r.) Daniel Mousley, Elsie Crane, Elsie Parry, Cecil Crane; (middle row, 1. to r.) Sylvia Bills, Judith Wiberg, Trudy Densley, Cecelia Mason; (back row, 1. to r.) Robert W .

Turner, Clyde Peterson, Herb Quinn (principal), Orin L. Crump, Lorenzo Howard.

F i r s t B in g h a m H ig h S c h o o l in B in g h a m , U t a h .

School stagecoaches picking up students, 1912. Dee Johansen.

J o r d a n H ig h S c h o o l o n d a y o f d e d i c a t i o n , N o v e m b e r 3 0 , 1 9 1 4 .

Roxie Rich, The History and People o f Early Sandy.

J o r d a n V a l l e y D r y F a r m s t e a m - p o w e r e d c o m b in e , 1909.

Evelyn Dreyer.

J o r d a n V a l l e y D r y F a r m s te a m ^ p o w e re d t r a c t o r , “O l d B e t s y ”.

Robert E. Lloyd.

eorge

H e n r y D a n s ie ’s

st ea m -po w ered th r esh er

(le ft)

a n d g r a in s e p a r a t o r

(r ig h t ), CA. 1900.

Elvoy Dansie.

RIVERTON C a n n in g C o m pa n y — em ployees and first tra in car load o f ca n n ed b eans. Elvoy Dansie.

J o r d a n V a l l e y B a n k , c a . 1 9 2 2 -2 3 .

Mary Freeman.

R e d w o o d R o a d â&#x20AC;&#x201D; lo o k in g s o u th w e s t,

la te

1920s ,

R e d w o o d R o a d â&#x20AC;&#x201D; lo o k in g so u th , C o m m e r c ia l B u i ld i n g (o n le ft), c a . l a t e 1 9 2 0 s . Utah S tate Historical Society.

Utah State Historical Society.

S a l t L a k e a n d U t a h R a i l r o a d ( “O r e m L in e ” ) — looking north, Riverton Livestock Company alfalfa mill (on left).

H e b e r S . C r a n e w a t e r TANK HOUSE.

R iv e r to n P o u lt r y A s s o c ia tio n p la n t.

Olive Crane Smith.

Utah State Historical Society.

R i v e r t o n 1 s t W a r d , R e l i e f S o c i e t y , on ground floor stage of Domed Church, c a . 1 9 3 0 .

Utah State Historical Society, (front row, 1. to r.) Sarah Jane [Mrs. Almon T.] Butterfield, Maria [Mrs. Sidney O.] Silcox, Mary A nn [Mrs. Edward] Orgill, Flora [Mrs. Thomas] Fisher, Emily [Mrs. Moses] Densley, Rose [Mrs. Sam H.] Howard, Blenda [Mrs. Evert] Hamilton (president); (back row, 1. to r.) Victoria Bills, Ethel Lillian Cardwell, Iva Moon, Mrs. Dan Coy, Mrs. Olsen, Emma [Mrs. Rex] H am ilton,________ , Lydia [Mrs. Ephraim] Ottesen, Mrs. Silcox, Mrs. Bates, Stella Clark, Elizabeth [Mrs. Frederick S.] Lloyd, Mary J. [Mrs. Gwynne] Page, Libbie [Mrs. Daniel] Densley, Marie [Mrs. Reynold] Bills, Sadie M. [Mrs. Ether] Stockings, Beatrice Dansie, Eurilda [Mrs. Harry] Page, Hazel Stephenson, Judith [Mrs. Joseph E.] Morgan, Addie A lle n ,________ , Clara Green, Lucile Swofford, Anna Mae [Mrs. Harry] Sandstrom.

“History o f Ladies Literary Club o f Riverton, Utah.”

(1. to r.) Blanche Densley, Sadie Morgan, Dorcas Thomson, Ella Swenson, Mary Egbert.

L a d ie s L i t e r a r y C l u b , FOUNDING MEMBERS.

DEPRESSION'ERA CANYON WOOD GATHERING, 1932.

Darlene Butterfield Coleman.

(1. to r.) Frank T . Butterfield, William Ether Butterfield, Joseph Earl Butterfield.

T r u c k l o a d o f s u g a r BEETS, CA. 1946. Darlene Butterfield Coleman. Frank Butterfield, Rodney Butterfield, Remel Withers, Fern Withers, Ether “Sox field, Sterling Davis (standing), Delpha Butterfield, Joe W ithers (standing).

Butter

G e o r g e F. B e c k s t e a d / A . T . B u t t e r f i e l d b a r n .

Utah State Historical Society.

H a ro ld B e r r e t t (fa c in g f r o n t ).

Z e n a s H e n r y S t o n e in

R i v e r t o n M o t o r C o m p a n y . G w en Shulsen

M otor Company, entrance to Princess (Academ y) Theater (on right). Elias Butterfield.

C r a n e B u i l d i n g â&#x20AC;&#x201D; business location of automobile dealerships Riverton M otor and Butterfield

1938 TRAIN-BUS COLLISION, school bus wrapped around front of locomotive. Life (magazine) .

S c e n e o f 1938 t r a i n - b u s a c c i d e n t , S c h u l s e n â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s C r o s s i n g .

Life (magazine)

F r e e m a n R . L l o y d ’s f i r s t c a r — 1919 C h e v r o l e t M o d e l 490.

Purchased from Crane M otor C o. for $ 9 8 1 .0 5 . Robert E. Lloyd. (1. to r.) Janetta Lloyd, Elizabeth Doktor (Freem an’s sister), Freeman R. Lloyd.

B r o w n s T a v e r n ( c a . 1 9 4 0 s ) , originally a barbershop built by James Henderson (before

1918), later Irving Hansen’s dental office; became a beer hall in the 1930s (later known as Dino s, then Jennie’s Bar). Demolished 1988. Salt Lake County Tax Assessor.

9 Fun and Games Culture, R ecreation , and Holidays

Before he passed away, former mayor Paul Mortensen told one of the authors that even if he had his pick of any place in the world to live, he wouldn’t want to live anywhere other than Riverton. Mortensen isn’t alone in his assessment or his senti ments. Many families have lived here for generations: Bills, Becksteads, Butterfields, Dansies. Friendliness, neighborliness, family, and a varied community life have enriched people’s lives. One indication of the measure of enjoyment found by people in living in Riverton are the nicknames tagged on boys. These nicknames seem to bespeak the fun of growing up in Riverton, not only when it was a quiet little country town, but in recent times too. The wide range of nicknames included “Shug” (Jack Park), “Beano” (Elbon Brown), “Skeezix” (Elias Butterfield), “Hot Dog” (Melvin Weenig), “Coffee” (LeGrand Tea), “Socks” (Ether Butterfield), “Punk” (Meredith Page), and “Ashes” (Errol Myers). The recreation, play, culture, and traditions that 177

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may have spawned- such colorful nicknames is the focus of this chapter.

Culture Various bands and orchestras were organized in the early years to entertain people in the community. The Riverton Brass Band was an early performing group. W hile working on some church reports at the end of the year in 1887, N. T. Silcock was “Saranaded” by the Brass Band at his home.1 In 1897, it was re' ported that a new string band was formed under the direction of Fred W. Webb. Their initial performance was at a Valentine’s Day party in the Riverton Opera Hall (a.k.a. Commercial Building). The growing interest in performing musical groups accounted for two string bands and a brass band at this time in the small community.2 In 1936, the Riverlodian Club was organized to promote community singing. Oneda Day was its first president.3 The earliest settlers were not all literate, but reading books and newspapers was enjoyed by many.4 In the earliest years, books were a luxury in homes, but most families had a Bible. Nina Etta Silcock Dansie recalled: “In winter evenings when our day’s work was finished, father would have us gather around the table and he read the Bible with us.”5 Beginning at least as early as 1927 and continuing into the 1930s, several area newspapers printed a column of social and community news for Riverton. The Murray Eagle, Midvale Journal, and Ute Sentinel printed columns reporting dinner parties, school plays and activities, vacation activities of townspeople, birth notices, an' niversaries, weddings, funerals, and other social and community affairs. For many years, a county library bookmobile served the reading populace, then in 1987 a small branch library was con structed. The library was heavily used by the community and the building was remodeled in 1993, doubling the size of the building from its original 3,500 square feet.6 Drama and community theater were enjoyed by many, prin

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cipally on the stage of the second floor of the Commercial Building. As early as 1895, there was a Riverton Dramatic Association which performed both in Riverton and nearby com munities. Local performers included Fred Webb, William H. Bowlden, Dora Peterson, Edwin A. Walker, and John Hansen, Jr. They performed in Riverton and Draper in a play entitled “The Social Glass” and contributed the proceeds to assist Charles Jensen on his mission in Samoa.7 Townspeople also sup ported traveling troupes which performed on the stage of the Commercial Building. They frequently stayed in George H. Dansie’s “hotel” home after a late-night performance before moving on to the next town. In the 1920s, May and Roy Glazier were active forces on the local theater scene. Many of the plays that they put on had parts for the children. Violet Page Hamilton recalled playing in a play with a Hawaiian theme. She recalled: “We made skirts out of gunny sacks for our grass skirts. . . . and we had more fun.”8 After the Riverton dramatists had shown the play in the Commercial Building, they would take it on a tour to the surrounding towns of Bluffdale, Draper, South Jordan, and even to Midvale. These other towns would also bring their plays to perform on the stage in Riverton. The Riverton Arts Council, organized in 1983 under the leadership of Bonnie Young, has been active in organizing local plays and productions in the 1980s and 1990s. They have traditionally staged a musical or patriotic production in conjunction with the Town Days celebration in the city park. Honoring the senior citizens of a town was a customary com munity tradition begun in Utah in 1875 and continuing on an annual basis as a “state institution” until 1970. At that time, re sponsibility for this customary affair was transferred to LDS stake presidents.9 An early “Old Folk’s Day” celebration was reported in 1906. The newspaper reported that almost the entire town turned out to honor the “old folks” of the community. Held in February, the festivities began in the morning and concluded after midnight. The revelry included singing, speeches, dinner, presentation of a farce entitled “Captain Racket,” and a dance.10 There was a wide variety of entertainments at a 1936 program

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held to honor the -old folks in the Riverton 2nd Ward. Some of the amusements included Phyllis Butterfield who gave a whistling solo and Veloy Butterfield directed a comic skit by the “Nut Brothers”— Chestnut, Coconut, Walnut, and Doughnut.11 In 1984, a Senior Center was established in the old town hall oh fices. Some of the Center’s original founders and charter mem bers included Leonard Beckstead, Rachel Perry, Dell Beckstead, Clifton Lloyd, Leslie M. Butterfield, and Harry Swofford. It has provided an active gathering place for lunches, recreation, and conversation for the senior citizens in the community. In 1955, the Miss Riverton Pageant began as a local “beauty pageant” for young women. The JayCees initiated “this little beauty contest” which was held in the Riverton 1st Ward meet inghouse. After that first contest, the JayCee-ettes ran the con test for several years. Winners were chosen by popular vote of those attending the contest. In the early 1960s, Sandra Lloyd became associated with the pageant and has been involved with it for over thirty years. Suzanne Brown Richins, the 1963 Miss Riverton, vividly recalled having to walk down the narrow steps of the church cultural hall stage “without breaking a leg or an arm” in her competition. She then had to parade in front of the judges sitting on the front row and then back up the steps onto the stage where she “stood there and looked beautiful for a few minutes, then went off.”12 In 1974, the town financially began supporting the pageant by enabling the pageant winner to at tend the Miss Utah Pageant. A t this time, emphasis in the pageant was redirected to focus on physical fitness, poise, com munication skills, self-confidence, and talent. The bathing suit competition became a part of the pageant at this time to be in compliance with the Miss Utah franchise regulations. As a re sult, the pageant had to be moved out of the church house. When the new Bingham High School was constructed in South Jordan, it started being held in their large auditorium. To en courage further education, city businesses offered financial sup port in granting scholarships to the pageant winners. Tina Bennett, who represented Miss Riverton in the 1990 Miss Utah Pageant, voiced her feelings about the benefits of being a partic

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ipant in the pageant: “You learn so much and just because you don’t walk away with the crown, you are a winner. You grow so much and you learn so much about yourself.”13 Hundreds of young women have benefited immensely in the experience and opportunity for personal development from participation in the Miss Riverton Scholarship Pageant.

Clubs The Lions Club, organized in 1943, elected Leonard Beck stead as its first president. This service oriented organization has helped with dozens of civic-minded projects which have greatly benefited the community for decades. The welfare of the com munity has been uppermost in its ideals. Some of the club’s ac complishments have included sponsoring baseball teams, up grading facilities in the town park, helping needy families, planting shade trees, helping with Easter egg hunts, town Christmas celebrations, and activities associated with the July 4th Town Days celebration. The Riverton Lady Lions Club was organized in 1948 with Melba Butterfield as its first president. They have also taken an active interest in the welfare of the community and served as a social organization for women. There have been numerous clubs oriented to serving the in terests of women. In the 1930s, women in Bluffdale, Riverton, and Herriman organized a political club. Some of the Riverton women who were active in the Ladies Democratic Study Club included Mamie Callicott, Hattie Freeman, and Lucy Park.14 The Ladies Literary Club was organized in 1931. Dorcas Thomson had been a member of a literary club in Eureka prior to moving to Riverton in 1927. Her husband, Niels K. Thomson, had accepted the position of principal of the Riverton School, which position he held for twenty-four years. Dorcas Thomson proposed the idea of organizing a literary club to a few of her acquaintances. In attendance at the organizational meeting were Ella Swenson, Mary Egbert, Sadie Morgan, Blanche Densley, and Thomson, who was elected president. Women of

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the community “who showed an inclination toward intellectual and artistic interests” were invited to be members.15 In 1940, the club joined the Federation of Women’s Clubs. In addition to book reviews, the club members discussed the arts, drama, music, and cultural geography. They held impressive thematic and holiday parties and viewed motion pictures and travelogues. Outside guest speakers included such people as Maud May Babcock, librarian Ruth Vine Tyler, sculptor Torlief Knaphus, and artist Florence Ware. Impressive and even controversial works of literature were reviewed in the club including Hitler’s Mein Kampf, Vardis Fisher’s Children o f G od, and Virginia Sorenson’s A Little Lower Than the Angels. The club met regularly for over forty years, discontinuing in 1979.16 The Riverton Camp, a local branch of the Daughters of Utah Pioneers was on ganized in 1933. Elsie Banks was the camp’s first captain. A sec ond branch, the Tithing Yard Hill Camp, established for work ing women, was organized in 1964. This latter group erected a beautiful monument in the city park in 1980 to give historical recognition to the old tithing yard, located a mile northeast of the park. The Rivereen Club, a special-interest group, was orga nized in 1961. Monthly meetings focused on book reviews, lec tures, and travelogues. Although principally a social and educa tional club for women, the group annually undertook a small service project. The club met regularly until the mid-1980s when the members decided that their social needs could be met in the activities held in the Senior Citizens Center. In 1964, an American Legion Post and Auxiliary was orga nized. Howard Newman was the first post commander and Kathy Howard was elected as first president of the Auxiliary. Composed of military veterans and their wives, the Post assisted in burial services, conducting flag ceremonies on patriotic holi days, and other service activities. They also helped send young people to Boy’s and Girl’s State. Home flower and vegetable gardening have been enjoyed by many residents. The Columbine Flower Club was organized sometime in the 1930s. Some of the early members of this club included Elizabeth Miller, Mary Page, Mamie Callicott, Dora

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Butterfield, Mary Seal, and Marion Stringham.17 Annual spring clean-up drives have been supported in the community since at least the 1930s in order to beautify yards and homes in the town.18 In 1978, the town council organized a beautification committee with Mel Bashore as chairman. It was an organized first step in trying to promote landscape beautification in the community. W ith the help of committee member and nursery man Steve Kirkham, they compiled a suggested guide for plant ing trees, shrubs, and ground covers. In the 1980s, Blaine Page spearheaded an energetic campaign under the aegis of the beau tification committee to plant shade trees on public streets. There have been 4-H clubs in Riverton to assist youth in learning homemaking, agricultural, and occupational skills since at least the 1930s. Some of the young women who were active in the 4-H club during those early years included Evelyn Butterfield, Leone Butterfield, Mary Freeman, Margie Park, Mary Lloyd, and Jean Seal.19 The Riverton Rough Rider Club was organized in 1956 as a horse and rodeo club. They compete with other clubs in the state in parades and rodeos. Bob Cardwell was the club’s first president. The members erected an arena in the southeast cor ner of the town park in 1958 which has steadily been improved and upgraded over the years.

R ecreation A wide assortment of children’s games came under the gen eral guise of “making their own fun.” Most of the old timers fondly recall childhood games and recreation. Some of those games included Kick the Can, Annie I Over, Old Sow, Whose the Boss of Bunker Hill (I Can Fight and I Can Kill), and Hide and Seek. From the earliest days, dancing was popular. Dances were held in the school/church meetinghouse before the Commercial Building was built. Drinking at these affairs was occasionally a disruptive problem. N. T. Silcock recorded his displeasure because

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a dance at the school house in 1880 turned into a “nisey [noisy] and Disordaly party. Thair was Considerable wiskey thair.”20 Beth Park Bone contrasted the dances of her youth with the dances in the present rock and roll era. The girls had dance cards and programs that the boys would sign. According to Beth, there was a real benefit to that procedure: “We could dance with different ones. If we didn’t like someone, we didn’t have to dance with him all night long.”21 Hunting and fishing were popular in the early days. In his history, Joseph E. Morgan wrote that there was a wide variety of animals and birds on the sagebrush-covered land. He wrote that it was a veritable “wild wilderness of black tailed jack rabbits, wild cats, coyotes, . . . sage hens, crows, magpies, the blue jays, and snow birds.”22 N. T. Silcock mentioned in his journals that his boys hunted in Butterfield Canyon. O. P. Miller wrote in his journal about a hunting competition that took place in late 1882 between the town of South Jordan and Riverton. He recorded: “went on Rabit hunt between South Jordan [and] Riverton. Shot for a dance. Riverton lost By 9 Rabits.”23 Two days later, the “Rabit dance” was held at the South Jordan ward house. Miller, the first bishop of the Riverton Ward, enjoyed hunting and fish ing. It’s possible that he was one of those fishermen who knew in their heart of hearts that fishing was often best on Sunday. In 1884, he recorded in his journal: “Sunday went to meeting, made a publick confession for Sabath ‘Braking’ by fishing at Big Dam.”24 Joseph E. Morgan recounted in his history how he and other boys used explosives to catch fish in the canals: W e would . . . throw sticks of dynamite into pools. W e would get below on the bars and catch the fish as they floated by. T he dyna mite had busted their bladders and they floated by and we put them into sacks and put them in the wagon box, came home and the next day gave them to anyone who would com e to get them .25

Baseball’s roots in Riverton extend back before 1900. It is a rich history which continues to the present. Joseph E. Morgan’s map pinpoints at least four early baseball diamonds in Riverton.26

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From his notes on the map, it’s difficult to determine which was the first baseball diamond in Riverton. He identified two ball diamonds as being the first in Riverton. One of these was the large baseball diamond in the park behind the school and domed church. The date of this playing field is smudged on the map and difficult to determine. However, he remarked that this diamond and its grandstand were “equal to any in county.” The other ball diamonds on Morgan’s map may have been nothing more than fields whose owners permitted ball playing. Morgan dated the first of these “field” diamonds to 1890 and located it across from Edward Millard’s log house (2700 W. 13400 S.). He noted that it was in use until 1907 and that “many wagon load of BaseBall fans come here.” In Morgan’s history, he wrote that big games were played there including teams “Like Draper vs. Red Gales and many others. A Good diamond. Smooth, level, soft and no rocks.”27 The Red Gales were a county league team composed of players chosen from the south end of the county west of the Jordan River. They sported “pretty red suits.” The second ball diamond, dated 1900, was southeast of the cemetery on William Heber Thom e’s ground. The third ball diamond, also dated 1900, was located on the Lower Road (1300. West) between the homes of Charles Miller and Charles Blake (later Isaac Freeman’s home). It was on land owned by Charles Miller. In his history, Morgan wrote that this was “a good baseball dia mond in cow pasture.”28 Elvoy Dansie remembered: “The com munity had a great deal of fun playing baseball in those days. Every town or area had baseball teams. They’d get together about every weekend and play baseball.”29 In spite of its popular ity, baseball games played on Sunday garnered the disapproval of local Mormon Church leaders. In 1908, a resolution was read in a sacrament meeting “and those present Pledged to Not Play at Ball or gather to See a game Played on the Sabbath day.”30 For many years (and at least as early as 1914), there was a baseball league in the south end of the county composed of teams from the towns of West Jordan, South Jordan, Sandy, Draper, River ton, Bluffdale, and Herriman.31 Edward Orgill was the club man ager for many years. Some of those who played baseball during

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this era when competition between towns was intense included Wilford Myers (pitcher), Morris Butterfield (pitcher), Duke Page (catcher), Jack Madsen (first base), Tom Callicott (right field), Ren Bills (center field), Ren Howard (catcher), and Cecil Crane (second base). Ren Howard recalled those days with fondness: W e had a regular little park and the baseball diamond was right in the center of it. . . . O n Saturday afternoon, everybody put up their tools and come to the baseball game. W e had a grandstand . . . and it was full every Saturday. Everybody was there! They had a good time and we had a good ball team. So did the other towns. Draper and South Jordan, Herriman, Bluffdale. W e had a regular league. Oh, we’d get in a squabble once in awhile, but it’d cool off and be all right.32

Violet Page Hamilton remembered going to the baseball games as a young child. Her father, Thomas Independence Page, liked to get to the games a little early. Violet thought that he was “ball game crazy.”33 Violet recalled those fun outings to the ball games: My mother would take three little kids in a horse and buggy and tie up the horse and get out with those three kids and sit in the grandstand. W e liked to run up and down and back and forth and around and play all the time. I never watched the ball game when I was there. I always had fun with the other kids running around. It was hard for her to get ready and get the horse hooked up and everything for the buggy and bring us three down there.34

Baseball was not solely the province of the men as girls enjoyed playing baseball and had their own teams too. Margaret Park Petersen recalled playing on a girl’s ball team in the mid-1930s. For several years, they played against other teams from sun rounding communities in the south part of the county in a girls’ league. She and her sister, Beth, played as did Leona Silcox, Gladys Silcox, and Myrl Butterfield Wilson. Ramona Mason Petersen was the home run hitter. Margaret remembered: “I never could hit a home run so I always had to bat first because I

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could get on, but that’s all I could do.” Jean Madsen was the team’s pitcher. Margaret said: Jean was very short and she had these extremely long arms for her body size so that when she would play ball, of course the ball would come right from the ground. It was very disconcerting to anybody not used to it. . . . and of course we won lots because of her.35

Baseball was even a fun sport for large families to enjoy playing. Heber Crane organized his own family team. His daughter, Olive Crane Smith, recalled: “We had enough in our own fam ily for one team and a large enough yard.”36 Baseball was the topic of many dinner conversations in the Joseph Park family. Park had played ball on some of the early Riverton and Bluffdale teams and his children, both boys and girls, followed in his talented footsteps. Margaret Park Petersen remembered those serious post-game reviews: W e had to remember every play because after we’d go home, we replayed every play over the supper table that was ever made. Dad would instruct and tell what had been done right and what had been done wrong.37

Baseball playing stopped during World War II. Bob Silcox re called: “From ‘40 to ‘46, there was nobody around here. There was nobody around to play ball. You couldn’t have mustered a ball team till after February of ‘46 when they started coming home.” After the men returned, the local Riverton Farm Bureau sponsored a baseball team in the Farm Bureau league. Some of those who played on that team included Bob Silcox (catcher), Jack Smith (first base), Jack Park (pitcher), Keith Poulsen (pitcher), Bob Coy (first base), and Howard Edgington (third base). Silcox, who had dreams of a baseball career, said that the only reason he played baseball is that his mother would do his chores for him when he had to practice or play in games. As he recalled: “When I came home from school, I had to feed the chickens . . . So my mother would feed them while I was prac ticing . . . She carried the buckets of mash to the troughs and

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dumped it in so I could play baseball.” W hat a mom! W hen he was about fifteen, he played on the Farm Bureau team. Each player had to cough up five dollars to play. The Farm Bureau raised money to purchase the balls and bats, but the players had to buy their own uniforms and equipment. For his uniform, Silcox commandeered his father’s old sugar factory work outfit. His mother sewed piecesof a felt blanket on the inside to serve as sliding pads so he wouldn’t get “raspberries” on his hips. They played their games in the southwest corner of the Riverton School playing field. Silcox remembered that field conditions were “pretty rough” and that it was “more like . . . playing in a cow pasture.” In one memorable game, he was blocking the plate to prevent an incoming runner from scoring. The runner charging to the plate had shoes with steel spikes. Silcox described the play: Naturally when you was sliding into home, you have those spikes high. Naturally a catcher is going to stand right in the way, try to block the plate so he can ’t slide in. T h a t’s what happened. . . . I was catching and [his] spikes hit my uniform and just ripped it right off of me. I was standing there in my skivvies. It didn’t cut me at all with the spikes. It just caught the uniform and just rid dled it. . . . just ripped that uniform right off m e.38

After his playing days, cut short by serving in the Navy in the Korean War, Silcox was one of the first four coaches of the Riverton Little League which was organized in about 1956. There were four teams in that initial year and they played on the small ball diamond in the little shaded park which used to be behind the Riverton 2nd Ward meetinghouse. The next year, they “talked the town out of a diamond” in the city park. Over the years, many men and women have volunteered to support organized baseball programs in Riverton. Silcox is representa tive of those townspeople who volunteered in the various base ball programs, having served as a Little League coach for sixteen years. Baseball programs for youth and adults have multiplied as have the ball diamonds to serve them in the city park. The

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foundation for these programs is rooted in a rich heritage of baseball history. In the summer, swimming was an enjoyable diversion. Joseph E. Morgan described a number of swimming places in Riverton in his histories and on his maps. A big pond of water was butted up against the west side of the South Jordan Canal located west of Joseph and William Hackett’s homes (in the vicinity of 13400 S. 1300 W.). He wrote that this pond was “ideal for swimming and rowing rafts in summer.”39 On the canal, just east of this pond, was a location of a popular swim ming place. Violet Hamilton Page recalled that “the braver boys used to go to the Big Canal and swim” while the girls usually swam in the South Jordan Canal, also known as the Little Canal.40 Violet’s husband, Eldred, was one of the “braver boys” who swam in the Utah and Salt Lake Canal. He recalled his swimming days: “W hen the railroad went through here we got a couple of planks and popped it into the side of [the railroad tracks] and made a diving board out of it. Dive off that into the canal.”41 Boys in a Sunday School class told one of the authors in the early 1970s that they had gone water skiing on the Utah and Salt Lake Canal, towed behind a truck being driven along the canal bank. The South County Swimming Pool, a 387,000gallon Z-shaped pool built by Salt Lake County, was opened for use in 1986 on the old Silcock-Withers farm. It was capable of handling 800 to 900 swimmers at a time. South of the county pool, Salt Lake County constructed a $6 million 18-hole public golf course, Riverbend, which opened for play in 1994. Winter sports included sleighing and skating. The afore mentioned pond was used for ice skating and hockey in the community. Bonfires were built on the shore to warm the skaters on frigid nights. According to Morgan, people “skated into the wee hours of the morning.”42 There was another popu lar skating pond at the turn of the century on the northwest cor ner of the Morgan Road (13400 South) and Redwood Road. It was filled by water from an irrigation ditch. The canals were also used for skating. Margaret Park Petersen skated on the frozen canals and recalled: “I had a little pair of Sonja Henie ice skates,

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little white ones arid they came clear up, but it still didn’t help me much. My ankles went out just as bad as everybody else’s did.”43 The hills along the bench overlooking the Jordan River were used for sledding and sleigh riding. Nielsen’s hill, near Tithing Yard Hill was a popular sledding hill as was the “Green hill” near the Bluffdale-Riverton border. Although there was some opposition to its purchase, fifteen acres of ground was purchased from Dr. J. Irving Hansen to build the town park in 1951. Eldred Hamilton and Leonard Beckstead were two of the principal townspeople involved in negotiating this transaction. An extra section of land was later purchased from Gwynne Page and annexed to the initial park ground. The foresight in building this park is now evident as the grounds have been steadily improved and developed. The park now (1993) houses the city hall, maintenance sheds, seven baseball diamonds, two pavilions, an outdoor stage, concessions build ings, several restrooms, a horse and rodeo arena, and horseshoe pits. The park is heavily used and the facilities are in great de mand. It is the site of the annual Town Days celebration, a twoday affair of games, athletic contests, fireworks, and a parade. The facilities at the park have even been the site for large tour naments of a regional and statewide scope. For instance, the horseshoe pits have several times been the site of the state championships and are regarded by many horseshoe pitchers as the best courts in the state. Clarence “Bolly” Giles, a Utah state champion horseshoe pitcher for many years, was the moving force in their construction. In 1956, he poured forms for ten courts using scrap lumber and borrowed cement. In the late 1980s, additional courts were built, making a total of twentyfour courts.44 Several additional smaller parks dot the city, serv ing as neighborhood parks.

Holidays New Year’s Day was normally celebrated in the early years by visiting family and relatives to share a sumptuous dinner.

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Occasionally a party would be organized in the church meeting' house. In 1880, N. T. Silcock wrote that his family attended a “Picknuck party at the ward house and we ad A Good time.” Occasionally, drinking spoiled the merrymaking at community' sponsored New Year’s parties when things got rough and out of hand. A t a New Years dance at the ward house in 1882, N. T. Silcock was “Disgusted while thair” and he “Concluded not to Go thair agen for some time.” He said “it was some time since I was thair before and I think it will be Some time before I go agen.” The next year, Silcock invited almost forty friends to a party at his home. In his journal, he recorded: “we ad A Good time Joaking and singing and Danceing. It was one a Clock be' fore we quit.”45 A children’s dance and party was traditional on New Years Day. In 1903, the Sunday School sponsored a dance for the children. Part of the entertainment included a kangaroo court and a voting contest for the most popular young lady.46 Margaret Park Petersen fondly recalled those New Year’s Day children’s dances: “We danced and danced. We always had to have a new dress and a new pair of shoes saved for that New Year’s Day dance.”47 Valentine’s Day is still celebrated in much the same manner as it was decades ago. Margaret Park Petersen wistfully recalled the exchange of cards in the school classroom: “Those Valentines were so pretty. They had big foldouts and lace all over them.”48 In 1928, the 2nd Ward Primary children were treated to a Valentine lunch by their teachers. The lunch con' sisted of heart'shaped cookies and ice cream and each child was presented with a Valentine.49 May Day heralded the coming of spring and was welcomed with celebration in the early years. In 1885, N. T. Silcock wrote in his journal: “Today is the first of May and the foaks ware selabrateing.”50 The Riverton 2nd Ward Primary children celebrated May Day in 1932 with a party. The boys played ball out' side the church and the girls played games in the amusement room. They marched, sang the song Welcome Sunshine, and were served ice cream and cup cakes.51 Easter traditions centered in both the family and the

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community. MargaTet Park Petersen recalled her family’s customary Easter observance during the 1920s: “The day before we always colored the eggs and then mother would pack lunches.”52 Her family would take their tin lunch pails to the Point of the Mountain or down to the river bank for a picnic. In 1934, the 2nd Ward Primary gave an Easter party for the children. They transported the young children on “flat racks” up to Butterfield Canyon. The minutes reported that “every child was hilarious with good spirit.” It was a “merry day” and each child was given Easter candies.53 In more recent times, a community egg hunt has been held in the park for children. It has grown so large that the egg hunt has been held simultaneously at a couple of schools to accommodate the crowds. Independence Day in the early years was a day in which young and old received a holiday from summer farm chores. In 1882, Tom and Alma Silcock gathered brush in the canyon to construct a shady bowery at the schoolhouse. The Fourth of July was celebrated there that year “with songs and resertat[i]ons and Di[allogs.” In 1883, some drunks attacked and beat the manager of the town’s Independence Day dance. N. T. Silcock described the affair: Thair was A Dance to N ight and thair was A number tite and thair was A Disgrasefull affa [affair]. W h en the manengger was leaving the house A number of men pretended to be quareling onley to G et him thair and then one of them pitched on to him on purpose to whip him and thay G o t Doun and several kicked him when Doun.

In 1889, N. T. Silcock recorded in his journal that on Independence Day, they were all “on the Spree.”54 From about 1910 until aboutl922, Draper and Riverton annually traded holding their celebrations of the 4th and 24th of July. Riverton’s citizens would attend in whichever town the celebration was being held. In 1960, the local LDS Church organization started holding Riverton Jubilee celebrations with parades and games in the park to raise money for the stake center meetinghouse. Later

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the city took over the July 4th celebration, giving it the name Town Days. Although inter-community support for these cele brations is no longer a widespread community practice, Draper has their big celebration on July 24th and Riverton’s Town Days are on July 4th. A parade has been a customary feature of Town Days, being held on the evening prior to the day of celebration. Parades in the 1920s and earlier usually came west on the Herriman Road, beginning in the vicinity of the Lower Road (1300 West), then turning south on Redwood Road and halting in front of the domed church. The floats were then parked be hind the church. The floats were horse-driven hay wagons with the float decorations on the wagon bed. Owen Hamilton re called the old hay rack floats: “They would decorate them with almost anything there was. Sit some chairs up on the old flat rack and put a few fancy ribbons on the harness of the horse and down the road they would go.”55 There were lots of horses in the parade and many boys dressed up as Indians on horseback. In addition to fireworks, there was much shooting of guns into the air. In 1925, one spirited young man wanted to frighten some of the local young ladies. He shot his shotgun into the air, figuring that the pellets would harmlessly rain down. Unfortunately, a stray shot killed one of the horses in the parade.56 The Mormon Pioneer Day on July 24th was joyfully cele brated from the earliest days. In 1879, N. T. Silcock was one of the speakers at the local celebration commemorating the Mormon exodus to Utah. He noted that a considerable number of people from Draper and West Jordan were in attendance “to selabrate the Day.” In the early years, Riverton shared in putting on the pioneer celebration and joined with other communities in their festivities. In 1882, Silcock tried to persuade the people of the Riverton Ward to “Join with Drapor ward to Celabrate the twenty fourth,” but the people opted to join with the South Jordan Ward in their observance of the Mormon holiday. In 1886, N. T. Silcock’s boys took a break from cutting wheat, plow ing com, and hauling clover to go over to Draper to “keap the Holady thair.” The following year, the Silcock family were “all on the frolick” in Bluffdale, where they celebrated the fortieth

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anniversary of the Mormon trek to Utah. In 1888, the Silcocks stayed in Riverton to celebrate the pioneer holiday. Silcock noted in his journal: “to Day every body was on tipto to see wat was going on. Thair was A litle too much wiskey for the Good of Comunity.” Silcock frequently went on record as being opposed to excessive drinking, especially so when the drinking erupted into fighting.57 In 1905, Bluffdale and South Jordan joined in ceh ebrating Pioneer Day in Riverton. A news article reported that practically the entire population of all three towns were out for a “good time.” In the morning, speeches, songs, and other exercises were delivered in the unfinished domed meetinghouse. In the af ternoon, there were races, tug-of-war, and a baseball game. After a fireworks display in the evening, they concluded with a “ball.”58 In 1913, Pioneer Day was celebrated with horse racing and bronco riding.59 These events likely took place at this date in the community park behind the domed church and school. Elvoy Dansie recalled the race track: “There was a race track here that you could run horse races around.”60 The race track and rodeo grounds were not fenced and the animals occasionally took off on an entertaining course of their own to the delight and excite ment of the crowd. Local Mormon church leaders were the pri mary organizers of the event. The theme of the Mormon pioneers coming to Utah was emphasized in a variety of ways. In 1916, the Riverton Ward Primary constructed a model Mormon Pioneer Trail on a table 28-feet long and 4-feet wide. It was constructed using gravel and soil and the rivers on the plains were drawn out and filled in with blue calamine. The Primary children had built all kinds of pioneer figures and realia that were placed on the model trail. There were “wagons, oxens, horses, Indians made of dried apples, wrapped in Blankets and Shawls, pig dolls, raffs, rocks, chums, Buckets, Log Houses, Temple, flags, clock, snakes, quilts, tents.”61 It was exhibited on the lower floor of the domed church and was viewed by many. From about 1922 to 1932, Riverton held the south valley celebration of the 24th of July while Draper put on the July 4th festivities. The local Pioneer Day celebrations were discontinued in 1932 because of the Depression. In the absence of the usual celebration in 1932, the

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town held a draft horse-pulling contest in late summer. This horse-pulling contest grew in popularity and in 1940 the Salt Lake County fair had its inception in Riverton, centered around this horse-pulling event. The county fair was held here for a year or two. Then other communities in the county began hosting the fair until it became firmly established in Murray.62 Halloween has been a time of revelry, pranks, and fun for children for decades. The schools and churches have held Halloween parties and activities for many years. Margaret Park Petersen attested that Halloween has become more elaborate with the passage of time. W hen she was an elementary school child in the late 1920s, they annually held a Halloween dance in the school auditorium. She recalled that “everyone came in their costumes.”63 In 1937, a Halloween costume contest was held and prizes were awarded. Earl Butterfield copped one of the prizes dressed up as a WPA worker and Don Morgan won an award for his “Little Pig” outfit.64 Thanksgiving Days have been celebrated and centered in families. Marie Densley Bills recalled that her family “used to go up to Bluffdale in the bob sleigh. We all used to get in that sleigh and sing all the Thanksgiving songs. We thought that Bluffdale was a long ways away.”65 Her father, Daniel Densley, had polygamous families and because of the number involved, each plural family took turns going on holiday outings in visit ing relatives. Gordon Bills, a polygamist with two large families, had both of his families share a large Thanksgiving dinner every year.66 In 1916, Sarah A. Dansie encouraged the Mormon Primary children to not only give thanks, but to give something to the needy in town. She asked them to “bring whatever they could” from home to take around to the poor for Thanksgiving.67 Such kindnesses helped instill a feeling of caring for the welfare of everyone in the community. On occasion, Thanksgiving of fered a reason for a party for youngsters. In 1929, the Riverton 2nd Ward Primary held a Thanksgiving children’s dance and bazaar. They charged ten cents admission in order to raise funds for the organization, holding the affair in the amusement room of their new building. The minutes describe the party:

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The Home Band “Black Crows” directed by Clifton Densley and Willis Freeman donated their services free of charge. Aprons and small articles of clothing were sold and Pop Com Balls furnished by the Officers and Teachers were sold the Dance and Bazaar was a success neting a profit of $31.00.68 Prior to 1900, Christmas celebrations in families in the community were modest. Nina Etta Silcock Dansie described a Christmas celebrated in the Silcock dugout home in 1869: The first Christmas I remember was when I was about four years old. The snow was deep and mother could not come all the way to Salt Lake by team and wagon to get things for Christmas; so she told us that Santa Claus would not be able to get through the snow. Then after she had put us all in bed, she made molasses candy and cookies and rolled them out thin, cutting different ani mals out of the dough and baked them in her wood stove. Then she put them in our stockings so we were all happy and had a wonderful Christmas. As conditions improved, Christmas celebrations were more fes tive in the Silcock home. Nina recalled: From then on we had things better. The roads were improved so that it did not take so many hours to go to Salt Lake to get things we needed. We never had a Christmas tree at my parents’ home, but we always had plum pudding, roast chicken and all the good things to eat, and each one had presents according to their age. Mother would always invite some of our friends, and after dinner and the dishes were stacked up, we would spend the rest of the time dancing, singing songs, playing games until it was time to say goodnight.69 Occasionally there were community festivities such as the dinner and dance which was held in 1882. There was a “feast and Dance” during the day for the children and in the evening there was a dance “for the Groan foakes.” In 1884, N. T. Silcock recorded in his journal: “To Day is Crismas Day. All we Dun to Day was the Choars. We did not have aney one hear.” In 1885,

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Silcock again noted that Christmas was a day when they “onley dun the Choars that we Could help duing.” Otherwise, they kept the day “A holaday.”70 Marie Densley Bills recalled the family visits to her grandparent’s home in Bluffdale. She remembered: They’d always meet us at the door. My father [Daniel Densley] al ways waited quite awhile before he tied up the team. H e’d open the door, at Christmas time, and say, “Christmas gift.” It didn’t make any difference if we had anything for him or not, but we’d all have to give him a present of some kind, even if it was only a peanut.71

One of the favorite Christmas traditions of the children in the community was the giving of gifts at the Page-Hansen Store. This tradition started at least as early as 1903, when the store was principally owned by Seth Pixton. It was reported that prizes were distributed that year to over seven hundred children at the Christmas tree in the store.72 Elvoy Dansie recalled the gift-giving procedure at the store: A couple of days after Christmas, all the kids would gather here to the store and draw numbers and go through the line and Santa Claus would give you whatever gift your number called for, whether it was for a boy or a girl. The numbers were given out ac cording to your age and sex. . . . I remember in 1914, I got a little Indian suit, a little brown Indian suit with fringe on the side with a headband with half a dozen colored chicken feathers.73

Although this was a way of getting rid of his unsold Christmas toy inventory, Merlin Myers recalled that T. P. Page really en joyed giving the toys to the children. Myers said: “He had a feel ing for the people and I think he enjoyed having those kids come to the Christmas party and get all excited and trying to find their present on the tree.”74 Margaret Park Petersen recalled her family’s Christmas tradition in the 1920s and early 1930s: The tree was always kind of secretive. It was decorated behind closed doors or that night. Then in the morning it was all lit up.

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At first—of course this was almost before my time— it was the real candles that were on the Christmas tree. But then it became the bigger lights with the reflectors that really showed up those lights. We had a lot of festive eating and a lot visiting up and down the street with your favorite toy in your hand going from house to house.75 Oftentimes, Christmas parties and programs were given for chib dren in the LDS wards. One of these parties held during the Depression in the 2nd Ward is detailed in the Primary minutes: The Christmas Happy Time Party was given. . . . a Christmas tree was decorated and lighted, surrounded by baskets of food fur nished by the Primary children for the widows and poor. The tree sat in one comer making a beautiful picture and creating a lovely Christmas spirit. The children sang The First Christmas, the Ryth[y]m Band played. A pantomime was then presented repre senting the first Christmas. Carol. The children later played games. Then Santa Claus presented all those present with a bag of popcorn and candy.76 It is impressive that not only did church leaders and teachers try to give little children a “happy time” during a time of general distress, but they also tried to teach the young folks that they needed to having giving hearts too.

Notes 1. Nicholas Thom as Silcock, Journal # 1, December 3 1 , 1887, LDS Church Archives. 2. “Riverton News,” Deseret Evening News, February 24, 1897. 3. “Riverton Singing Club Organized By M atrons,” Ute Sentinel, April 17, 1936. 4. Eleven of the ninety-four people who signed the legal docum ent in corporating the Riverton W ard in 1887 could only make an “X ” for their name. This lack of writing ability may be an indication of an even lower rate of reading ability among the early settlers. Riverton W ard, A rticles of Incorporation, No. 1811, U tah State Archives.

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5. Julian LeGrand Dansie and Lyona S. Dansie, comps., O ur Family Circle ( 1977) p. 138. 6. “Remodeled Riverton Branch Opens,” Directions for Utah Libraries 5:7 (M arch 1993) pp. 4 -5 . 7. “Notes from Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, January 12, 1895. 8. “Childhood Memories Lecture Program.” 9. For a general history of the “Old Folk’s Day” tradition in U tah see Joseph Heinerman, “The Old Folks Day: A Unique U tah Tradition,” Utah Historical Quarterly 53:2 (Spring 1985) pp. 1 5 7 -6 9 . 10. “Old Folks Feted,” Deseret Evening News, February 28, 1906. 11. “Rivertonians Honor Their Old Folks,” Ute Sentinel, February 2 8 ,1 9 3 6 . 12. “Miss Riverton Pageant Lecture,” Riverton Historical Society, May 1 7 ,1 9 9 0 . 13. Ibid. 14. “Riverton, Bluffdale and Herriman W om en Form Democratic Study Club,” Ute Sentinel, March 23, 193415. The rules and purpose of the Ladies Literary Club were set forth in 1931: The object of this club is to coordinate and maintain an organized group of women for the purpose of education, social and civic advance ment and achievement, and to promote companionship and friendliness between the members as well as to cooperate in the activities of the com munity. Constitution and By-Laws Name— The name of this club shall be “The Ladies’ Literary Club of Riverton.” Membership— The qualifications for membership in this club shall be commendable character, intellectuality, and reciprocal advantages to the club and to the individual. A member should be willing to serve in any capacity where here services are needed. Admission of New Members— A woman having the qualifications as stated in article II may be admitted to the club upon recommendation of a member of the club and a two thirds majority vote of the present membership. Officers— The officers of the club shall be president, vice-president, secretary treasurer and historian.

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Elections— Elections shall take place the first Thursday in June, which shall be the last meeting of the club for the fiscal year. Tim e and Place of Meetings— T h e first meeting of the club year shall be the last Thursday evening in September and subsequent m eet ings the second and fourth Thursday of each m onth. These meetings are to be held at the homes of the various members unless otherwise arranged for. The Hostess— T h e hostess may invite guests when she entertains if she so desires; also serve light refreshments. Members who are unable to attend the meetings should inform the hostess, if possible. Meeting Dates Fixed— T h e dates of the meetings cannot be changed without consent of the majority of the members, except in an emergency. Dues— The annual dues shall be $ 1 .0 0 a year, payable at the first meeting of the club year. A member will not be good standing until the fee is paid. This fee is to cover, as far as possible, all obligations of the club. Ladies Literary Club, Minute Book (1 9 4 5 -6 2 ) , pp. 1 -3 . T h e constitution and by-laws were adjusted and revised in later years. 16. Information obtained from a scrapbook entitled “History of Ladies Literary Club of Riverton U tah .” 17. “Riverton News,” Ute Sentinel, M arch 9, 193418. “Riverton to Launch Clean-up Cam paign,” Ute Sentinel, April 16, 1937. 19. “Riverton Club Members Entertained Tuesday,” Ute Sentinel, August 31, 1934. 20. Nicholas Thom as Silcock, Journal #2, December 1, 1880, LDS Church Archives. 21. “Childhood Memories Lecture Program.” 22. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (typescript), p. 2. 23. Orrin Porter Miller, Journal, December 27, 1882. 24. Ibid., September 28, 1884. 25. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (typescript), p. 8. 26. [Joseph E. Morgan], Map (ca. 1970). 27. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), p. [19].

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28. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (typescript), p. 3. 29. Elvoy Dansie, interview with Scott Crump, January 25, 1986. 30. Riverton W ard, General Minute Book, August 2, 1908, original in possession of Langford Lloyd. 31. “Joins County League; O ther Items of News,” Deseret Evening News, March 26, 1914. 32. Lorenzo M. “Ren” Howard, interview with Mel Bashore, March 2, 1985. 33. Violet Page Hamilton, interview with Mel Bashore, January 29, 1986. 34- “Childhood Memories Lecture Program.” 35. Ibid. 36. Olive Crane Smith, interview with Elvoy and Bertha Dansie, February 8, 1987. 37. “Childhood Memories Lecture Program.” 38. Baseball Lecture Program, Riverton Historical Society, April 20, 1989. 39. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (typescript), p. 4. 40. Violet Page Hamilton, interview, January 29, 1986. 41. Eldred Hamilton, interview with Mel Bashore, January 29, 1986. 42. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), p. 9. 43. “Childhood Memories Lecture Program.” 44. South Valley News, July 1993. 45. Nicholas Thomas Silcock, Journal #2, January 1, 1880; ibid., Journal #3, January 2, 1882; and ibid., Journal #3, January 1, 1883, LDS Church Archives. 46. “Fairly Prosperous Season,” Deseret Evening News, December 29, 1903. 47. “Childhood Memories Lecture Program.” 48. Ibid. 49. Riverton 2nd Ward, Primary, Minutes, February 13, 1928, LDS Church Archives.

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50. Julian LeGrand Dansie and Lyona S. Dansie, comps., Our Family Circle ( 1977) p. 276. 51. Riverton 2nd W ard, Primary, Minutes, May 5, 1932, LDS C hurch Archives. 52. “Childhood Memories Lecture Program.” 53. Riverton 2nd W ard, Primary, Minutes, M arch 24, 1934, LDS C hurch Archives. 54- Nicholas Thom as Silcock, Journal #3, July 4, 1882; ibid., Journal #3, July 4, 1883; and ibid., Journal #1, July 4, 1889 LDS C hurch Archives. 55. Owen Hamilton, interview with Mel Bashore, M arch 19, 1986. 56. Elvoy Dansie, conversation with Mel Bashore, July 22, 1988. 57. Nicholas Thom as Silcock, Journal * 2 , July 24, 1879; Journal #1, July 24, 1886; ibid., July 25, 1887; ibid., July 24, 1888, LDS C hurch A rchives. 58. “A t Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, July 28, 1905. 59. “Pioneer Day at Riverton,” Deseret Evening News, July 22, 1913. 60. Elvoy Dansie, interview, January 25, 1986. 61. Riverton W ard, Primary, Minutes, July 24, 1916, LDS C hurch Archives. 62. Elvoy Dansie, conversation, July 22, 1988. 63. “Childhood Memories Lecture Program.” 64- Ute Sentinel, November 12, 1937. 65. Marie Densley Bills, interview with Evelyn B. Dreyer, Novem ber 24, 1986. 66. Lorenzo M. “R en” Howard, interview, M arch 2, 1985. 67. Riverton W ard, Primary, Minutes, Novem ber 20, 1916, LDS Church Archives. 68. Riverton 2nd W ard, Primary, Minutes, Novem ber 29, 1929, LDS Church Archives. 69. Julian LeGrand Dansie and Lyona S. Dansie, comps., O ur Family Circle (1 9 7 7 ), p. 137. 70. Nicholas Thom as Silcock, Journal #3, December 25, 1882; ibid.,

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Journal #1, December 25, 1884; and ibid., Journal #1, December 25, 1885, LDS Church Archives. 71. Marie Densley Bills, interview, November 24, 1986. 72. “Fairly Prosperous Season,” Deseret Evening News, December 29, 1903. 73. Elvoy Dansie, interview, January 25, 1986. 74- Merlin Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 26, 1985. 75. “Childhood Memories Lecture Program.” 76. Riverton 2nd W ard, Primary, Minutes, December 22, 1932, LDS Church Archives.

10 Learning the A B C s Elem entary and Junior High Education

Riverton residents were backed up in traffic for miles as par ents and friends of over 3,000 elementary students gathered at the Bingham High football stadium in May 1993 to witness a city-wide dance festival. As the 7:00 P.M. starting time neared people were scurrying from cars parked as far away as a half a mile, from Redwood Road on the east side of the school, to 2700 West on the west side. Nervous students from Riverton, Rosamond and Southland Elementary schools were waiting in the gymnasium, anticipating their moment in the spotlight. Principals, teachers and old friends all vied for the student’s at tention as they lined up by grade and schools to receive last minute instructions. For most, it was a frightening experience to perform in front of such a large audience. The golden rays of the setting sun gave a rich tint to the grassy field on which the stu dents were to perform as well as to the majestic Wasatch Mountains which towered in the background. Soon after 7:00 205

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the first graders filed into the arena. Then each grade, in ascending order, took its turn performing dance numbers showcas ing music that spanned nearly a century and a quarter since Riverton’s schools first started. Hardly a movement was missed as the multitude of cameras in the packed bleachers and end zones recorded each laugh, smile, kick and turn. Many weeks of preparation by Riverton City Arts Council members, PTA vol unteers and teachers were evident as the numbers were per formed with exacting precision. The highlight of the evening came with the Grand Finale. All of the students assembled on the field to dance to the familiar strains of the popular 1993 film tune A Whole New World. This number proved so popular that it was performed twice with roaring approval. Anyone witnessing the colorful and talented array of students from all three of Riverton’s elementary schools, which by 1993 totaled over 3,000 students, could indeed observe that it was a “whole new world.” It was a world that, in many ways, had changed dramati cally from the one known by the founders of Riverton’s schools in the last quarter of the 19th century. But it was a world of which they would have been proud.

Early Schools Education has always played an important part in the lives of those who have lived in Riverton. This was evident from the fact that in the 1860s when the first families settled in the area, many held school in their own homes. Nina E. Silcock Dansie, an early Riverton resident, recorded the following about home schools in 1870: T he first school that I attended was taught by m other and an older sister. I was about five years old. W e had a card with the A B C ’s printed on it. It was about 18 inches long and not quite as wide. There were two kinds of letters, large and small, and also some words for spelling. A fter we learned our letters, m other had some school books that she brought with her from the other

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places where she had lived. There were the McGuffie’s and the Wilson readers. W e had only one slate to use, but mother had a book that she used to write copies in, so that we could write with a pen. O f course, we had to take turns, but that was all right. We did not mind just so we could learn to write.1

A young boy named Alex Walbeck, who didn’t have home school and whose mother didn’t want him to travel long dis tances for instruction, went to the Silcock home for night school. He attended for several weeks until it was time for the boys to begin work on the farm.2 Others without home schools or transportation could walk to the South Jordan School, a distance that averaged three and a half miles each way. There they would find a one-room build ing with crude furniture. Lessons were taught by a single teacher who had hardly any equipment.3 By the mid to late 1870’s, the population had grown large enough to warrant a schoolhouse in Riverton. Accounts indi cate that George Beckstead, who lived on 1300 West at about 12400 South, converted his storage shed into a schoolhouse. It was a small log structure measuring around 10 by 19 feet (10 by 10 feet according to some accounts).4 There were around 12 to 15 pupils enrolled in this first school. All grades, or readers as they were called at the time, met in the same small room. They were grouped according to their ability to read. Children who had trouble learning were held back a year. This sometimes resulted in embarrassment as the older students were seated in the front with the younger be ginners. Unfortunately, many of these pupils, after discourage ment and shame, left school for work on the farm or at home.5 School began at 9:00 A.M. and was dismissed at 4:00 P.M. Long rough benches placed next to tables substituted for desks, and slates were used instead of paper. Strict discipline was en forced by the use of a willow rod which usually sat in the comer of the room and a mler which found its mark on day dreamers. In those early days teaching was only a part-time job. It was a task dutifully done between farming and other chores. Finding

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qualified teachers was a difficult task as many had no special training. Edward Orgill is credited as being Riverton’s first teacher. He immigrated to the United States from Derbyshire, England after joining the LDS Church. Earlier in his life, at age 16, he had an unfortunate accident in an English coal mine or mill. As a result of the accident, he had to have one arm amputated and walked with a limp from severely broken legs for the rest of his life. This didn’t affect his ability to teach as he was constantly drilling his students on the three “R ’s”— reading, writing and arithmetic. Arithmetic included sums (addition), subtraction, and the multiplication tables. Later geography was added to the curriculum.6 Nina Silcock Dansie also remembered learning other lessons: In the fall of 1879 I attended my first public school and Edward Orgill was the teacher. He was a fine man . . . and understood music so father and m other thought it would be a good plan for him to start a singing class so that by the time the new schoolhouse was completed, we would understand music and be able to sing right. W e did not let anyone know what we were planning to do so that when the time cam e that the schoolhouse was com pleted and the singers cam e with their hymnbooks to do the singing, to their great surprise they found a choir already to sing.7

James Oliver was Riverton’s second teacher and he was followed by Thomas Vawdrey and a Miss Whiteside. From then on, more than one teacher was required. Teachers at the time were governed by rules set by each local community. Riverton teachers were required to live in Riverton and eventually dormitories were built in which they could live. Salaries were ofttimes paid in farm products.8 A list of teacher rules from an unknown district dated 1872 gave a sample of the guidelines teachers were expected to follow. It is probable that Riverton’s teachers were governed by many of the same rules: Teachers each day will fill lamps and clean chimneys. Each teacher will bring a bucket of water and a scuttle of coal for the day’s session.

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Make your pens carefully. You may whittle nibs to the individual taste of students. Male teachers may take one evening each week for courting purposes, or two evenings a week if they go to church regularly. After ten hours in school, the teacher may spend the remain ing time reading the Bible or other good books. W om en teachers who marry or engage in unseemly conduct will be dismissed. Each teacher should lay aside each month a goodly sum of his earnings for his benefit during his declining years so that he will not become a burden on society. Any teacher who smokes, uses liquor in any form, frequents pool halls, or gets shaved in.a barber shop will give good reason to suspect his worth, intention, integrity and honesty. The teacher who performs his labor faithfully and without fault for five years will be given an increase of twenty five cents per week in his pay, providing the Board of Education approves.9

In 1879, construction began on a larger schoolhouse which also served as an LDS church house and community meeting place. This adobe structure measured 20 by 30 feet and was built at 13115 South 1300 West.10 The means used for its construc tion were raised by voluntary labor and donations.11 Nicholas Thomas Silcock was one of the diligent volunteers who helped to erect the school. He wrote numerous journal entries docu menting the school’s progress. A sampling of these entries gave a flavor of the times: 31 O ct 1879 A t whork on the schoolhouse today . . . the boys diging and with Boulding [William Henry Bowlden] helping them 1 sent for the Lath by Br. [Timothy] Gilbert and the doors by Br S[amuel] L. Howard and fifty cents worth of nails 6 Nov 1879 I ham at whork on the schoolhouse 3/4 of a day. A lexander] Henderson has been helping today. 12 Nov 1879 It is storming this morning and a good part of the day, but this evening it is almost gone. I am at whork at the school-house today casing and hanging doors. . .

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13 Dec 1879 I ham at whork on the schoolhouse today and John [Silcock] was a whork on the schoolhouse auling water and adobies and lime . . . 15 Dec 1879 We whent to the schoolhouse to haul water for the plasteras [plasterers) me and John and after breakfast I whent and made a trap door frame for the sealing and then got diner and then whent to Draper. 18 Dec 1879 I was at the schoolhouse cleaning out the house and moving the stove and puting in hooks and whire to hold the pipe . . . this afternoon they whare at the schoolhouse geting the bricks and mortar for the chimney . . . 27 Dec 1879 . . . [I] then whent and fixed the schoolhouse doors so that they will shut so that the snow would not blow in. 9 Jan 1880 at whork at the schoolhouse today I finished the hat rail and the water continues to be very cold and storming every few days. 21 Feb 1880 I was at whork for the schoolhouse today. I made a musick stand for the cire [choir] and the boys and girls wore fixing the house cleaning it and the windows.12 The schoolhouse was dedicated on February 22, 1880. Speakers at this major community event included the LDS bishop, William A. Bills, and his two counselors, two LDS missionaries, N. T. Silcock and others. One of the missionaries, H. Park, of' fered the dedicatory prayer after which the ward choir sang a special number. Most town residents attended, filling the new school to capacity.13 This one'room adobe school served the community until 1888 when it became overcrowded. A t that time a 36 by 18 foot brick addition was constructed onto the east end of the struc' ture. This gave the new school a T shape.14 The original school was described as being a long building with no basement and little outside privies. On one comer of the old building was a lumber shanty used to store wood and coal.15 The new addition

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more than doubled the size of the original edifice. N. T. Silcock was the principal carpenter in building this addition. He wrote: 1 Apr 1888 thair was no Meeting to Night the Meeting house is haveing A new adition to Make it Large Anuff for the peapole 3 Apr 1888 to Day I have been to whork on the Schoolhouse from 9 to after 6 16

The landscape around the schoolhouse, situated on high ground on the bench overlooking the Jordan River, consisted of sandy soil and was decorated by numerous sego lilies in the spring.17 Supervision for Salt Lake County schools at this time came from the Salt Lake County Court (the predecessor of the Salt Lake County Board of County Commissioners). The County Court granted each settlement a three-member board of trustees to supervise its local school district. Riverton was placed in District #35. The local trustees were responsible for most of the duties handled by present-day school boards. They levied local taxes for the construction and maintenance of schools, hired teachers and purchased textbooks and other supplies. The trustees were also charged with establishing playgrounds, out houses and other outside property improvements.18 N. T. Silcock, one of Riverton’s first trustees, noted the difficulties en countered by the school trustees. A t one meeting he reported that Alexander Henderson became very disagreeable over a school issue and insulted Mr. Silcock’s wife. The discussion be came very heated, but fortunately ended before serious trouble broke out. Later, a local bishop had to be called in to settle the altercation.19 Uncertain enrollments were another problem. At another meeting with all of the school’s parents, it was noted that ten stu dents were not going to attend the next term. The trustees were faced with the problem of still having to hire a teacher for $15 to $20 a month based on the decreased student tuition monies.20 The county school superintendent also helped to supervise local schools. One superintendent at this time reported that

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schools were kept, open on an average of eight months during the year. He also recommended, in that same report, that all teachers be given ruled paper to take the daily attendance of each student.21 School funding in the 1880’s came from taxes and student tuition. Local taxes had been supplemented by small appropria tions from the territorial legislature since 1874 and in 1878 a territorial tax was instituted to finance a permanent school fund. These monies were appropriated by the local districts (towns) on a school-age per capita basis. Nevertheless, these tax funds were meager since taxing a people who had little if any cash produced hardly any revenue. As a result, a large majority of the funding until 1890, when all common schools were made free, came from student tuition.22 One account book showed that Riverton’s scholars paid $1.37 per month at this time. These tuitions could vary depending on how many students were enrolled.23 In 1881 Neils Anderson was charged $1.45 for 35 days and George W. Beckstead was charged $2.82 for 68 days.24 To help defray these tuition costs many parents offered the teachers room and board.25 Teachers also had to take a por tion of their salaries in produce. This limited tax base also had other effects. W ith no money available to build a structure in which school could be held, the LDS church house had to dou ble as a schoolhouse on weekdays. This mixture of church and state, along with the fact that nearly all of Riverton’s school children were Mormons led to the mixing of LDS church doc trine into the curriculum. This happened to such an extent that at times, the church and school curriculum were scarcely distin guishable.26 The financial records for the school-year ending in June 1889 indicated that school property was valued at $91.70. This included school buildings, grounds, furniture, and appurte nances. The trustees had been frugal with their budget and re ported a surplus of $215.92 for that same year.27 In 1890 a total of $440 or $55 per month was paid to the male teacher who in structed the 72 students (37 boys and 35 girls) enrolled. This amounted to 72% of the 99 students between ages 6—18 living

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in Riverton. The average daily attendance at school was forty. Students were expected to attend school 160 days per year and take subjects in the areas of reading, spelling, writing, arith metic, grammar and composition, and geography.28

Riverton Elementary and Junior High Schools By 1892 Riverton’s increased growth required the construc tion of a larger schoolhouse. In December 1892 a two-story brick structure was completed on Redwood Road at 12830 South.29 This edifice was built at a cost of about $5,000, which included the furniture for seating. The local school trustees, which at this time consisted of Christian Peterson, chairman; Neils J. Christiansen, clerk; and Charles E. Miller, treasurer, ap proved a special school tax of one percent to raise the necessary funds.30 Classes were first held in this building in January 1893.31 The school soon became a center of community activity. It had four rooms, two upstairs and two downstairs, with a central doorway downstairs. For several years the upstairs rooms served as apartments for teachers and the downstairs rooms were class rooms. The upstairs rooms were also used for community events. The newspaper reported that in 1894 a church activity in the “large hall” in the upper story of the schoolhouse was filled with most of the members of the Riverton LDS Ward. The night’s ac tivities consisted of speeches, music, food and dancing.32 An outside stairway led from the first to the second floor. Coal used for heating the building was stored under this stair way. Students helped make fires in the coal-burning pot-bellied stoves on cold winter mornings. Originally there were eight grades of students in school with four grades of students in each of the downstairs rooms. Eventually there were two grades in each classroom when the upstairs classrooms were put into use.33 Teaching so many grades with so many children proved to be a real challenge. Records indicate that by 1898 there were 198 children between the ages of 6 and 18 living in Riverton.34 These numbers more than filled up a four-room schoolhouse. By

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1901 there were 20.6 children (105 boys and 78 girls) attending Riverton’s elementary and 9 boys and 14 girls not attending.35 Students attended elementary school until the eighth grade at which time they graduated to high school. John Hansen, Jr. was appointed principal of Riverton Elementary in 1891. He along with S. E. Sm ith were the first teachers in the new 1892 building.36 John Hansen was one of Riverton’s most respected educators and an active member of the community.37 Between 1892 and 1905 improvements were slowly made to the school and its grounds. Around 1905 Mr. Hansen established the first school library when he purchased 200 books. He also helped to beautify the school grounds with the acquisition of some hardwood trees which the students helped plant on the north side of the school grounds.38 In 1905 the Board of Education decided to purchase a new heating stove along with four iron shields which were used to protect the seats and chil dren sitting near the stoves from heat.39 This brick schoolhouse was a busy place. Walter Dansie re called walking a half mile to school each day carrying his lunch, books and slates. There were no paved sidewalks in those days so he took the direct route to school through the fields. There was plenty of room in the back of the building for play. Favorite games at the time included “hide and seek”, “pomp-pomp pull away”, “run sheep run”, “kick the can”, and marbles in season. In the winter the ice in the turnpikes was used for skating.40 A t the end of the school year there was a graduation from eighth grade. This was a big occasion in the community. The graduates were honored with official certificates. W ith the boys and girls dressed in their best clothes, the girls with their flow ers, and all holding their certificates, a group photograph was taken. Very few of these graduates received any further school ing. There were no high schools in the area before 1907 and few parents had the money to send their children away from home to go to school.41 A major educational topic of debate in Riverton and throughout the state at the turn of the century was school con

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solidation. Many felt that it was inefficient to have so many small community school districts. The Salt Lake County Superintendent of Schools, Oscar Van Cott, argued this point throughout the 1890’s. He believed there should be three districts in the county— one in Salt Lake City and the other two encompassing cities and unincorporated areas of the county. His reasons for consolidation included: Children would enjoy the same advantages as other children throughout the county. All schools would run the same length of time. A ll taxpayers would pay the same rate. The absence of numerous district boundary lines would allow children to attend the school nearest to them. High schools could be established through increased tax sup port.42

Opponents to this scheme pointed to the fact that individual communities would lose local control of their district. One of the first moves toward consolidation occurred in 1902 when an election was held in Salt Lake County to create a consolidated high school district. Riverton voters approved the proposition by a vote of 25 to 3, but the county as a whole op posed the measure.43 The drive for merging the districts quick ened in 1903 when a dispute broke out between the Riverton and Draper districts over who would receive property tax money from the railroads. Some residents from west Draper, which in cluded the Rio Grande Railroad Line, petitioned the County Commission for annexation to the Riverton school district. Riverton claimed that it should have the benefit of taxes from at least one railroad, as Draper then had two railroads. Draper hotly opposed the charge presented before the county commis sioners. A solution to the altercation was proposed by Mr. Ashton, the county superintendent of schools. He recom mended that the 36 districts in the county be combined into seven districts, in which Riverton and Draper would be com bined.44 Feelings against consolidation began to abate in 1902 when Mormon Church authorities divided the Salt Lake Stake

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into the Jordan, Granite and Salt Lake stakes. This gave many the notion that there should be three school districts for the three LDS stakes.45 This idea later became law and in 1905 the Jordan School District was created, encompassing all the com ' munity districts in the south end of the county.46 John W. Smith, a resident of Draper, was elected the first superintendent of the district which consisted of 300 square miles, 13,000 peo' pie, and around 3,700 students.47 The new district presented new problems and challenges. The first mention of Riverton in the Jordan School District minutes occurred on July 10, 1905 when John Hansen made a verbal application for the principalship of Riverton.48 He appeared before the board again in August to recommend that the seventh and eighth grades in Riverton, Bluffdale, Herriman and South Jordan be consolidated into one school at Riverton. This proposal was accepted and a man was hired to transport these pupils to Riverton for a dollar per day.49 Transportation at this time was a simple wagon pulled by four horses. In 1910 three wagons with regular routes were used to pick up the students. The children had to walk home after schoolâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; some over 3/4 of a mile.50 By 1913, the wagons were used to transport students on an hour and a half long daily run to the recently established Jordan High School. This move resulted in the elementary and junior high school students in Riverton having to find their own transportation to school.51 South Jordan parents were upset about the new school arrangements. They appeared before the Board of Education in June 1906 to protest a number of items. First, they did not like their students being transported to Riverton. Second, they disapproved of the Riverton school building, feeling it was structurally inadequate. Third, they demanded a male teacher for principal and objected to thirteen of their pupils from ten different households being put on proba' tion for truancy.52 Most of the problems were eventually solved, but for a time they had to impatiently and unwillingly accept the situation. Overcrowding became a major concern again in 1907. In March 1907 Seth Pixton, A. T. Butterfield, and Zach Butterfield

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told the Board that congested conditions existed in the Riverton School. They explained that the average studentteacher ratio was larger than at any school in the area. Additional classrooms were established in the Commercial Building and in a small 14 x 20-foot room in the LDS church house.53 A year later the board proposed that an addition be made to the schoolhouse, but this idea was rejected by Riverton parents. School patrons preferred to have a completely new building constructed and were even willing to wait another year to get it.54 Contracts were awarded in 1908 and a $20,000 struc ture was completed in May 1909.55 This new eight-classroom building made of light-colored brick was erected directly north of the existing school. In addi tion to the classrooms, it housed a small library and office. There was a central entrance to the structure which opened into a central inside stairway, a major improvement for the time.56 By 1912 three additional classrooms along with a heat ing plant were added.57 A typical classroom in this building had a large teacher’s desk at the front with moveable student desks in rows facing the front blackboards. Each student desk had a top that could be lifted up to uncover a storage compartment where books were placed. They also had a notched circle on the top lid in the comer where a bottle of ink was placed. In addi tion, the alphabet in large and small printed or cursive letters appeared on charts running across the top of the blackboard.58 With the completion of the new building the old building underwent some changes. Apparently the old school structure was abandoned for a while because on May 16, 1912 Seth Pixton was granted permission to board up its windows.59 However by 1914, the two upstairs rooms were being used again as a dormitory for teachers, since apparently the teachers were unable to find suitable accommodations elsewhere.60 They were charged $20 a month plus an additional $5 for fuel and light during the time school was in session.61 A year later Mr. Pixton was granted permission to use one room downstairs for Commercial Club meetings and in 1918 the Riverton LDS Relief Society and Mutual Improvement Association were using

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a room for Red Cross work.62 By 1921 overcrowding was a problem again so the old school was commandeered for space. It was recommended that the upper rooms of the old school be refitted for classrooms for a junior high. Additionally, a portable building was purchased for shop classes.63 Other school improvements in the decade of the teens in cluded the addition of electricity, indoor plumbing, and central heating. In 1910 a pit was dug to improve the restroom facili ties. The school board voted in 1912 to put in a heating plant large enough to heat twelve rooms.64 Electricity first came to Riverton in July 1912.65 Soon thereafter a dangling cord with a light bulb at the end replaced the kerosene lamps commonly used in the school. Electrical service was unreliable at first, but gradually better lights and switches were put into service. The Deseret Evening News reported in December of 1912 that the plumbing and heating systems of the new schoolhouse were about completed making the Riverton school one of the most modem schools in the state.66 School personnel in Riverton during this time included a wide variety of personalities. The following educators served as principals: John Hansen, Jr. (1 8 9 1 -1 9 0 9 ), J. H. Greer (1909-11), H. J. Quinn (1 9 1 1 -1 6 ), Alonzo B. Isaacson (1916-19), Stephen F. Stephensen (1 9 1 9 -2 3 ), D. E. Williams (1923-24), W. R. Stevens (19 2 4 -2 7 , elementary and junior high school).67 Teachers of the time were required to follow strict rules. Women teachers could not get married and were re quired to live in housing approved and monitored by the princi pal. Some teachers also lived in the upstairs rooms of the 1892 schoolhouse. They were often invited to dinner at the homes of Riverton residents. In addition, all their social activities had to be supervised or approved by the principal. The following list of rules, dated 1915, although not specifically the regulations used by the Jordan School District, was representative of the guide lines invoked for women teachers: You will not marry during the term of your contract. You are not to keep the company with men.

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You must be home between the hours of 8 :0 0 P.M. and 6:00 A.M. unless attending a school function. You may not loiter downtown in ice cream stores. You may not travel beyond the city limits unless you have permission from the chairman of the school board. You may not ride in a carriage or automobiles with any man unless he is your father or brother. You may not smoke cigarettes. You may not dress in bright clothes. You may under no circumstances dye your hair. You must wear at least two petticoats. Your dresses must not be any shorter than two inches above the ankle. To keep the school room neat and clean, you must sweep the floor at least once daily, scrub the floor at least once a week with hot soapy water, clean the blackboards at least once a day and start the fire at 7:00 A.M. so that the room will be warm by 8:00 A.M.68

The rules for male teachers were not quite as strict, but they too had to abide by certain dress standards and rules of social behavior.69 The school board minutes recorded the typical teacher salaries during this era. In 1906 John Hansen, the principal, made $100 a month for ten months. The four teachers were paid between $40 and $55 per month.70 By 1919 Rivertonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s principal Mr. Isaacson, was making $110 a month and in 1921 S. E Stephensen was earning $180.50 each month. Teachers in 1921 earned between $90.50 and $140 monthly.71 Activities in Rivertonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s schools from 1905 to 1925 were wide and varied. In December 1910 several cases of scarlet fever broke out in the area. The South Jordan school was closed for a few days and it was necessary for Riverton School to be fumi' gated.72 The influenza epidemic hit the school in 1918 and 1919 killing the principal. Elvoy Dansie recalled starting school in the fall of 1918 only to have classes suspended for most of the winter. They resumed again in the spring.73 Sports were popular with baseball and softball being the favorites. They were played

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on a field west of the school. Other games included marbles, hopscotch, races, jump rope, mumble peg and “I Can Fight and I Can Kill.” Elvoy Dansie remembered when two of his friends, Ken Bills and Aaron Garside, were playing mumble peg inside the school with their pocket knives. Principal W. R. Stevens caught them and slammed his book down on a desk, scaring them to death. He then let them know that mumble peg was not an inside game.74 On another occasion, Elvoy and some of his friends decided they were going to have some fun with their teacher. They took some bullets and strategically placed them in the firewood in the school’s woodpile. W hen the wood was put in the old pot-bellied stove, popping bursts of exploding bullets were heard throughout the school. In recalling some of his school days, Elias Butterfield also reflected on Principal Stevens (“One-Arm” Stevens) and his methods of discipline. Caught misbehaving, Mr. Stevens grabbed Elias from behind by the nape of the neck with his only arm and dragged him to the of fice. He gave him a scolding using a variety of colorful words Elias had not heard before. If a scolding was not sufficient pun ishment, Stevens was never reluctant to use corporal punish ment. Elias said Mr. Stevens’ size and demeanor were intimidat ing. A major event at the Riverton School was the school operetta. It was usually held once a year and consisted of a musi cal play of about one act.75 Margaret Park Petersen reminisced about these plays: W e had school plays and we had school operettas all of the time. . . . I was Snow W hite when I was just tiny. I was always Snow W hite to Lance Bills. He never called me anything else. T hen there was the operetta called Crocodile Island. I was in that and I had one shoulder bare and everybody else thought that was bad.76

Olive Crane Smith recalled with fondness her days at the old Riverton School: W e all went to school at Riverton. T h at was fun too. T he build ing was about three blocks from our home. W e always walked up

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to school, the older ones walking along taking care of the younger ones. W e’d come home at night and the chores were done. We would then sit down to get our lessons around the big family table in the kitchen. W e all studied together. If we had a question we always asked. . . . W e all helped each other. . . . if we [her friends included Helen Howard, Marie Oliver, Zelma Butterfield, Eva Bills, Elna Densley, Phyllis Butterfield, Rulon Dansie, Lucy Page, Bob and Lee Howard and Meredith Page] got a hundred [in spelling] we could have a peanut bust. Meredith had a terrible time in spelling. W e were all trying to help him. One day we were determined that everyone was going to get every word right so that we could have a spelling bee [and get 100%]. W ith all of our persistence, energy and assistance in correcting the papers, we fi nally had our peanut bust. 1 don’t know anyone who was any more happy than M eredith.77

It was common for some students to start school a month late in October as they were needed to help with the fall har vest. They had to make up their lessons when they returned. This involved doing a lot of self teaching.78 By 1925 it was apparent that Riverton needed additional teaching space. The increasing Riverton population as well as the passage of a 1921 law by the Utah legislature requiring all children up to 18 years old to attend school contributed to the increase of students.79 The school district decided to tear down the four-room 1892 building on the south side of the school and erect on its site a new junior high facility. Demolition was com pleted by the spring of 1926 after which work immediately began on the new structure. Construction was finished by February 1927 when the building was dedicated.80 The new twostory junior high consisted of eight large classrooms, a boiler room, which supplied the whole complex with radiator steam heating, a library, indoor student and faculty restrooms, a teacher work room and an office area. It was also decided at the same time to remodel the north building (1908) that housed the elementary students. During this construction and remodeling process, on July 30, 1926, the north building caught fire when a room containing

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paint cans and other combustible materials somehow ignited.81 The fire was discovered at about 5:00 A.M. and the county fire department in Murray was summoned. Firemen were hampered by an inadequate water supply. Water had been turned into the wrong ditch and by the time it was secured, fifteen minutes later, the school was completely engulfed in flames. Attention then had to be diverted to the surrounding buildings and con struction site. The roof of the domed church was slightly dam aged, but the school was a total loss estimated at $20,000.82 The fire was so intense that Elvoy Dansie recalled finding some burnt papers and pieces of book covers from the upstairs library on his property a half mile north. As a result of this conflagra tion, the burnt rubble was removed and construction on a new elementary school commenced at the same time the junior high was being completed. Although the fire was one of Riverton’s biggest disasters, in the long run it worked to the city’s advan tage since the new elementary school was much nicer than the one it replaced and was built to match the junior high in brick color and general design.83 The new elementary school had nine classrooms, a front and back inside stairway, a teacher work room, two sets of girls’ and boys’ restrooms and a boiler and steam heating radiator system like the junior high.84 Some classes were held in the old domed church until the new build ings were opened. The dedication on February 10, 1927 was a big event in Riverton. A large audience was in attendance which included the entire school board and Principal W. R. Stevens. The pro gram included music by the junior high students as well as musi cal numbers by other community groups. Dr. Arthur L. Beeley of the University of Utah gave the dedicatory speech and Gordon Bills, a member of the LDS Ward bishopric, gave the dedicatory prayer. Other short speeches were given by Principal Stevens, John Hansen, David T. Dahl and Soren Mickelson. The school was described at the time as not only a credit to the board of ed ucation and Jordan School District, but as a “monument in the foreground of U tah’s educational field” and the latest word in modem school plants.85

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Although Riverton had two fine school buildings in 1927, there were hardly any financial resources left for anything else. Money was scarce for textbooks, supplies, furniture, playground equipment and landscaping. There were no lawns, shrubs, or flowers as the entire school grounds were covered with dirt, gravel, weeds, and rubbish from the construction. There were no parking lots as cars normally parked by each of the doorway en trances. During the late 1920s and early 1930s, students, parents and teachers brought in wagons with teams of horses to haul away the gravel and rubbish. They then brought in top soil and planted grass, trees and shrubs. Some of the labor to accomplish this task was contributed by the W.P.A. (Work Progress Admin istration), a New Deal program meant to provide work for the unemployed during the Depression. Materials and money were donated by the community to provide playground equipment which was assembled and installed by the male teachers with help from some students. The junior high shops, which were housed in a wooden frame building directly west of the junior high building (where the gymnasium would eventually be built), were so poorly equipped that the teachers spent several Saturdays at the school constructing benches and tables.86 The 1930s saw another welcome addition to the Riverton school. In spite of the worsening Depression a two-story gymna sium building was constructed in 1930. Architects for this addi tion were Ashton and Evans and Bemtson Brothers Construction was the general contractor. It was erected directly west of the junior high building. It included four classrooms (two on the ground level and two upstairs east of the gymna sium), a girls’ home economics area, boys’ shop rooms, boys’ and girls’ locker rooms, and on the second level a large gymnasium with a stage at the west end. There was also a small eating area. In those days there was no regular school cafeteria, but on many days several ladies brought in large kettles of bean soup which was given to the students and sold to the faculty for ten cents a bowl. The Riverton gymnasium served as a community center for the next six decades. During this time church services, wed dings, receptions and funerals were held there. Probably one of

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the most memorable events was the funeral for the students killed in the tragic school bus/train accident in December 1938.87 Community activities also included town meetings and hearings, political party meetings, club meetings such as the Riverton Lion’s Club, Boy and Girl Scouts, the Riverton Rough Riders, and the Ladies Literary Club. Many governors of Utah as well as David O. McKay and Harold B. Lee of the LDS Church all spoke at meetings in the Riverton gymnasium.88 Since the construction of the gymnasium there have been a number of other additions to the 1926 buildings. A second-story tunnel, as it was known at the time, was erected in 1931 to con nect the elementary and junior high buildings. In 1955, the center area between the two main buildings was enclosed with an entry way and two additional classrooms. A t the same time a corridor was placed between the junior high school and the gym so that no one would have to walk outside to get from one building to the other. In 1963 the primary grades received a wel come addition when two kindergarten and two first grade class rooms were added to the northwest end of the elementary school. A parking lot was completed in 1970 when the property of Clifford Swenson, directly south of the former junior high building was purchased and blacktopped. The school library ob tained much needed book and equipment space in 1972 when an addition was made on the west side of the building adjacent to the corridor extending to the gym. The 1980s also saw more changes to the Riverton Elementary. In 1985 the office area was remodeled and in 1989 a computer lab was added to existing space in the library.89 School life at Riverton Elementary underwent many changes since the construction of the two buildings in the 1920s. Vera Condie taught second and third grade at Riverton from 1927-31. In Thomas Hicks’ history she recalled the following: The school had a very strict educational setting that heavily em phasized reading and the m ath facts of addition, subtraction, mul tiplication and division reinforced with a lot of drill work and the Palmer method of penmanship. There were 17 faculty members at

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the elementary and junior high schools, a principal and a custodian with an assistant helper. Seven of the single lady teachers lived in a house together in the Riverton community. O nce a m onth all of the teachers were assessed, graded and tested by dis trict supervisors. T he supervisors made surprise visits to the school without prior notification which was a great concern for the teachers. Although, the teachers quickly set up a warning system by sending a red book throughout the building with a student to alert the teachers. During that time the average teacher made about $135 a month of which $35 paid for room and board. . . . fe male teachers could not be married and teach in the public schools.90

The principal at the time was Neils K. Thomson. N. K. Thomson had a reputation for being strict, but fair. He was also heavily involved in church and civic affairs, serving as a bishop of the Riverton LDS 1st Ward, a member of the town board and a charter member and president of the Lions Club.91 One stu dent recalled that the worst thing that could happen to a Riverton elementary pupil was to be sent to N. K. Thomson’s office. His size and demeanor were completely intimidating. Educators who have served as principal of Riverton Elementary since 1927 have included: N. K. Thomson (1927-51), Harold W. Blair (1951-56), G. Wayne Simper (1956-58), Don F. Lennberg (1958-65), Ira Moss (1965-73), Gene Ball (1973-76), Gaylord Johnson (1976-77), Stephen A. Burnside (1977-80), Don Powell (1980-84), Denis Lyons (1984-87), R. Thomas Hicks (1987-92), Danny Smith (1992-93) and Bonnie Dahl (19 9 3 - ).92 The mere mention of the name of one of the Riverton School’s faculty members during the mid-20th century brings back a flood of memories to many alumni. Many call to mind Jean Ball, who was the librarian. Short in stature, she sat on a stack of pillows as she checked out library materials. She always seemed to know exactly where everything in the library was lo cated. Mildred Densley taught many to learn to love reading as she read her students classic adventure stories like Zane Grey’s White Fang. Ella Walton with her white hair in tiny curls and

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omnipresent breast pin, was always prim and proper and in her own loving way worked hard to instill a love of reading as well. It was a standard rule that everyone had to recite something before going to recess in her class. Others remembered feisty Clifford Mousley who was such a fun and creative teacher. However one was careful not to cross him. Mr. Newby with his infamous bench brush was ever ready to paddle the behind of a miscreant. Oral Beckstead’s sixth grade classes drilled heavily on spelling and were always prepared to compete in a class spelling bee. Zelma Platt with her dark hair and stocky build loved hands-on math and worked with disks and cards to reinforce dif ficult math concepts. Her classes were organized into reading groups and she loved reading books like the Blue Willow Plate to her pupils.93 In addition many students loved to visit Edgar Aylett, Riverton’s custodian for 35 years, in the boiler room. He was so friendly and the boiler room was so nice and warm on a cold winter day.94 It was just as exciting to go with Doug Brown, another one of Riverton’s custodians, down to the furnace room and watch him start up the furnace. To make its fan function properly, an old leather belt had to be regularly dressed to make it sticky. Watching this kaleidoscope of activity was a treat in deed.95 Many other faculty members have made their mark on Riverton’s youth.96 Not only were many teachers memorable, but so were the numerous school activities. Elementary students loved to play on the playground. The equipment at one time or another in cluded a giant slippery slide, monkey bars, rings, merry-goround, teeter totters and swings. The slide was so big that some have said that anyone falling off was lucky not to have multiple compound fractures. There were marble and jacks tournaments, hopscotch, as well as jump rope. Playing marbles was tricky if students whose dads worked at Kennecott Copper brought steelies. The extra heavy steelies would slam regular marbles right out of any circle. Playing in the grove of trees north of the school was also fun. Field day in May was a big event with sack races, sprints, three-legged races and other contests between the grades to see who could win the most blue, red or yellow rib

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bons. In addition there were spook alleys, magic shows, spelling bees, dances, basketball, softball, and games of four-square, base ball games, field trips, flag football, plays, operettas, and Christmas programs. An occasional game of “giant” stepping on the right tiles in the big tiled bathrooms, which were so nice and warm in the winter, was also a popular activity.97 Activities of the 1960s reflected the time period. Sesame Street puppets were a big fad which lent inspiration to numerous puppet shows being performed. President Kennedy’s physical fitness program was adopted by Riverton Elementary. This encouraged many to work hard to attain the difficult requirements of the Presidential Fitness Award. Blaine Withers was the first to qualify for the award at Riverton Elementary. He was followed by Susan Hamilton and Fred Roberts. Ronald McDonald [a clown per sonality] came to perform magic and teachers started teaching drug prevention lessons. A humorous incident occurred at this time when the cafeteria was being fumigated. It was filled with an all-encompassing cloud of white smoke. Someone walked by the cafeteria and called the fire department. Within minutes fire trucks surrounded the cafeteria ready to put out the “fire.” Everyone had a good laugh about that. All these activities and so many more helped to make the Riverton School not only a place of learning, but a fun place to be as well.98 Many of these activities would not have been possible with out support from the community. The Riverton School has had a very supportive and active Parent-Teacher Association dating back to 1924.99 A major change occurred at the Riverton School in the late 1950s when the junior high grades were transferred to the newly built West Jordan Junior High. For decades the junior high grades had worked with the elementary grades, tutoring classes, performing plays and providing them leadership. This all changed in 1958 when the blue and gold colors of Riverton Junior High were retired and the green and white of West Jordan were adopted. To mark the last day at Riverton Junior High students participated in a school-wide snake dance. They twisted their way down the west side of Redwood Road to the

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RolSave store at 12600 South and then back to the school. It was a fun day to mark the end of an era.100 The closing of the junior high allowed the kindergarten through sixth grades to ob tain much needed space in the south building as the Riverton school complex became exclusively an elementary school. This was how the school remained except for a short time in the late 1970s and early 1980s when all the district’s sixth grades were moved to the junior high schools and they were renamed mid dle schools containing grades six through eight. As the district’s high schools became more crowded the ninth grade was moved back to the middle schools and the sixth grade back to the ele mentary schools. The decades of the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s were also signifi cant at the Riverton Elementary School. The school remained on a traditional schedule until the 1994-95 school year. Overcrowding at that time, resulted in the district switching the elementary school to a year-round schedule. Since the building was not equipped with air conditioning, summer classes were held at the South Jordan Middle School. The faculty grew from 21 in 1971 to a total of 30 in 1994. These 29 teachers and one administrator educated 747 kindergarten through sixth grade students. Thomas Hicks, the principal from 1987-92, described the educational situation during his tenure: The school operates on a traditional nine-m onth calendar and school begins at 8 :2 0 A .M . and dismisses at 2 :5 0 P.M. All class rooms are self contained with two teachers and four sessions of kindergarten and four teachers and classes in grades one through six. In addition to the regular school buildings there are four portable classrooms which serve the four sixth grade classes. The school offers a full-time special education teacher, a half-time psy chologist and a half-time speech and hearing pathologist.101

Special activities at Riverton Elementary during this time in cluded visits from famous artists, patriotic essay contests, geogra phy bees, Christmas quilting projects to raise money for needy families, history fairs, reading contests, Christmas programs and visits to historical sites in Riverton. The elementary school also

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adopted the “raccoon” as its mascot and red and white as its official school colors. These activities were all made possible by a seasoned faculty and dedicated parents.102

Southland Elementary School Riverton’s growth in the 1970s and 1980s necessitated the construction of two new elementary schools. These schools were Southland and Rosamond. Construction of Southland Elementary School was completed in the fall of 1974 at 12675 South 2700 West. Its student body of 530 consisted of not only Riverton children, but students from Bluffdale, Herriman (72) and Lark (8 2 ).103 The Jordan Board of Education voted the pre vious February to close the Lark Elementary, transfer the Herriman students from Terra Linda Elementary, and realign the boundaries of Riverton and South Jordan elementary schools to create Southland’s student population.104 The 58,800 square foot structure was constructed by Layton Construction at a cost of $1,393,560 ($23.70 per square foot). It had been designed as an open-plan school by McDermott and Associates. *Open spaced schools which permitted team teaching and flexibility as well as economy in construction were the fad in the Jordan District during most of the 1970s and into the 1980s. The fol lowing description was given about the physical plant: Southland Elementary is an open space, team teaching school with an attempt to meet the specific needs of each student. The open space is conducive to personalization of instruction by al lowing greater flexibility of movement of students, permitting teacher and student to work together in a variety of learning situ ations.105

By the 1990s this type of school structure proved to be impracti cal and a more traditional instructional plan was desired. As a result walls were installed in 1990 to enclose each classroom. Other changes in the physical plant occurred when two class rooms were added in 1985 and a computer lab in 1989. Another

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1989 project involved the removal of all the asbestos insulation in the building. Students were farmed out to six other schools for almost two months while this work was being completed.106 Southland was dedicated on October 16, 1975 at a program attended by most of Riverton’s prominent citizens. Remarks were given by John Wheadon, board member; Kimberly Searle, student; Donald Parr, superintendent; Bruce McDermott, architect and Alan Layton, general contractor. The dedicatory prayer was offered by Keith Bergstrom. In attendance also was most of the first faculty of Southland Elementary School.107 Ted Huntington who was appointed as the first principal also spoke. It was a major occasion for this was the first new school erected in Riverton in nearly fifty years. A number of special projects and activities have taken place with the help of the Southland faculty and PTA. A major project during the school’s early years was the installation of flashing lights at the comer of 12600 South 2700 West to warn cars of the children walking to and from school. Fund raising projects were initiated by Connie Lewis, the first PTA president, to raise the approximately $800 required.108 Around this time Southland also adopted the “saber-toothed tiger” as its mascot and royal blue and white as its school colors. Other activities at Southland have included: (1) a discovery day where students have the opportunity to ex plore careers and other activities from specialists in fields rang ing from sign language and rodeo to railroads and clowns; (2) presenting the play Babes in Toyland. with the Bluffdale Arts Council; (3) a student ombudsman program to solve student problems; and (4) history fairs in which students prepare pro jects and demonstrations on various subjects in history and co ordinate walking field trips with local Riverton businesses.109 All these special activities have helped to supplement the edu cational programs. Ted Huntington was succeeded as principal in 1986 by George Shell. He in turn was followed by Bem ett Baldwin and Lyn Bumingham. During these years Southland’s population more than doubled by 1992 to a total of 1,070. During the

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1993-94 school year the enrollment reached 1,150 students with a faculty of 43 teachers. This tremendous growth necessitated the institution of year-around school at Southland in 1991 as well as the construction of yet another Riverton elementary school.110

Rosamond Elementary School Riverton’s third elementary school was named Rosamond and was constructed in 1984 at 2010 West 12195 South in the Brookwood subdivision just west of Redwood Road. The school took its name from Riverton resident Rosamond Butterfield, wife of Morris Butterfield. The land on which the school was built had been owned by the Butterfields so it was decided to call the school Rosamond in Mrs. Butterfield’s honor. The “roadrunner” and later the “champion” were named as mascots and maroon and grey were selected as school colors. Like Southland, Rosamond was designed as an open-plan school with 62,323 square feet of space by the architectural firm of McDermott and Associates. The general contractor, Herm Hughes and Sons Company, built the structure at a cost of $2,302,212 ($36.94 per square foot). Also like Southland, the open space plan has proven unworkable and Rosamond is scheduled to have interior room walls erected in the latter part of the 1990s. The school has seven teaching areas with four classrooms in each area except the kindergarten area which only has three classrooms. Since it opened in the 1984-85 school year to 820 students, four portable classrooms have been added, space has been remodeled to include two computer labs and the faculty lounge has been converted into a resource classroom.111 Rosamond Elementary School was dedicated on October 17, 1984. Speakers on the program included school district offi cials, Russell Peterson, from the Riverton City Council; Paula Noorda, the first Rosamond PTA president; the architect and general contractor as well as Beverly Thompson, Rosamond’s

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first principal. Duane Williams, president of the Riverton North LDS Stake gave the dedicatory prayer. The flag ceremony was provided by the school safety patrol and music was performed by the school chorus and faculty. A n open house complete with refreshments was held after the dedication.112 Since its dedication Rosamond has been involved in a wide variety of educational activities organized and planned by a cre ative faculty. A major project has been its “Champions Program” which started in 1989. The program was designed to offer students a healthy alternative to drug abuse. It involved asking heroes, leaders and parents to serve as role models for stu dents and to come to the school and have the students pledge themselves to be drug-free.113 The “Champions Program” also helped to promote self esteem, healthy lifestyles and goal set ting. On Fridays the students have been encouraged to wear “Champions” T-shirts and sweatshirts. Rosamond has also par ticipated in plays, including Cinderella, with the Riverton Arts Council; organized a concert choir and jump rope team; planned a discovery day similar to Southlands; conducted an annual founder’s day program, raised over $10,000 for a cancer victim through auctions and bazaars and had annual emergency preparedness days where students learned drills and made emer gency kits. All these activities in addition to excellent class room instruction have made Rosamond a fine school.114 In its first decade of existence Rosamond experienced a few changes. Beverly Thompson retired as principal of Rosamond in 1988 and was replaced by Peggy Sorenson. She was faced with a burgeoning student population that had increased to 1,204 by 1994. All these students were housed in a building that was de signed to have a capacity of 920. This was made possible par tially by the conversion of Rosamond’s schedule to year-round in the 1987-88 school year. This allowed a 25% increase in stu dents and required the division of the student body into differ ent attendance tracks. One of the biggest changes occurred in the faculty which by the 1993—94 school year had less than a half dozen of its original members.115

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Oquirrh Hills Middle School The population explosion in the southern part of the Salt Lake Valley in the 1970s created the need for a new middle school in the southwest quadrant of the Jordan School District. Since the closing of the Riverton Junior High in 1958, Riverton’s junior high students had attended West Jordan Junior High. When that facility became too crowded in the mid-1970s many Riverton students were enrolled at Eastmont Junior High in Sandy. The overcrowding resulted in plans being drawn up for the much needed Riverton school in the late 1970s. The Oquirrh Hills Middle School was opened in September 1980 at 12949 South 2700 West. The 121,779 square foot structure was designed by the architectural firm of Montmorency, Hayes and Talbot and was constructed by the general contractors Hogan and Tingey at a cost of $5,791,809.116 Construction was delayed in the summer of 1980 by a plumber’s strike and plans were made to have West Jordan Middle School go on double sessions if the new school could not open on schedule. In August Superintendent Raymond Whittenburg announced that Oquirrh Hills would open as sched uled even though it was partially completed. He said that all classroom areas were finished so there would be no “impediments to academic progress.”117 The school opened to 950 sixth, sev enth, and eighth grade students who had to eat their lunch in their classrooms because the cafeteria was not finished. The in dustrial arts, home economics and auditorium areas were also in complete and were eventually completed during the first year.118 Earl Behrmann was named principal and he supervised a faculty of 39 teachers. Robert Peterson headed the custodial staff, Norma Ericksen the luncheon staff and Kathy Valdez the secretarial staff. The entire educational facility was dedicated on March 12, 1981 by Keith Bergstrom, president of the Riverton North LDS Stake. The program consisted of remarks by school officials Mark Walquist, Raymond Whittenburg and Earl Behrmann; and the general contractor Michael Hogan. Musical numbers were per formed by the school orchestra, band and chorus.119

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During the 1980s Oquirrh Hills established many important traditions. The first year the students chose the “eagle” as their mascot. The eagle represented their courage and upward at tempt to achieve academic excellence. One of the school’s first goals was to develop a positive self image in each student. To ac complish this a number of programs were instituted. These in cluded: VIP Awards, honor roll, National Junior Honor Society, B.U.G., Eagle of the Quarter, V.I.E. Club, and Ninth Grade Outstanding Achievement Awards.120 Many middle school stu dents from Riverton have been helped to achieve a positive selfimage as well as academic excellence through these programs.121 Earl Behrmann (1 9 8 0 -9 1 ), Dennis Hansen (1 9 9 1 -9 4 ) and Emerson Boyd (1 9 9 4 - ) served as principals of Oquirrh Hills during its first decade and a half. During that time the school experienced a few changes. Among these were a new music room which was added in 1982, a computer room installed in 1983 and a type room completed in 1985. These additions were all created from existing space inside the original building. For two years (1982-83 and 1983-84) the school also housed the kindergarten from Riverton Elementary. This proved to be a very positive experience for the older middle school students as they were able to help tutor, read stories and answer “Dear Santa” letters for the kindergarten children. The school contin ued to grow in numbers reaching a total of 1,473 by 1994.122 The instruction afforded all of Riverton’s students in the 1990s was reflected in the Scholastic Aptitude Tests which were taken by students throughout the state of U tah as mandated by the Utah legislature. Riverton’s schools met the expected range of scores for similar schools and was at or above the national av erage in most subjects. Fig. 8 summarizes the results. In the 1993-94 school year the average teacher-pupil ratio in the Jordan School District for first grade was 24, second grade 24.50, third grade 26.50, and in the upper elementary grades it was 27.70. This was one of the highest in the nation. For the 1990-91 school year $2,671 was spent to educate each pupil in the Jordan School District. This was increased to $2,722 in the 1991-92 school year. U tah’s average for the same year was

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Reading

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Rosamond 5 th Gr.

Riverton 5 th Gr.

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schools in 1993 with a similar clientele based on students receiving state aid or free lunch.] Source: Windows to Jordan Schools (January 1993) pp. 6 -7 .

$2,906 and the nation’s was $5,466.123 Salaries for teachers in Riverton’s schools during the 1993-94 school year ranged from $19,365 for a beginning teacher with a bachelor’s degree to $37,882 for a veteran, 25-year teacher with a master’s degree plus 45 quarter hours of college credit.124 One of the biggest changes to occur in Riverton’s schools in the 1990s came when a Jordan District Committee released a report in 1992 on the seismic conditions of the district’s schools. After making site visits and considering all safety and economic factors, the committee concluded that Bingham Middle, Riverton Elementary, Jordan High and four other schools be closed.125 A bond election was held in November 1992 to seek approval to sell bonds for financing a new Riverton Elementary along with a number of other schools. The bonds were approved and $10 million of them were sold in December 1993 to finance the Riverton Elementary and one other west area elementary. Design West Architects was chosen to design the new school which was to be similar to the Jordan Ridge Elementary in South Jordan. Construction was scheduled to begin in the spring of 1994 on a site just south of the Riverton Elementary at approximately 13100 South 1830 West. Proposals by the Jordan School District to purchase 12.5 acres of land at this site were

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rejected. Eminent domain proceedings to condemn the property were then undertaken.126 The new school was expected to open in the fall of 1995.127 Speculation immediately began as to what would happen to the old Riverton Elementary buildings. Many hoped that they would be remodeled and put to another use. Both mayoral candidates in the 1993 election supported looking into the possibility of converting the buildings into a civic arts center. Serious consideration of this campaign promise was un dertaken by Mayor Sandra Lloyd in early 1994. But no matter what happened to the school buildings, the memories of count less residents, who went to the Riverton School in their youth, could never be erased.

Notes 1. Julian L. Dansie, ed., O ur Family Circle (Salt Lake City: 1 977) p. 137. 2. Ibid., p. 13. 3. An Enduring Legacy, vol. 5 (Salt Lake City: Daughters of the U tah Pioneers, 1982), p. 343. 4. “Riverton History,” (Riverton: A Short History of the Riverton School Kept by the Riverton School P .T .A ., 19 4 8 ), p. 7, (mimeographed). 5. Ibid. 6. “Riverton History,” p. 4. 7. Dansie, Our Family Circle, p. 138. 8. Communities of the Jordan School District (Sandy: Jordan School District, 1946) p. 147. 9. Thomas Hicks, “A History of Riverton School,” (A n Unpublished History of Riverton School, 1991), pp. 8 - 9 . 10. This structure still stands at the present time (1 9 9 4 ) and has been converted into a private residence. 11. Riverton W ard, Manuscript History, p. 1, LDS C hurch Archives. 12. N. T. Silcock, Journal #2, pp. 57—86, LDS C hurch Archives.

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13. N. T . Silcock, Journal, p. 257, LDS Church Archives. 14. Riverton Ward, Manuscript History, p. 1, LDS Church Archives. 15. Viola Nokes Dowdy, interview with Mel Bashore, September 18, 1986. 16. N. T. Silcock, Journal, p. 120, LDS Church Archives. 17. Blanche Densley, Excerpts from the History of Riverton (Salt Lake City: Family Press, 1971) p. 4. 18. U tah Territory, Compiled Laws of Utah (Salt Lake City: n.p., 1888) pp. 6 7 8 -7 9 . 19. Dansie, Our Family Circle, p. 258. 20. Ibid., p. 261. 21. Salt Lake County Court, Minutes, Book B, p. 287, U tah State Archives. 22. W ard Roylance, Utah: A Guide to the State (Salt Lake City: U tah Arts Council, 1982) pp. 1 9 0 -9 1 . 23. N. T . Silcock, Journal #2 (1878 O ctober-1881 January), unnumbered pages at forepart of journal, LDS Church Archives. 24. Salt Lake County School District #35, A ccount Book, p. 105, U tah State Archives. 25. Tales of a Triumphant People (Salt Lake City: Daughters of the U tah Pioneers, 1947), p. 265. 26. Deseret News, October 18, 1889 and Roylance, Utah: A Guide to the State, p. 191. 27. Deseret News, October 18, 1889. 28. Circular of the Public Schoob of Salt Lake County (Salt Lake City: William M. Stewart, 1890) p. 33. 29. Deseret Evening News, April 15, 1893. 30. Salt Lake County, Board of Education, Record Book (1891â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1896), December 28, 1891, U tah State Archives. 31. Riverton Ward, Manuscript History, LDS Church Archives. 32. Deseret Evening News, March 20, 1874-

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33. Communities of Jordan School District, p. 145. 34. Deseret Evening News, July 29, 1898. 35. Deseret Evening News, August 31, 1901. 36. Salt Lake County, Board of Education, Minutes, p. 232. 37. For more information about John Hansen, Jr., see his life sketch in the biographical section of this book. 38. Densley, Excerpts from the History of Riverton, p. 10. 39. Jordan School District, Board of Education, Minutes, Book 1, December 11, 1905, Jordan School District Adm inistration Building, Sandy, U tah, (hereafter referred to as Jordan School District, Minutes) 40. Dansie, Our Family Circle, p. 88. 41. Ibid. Early graduates (completing grades 1-8) from the Riverton Elementary School included: 1902— Carrie Bills, Louie Dansie, Frank Dansie, Charles M. Nokes; 1903— Virginia Beckstead, A nnie Butterfield, H attie Miller, Ethel Sylvia Miller, H attie Page, Sarah W ebb; 1904— Ida D. Bills, Gladys C . Blake, Della Crane, Mahonri Dansie, Jennie Miller, Pauline Page, Agnes Peterson, Ella Peterson, Reid Swan; and 1905— G race Bills, Edgar Morgan, Lydia Orgill, Maude Page, Ella Peterson, Myrtle W ebb. Deseret Evening News, May 27, 1902; ibid., May 25, 1903; ibid., May 23, 1904; and ibid., June 1, 1905. 42. Marie E. Gooderham, History of Granite School District (Salt Lake City: Granite School District, 1976) pp. 2 2 -2 3 . 43. Deseret Evening News, April 4, 1902. 44. Deseret Evening News, June 20, 1903. 45. Gooderham, History of Granite School District, p. 23. 46. Deseret Evening News, M arch 30, 1905. 47. Densley, Excerpts from the History of Riverton, p. 11. 48. Jordan School District, Minutes, Book 1, July 10, 1905. 49. Ibid., August 9, 1905 and September 14, 1905. 50. Ibid., November 21, 1910. 51. Hicks, “A History of Riverton School,” p. 11. 52. Jordan School District, Minutes, June 19, 1906.

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Ibid., March 26, 1907.

54- Ibid., March 4, 1908. 55. Ibid., May 20, 1909. 56. Hicks, “A History of Riverton School,” p. 12. 57. Jordan School District, Minutes, March 21, 1912. 58. Elias Butterfield, interview with Scott Crump, May 10, 1991. 59. Jordan School District, Minutes, May 16, 1912. 60. Ibid., October 14, 191461. Ibid., March 27, 1919. 62. Ibid., December 8, 1915, and April 25, 1918. 63. Ibid., April 28, 1921. 64- Ibid., June 6, 1910 and March 21, 1912. 65. Deseret Evening News, August 3, 1912. 66. Deseret Evening News, December 5, 1912. 67. Hicks, “A History of Riverton School,” p. 5. 68. Ibid., pp. 13—14- The list of rules for teachers is from an unknown source. 69. Ibid., p. 14. 70. Jordan School District, Minutes, July 19, 1906. 71. Ibid., March 13, 1919 and March 29, 1921. 72. Deseret News, December 9, 1910. 73. Elvoy Dansie, Autobiography. 74. Elvoy Dansie, conversation with Scott Crump, December 12, 1993. 75. Elias Butterfield, interview, May 10, 1991. 76. Margaret Park Peterson, “Childhood Memories Lecture Program.” 77. Olive Crane Smith, interview with Elvoy and Bertha Dansie, February 8, 1987. 78. Elvoy Dansie, conversation, December 12, 1993.

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79. Deseret Evening News, August 12, 1921. 80. Communities of Jordan School District, p. 145 and Elvoy Dansie, interview with Scott Crump, January 25, 1986. 81. Communities of Jordan School District, p. 145. 82. Salt Lake Tribune, July 3 1 , 1926. 83. Elvoy Dansie, interview, January 25, 1986. 84- Hicks, “A History of Riverton School,” p. 14. 85. “New Riverton School to Be Dedicated,” Murray Eagle, February 3, 1927 and Murray Eagle, February 17, 1927. 86. Densley, Excerpts from the History of Riverton, p. 1487. See Chapter 7 for more information about the Riverton school bus accident of 1938. 88. Hicks, “A History of Riverton School,” p. 19.

89. Ibid., p. 20. 90. Ibid., pp. 17—18. 91. Densley, Excerpts from the History of Riverton, p. 13. 92. Hicks, “A History of Riverton School,” pp. 15—16. 93. Linda Butterfield, conversation with S cott Crump, O ctober 5, 1993 and LuVera Vawdrey, conversation with S co tt Crump, January 11, 1994. 94. Janet T . W ardle, conversation with S cott Crump, September 28, 1993. 95. Blaine W ithers, conversation with S cott Crump, January 9, 1994. 96. Some of the memorable teachers at Riverton School include: Paul Boyce, Harold Bradley, Pearl Bodell, Zelma Butterfield, A lta Crane, Celestial Dutson, Frank Griffith, W . R. Edgel, Essie H olt, Marjorie Densley, Lamar Isaacson, Margaret Mullin, Blanche Larsen, Ellen Sampson, James Seal, Blenda W hite, Mae Rasmussen, Harold Rindlesbach, Dannell Cottrell, Virginia Lee, Ada Hollinger, John W harton, James Miller, Mildred Smith, Lois M acCarrel, Miss Mayberry, Ben Bruce, Ken Lindsey, O rr Hill, Nelle Silcox, Blenda Hamilton, and Marjene Larson. 97. Linda Butterfield, conversation, O ctober 5, 1993 and Blaine W ithers, conversation, January 9, 1994-

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98. Blaine W ithers, conversation, January 9, 199499. Some of the parents who have served as president of the Riverton PT A have included: Mary H. Egbert (1 9 2 4 -2 5 , 1 9 3 5 -3 8 ), M. J. Tischner ( 1 9 2 6 - ), J. T. Broadbent (1930s), Clarence Frost (1 9 3 8 -3 9 ), Nellie Butterfield (1 9 3 9 -4 0 ), Eva Stevenson (1 9 4 1 -4 2 ), Gladys Isaacson (1 9 4 1 -4 2 ), Rosamond Butterfield (1 9 4 2 -4 4 ), Jennie Morgan (1 9 4 4 -4 6 ), Mary Mortensen (1 9 4 6 -4 8 ), Eldred Beckstead (1 9 4 8 -4 9 ), Lucille Furr (1 9 4 9 -5 0 ), Ardean Nichols (1 9 5 0 -5 1 ), Elma Johnson (1 9 5 1 -5 2 ), Rayola Smith (1 9 5 2 -5 3 ), Joyce Glover (1 9 5 3 -5 4 ), Ivy Page (1 9 5 4 -5 5 ), Roberta Silcox (1 9 5 5 -5 6 ), Clarissa Giles (1 9 5 6 -5 8 ), Ida Ewell (1 9 5 8 -5 9 ), Pat Cowdell (1 9 5 8 -5 9 ), Dana Larsen (1 9 5 9 -6 0 ), Elizabeth Andreason (1 9 6 0 -6 1 ), Mary Ericksen (1 9 6 1 -6 2 ), Lucille Miller (1 9 6 2 -6 3 ), Violet Morris (1 9 6 3 -6 5 ), Beatrice Brown (1 9 6 5 -6 7 ), Sandra Lloyd (1 9 6 7 -6 8 ), Dena Nokes (1 9 6 9 -7 1 ), Sheila Spencer (1 9 7 1 -7 3 ), Noreen Park (1 9 7 3 -7 5 ), Sharon Brown (1 9 7 5 -7 7 ), Nan W hite (1 9 7 7 -7 9 ), Etta Johnson (1 9 7 9 -8 1 ), Lueila Thompson (1 9 8 1 -8 3 ), Nancy W ininger (1 9 8 3 -8 4 ), Suzann Winters (1 9 8 4 -8 5 ), Robin Money (1 9 8 5 -8 6 ), Christy Nelson (1986—87), Gaylene Phister (1 9 8 7 -8 8 ), Susan Blackwell (1 9 8 8 -8 9 ), Tammy Mortensen (1 9 8 9 -9 0 ), Gail Hunter (1 9 9 0 -9 1 ), and Sharlene Harsh (1991—9 2 ). Hicks, “A History of Riverton School,” pp. 20—21. 100. LuVera Vawdrey, conversation, January 11, 1994. 101. Hicks, “A History of Riverton School,” pp. 2 2 -2 3 . 102. The Riverton Elementary School faculty in 1 9 7 5 -7 6 consisted of the following: kindergarten— A nn Forbush and Joan Gerrard; first grade— Jane Pritchett, Barbara W ade, and Linda Warwood; second grade— Annette Munson; second— third grade— Kathryn Jensen; third grade— Diane Francom and Fred Olsen; fourth grade— Shirley Lou Davis and Norman LeBaron; fifth grade— Jerry Fairboum and Tim Rausch; sixth grade— Denney Berrett and Edward Patterson; resource— Janet Blake, Marilyn Cowan, and Joan Gallegos; and librarian— Bemalin Babbel. The office staff consisted of Neva Korous and Dena Nokes and the head custodian was Leo Crane. Norma Pullan was the lunchroom manager. [Information obtained from a school program printed in 1975—76.] In 1 9 8 9 -9 0 the faculty included Rosalyn Gutierrez, LuVera Vawdrey, Gary Neidiger, Sanya Payne, Marianne Ross, Linda Warwood, Joy Baker, Robyn Madsen, Gloria Wilson, Vicki Wilson, Shauna Allen, Allison Downs, Peggy Kirkham, Gerald Renshaw, Cindy Richardson, Jeanine Hyatt, Coleen Stutznegger, Larry Turner, Greg Walsh, Jennifer Brown, Greg Christensen, Jo A n Hermansen, Shari Killpack and A nnette Munson. Also included were Jerry Fairboum, Danielle Shaddick, Galen Tirrell, Tami Hewitt, Mary Matheny, Bill Smith, Kathleen Crocker, Susan Blackwell, Montez

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Butterfield, Elaine Coffey, Michael Densley, Pam Fox, Maggie King, Ellen Tucker, Frances Baca, Suzanne Thelin, Shari Beckstead, G race Atwood, Cora Bake, Dian Edmunds, Bev Edmunds, Hazel Palmer, Emma Serassio and Lewis Severson. Hicks, “A History of Riverton School.” 103. Jordan Valley Sentinel, September 5, 1974. 104- Sentinel West, February 28, 1974. 105. Southland Elementary School dedication program. 106. Vy Morris, conversation with S co tt Crump, O ctober 6, 1993. 107. Southland Elementary School’s teachers in its first year included: kindergarten— ShaRee Fotheringham and A n n McDougal; first grade— Luan Fredrickson, Jan Jacobson, Rita Robinson, and Rebecca Roundy; second grade— Paula Brown, Ron Peay, Lynne Ruiz, and T ina W hitesides; third grade— Kathryn Dunn, Dianne Ormond, and Jean Reinicke; fourth grade— Dianne Beutler, Carolyn Butterfield, Paul Niebuhr, and Janene Richins; fifth grade— Barry H atch, Irene Nielsen, and Erven W ade; and sixth grade— Kirk Denison, John Robertson, and Mary W ebster. Southland Elementary School dedication program. 108. Sentinel West, O ctober 3, 1974. 109. G reen Sheet, April 26, 1990; ibid., November 7, 1991; ibid., February 15, 1990; and ibid., February 4, 1993. 110. Information September 1993.

obtained

from

Southland

Elementary

office

111. Vy Morris, conversation, January 30, 1994112. Rosamond Elementary School dedication program. 113. G reen Sheet, May 4, 1989. 114. G reen Sheet, May 4, 1989; ibid., September 17, 1989; ibid., February 15, 1990; and ibid., June 20, 1991. 115. Information obtained from Desiree Crump. T h e 1 9 9 3 -9 4 faculty in cluded: kindergarten— Reva Allred, Kathy Peterson, Christine MacKerell, and Carol Bird; first grade— Patti Harrison, Diane Jessop, Karleen Meeks, Eloise Payton, JoA nn Thurman, and Mary Kay Tipton; second grade— Peggy Crook, Janece Dow, Sam Galloway, Sylvia Haycock, Joan M echam , and A nn Paskett; third grade— Becki Little, Desiree Crump, Jacque M elton, Jeanne Gallacher, Beverly Jones, and Vicki Curtis; fourth grade— Cathy Smith, JoA nn Nokes, Karen Bem ecker, Dianne Beutler, Janet Crane, and Vicki Curtis; fifth grade— Lori M onette, Judy Nash, Kathy Osborne, Vickie

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Johnston, Carol Hicks, and Dave Cassani; sixth grade— Kathy Osborne, Dorthy Mostyn, Sheila Becker, Marleen Bradford, Allyson Briggs, and Lois Lynn; resource— Rex Nielsen, Janna Howard, and Jana Toomey. The office secretarial staff was headed by Judy Lloyd and the head custodian was Glen Beckstrom. 116. Information obtained from Oquirrh Hills dedication program and Jordan School District Office. 117. Sentinel West, August 7, 1980 and ibid., August 21, 1980. 118. “Oquirrh Hills A ccreditation Manual,” (This manual was compiled in 1 9 9 2 -9 3 for the Northwest A ccreditation organization, Riverton, 1993) p. 4. 119. Oquirrh Hills dedication program. 120. A n explanation of these awards follows: (1 ) VIP (Very Important Person) Awards— Throughout the year, teach ers present to students who have exhibited noteworthy or exemplary behavior a V.I.P. award. Students turn in certificates to the main of fice and receive a V.I.P. pencil, along with the top portion of the award. The names of students receiving V .I.P.’s are displayed on the school electric billboard and announced over the P. A . system. (2 ) Honor roll— Each student who attains a 3.5 g.p.a. for the previous quarter is listed on the official school honor roll. Students receive a letter of congratulations each quarter. Their names are posted in the main showcase of the school. In addition two special activities are held for students who were placed on the honor roll one or more times during the school year. (3) National Junior Honor Society— Honor students with outstanding scholarship are invited to join the National Junior Honor Society. (4) B. U . G. (Bring Up Grades)— Special needs students have an oppor tunity to set and achieve goals through an Individual Educational Plan (I.E .P.). Those who reach their goals enjoy special privileges similar to those enjoyed by the Honor Roll, V.I.E. Club and Blue and Gray Club. (5) Eagle of the Quarter— Each quarter a designated number of girls and boys from each grade are selected by the faculty for outstanding citi zenship. These students are honored at an assembly and given an award. Parents are invited to the assembly and to a reception di rectly afterward. This award is the highest citizenship award an Oquirrh Hills Eagle can recieve.

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(6 ) V.I.E. (Very- Important Eagle) Club— Students who have earned outstanding citizenship grades in their classes have the privilege of membership in the V .I.E. Club. Specific qualification includes five or more “H ” citizenship grades, with no “N ” or “U ” citizenship grades. Members are issued membership cards each quarter which entitle them to several V .I.E. activities each year. (7 ) N inth Grade Outstanding A chievem ent Awards— Each spring one ninth grade student is selected by the faculty as a top achiever in each of the curriculum areas. These students are honored at an as sembly and their names placed on plaques in the school showcase. “Oquirrh Hills A ccreditation M anual,” pp. 9 2 - 9 3 . 121. The first faculty of the Oquirrh Hills Middle School in 1 9 8 0 -8 1 in cluded: Earl H. Behrmann (principal), Charles E. W eber (intern assistant principal), James F. Schindler (teacher specialist), M artell M enlove (coun selor), Gilda Martin (counselor), Alfred W . Bailey (media coordinator), Brent Ainsworth (physical education/health), C athy A ldem (6 th grade core), James Anderson (industrial arts), Sharon Anderson (m ath ), Richard Buck (8th grade core), Craig Buehler (type/art), Susan Burke (resource), Cindy Diaz (6th grade core), Carol Crem er (physical education/health), Rick Dumont (7th grade core), Mieneke Enniss (6 th -7 th grade core), Robert Farr (m ath), Don Hammond (7th grade core), Mary A n n Hemphill (band), Gordan Hinckley (physical education/m ath), Leonard Howell (6 th grade core), Ralph Jensen (science), Jeff Lawson (social studies), Donna Mickelsen (6th -7th grade core), Eileen Naughton (6 th -7 th grade core), Carla Odle (m ath), Charlotte Ogara (resource), Jerry Payne (Spanish/m ath), Mike Peay (m ath), Charles Porter (m ath/science), Louise Pratt (orchestra/chorus), Denise Reichert (7th grade core), Debra Searle (hom e econom ics), Mark Shelton (industrial arts), Reid Sherratt (science), Karen Thom as (8th grade core), Dan Thulin (art), Steve W heeler (8th grade core), Sharon Williams (physical education), and Janice Yeates (hom e econom ics). 122. “Oquirrh Hills A ccreditation M anual,” p. 4. 123. Windows to Jordan Schools 19:1 (O ctober 19 9 3 ), pp. 3 - 4 . 124. Teachers salary schedule, Jordan School District, 1 9 9 3 -9 4 125. Windows to Jordan Schools 17:4 (May 1992) pp. 1 -2 . 126. “Copper Tag Sticks to New School,” South Valley Eagle, February 10, 1994. 127. Ripples and Currents (News notes for Jordan School District Employees, Sandy), O ctober 7, 1993 and ibid., Novem ber 18, 1993.

11 From Beetdiggers to Miners High School Education

The U.S. flag barely moved in the evening breeze as anxious seniors casually assembled into lines at the top of the football stadium grandstands. The majesty of the Wasatch Mountains in the golden glow of the evening light formed a perfect backdrop for one of Bingham High School’s most time-honored traditions. It was June graduation exercises and in the near-ideal weather conditions, the capacity crowd eagerly awaited the commence ment of the school’s 79th annual diploma presentation at the conclusion of its 83rd year in 1990. Doug Gailey raised his baton at precisely 7:00 P.M. and the orchestra, set up on the track in front of the spectators, began playing the familiar strains of Pomp and Circumstance. The audience rose to its feet as the rows of blue gowns on the north and white gowns on the south began descending the steps to the empty blue chairs on the freshly cut field of green below them. As the seniors marched down the stairs to their seats, a sense of accomplishment was evident in 245

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their faces as they reflected back on their now finished days as a Bingham Miner. The invocation was offered after which student speeches, awards and musical numbers were presented. The school administrators and board of education members spoke next. A visible sigh of relief was evident throughout the stadium at the conclusion of the speeches. Then the long-expected diplomas were awarded as each student came forward upon hearing his or her name. A few others still had pranks left to play as they dropped mice, exploded fire crackers, shook hands with peanut butter-covered palms, stood up and down or per formed other antics to the cold glances of the administrators seated on the front row. The reddish tint of the setting sun was beginning to dim as the graduates moved their mortarboard-af fixed tassels to the opposite side and began singing the familiar strains of the school hymn, Dreams o f Bingham High. A s the music began, the newly-elected student body officers, in the southeast comer of the stadium, set the cloth-wrapped “B ” on fire. It burned brightly as the hymn concluded and the students threw their mortarboards into the air. There were handshakes and cheers as well as hugs and tears as these former Bingham Miners reminisced with fondness on their high school years.

Jordan High School Graduation day marked a major milestone in the life of Riverton’s high school youth. It was a time to reflect as well as a time to dream. Although high school memories of Rivertonites were synonymous with Bingham High since 1957, older resi dents fondly remember Jordan High as the site of their high school education. In 1907 with C. E. Gaufin as supervisory teacher, Jordan High School was officially organized. Mr. Gaufin along with Miss E B. Jennings were the first teachers. They held classes in the basement of the East Jordan LDS Church, then located just west of today’s Midvale Elementary School. Despite dark and dingy classrooms and a non-central location, attendance was

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deemed adequate for the first year. The students’ work was de scribed as “thorough.”1 Previous to this time, first year high school work (ninth grade) was sporadically held in Draper, Sandy, Midvale, and West Jordan.2 This type of unofficial high school instruction was deemed inadequate. With the organization of the Jordan School District in 1905 the need for a permanent high school for all south valley residents was recognized. With no formal instruc tion taking place in Riverton past the eighth grade, most stu dents ended their school days with eighth grade graduation. Those Riverton students who desired additional education could attend Brigham Young Academy in Provo or high schools in Salt Lake City.3 In the case of Walter Dansie, his family moved to Salt Lake when he reached high school age. He recounted: In the early part of 1900, mother and father were concerned about further schooling for us children. Both my parents were denied higher education as most parents were at that time in our area.. .. Nevertheless they were determined to give us children every edu cational advantage. So they decided to move into Salt Lake City. As far as I was concerned, I dreaded this change. I was hjtppy in the country and on the [Riverton] farm where I was bom and en joyed life.4 As a result Riverton’s families welcomed the new high school in their own district and watched it grow rapidly. In Jordan’s second year of instmction, Enoch Jorgensen of Provo was hired as principal. Classes were transferred to a more perma nent location at the Central Elementary School building in Sandy. Ten thousand dollars, derived from a half-mill tax levied for high schools in April 1908, was used to convert this eightroom elementary school into a high school facility. For the first time, high school and elementary classes were held separately.5 Four teachers were employed to teach two years of high school instruction. Mr. Ross Anderson of Ephraim and Miss A. W. Brown of Salt Lake City were engaged to teach with Mr. Jorgensen at Sandy. Mr. E. C. Hart of Bloomington, Idaho was

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hired to teach at the newly-established branch of Jordan High in Bingham. W hen school commenced on September 9, 1908, there were 92 students enrolled; 63 freshmen and ten sophomores at Sandy and 17 freshmen at Bingham. In addition to the normal classroom instruction, a number of dances were held during that second year to foster school spirit and to raise funds for athletics.6 In the 1909-10 school year, Jordan offered three grades of instruction at Sandy and two years at Bingham. Mr. Jorgensen and Mr. Anderson were re-engaged to teach at the Sandy cam pus along with Mr. O. H. Dutton, Miss Maud Williams and Miss Ada Hartley. Mr. F. G. Eskelson and Miss B. E. Day were work ing at the Bingham campus.7 Students were able to participate in a number of sports including football, basketball, baseball and track. Undaunted by the lack of locker room facilities for the football team, Coach Dutton secured a few fifty gallon wooden barrels used for scalding butchered pigs. A t the end of a work out, the boys jumped in the barrels, which were filled with cold water, to wash off the dirt from their competition.8 John Hansen, Jr., of Riverton, was the superintendent of the Jordan School District at the time and he was partially credited by principal Jorgensen for Jordan’s success that year: To former superintendent John W. Smith we desire to tender our thanks for his untiring efforts in helping the school in its infancy; to superintendent John Hansen Jr., we express our gratefulness for the ever-ready word of encouragement and good will expressed in our behalf. . . . With such encouragement, shall one wonder that our school is a success? To be sure we are yet in a formative stage and cannot claim a place among the full-course high schools; but building our hopes on foundations of past and present support, we plan to offer a full four years course next year, and confidently trust we may offer manual training and domestic science as special features and to our beginning in domestic art, dress making as a regular re quired course for lady students. Our enrollment shows 127 regular attendants, classified as follows: 51 freshmen, 39 sophomores and 16 juniors at Sandy and 12 freshmen and 9 sophomores at Bingham. . . .

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Our choir and orchestra are special features that have aided materially in creating interest in the growing school, and our dra matic club is now prepared to make its bow to the public in that well-known, historic drama, Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Though athletics have not been given undue prominence, our boys were “in it” while the football season lasted and proved themselves inferior to none, considering the short time they have been organized. We cannot compete in basketball since we have no hall to play in; but when the baseball season opens, we’ll be there... .9 Principal Jorgensen went on to thank the students of Jordan High for their efforts in making the school the pride of the district.10 During the next few years a number of new developments came to Jordan High. In January 1910 the board of education voted to make Bingham independent of Jordan and named F. G. Eskelson as principal.11 In 1911, the first class of seniors gradu ated from Jordan.12 Enrollment outgrew existing space by 1912 so additional classrooms were made available at no cost by the LDS Church at the Sandy Bishop’s Storehouse. A special bond election was held in the spring of 1913 to fund construction of a new high school. That same year the Jordan School Board purchased fifteen acres of land on the east side of State Street (between 9300 and 9400 South) for the school. Niels E. Liljenberg, who had designed over 20 other schools, was chosen from a number of architects to submit plans for the structure. His neo-classical revival style building was built by E. B. Koch, general contractor at a cost (including land) of $165,236. The school opened its doors on November 30, 1914 after 13 months of construction.13 Riverton’s students were transported to the new school in horse-drawn wagons. A large bam was built by the school in 1917 for the horses used by the wagons as well as for the horses of those students who rode to school themselves. Students were required to bring feed for their own horses.14 Ren Howard re membered a four-horse stagecoach taking him from Riverton to Sandy. The stagecoach would not wait for athletes playing sports after school. During the seasons he was involved in afterschool sports, he drove a horse and buggy to Jordan. In the winter

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when there was snow, the trip took him almost an hour. Bricks were heated and put in the bottom of the buggy to keep his sister and Norma Hamilton, who rode with him, warm. He also re called all the horses lining up in front of Jordan High to take students home each afternoon.15 The Jordan District purchased its first buses in 1917 to aug ment the horse-drawn coaches. By the 1920s there was a fleet of buses to transport the district’s students. It was customary when they were first put into service for most of these vehicles to be driven by students who were attending Jordan themselves. Elvoy Dansie wrote: In the early part of January 1927 Mahonri Jensen, the bus dri ver, took sick and was in bed for six weeks. I was asked to drive the bus for that period. It was an old Republic truck number 13. It would hold about twenty students. The route was from the Riverton school down Redwood Road to 12600 South to 1300 West; north to 10600 S. across State Street and on to Jordan. . . . We received $1.20 a day, but had to have our first period for study so as to take care of our buses. . . . I helped sponsor a club of bus drivers and was given the job of advertizing it in the school paper. We gave the students a free dance. . . . Clarence Nelson and Lee Butler were our advisors and took care of the buses. I never missed starting the bus all year. We would drain the radiator as soon as we got home and refill it in the morning before leaving school, dur ing freezing weather.16 Ken Silcox remembered driving bus #13, nicknamed “the crackerbox” during the Depression. It held 18 to 20 students and had seats on each side and a bench in the middle. Rulon Dansie remarked that when he drove buses in the early 1920s to Jordan there were not any cement roads. One day on his way back to Riverton, three girls were fooling around on the bus. They stepped on the gas peddle and it stuck, causing the bus to go speeding down the road. A car loomed in front of them and the bus couldn’t slow down. Dansie depressed the clutch and swerved around the car while going full speed. He finally got the bus stopped, but was later glad when adults replaced students as

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drivers. He felt that student drivers were too easily taken advan tage of by the student riders.17 Many of Jordan’s traditions were started in those early years. The “beetdigger” was chosen as the school’s mascot and the school colors of red and gray were adopted. There were so many sugar beet farms in the Jordan High area at the time that school administrators decided that school should be recessed for two weeks in the fall for the harvest of beets. The tradition of a beet vacation lasted in some form for over three decades. The school yearbook was called The Beetdigger, the newspaper, The Broadcaster and the literary magazine, The Courier. A fine academic program was developed at Jordan High. Classes were offered in subjects ranging from English, domestic arts, science, and millinery to agriculture, animal husbandry, wood shop, and auto mechanics. A dental office was located in the school to give students a first-hand look at dental hygiene and there was a cooperative project with the county health de partment to help correct nose and throat problems.18 These classes were taught by dedicated teachers whose influence af fected many Riverton youth.19 Extracurricular activities were numerous and varied. They included a forensics team, a drama club, student government, various musical groups, the Charlonians (founded in 1927), the Jordanettes, Key Club, a dance club, Agriculture Club (later FFA), Future Homemakers of America and others.20 Mildred Densley was involved in many of these clubs in the 1920s: The girls that I went around with were in speech and drama. I’m sure I got the part of Mrs. Lippet in Daddy Longlegs because I was the biggest kid there and Nell Clark, the prettiest lady, was the mother figure. It was fun. We would stay after school and come home on the athletic bus. We formed a home economics club. Mrs. Mildred Peacock came to me and said she would like to get a home economics club organized. She asked me to help her. . . . It seemed like we just lived there. I liked Jordan. I still like the Jordan school song. . . . ’’Jordan High students are we, seeking knowledge ever will be.” Emery W. Epperson was the music teacher and he wrote the song.21

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Going to Jordan High was a major educational transition for many Riverton students. High school students from 12 Salt Lake County towns were enrolled at Jordan. This proved to be a frightening experience for some, but for most Riverton students it was a chance to meet a whole new group of friends. Edward Beckstead met his wife at Jordan. He recalled taking a seminary class with her in the seminary building across the street from the school. He sat in back of her and became enamored with her long curly hair. One day he tied it to the chair in back of her. It proved to be an unusual way to attract attention.22 A number of Riverton’s youth, like Rulon Dansie decided to leave school before graduating to work on the farm. Rulon left at age 15 and worked hauling hay and driving horses. However, the state legislature passed a law about 1920 requiring everyone to go to school until age 18. Rulon decided to return to Jordan at this time, even though he did not need to since he was already 18. He remarked: There were two or three years I didn’t go to school. T h en they were forcin’ them to go to school till they were 18. W ell I was past 18, but I thought, well I just get a chance because they had wood work and auto m echanics over to Jordan. T h a t’s what I wanted. I just wanted to take agriculture and wood work and th at’s all I took over there. I didn’t take English and the rest of ‘em .23

Sports were also popular at Jordan. The “Beetdiggers” first fielded a football team in 1908. They lost their first contest with American Fork. However, under the direction of Coach Edwin R. “Edd ie” Kimball, Jordan’s gridders won the state champi onship for the first time in 1931 and repeated in 1934. Coach Dunn “Snyde” Taylor continued Jordan’s winning tradition by taking championships in 1936, 1939, 1940, 1941, 1944, 1947 and 1948. Riverton’s youth contributed to Jordan’s last state football championship in 1950 under the direction of Coach Dale Sorenson.24 In 1910 Jordan entered the newly-formed bas ketball league with Salt Lake, Granite and Bountiful High schools. Unfortunately the “Beetdiggers” had to withdraw be cause they didn’t have a gym in which to practice. Jordan’s

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cagers first took the state title in 1935 and repeated in 1951, 1953, 1954 and 1955 during the years when Riverton students were in attendance.25 Baseball began in 1908 and in 1917 the track team held its first meet.26 Lovell Densley recalled his years playing sports at Jordan with fondness: I enjoyed my years over to Jordan. I played basketball and football for Jordan for three years-on the main team [varsityl for two years. The only sport I didn’t win over there was tennis. I didn’t go out for that because I didn’t have the time. I went out for baseball and won my letter in track too. A t that time [1920s] they used to give sweaters [for lettering]. I got a little gold chain with a big “J” on it.27

Jordan’s biggest sports rival for many years was Bingham High School. The keenness of this rivalry is evident from accounts of sporting contests between the schools. The following is an ac count of a basketball game between the two schools in 1918, as reported in the Bingham Bulletin: In a basketball game between Jordan High School at Sapdy and the Bingham High School, the Jordan school won the game. The Bingham boys concede the game, but state that they were not treated as gentlemen and ladies should be treated when visiting another school. A t the end of the first half of the game, Bingham was ahead, the score standing at 18 to 11, when the Bingham rooters started a snake dance around the hall. A t this the Jordan baby boys became sore and ran in and struck two or three of the visitors. A free for all followed in which the Bingham boys were very well satisfied with the results. But they do not like to be treated as they were when they visited the beetdiggers. The visit ing school had been invited to stay for the dance when the game was over, but the Jordan High (boys) fellows were so insulting in their demeanor that the visitors decided that they were not wanted so they went away and held their own dance. The coach of Jordan High stated to Dr. A . L. Inglesby, who accompanied our boys, that Bingham might expect such frays when they start things. But that is the point, Jordan started the rough house be cause they could not play the part of a good sport when they were

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W h en Jordan high learns how to be the right sort

of sports and can take defeat or victory in the right way, then Bingham will be glad to m eet them again.28

Jordanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s view of the fracas differed considerably, citing the unsportsmanlike conduct of the Bingham fans.29

Bingham High School The post'World War II housing and baby boom in southern Salt Lake Valley resulted in an ironic change for Riverton high school students. In 1956, it was proposed that all high school students west of the Jordan River be transferred from the crowded Jordan High to rival Bingham High to equalize student populations. The suggestion came from Howard Barben, who was president of the West Jordan LDS Stake. In a November 1956 letter to J. O. Jones, president of the school board, Mr. Barben suggested that students in West Jordan, South Jordan, Riverton, Bluffdale, and Herriman be bussed to school in Copperton instead of Sandy. He cited three reasons for the change: opportunities for more personal student'teacher relationships, additional student participation in school activities and better physical facilities available at Bingham High. Recognizing the rivalry that existed between the schools, he also proposed that the names of both schools be changed with Jordan High becoming East Jordan High and Bingham High becoming West Jordan High.30 The board discussed the request and decided that before such a sweeping transfer could be effected, it was imperative that comparable curriculum offerings be available at both schools and that transportation problems be resolved. However the board agreed that something needed to be done to alleviate overcrowding at Jordan High. It had been designed to accommodate only 900 students, but was enlarged by additions to house 1,200 students. It was operating above capacity with more than 1,400 students enrolled. O n the other hand, Bingham with a capacity of 950, was being underutilized with only 556 students of which 325 were junior high students.31

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After an intensive study the board voted January 29, 1957 to transfer some 270 junior and sophomore students living in the district west of the Jordan River to Bingham High School in Copperton beginning in September 1957. Senior students in Riverton and four other affected communities were allowed to finish their schooling at Jordan. The board also postponed plans for new construction at Jordan until April when a $310,000 project to add ten rooms was announced.32 Opposition to the transfer was expressed by many residents of the five communities affected. Displeasure voiced at board meetings reached its height in May when registration for the new year was taking place. Approximately 27 parents opposing the shift to Bingham kept their children home on registration day. The parents, mostly residents of South Jordan, signed a pe tition earlier proclaiming that they would not allow their stu dents to attend Bingham. Most of Riverton was calm as absen tees at Riverton Junior High were reported to be no more than usual. However, at West Jordan Junior High, where the South Jordan students were enrolled, only 49 of the 76 ninth grade stu dents were at school. When asked what he intended to do about the situation, principal M. K. Bunnell simply commented: “We aren’t here to teach children to defy their parents.”33 Transferring from Jordan High located in an agricultural area to Bingham High with its mining town tradition was a major change for Riverton residents. The mere mention of the name Bingham brought forth images of its rowdy mining town past. Some people held views about Bingham like a young lady did who was assigned to teach at the Bingham Canyon school in the 1930s. She was teaching her pupils about Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania and mentioned its reputation as a city polluted with smoke. In the middle of the lesson she slammed her book down on the desk, stood in front of the class and said angrily: W hoever wrote that story about Pittsburgh never saw Bingham Canyon. If he had come here he would have called this town the smoky city. This is the most filthy place in the world! You can t touch anything without getting your hands or clothes filthy. This is the dirtiest town in the world, not Pittsburgh!

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The students in her class sat silent under the outburst. Most of them felt that their town and school, which was at the base of Utah’s richest mine, wasn’t that bad. Riverton’s youth found that out as well and soon felt right at home being one of Bingham’s Miners. They added a new dimension to the rich tra ditions of Bingham High School that like Jordan High, had its genesis in the first decades of the 20th-century.34 In 1908, with E. C. Hart as the teacher, Bingham High School was established as a branch of Jordan High School.35 Classes began that fall in some rooms located above Canyon Hall in the old town of Bingham.36 In January 1910, the Jordan District School Board voted to make F. G. Eskelson principal of Bingham High and made the school independent of Jordan High. In May of that same year, E. E. Dudley was appointed principal at a salary of $1,200 for ten months. The high school had a faculty of five whose salaries ranged from $65 to $100 a month.37 The first graduating class at Bingham was the class of 1912, which totaled five students.38 That same year, Jordan School District started construction of a new school along Bingham’s Main Street. The total cost of this new complex amounted to $109,923 and included two multi-storied buildings which were completed in 1912. Students from the towns of Bingham, Copperfield, Highland Boy and Lark, were brought to this new school with buses pulled by horses.39 The students who attended Bingham High during these early years loved their town and felt that it was a good place to grow up and be educated. They were hard-working and showed a great deal of enthusiasm for learning. For example, when the boys were confronted with not having any facilities for auto me chanics, they eagerly got together with some adults and built a shop on an old mining dump.40 During the years the high school was located in Bingham many traditions were started. From its beginning Bingham High’s colors were royal blue and white and it was only natural that its nickname be the “Miners.” Bingham’s first yearbook was pub lished in 1918. At first it was called the M etal, but this name was

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later changed to the Coppertonian. The student newspaper also had its inception around this time and it also was called the Coppertonian. However, this name was later changed to Hi-Lights and then to Prospector to avoid confusion with the yearbook. The school year of 1926-27 saw the addition of another an nual student body activity as the student officers started the tra dition of having “B” Day. Norma Olson Nichols, who was stu dent body vice-president at the time, commented that since Pleasant Grove and other high schools had their letters on the sides of mountains, that Bingham High needed a letter on the mountain as well. The other officers thought this was a great idea. After the idea for a mountainside letter “B” was approved by the administration, a search was begun for a suitable loca tion. The first site chosen was on the mountain behind the mine precipitation plant. However, it was soon found that a “B” could not be seen very well at that location. The present site was then selected, situated above the old Bingham and Garfield Railroad line on the north side of the canyon’s mouth.41 The construction of the block-letter “B” took place on April 8, 1927, and the 1927 Coppertonian recorded this about the event: Upon April 8, 1927, the school doors were locked for the day and the students and faculty were transported to the ball park for an official holiday. T he boys were marshaled in companies— each one led by a spirited captain. They then trekked up the steep mountainside and erected a “B” to show the affection we hold for the school and the town. After the completion of the “B”, lun cheon was served by the girls to the hungry and womout boys. The rest of the afternoon was spent in games and other competi tive games.42

Tommy McMullin recalled that moving all the rocks to form the block-letter “B” was hard work for the boys, but by early af ternoon most of the rocks were in place. Trails were made and whitewash was carried up the switchbacks to complete the pro ject. In the next few years the “B” was enlarged each spring, when it was whitewashed, until it reached its present size. Other activities were soon added to the annual spring sprucing up and

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this became known as “B” Day.43 During the 1980s, whitewash' ing the “B” was switched to the fall and became part of home' coming activities. In 1930 Bingham’s student body conducted a contest to select a school song. Two earlier songs proved to be unsatisfactory. The winner of the contest was Jack Smith, a 17'year'old senior who later settled in Riverton. To the tune of Sons o f Burgundy, a popular 1920s tune, he wrote the song Bingham’s Sons and Daughters. A t an assembly held to announce the winner, Principal H. R. Atkin announced that Jack Sm ith’s entry had been selected and called him up to the stand. There he presented him with a check for $7.50 and said, “Now Jack will sing his song.” The husky athlete, who hated to sing solos, blushed, handed the check back and said, “Like heck I will,” and walked away. Even though Jack didn’t sing his song that day, students have been singing it ever since.44 The school hymn was composed in 1953 by Lowell Hicks, the Bingham music teacher, and was entitled Dreams o f Bingham High. The words were written by Robert Knotts. This hymn was not intended to replace the school song, but was written so that students had something more solemn to sing at official functions like graduation and at the conclusion of school assemblies.45 W ith the addition of students from Riverton and other com' munities of the southwest section of the valley coupled with the population growth of the 1960s, Bingham High grew from 231 students in 1957 to 934 pupils in 1971. A t this time, it was de cided that a larger high school building needed to be con structed. The site selected for the new school was in South Jordan at 10400 South 2160 West. A t the urging of the student body (which by this time consisted mostly of valley students), the school board decided to retain the name of Bingham for the new school. The fourth Bingham High School was erected at a cost of nearly $11,000,000 and opened its doors in September 1975 to 1,246 students. Designed on the open classroom plan that was faddish at the time, the building was dedicated in April 1976. Permanent interior walls were erected in 1991 and 1992 when the open plan proved unworkable.46

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Old traditions were continued and new traditions were added at the new Bingham High School in South Jordan. Since a successful miner is one who strikes pay dirt, a Pay Dirt Club was organized in 1976 to honor successful “Miner” graduates. The Pay Dirt Club is Bingham High’s version of a “hall of fame” and each year new members are chosen during homecoming by an alumni committee. Inductees include doctors, teachers, gen erals, a former U.S. treasurer, professional athletes (including Riverton’s Fred Roberts) and prominent businessmen.47 Reminiscent of old-time miners, Bingham students symbolically begin each year with a re-enactment of a miner’s search for pay dirt. Donning a miner’s hat and using an old double jack and a drill bit, students drill a rock taken from Bingham Canyon. This tradition, started in the 1980s, symbolizes the quest for success during the year ahead. Graduating seniors who have achieved this goal are awarded the Pick and Shovel Award. The Pick Award is given to students who render outstanding service and scholarship. Another tradition is the Candlelight Service which was inaugurated in 1937 by Joel P. Jensen, then Bingham’s music teacher. This is the school’s annual Christmas program pre sented by Bingham’s performing arts groups. A t this event the students treat the Bingham community to a musical program. The Candlelight Service Award was instituted in 1976 to honor those individuals who have rendered outstanding service to the school.48 Reminiscent of the homecoming bonfires in the early Bingham years, a tradition was started at the new school of burning a large block “B” wrapped in rags. It is burned twice a year-at homecoming and graduation. Homecoming has also be come a major traditional event. Started in 1957, homecoming at Bingham includes white-washing the “B”, a parade, a foot race down the “Miner Mile” (the designated street name for 10400 South in front Bingham High), the “tour de Bingham” bicycle race from the old Bingham High in Copperton to the school in South Jordan, a pep rally with burning “B”, an alumni assembly, the homecoming dance (held at the old Bingham High School in Copperton for many years) and a football game. To keep in contact with former “Miners” at homecoming and

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throughout the year, the Bingham High Alumni Foundation was organized in 1989. The foundation not only informs alumni of high school events, but also raises money to support school projects and scholarships.49 Other traditional activities at Bingham include Pride and Spirit Weeks, Bingham Ball, the Senior Hop/Christmas Dance, Junior Prom, Sophomore Stomp, Girls’ Preference Dance and Sweetheart’s Ball. All these traditions have helped mold and enrich Bingham High. Athletics have always played a big part at Bingham. The first and one of the most popular sports at the high school was basketball. Since its inception at Bingham around World War I, basketball teams have won seven state championships (in 1960, 1973, 1974, 1977, 1978, 1989, and 1990) under coaches Udell Wankier and George Sluga. Since football began in 1925, Bingham’s gridders under Coach Bailey Santistevan won four state titles (in 1939, 1941, 1945, and 1946). Teams in baseball have taken the state title 17 times (in 1932, 1933, 1934, 1935, 1939, 1940, 1942, 1947, 1950, 1952, 1954, 1955, 1974, 1975, 1976, 1984, 1985), more than any other school in Utah. G olf teams have won two state championships (1983 and 1991) and cross country has finished first in the state once (1990). Since girls’ athletics were inaugurated in the 1970s, Bingham’s “Lady Miners” have won state championships in track (1989), volleyball (1989, 1990, 1991), basketball (1990, 1994) and softball (1991, 1992, 1993). In addition, teams in wrestling, track and field, swimming, soccer and tennis have also brought regional honors to Bingham. A t the end of the 1991-92 school year Bingham was awarded the Deseret News All Sports Award for finishing the highest in all state competitions involving men’s and women’s sports.50 Throughout Bingham High School’s history it has been privileged to have been staffed by fine personnel. From its cre ation in 1908, the principals of the high school have been F. G. Eskelson, E. E. Dudley, Howard Alston, Art Willard, Lars W. Nielson, Howard R. Atkin, T. H. “Tommy” McMullin, H. W. Jorgenson, Joel P. Jensen, Donald J. Parr, Richard A. Bateman, Glen L. Beere, Thomas L. Owen, James L. Shurtleff, Robert D.

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Day, and Denny Simkins Carlisle. The faculty was always changing, but there have been numerous veteran teachers at Bingham who have become virtual legends in Riverton and the rest of the Bingham community.51 These dedicated teachers helped assist “Miner” students in achieving numerous academic honors. Sterling Scholars, National Merit Scholars, top debaters (Bingham has won 7 state championships), skilled artists and musicians, award-winning vocational students and other acade mic award winners have all walked Bingham’s halls. Despite the fact that Bingham High has had five locations and four buildings since its beginning in 1908 and has left the town of Bingham and even Bingham Canyon, the school has tried to maintain its distinctive character. A Bingham graduate of the 1920s came to the new Bingham High School with its wide halls, carpeted classrooms, and massive gymnasium and re marked that this school was nothing like the small four-storied structure that he had attended in the narrow confines of Bingham Canyon. “No,” he remarked, “it is just not the Bingham I knew.” Yes, locations, physical facilities and times have changed, but for Bingham it has not been the bricks and mortar that have made the school, but it has been its traditions, faculty, and students. As Riverton and the rest of the southwest part of the Salt lake Valley grew in population in the 1970s and 1980s, Bingham High School continued to grow as well. The student body swelled to 3,000 by 1980, nearly 600 students above capac ity. These numbers required the implementation of an extended day schedule. However, with the opening of West Jordan High School in the fall of 1981, the enrollment was nearly halved. Nevertheless by 1994, Bingham’s “Miners” numbered over 3,000 again. The scheduled opening of the new Copper Hills High School in 1995 at 5200 West on the new Bingham Highway in West Jordan is eagerly awaited. The location of this new high school caused considerable controversy in Riverton. Some residents felt that demographics supported the construc tion of a high school in Riverton and not a second high school in West Jordan. At a February 1993 school board meeting, 50

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proponents of the proposal, from both Riverton and western South Jordan, cited the following reasons favoring a Riverton site: 1. Growth patterns on the district’s west side were changing. In 1992 there were 315 housing starts in Riverton, 532 in South Jordan, 37 in Bluffdale, but only 303 in West Jordan. 2. Only 100 West Jordan students would be within walking distance of the proposed site while if Riverton were chosen, more than 800 could walk to school. 3. The West Jordan site was deemed hazardous. It was lo cated by Airport #2, Hercules and Kennecott operations, high tension power lines, pressurized natural gas lines, a drug rehabilitation facility, and the Bingham Highway where hazardous chemicals were regularly transported. 4. The district already owned land in Riverton but would have to purchase land on the Bingham Highway site. Another parent added that she had just moved from West Jordan to escape a growing gang problem and that the West Jordan site might mean her children would be bused to the new school in West Jordan. Another proponent of the Riverton site said that building the new school at the West Jordan location was like building a school in the Bermuda Triangle. Proponents of the West Jordan site countered: (1) in 1993 West Jordan had twice as many people as Riverton and South Jordan combined, (2) West Jordan had a total of 17,000 West Jordan students between the ages of 5 and 17 which was 3,000 more than South Jordan, Riverton and Bluffdale combined, and (3) building permits in West Jordan were up 42% in 1993. The atmosphere was tense and combative. One speaker commented: “W e’ve been given the short end of the stick for a long time and maybe we should take that same stick and poke it in someone’s eye.” Supporters of the West Jordan site were heckled by those present.52 Supporters of the Riverton high school site appeared again at the next board meeting in even greater numbers, but it was to

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no avail. At its March 16th meeting the board voted to build the new high school at the West Jordan site. Amid jeers and catcalls, board president Linda Neff explained that the decision was based on a yearlong study, a broad perspective and the long-term needs of the district. She also noted that the board was not necessarily deciding where to build the new high school, but which one to build first.53 The decision was not re ceived well in Riverton. In actions reminiscent of the 1957 high school protests, many Riverton parents organized a school boy cott on March 22, 1993. They picketed Oquinh Hills Middle School which had about 75 percent of its students absent. Vowing that the boycott was only the beginning, the protesting parents planned other political actions for the future including the defeat of board members at the polls. Jordan District Superintendent Raymond Whittenburg expressed his concern at the misinformation in the community and his surprise that Riverton residents used their students as a way to show their dis pleasure of the board.54 Protests at board meetings continued for the next two months, but the board made it clear that its deci sion was final. However, additional land was secured at 12400 S. 2700 W. for the future Riverton high school which board mem bers said might be started by the turn of the century. So Rivertonians continued their support for the Bingham “Miners” while awaiting the construction of a high school of their own.

Notes 1. Jordan Courier, 1910. The Jordan High School literary magazine, pub lished by the students of Jordan High School, Sandy, U tah. A copy of this in formation from the Courier was found in Roxie Rich, The History and People of Early Sandy (Tooele: Tooele Transcript, n.d.). 2. Ibid. 3. A few Riverton residents preferred these schools and sent their chil dren there even after a local high school became available. Morris Butterfield, Tom Butterfield, Verve Butterfield, and some of the Heber Crane family took the Orem Line train each morning into Salt Lake City to attend LDS High

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School during the 1920s. Elvoy Dansie, interview with Scott Crump, January 25, 1986. 4. Julian L. Dansie, ed., O ur Family Circle (Salt Lake City: n.p., 1 977) p.

88 . 5. Martha Sonntag Bradley, Sandy City (Sandy: Sandy City, 1 993) pp. 8 0 -8 1 . 6. Jordan Courier, 1910. 7. Ibid. 8. Maureen Jensen, ed., Midvale History (Midvale: Midvale Historical Society, 1979) p. 90. 9. Jordan Courier, 1910. 10. Ibid. 11. Jordan School District, Minutes, Book O ne, May 1910, Jordan School District Administration Building, Sandy, U tah. 12. The first graduating class included: Abbie Ballard (Richardson), A lvah Fitzgerald, Orson Sm ith, Silas Brady, Claire M cHale (Jacobs), Mary Goff (W alker), Effie Sm ith, A rthur E. Peterson, Elsie Farrer (Sm ith), Genevieve Johnson, and Payton Johnson. Rich, The History and People of Early Sandy, p. 201. Binghamâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s first graduating class in 1912 included: Clifford Mayer, Agnes McDonald (Sullivan), Elvira Christensen, David I. Geffen and M ona G . Heaston. 1918 Metal (Bingham High School yearbook, published by the stuÂ dents of Bingham High, Bingham, U tah ) p. 32. 13. Bradley, Sandy City, pp. 8 2 -8 3 . 14- Jensen, Midvale History, p. 91. 15. Ren Howard, interview with Mel Bashore, M arch 9, 1985. 16. Elvoy Dansie, Autobiography. 17. Bus Driver Lecture Program, 1986. 18. Rich, The History and People of Early Sandy, p. 206. 19. Enoch Jorgenson was principal from 1910 to the spring of 1914Teaching during those years were: O . H. Dutton, Ross Anderson, Maud Williams, Ada Hartley, Elizabeth Jensen, Zina W oolf, R. H. Dow, Louis Peterson, Amanda Brim and Henry Peterson. Henry Peterson was principal from 1914 to 1917. A . M. Merrill was principal from 1917 to 1921.

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E. W . Robinson administered the school for four years, 1921 -2 5 . Teaching at some period during those years were: A nna Adams, O. D. Ballard, E. Allen, Emma Bayles, Mary Bergstrom, Leon Butler, John G. Crook, Thomas A . Dewey, Laura Gardner, N. B. Giles, Grace Holman, G retchen Horst, E. A . Jenkins, A . C. Jensen, Frances Johnson, Jessie H. Page, Ardath L. Price, Louise Riach, Elizabeth Robinson, Alma Smith, Orson Smith, Lillian Staines, A nna C . U re, Mae Edwards, Emery Epperson, Marguerite Gordon, Enid Rosengren, Matte Williams, Hope Gaufin, John E. Heywood, Isaac B. Humphrey, Nellie Madsen, C. R. Nelson, Oralie Rawson, Ida Heywood, Melville Kelly, L. W . Nielsen, Hazel Peterson. Lars W . Nielsen had the longest tenure of any principal at Jordan High, 1 925-1 944- Teachers who taught during the years 1925 to 1930 were: O. D. Ballard, Mary Bergstrom, Leon F. Butler, Helen Candland, Nell Clark, Thomas Dewey, J. N . Dorius, Emery Epperson, Berstrand Gardner, Laura Gardner, Ida Heywood, G retchen Horst, Isaac Humphrey, Ruth Jennings, A. C . Jensen, C . R. Nelson, Ardath Price, Oralie Rawson, Louise Riach, Elizabeth Robinson, Florence Rose, Alma Smith, Orson Smith, Afton Argyle, M. V an Johnstone, Mildred Peacock, Edmund Robins, Dell B. Stringham, Norma Watkins, L. P. Williams, Paul Boyce, Reata Momish, Clem ent Crapo, E. G. Foxley, T . B. Humphrey, Mabel Larson, Rena Morris, Virginia Farrer, Phil Goldbranson, Hazel Peterson, Dorothy Salisbury, Lenna Turner, Helen W hite, Emma Alleman, Bernice Anderson, Isaac Bushnell, M. H. Greenwood, Irene Osmond, A lice Ralph, Edwin Kimball, Fern Magleby, Laura Marshall, N an Osmond. Since 1930, teachers who served over ten years in Jordan High School include: Golda Fraser, Phil Goldbranson, Oralie Rawson, E. G. Epperson, O. D. Ballard, Laura Gardner, Mabel Larson, Dunn Taylor, Lucille Tuttle, Jesse Capser, Paul Boyce, Afton Forsgren, W anda Wade, Clement Crapo, Stan W atts, Evelyn W ood, Lowell Boberg, E. L. Crawford, C. N. Crawford, Robert Pixton, Glenn Soulier, James Seal, Richard David Gourley, Donald Parr, Art Hughes, Don Olsen, Kenneth McCleary, Ralph Pace, Jerry L. McCleary, Rodney Zabriskie, Gerald Fisher, Marietta Williams. Information taken from Jensen, Midvale History, p. 92. Other principals of Jordan High have included O. D. Ballard (1 9 4 4 -5 5 ), T . H. McMullin (1 9 5 5 -5 9 ), Reed Sanderson (1 9 5 9 -6 6 ), Donald Parr (1 9 6 6 -6 9 ), Sherman Crump (1 9 6 9 -7 2 ), Clem ont Bishop (1 9 7 2 -7 7 ), Jerry McCleary (1 9 7 7 -8 0 ), Fred Ash (1 9 8 0 -9 4 ) and Ted Lovato ( 1 9 9 4 - )â&#x20AC;˘ 20. I9 6 0 Beetdigger, Jordan High School yearbook, published by the stuÂ dents of Jordan High School, Sandy, Utah. 21. Mildred Densley, interview with Laurel Bills, August 31, 1986. 22. Edward B. Beckstead, interview with Mel Bashore. 23. Rulon Dansie, interview with Mel Bashore, February 6, 1986.

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24. 1960 Beetdigger, p. 122 and Utah High School Activities Association Handbook (Midvale: 1993) p. 19. 25. I9 6 0 Beetdigger, p. 130. 26. The following is a list of Jordan’s state championships for boys: bas ketball— 1935, 1951, 1953, 1954, 1955, 1962, 1963, 1984; football— 1931, 1934, 1936, 1939, 1940, 1941, 1944, 1947, 1948, 1950; golf— 1975; and soc cer— 1990. Jordan girls won state titles in the following sports: basketball— 1991; drill team— 1984; gymnastics— 1 9 7 3 ,1 9 7 4 , 1975, 1976, 1977; and soft ball— 1993. 27. Lovell Densley, interview with Laurel Bills, August 3 1 , 1986. 28. Bingham Bulletin, February 8, 1918. 29. T he following is a letter to the editor of the Bingham Bulletin that ap peared in the February 15, 1918 issue complaining about the Bingham-Jordan basketball game: T o the President of the Studentbody, Jordan High School, Sandy, U tah. Dear Sir: I thought that I would drop you a few lines and thank you for the splendid time that you folks rendered us. W e enjoyed the dance and the basketball game and were very glad to m eet the representatives of your school as they are in real life. Your team defeated our team fair and square (with a little help from the referee at times). But oh boy!, wait until your team and rooters com e to Bingham. (If they dare, and we rather think that you dare not.) W hen you do, we will show you a glori ous time; only everything will not be in your favor, and there will be no chunky officer of the law running around the floor like a mad man “chucking his beef around the hall.” In our hall, we allow any team that comes here or their rooters to have a snake dance, hoochy-coochy or any other thing they care to in dulge in. W e treat teams that visit us the best that we know how to do so; we do not interrupt them in anything they care to do. There has never been a fight between any one on our basketball floor. You people intended to give us a dirty reception. But when you com e to our town, we will not reciprocate in a like manner, but we will show you that you are too low down to appreciate a crowd of gentlemen that cam e to your game. W hen you com e to Bingham, if you do, anyone who cares to take exception to this letter may find me by inquiring from anyone in the hall. My name is ___________ . The Jordan High perspective of the game was compiled from reports pub

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lished in the Ute Sentinel, Bingham Bulletin and other contemporary sources by the author: Jordan Wins Friday’s Game, Despite Bingham Fans Last Friday, Bingham’s Miners visited the beetdigger gymnasium to play basketball in one of the more important contests of the season. The first half of the game was well played and refereed, but was marred by the unsportsmanlike conduct of Bingham’s fans. W ith the Miner team lead ing at the half 1 8 -1 1 , a group of Bingham supporters started pouring onto the basketball floor, causing a major disturbance. One of the faith ful officers of the Sandy police force asked them if they would please re move themselves from the playing area. They refused, contending that they had the floor for the first part of halftime and continued making light of the fact that Jordan had only scored 11 points in the first half of play. After taking all the abuse that they could stand, a group of Jordan supporters came down onto the floor. Then, without warning, one of the routy [rowdy] Miners viciously struck one of the well-meaning Jordan students in the mouth. A brawl between the opposing studentbodies then ensued. A number of minutes passed before the officer and the two school’s principals could break up the fight which was clearly dominated by Jordan’s men. After the affair was settled the second half continued and the Jordan crew proved victorious again by soundly beating the Bingham team. This surely proves the saying that poor sports never win and that goes for both on and off the floor. After the game Bingham refused to attend a dance that had been planned in their honor, thus leaving the Jordan fans at the dance them selves. It is hoped that when our team visits the Miner School in Bingham, that its supporters can be better sports than they were here last week. 30. Midvale Sentinel, November 23, 1956. 31. Ibid. 32. Bingham Bulletin, February 1, 1957 and Midvale Sentinel, April 29, 1957. 33. Bingham Bulletin, May 3, 1957. 34- Marion Dunn, Bingham Canyon (Salt Lake City: Publishers Press, 1973) p. 54. 35. Jordan Courier, 1910. 36. “A Souvenir of Bingham Canyon”; The Bingham Commercial Club History of Bingham Canyon (Bingham: 1909) p. 8.

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37. Jordan School District, Board of Education, Minutes, Book 1, April 1 4 ,1 9 0 8 . 38. Scott Crump, Copperton (Salt Lake City: Publishers Press, 1 978) p.

120. 39. Ibid., pp. 1 2 0 -2 1 . 40. Tommy McMullin, interview with Scott Crump, August 19, 1976. 41. Norma Nichols, interview with S cott Crump, January 24, 1978. 42. 1927 Coppertonian, Bingham High School yearbook published by the students of Bingham High School, Bingham, U tah. 43. Tommy McMullin, interview, August 19, 1976. 44- Dunn, pp. 4 1 -4 2 . H ie words to Bingham High School’s school song written by Jack Sm ith are as follows: Bingham sons and daughters Like the mighty waters Roll along to victory Tides of Warriors greet us W ith their teams to beat us But we’ll fight for victory. Onward, onward team against the foe Forward, forward our honored banners go. All our foes will tremble As our teams assemble, O n, on, on to victory. Hear the echoes ringing Hear the students singing ‘Tis our song of victory, Colors flying o’er us, Blue and white before us, Lead us on to victory, Onward, onward team against the foe Forward, forward the Bingham Miners go. Bingham we are with you And we’re here to cheer you Fight, fight, fight for victory. Previous to this time Bingham High had a number of school songs. T h e first song on record was sung to the tune of Dixie and appeared in the 1918 year book as follows:

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My heart’s in love with our good old Bingham Copper mountains, and girls in gingham. So I pray Let me stay In Bingham town. Chorus Then let me stay in Bingham, Hooray, Hooray, W ith Bingham’s band I’ll take my stand, to live and die in Bingham. Away, I’ll pray, to stay out west in Bingham. Her sons will prove they are the bravest heroes W hen they fight the Prussian Neroes. W hen they fight, then good night to Kaiser Bill W hen they have “hoched” and “hoched” “Der Kaiser”, poor old Bill will be much wiser. Look out Bill, bitter pill, our Bingham boys. Chorus Oh! Bingham girls they are queens in betting In their heads no room for letting They’re so sweet, no girls beat our Bingham girls. And so we’re loyal to the core, to school, to team and things galore. You’ll be fleet, if you beat, our Bingham High. By 1927 this song had been replaced by a snappy little ditty with these words: Oh, we are the students of the Bingham High Ki, yi, ki, yi, ki, yi, ki, yi, Th e wearers of the blue and white are we, Rip a zip, rip a zip, Hooray. W e haven’t any great excess of cash, Sing B, Sing H; Sing Bingham High And that’s why we don’t do anything rash, Sing dear old Bingham High. Ki, Yi, ki, yi, rip a zip, Hooray, hooray, hooray, hooray, hooray, Sing B, Sing H, Sing Bingham High, Sing dear old Bingham High. 45.

1954 Coppertonian. The words to the hymn follow:

Day is ending night is blending, stars among the blue Memories wonder while we ponder school days fond and true.

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As the golden sun sets in the west— W e lay our dreams of Bingham High to rest. W e’ll always remember the blue and the white And faces so tender and dear— W e’ll always remember the stars in the night T h at shine on our campus so clear. W e ’ll always remember the laughs and the smiles And the struggles, the sorrows and tears. But though we may travel o’er many strange miles, W e ’ll always remember in May and September— Bingham High as our happiest years. 46.

Crump, Copperton, pp. 1 4 6 -4 7 . T h e following description was give

of the school in the dedicatory program: One of the largest education buildings in the state, the new Bingham High School is a com pact structure designed to m eet present and future needs of the Jordan School District. Sited on 40 acres, the new school was designed by S cott, Louie and Browning, A rchitects and Engineers, at a cost of nearly $ 1 1 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 . Over four years in construction, the building provides a high degree of convertability with a core, yet with a potential for maximum subject in terrelationship. Each teaching area has the flexibility for space to be uti lized for individual study, small group discussions, conventional class rooms or large lecture groups. W ith a capacity for 2 ,4 0 0 students, the school has 90 teaching stations grouped into eight principal areas: (1 ) Instructional Materials C enter (located in the middle of the building), (2 ) Language Arts C enter, (3 ) Social Studies-Business C enter, (4 ) M athematics, Science and Industrial Arts C enter, (5 ) Applied and Fine Arts Center, (6 ) P.E. C enter, (7 ) Student A ctivity C enter, (8 ) Administration Center. The P.E. area includes a field house which contains 3 college-sized basketball courts, a one-tenth mile four lane track and seats 3 ,2 0 0 spec tators. The playing floor is of a new synthetic polyurethane material which allows many uses on the surface without excessive m aintenance or damage. W ith the possibility of future decline in the availability of conven tional fuels, the school utilizes electricity for heating and cooling. T h e entire plant is air conditioned in the event the school should, in the fu ture, be used all year around. A t the dedication, hundreds of old photographs and other memorabilia of the previous Bingham High Schools were displayed in the halls and media center. A slide presentation illustrating the history of Bingham High was shown. The

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dedicatory prayer was offered by Theron B. Hutchings, president of the South Jordan LDS Stake, after which tours of the building were conducted. 47. The members of the Pay Dirt Club include (listed in order of induc tion year with Bingham High graduation year in parentheses): 1976— Ivy Baker Priest (1 9 2 4 ), Col. Avery Masters (1 9 3 5 ), Dr. Andrew Contratto (1 9 2 5 ), Dr. Lenore Richards (1 9 3 5 ); 1977— Dr. Peter Pitchos (1 9 3 1 ), Ivor Pickering (1 9 3 3 ); 1978— Theros “Ted” Speros (1 9 3 4 ), George Sluga (1960); 1979— Dennis Nichols (1 9 6 3 ); 1980— Virginia H. McDonald (1934); 1981— Mitchell Melich (1 9 2 9 ), Harold Chesler (1 9 2 9 ), Pearl Milner Wagstaff (1 9 8 0 ); 1982— Dr. Nicholas Vidalakis (1 9 4 6 ); 1983— Gen. John L. Mathews (1 9 5 0 ), Bruce Hardy (1 9 7 4 ); 1984— Kenneth Shulsen (1 9 6 0 ), Dr. Russell Sumnicht (1 9 3 4 ); 1985— Dr. William R. Boren (1 9 4 7 ), Fred Roberts (1 9 7 8 ); 1986— Jimmy Brown (1 9 4 4 ), Farley Gerber (1 9 7 8 ); 1987— Delmar Schick (1 9 4 4 ), Dr. Ned Brown (1 9 4 9 ); 1988— Ellen V. Furgis (1 9 4 4 ), Dr. John Knudsen (1 9 4 7 ); 1989— Dr. W m . Dale Crump (1 9 4 9 ), A lta Miller (1 9 2 2 ); 1990— Ole Hervilla (1 9 2 8 ), Marion Dunn (1 9 4 1 ), J. Cal Crump (1 9 4 7 ); 1991— Brent Overson (1 9 6 8 ), Grant Pullan (1 9 5 3 ); 1992— Ceo Groves Riley (1 9 4 2 ); and 1993— Nanette Santistevan Noble (1952). 48. Following is a list of the recipients of the annual Candlelight Service Award: Joel P. Jensen (1 9 7 6 ), John W headon (1 9 7 7 ), V em Baer (1 9 7 8 ), Donald Parr (1 9 7 9 ), George W elch (1 9 8 0 ), Thomas H. McMullin (1981), Willard and Norma Nichols (1 9 8 2 ), Beatrice Bates (1 9 8 3 ), Richard Gourley (1 9 8 4 ), Linda Sandstrom (1 9 8 5 ), Elma Wankier (1 9 8 6 ), Maurine C. Jensen (1 9 8 7 ), Howard Hausknecht (1 9 8 7 ), Nell Peterson (1 9 8 8 ), Verna W . Jones (1 9 8 9 ), James W . Bingham (1 9 8 9 ), Richard Anderson (1 9 9 0 ), Lowell Hicks (1 9 9 1 ), Bailey Santistevan (1 9 9 2 ), O tto Carpenter (1 9 9 2 ), Agnes “Tillie” Steele (1 9 9 2 ), and W arren “Sonny” Allsop (1993). 49. “Bingham Alumni Foundation Is Busy,” Green Sheet, December 2, 1993. 50. Utah State Activities Association Handbook (1 9 9 3 -9 4 ). 51. Some of these legendary teachers include: W arren “Sonny” Allsop (coach ), Bernice Anderson (secretarial science), Richard Anderson (music), Vernon Baer (English), Glen Bateman (English and Spanish), Beatrice Bates (English), Robert Bailey (mathematics), Lynn Bennett (art), James W . Bingham (chemistry and science), Dean Bishop (art), Chris Black (business), James Bridge (English), Clay Butterfield (agricultural science), Keith Chappie (coach ), Jackie Christensen (home economics), Eugene Coleman (art), Kenneth C o x (counselor), Clement Crapo (music), Cal Crump (coach and counselor), June Culbertson (English), Charles Crawford (assistant prin cipal), Beatrice Densley (counselor), La V em J. Dickson (music), Robert

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Dowdle (auto m echanics), Melvin Gamble (business), Betty Gillam (coun selor), Richard Goss (science), Gerald Groves (biological science), Myrth Harvey (English), Howard Hausknecht (m echanics and transportation), Joel P. Jensen (music), Lee Jensen (biological science and co ach ), Verna W alker Jones (home econom ics), Paul Kuhni (art), Barry Lehto (science), Laura Marshall (English), Virginia Harris McDonald (girls’ P.E. and dance), Richard Morrill (industrial arts), Vernon Nell (electronics), Paul Newton (m athem atics), Dorothy Peterson (girls’ P .E .), Odell Peterson (history and m athematics), Clarence Pollard (social science), Thom as Pazell (social sci ence), Gary Porter (industrial arts), Doug Richards (m athem atics), Linda Sandstrom (English and behavioral science), Baily Santistevan (co ach ), Delmar Schick (co ach ), James Seal (industrial arts), George Sluga (co ach ), Russell Stevenson (industrial arts), A lbert “Sonny” Sudbury (co ach ), Reho Thorum (social science), Udell W ankier (co ach ), and Elma W ankier (English). Custodians who served many years at the high school were Oley Jensen, O tto Carpenter, and Lamar W anberg. Long-time secretaries were Margaret Ireland, “Tillie” Steele, Mary Lynn Sanderson, Marie Chidester, Jean Newman, Joan Parry, Jenae Cobbley, A llah Devey, and Kay Holt. 52. Green Sheet, February 25, 1993. 53. “W est Jordan Site Selected for High School,” G reen Sheet, M arch 18, 1993 and G reen Sheet, April 15, 1993. 54- “South Valley Residents Protest Jordan School Site,” Deseret News, M arch 22, 1993.

12 Incorporated Town to Third'Class City Politics and G overnm ent

(1946-1977)

The sweltering summer heat engulfed Riverton as city residents prepared to celebrate Independence Day at the annual city parade. Traffic was backed up on both Redwood Road and 13400 South as parade participants maneuvered to get to the Riverton LDS Stake Center on time to line up at their assigned spot. A cacophony of sound filled the air, ranging from the pop ping of firecrackers and cap guns to the tuning of bands and the clopping of horses’ hoofs. The registration table on the church grass was surrounded with people trying to find their position in the parade while earlier arrivals filed into their assigned slots. Soon after 6:30 P.M. the motorcycle policemen, who would lead the parade, revved up their engines, sounded their sirens and set in motion the long line of people, horses and machines that im patiently waited to travel north on Redwood Road from 13400 South. Crowds of people lined the parade route— sitting in lawn chairs or on the curb along Redwood Road and 12600 South, 273

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clapping, waving and cheering each entry as it passed. The mayor and town council were near the front of the parade, the first of many parade participants to toss handfuls of salt water taffy to the children. Everybody loves a parade and the candytossing had become a long-standing sweet tradition of the Town Days parade. The parade customarily started the town’s two-day celebration of America’s birthday. It was a tradition enjoyed by the whole town and made possible by the Riverton city govern ment and many citizen volunteers. The parade and other Town Days activities served as a showcase for Riverton’s government— from the police and firemen to the elected officials and civic groups. Each played an important part in making this festive holiday celebration and other governmental services and activi ties during the year successful. A diverse group, just like the people they represented and served— and just like the citizens who participated in the fight to establish Riverton’s government nearly 50 years before. The movement to create the incorporated town of Riverton began just after World War II in 1946, when a group of citizens, concerned about Riverton’s water service and cemetery, peti tioned Salt Lake County for self government. Elias Butterfield described some of the events that led to this drive: It started out because of the R iverton Pipe Line Com pany which was a private corporation. T here were some individuals that owned several shares in it. There were other individuals that had to buy one share of stock in order to get water. If you wanted . . . a new water line and had to [bring] water to it, the public service commission wasn’t [forcing the pipe line company] to do those kind of things. So some of us got together and decided that we were tired of the same little group dictating what was going to happen pertaining to water and that sort of thing in the com m u nity. R ex Hamilton had started an issue to get a sewer system and we couldn’t get much of a sewer system going without the water system being updated. So we got together and decided to hunt up whatever stock we could find and get control of the company. W e walked into a pipe line meeting with our stock and outvoted the corporate officers. In the meantime, we had worked for the incor

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poration of Riverton with two things in mind, the cemetery and getting the water system turned over to the community instead of being a private enterprise.1 The remainder of Riverton’s governmental services was being provided by Salt Lake County. State law stated that for an unincorporated area to become a town, a petition had to be signed by a majority of the registered voters within the designated area for the proposed town. On ap proval of the petition by the county, the town could then be come incorporated. The county commission was then charged with appointing the first town council and president. They held office until the next regular municipal election.2 In accordance with this law, signatures were gathered from 424 of Riverton’s 651 registered voters and presented to the county commission in April 1946.3 A public hearing was held on the proposal after which the commissioners granted the petition. They subse quently appointed A.J. Orr, Meredith Page, Eldred Hamilton, Almon Butterfield, and S.R. Anderson trustees of the new town.4 Not everyone favored the incorporation. A vocal opposition feared taxes would increase if Riverton became a town. They were also satisfied with Riverton Pipe Line Company providing the town’s culinary water and Salt Lake County providing the other public services. They presented their own petition at the hearing and claimed that 137 people on the proponent’s peti tion had requested that their names be removed. They con tended that these 137 people had not realized that they were signing a petition to support the town’s incorporation, but in stead had supposed they were signing a request to get a sewer system. This second petition was invalidated because the county clerk had not certified the names on it as registered voters. Undaunted by this setback, Morris Butterfield, an opponent of the incorporation, filed a lawsuit in district court requesting a restraining order on the incorporation process. District Court Judge Joseph Jeppson granted the order until the court could hear both sides of the issue.5

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In February 1947 the court heard the case. Attorneys for Morris Butterfield contended that the county commission was outside its legal bounds in not allowing the 141 (four names were added) petitioners to remove their names from the incorporation petition. They also contended that residents would be deprived of the county’s sewer benefits as well as its fire and po lice protection, street lighting and cemetery maintenance. Judge A.H. Ellett was urged to have the county commission’s action on incorporation voided. Supporters of incorporation, led by Arthur Orr, the newly-appointed town board president, con tended that Riverton needed more water and that those who opposed incorporation were the original and major stockholders of the Riverton Pipe Line Company who feared the incorpo rated town would wrest control of the water company from them. Almon Butterfield, Lions Club president, claimed that the pipe line company refused to develop water facilities and stymied town growth.6 After two days of testimony the judge took the case under advisement. In May, he issued a judgment declaring the town unincorporated. He suggested that the best solution to the heated fight would be an election under court di rection.7 Those in favor of incorporation immediately took steps to regain the town’s charter. In May a series of mass meetings were held at the Riverton Junior High School. A t these meet ings it was decided to organize a committee, headed by Elmo Hamilton, that would conduct a vote on the issue.8 The com mittee consisted of twelve people, six supporting incorporation and six opposed, who visited every home to solicit a positive or negative response to the incorporation proposition. To avoid further contention, it was determined that the petitioners would travel in pairs— one for and one against the new town govern ment. Each resident was asked to sign one of the two petitions. None of the committee members were allowed to give a “sales talk” or any other means of persuasion during the visit.9 Over the next few months the plan was put into effect and the committee canvassed the town. However, on the date desig nated to return the signed petitions for tabulation, the opposi tion failed to turn in either their results or petitions. Undaunted,

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the truncated committee counted the signatures on the peti tions in favor of incorporation and determined that 55.2% of the 697 registered voters had signed them. In October 1947, in corporation proponents took this information to the county commission which approved the formation of the town of Riverton for the second time.10 The battle then took an unexpected and explosive turn. Upon approval of the incorporation on October 8, 1947, the county commission requested from the petitioners a list of 15 names from which five would be chosen for positions on the town board. However, when the commissioners announced their choices, the candidates on the list were ignored. Named to the board were Edwin Leslie Butterfield (a public employee) as president; and Frank E. Seal (president of the Riverton Pipe Line Company), Harry E. Page (secretary of the Riverton Pipe Line Company), Joseph Morgan and Melvin Peterson as trustees. These selections were controversial not only because they were not included on the list of proposed candidates, but four of the five openly opposed incorporation. Only Melvin Peterson had supported the proposition, Commissioner Robert Cranmer stated that the list was not acknowledged because a “Republican-controlled commission could hardly be expected to appoint an all-Democratic board.” Homer Jaynes, the commis sioner of roads and bridges, who lived in Crescent and was fa miliar with the Riverton situation, had been charged with find ing other candidates. He remarked that he had selected the men on their qualifications as well as being representative of the farming, labor and business people in the area.11 Forty irate citi zens protested the appointments at an explosive commission meeting on October 29, 1947. Represented by an attorney, Wilford Burton, the citizens demanded an explanation from the commissioners. As Mr. Jaynes made repeated attempts to ex plain his action, the dissatisfied listeners heatedly drowned out his remarks with catcalls and snickers. Gladys Densley, vice chairman of the Riverton Republican Party, disputed the com mission’s contention that the names recommended by the resi dents were all Democrats. She stated that in information she

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obtained by surveying the town, ten of the people on the list were Republicans and another three had been “strongly anti' New Deal.” The commissioners exclaimed that there was nothing more they could do about the matter since all except Mr. Peterson had been sworn in earlier that day. Denied address, the Riverton residents angrily threatened to “put the finger of pub lic light on the commission and let county residents know how it had failed the taxpayers.” A t the end of the exchange, the commission requested that the county attorney study state laws to see if it were possible for Riverton to hold a special election to choose its own leaders within the next few months.12 State law did not allow for a special election, so Riverton voters went to the polls with voters in the rest of U tah’s cities and towns at the next municipal elections in November 1949. In this election the citizens elected an entirely new town board consisting of Gwynne Page (president), Elmo Hamilton, Joseph Butterfield, M.J. Stringham and N.K. Thomson.13 The acrimo nious debate over Riverton’s incorporation was one of the most heated in the city’s history. For many it created hard feelings that lasted years. Nevertheless, most were patched up over the course of time as citizens joined together to make the newlyestablished town a successful venture. Elias Butterfield com mented: Those individuals that thought they were against us, . . . Leslie Butterfield, for example. He was the freight agent up here at Riverton [and first town board president]. I went up to get some freight when he was speaking civil to me. O ne day, he cam e to apologize to me. He said, “I had you all pegged wrong. T here were some tales going around about you that weren’t right. I finally found out I was wrong.” So he said, “I apologize to you.” So a lot of that sort of thing happened, too. Yes, we apologized to a few, too. W e kind of got the thing back together pretty good.14

As an incorporated town, Riverton, under state law, had the authority to administer a wide range of governmental services. These included the right to:

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1. levy, assess and collect taxes and borrow money; 2. furnish local public services, operate public utilities and grant public utility franchises and regulate the same; 3. make local public improvements and acquire property by condemnation if necessary for such improvements; 4. issue and sell bonds; 5. maintain law and order, abate nuisances, guard public health and sanitation, promote recreation, provide fire protection, and construct and maintain streets, sidewalks, waterworks and sewers.15 Most of these responsi bilities continued to be Municipal Governmient carried out by Salt Lake in Utah Tciwns County through inter governmental contracts and agreements. How km ever, the most notice THE ELECTORtATE able change was the / t 1 \ 's monthly town council / ; • 'v\ \ meeting. It was usually held at the Riverton Motor Company or Butterfield Ford Com pany where local gov T O W N COUNCIL ernance was conducted by local residents. During Riverton’s first decade of exis tence, covering the late 1940s and most of the 1950s, E. Leslie F i g . 9. R iv e r t o n T o w n G o v e r n m e n t , 1948-67. Source: State and Local Government in Utah, p. 248. Butterfield (1948-50), Gwynne Page (1 9 5 0 54), and Elmer Seal (1954-58) all served as presidents of the town board. In these beginning years a lot of time was spent try ing to decide what municipal services Riverton was going to

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undertake. One of the first major projects was the purchase of the Riverton Pipe Line Company for the townâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s water supply. Bonds were issued in the fall of 1950 for $90,000 and on January 1, 1951, the pipe line company was purchased for $88,500.16 The sale had been approved by a majority of the pipe line stock' holders for $56 per share. All residences and businesses in town were then metered and a water superintendent was hired to read the meters and fix broken pipe lines.17 The town park was also established in the first decade of Rivertonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s existence. This endeavor was initiated in 1950 by the Riverton Lions Club and was continued by the Riverton Recreation and Development Committee which consisted of numerous civic clubs, church organizations and businesses. This group, headed by Eldred Hamilton, raised approximately $5,000 for the purchase of a site east of the South Jordan Canal and south of the Herriman Road (12600 South). The 15.6'acre land parcel and ten shares of water were purchased for $7,062.50 ($2,062.50 of which was given by the town).18 Payments on the property, which had belonged to Dr. J. Irving Hansen, com' menced in January 1951 and were completed in December 1952. After the last payment was made, a bonfire celebration was held at the park site during which the mortgage was burned and the deed turned over to the town for safekeeping. The fes' tivities continued with a dance at the Riverton School.19 Over the next few years numerous improvements were made to the park under the direction of the town and its ad hoc Recreation and Development Committee. Grass and trees were planted as soon as drainage problems were solved. A ball park, playground equipment and a rodeo arena were then added. Other welcome additions included: picnic tables, a water fountain, bowery, restrooms, horseshoe pits and concession buildings. A parcel of land was annexed on the west side of the original park to complete its present size.20 The park became the preferred site for community recreation ranging from rodeos, horse shows, and picnics to softball, baseball and holiday celebrations. Another major project involved the East Riverton Drainage District. In 1950, $65,000 was approved to construct a sub'

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surface drainage system. The system was designed to end the nuisance of flooded basements and to permit the leaching of harmful salts from the soil of local farms.21 A special bond elec tion was held in November 1950 to provide financing for the project. Residents approved the selling of bonds by a vote of 111 to 33. Construction began in 1951 under the direction of Leland Withers, the drainage district supervisor.22 Problems de veloped when it was discovered that the seven-foot trenches, originally constructed, were not efficiently draining the land. Contracts were put up for renegotiation in an effort to have the trenches dug three feet deeper. When the renegotiation process failed, several local men, including Ralph Bastian, Henry Jensen, A1 Beckstead, LaRue Jensen and Tony Park decided to take over. Through their hard work and determined efforts, they finished the system themselves.23 Another civic improvement of the time was the city ceme tery. A beautification project was started in 1952 under the di rection of Joseph Butterfield, town board cemetery supervisor. The beautification included cleaning and replacing old head stones, planting lawn, resizing plots, building restrooms and equipment storage areas, and the installation of a sprinkling sys tem.24 Elias Butterfield commented on these improvements: We decided to go in there and tear out all those roads . . . and make smaller lots. I guess we made them 12 by 20 [feet]. Where the road was we made additional lots so we could sell some addi tional lots to people. There was a time when you couldn’t even buy a lot in the Riverton Cemetery because they didn’t have any. That [cemetery] was a corporation controlled by the [LDS] Church. . . . But we got grass planted in there. We got all the ob scene [sandstone and unsightly] headstones tom out as well as the rubbish.25 Volunteers came during a two-week period and spent hundreds of hours picking up trash in addition to raking and spading the soil in preparation for planting the grass. Soon Riverton’s cemetery, that once resembled those of the Old West with sagebrush, weeds and dilapidated headstones was transformed into a beautiful town

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cemetery.26 William O. Silcox served as the sextant for 42 years until his retirement in 1969.27 A town hall was also constructed in the 1950s. The town council obtained an acre of land at 12877 South Redwood Road for this structure from Salt Lake County in exchange for housing a county-owned fire engine in the building. The edifice was erected in 1956 at a cost of $20,500. Upon completion it housed the town board, town clerk, a recreation hall, kitchen and equipment for the Riverton Pipe Line Company.28 Space was provided on the north side for the town fire engine and volun teer fire department headed by Selyf Page. Civic clubs raised funds to furnish the hall and to provide cupboards and floor and window coverings. A room was later added on the back for wed dings, club meetings, family reunions and voting.29 It was later used as a police office. Residents were so proud of their new town hall that they erected a large electric sign in the form of an “R ” on the roof of the building. Its blue glow at night could be seen throughout the neighborhood.30 This brick structure served as the town hall until 1983 when the new city hall in the park was completed. Examination of the town board minutes reveals the myriad of small problems the town board was confronted with in its first decade: Speeding in the town was discussed and a decision was made to ask Chief Deputy T.A. Callicott of the Salt Lake County Sheriffs force to meet with the Board at a future meeting to assist in the organization of a plan to combat speeding. September 11,1950 A petition signed by sixty-six residents of Riverton asking for a mosquito abatement was presented to the board. November 13, 1950 The beer parlors made a request that they be allowed to remain open on New Year’s Eve which comes on a Sunday. Because of a Town Ordinance prohibiting the sale of beer on Sunday the re quest was denied. December 11,1950

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Applications for licenses for the two beer parlors were approved by the board. Assignments were made to President Page and Trustee Stringham to contact the beer parlors and remind them that no liquor should be sold to Indians. June 11, 1951 Trustee Stringham reported on a verbal request made to him reÂ garding the opening of a pool hall in town. Recommendation was made that the applicant make a formal application to the Board of Trustees in writing. [Request was later denied.] June 11, 1951 President Page reported on dogs, stating that we should fall in line with the County and have Mr. James Hardman collect licenses and pick up dogs not bearing a license tag. June 11, 1951 A report was made by President Page and Trustee Stringham that no beer is being sold in Town to Indians or minors. July 9, 1951 The unsanitary conditions in the community caused by pigs was discussed by the Board and decision was made to notify the ofÂ fending owners by letter of the condition. August 13, 1951 Trustee Hamilton moved that a rat elimination program be started and that necessary materials be purchased to carry on the project. November 11, 1951 President Page reported that he has contacted John M. Madsen several times since the last meeting, but as yet nothing definite has been worked out with regard to a new post office. March 10, 1952 Clerk Butterfield reported that at the request of President Page a letter had been written to Salt Lake County Fire Chief Jack Clay asking assistance with the purchase of four fire hydrants installed in Riverton. August 11, 1952 Trustee Cardwell reported that the house numbering project was progressing. Mr. Orr L. Hill and Mr. Vernon Jensen have been hired by the Town to assist men from the Salt Lake County Surveyorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Office in establishing the proper number for each

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house in the Town. It was decided by the Board of Trustees that the numbering project should be continued into the community of Bluffdale, but that the project should be handled by the Service Clubs of Riverton and Bluffdale. August 11, 1952 Trustee Elias Butterfield discussed sanitation of cafes and markets in Riverton. Trustee Elias Butterfield motioned that an ordinance be passed to abolish pin ball machines. Elmer Seal seconded the motion. The voting was as follows: Eldred Beckstead—Yes, Elmer Seal—Yes, Meredith Page—No, Elias Butterfield—Yes. November 8, 1954 Earl Smith stated that Lauren Gibbs is making a survey on sewer systems in the vicinity . . . to see if a sewer is feasible and would like to include Riverton while crews are out this way. May 14, 1956 Trustee Page motioned the clerk write a letter to Hardy McFarlane about the back water bill due on one of his rentals over his cafe and give him ten days on which to pay the same or water will be shut off. November 4, 195731 These minutes give a flavor of the issues considered by the town board. The minutes are also replete with lists of bills presented and approved for payment by the town, ordinances passed, resolutions made, road and water problems, and requests for business licenses. During the 1960s and 1970s Riverton’s government con' fronted a period of unprecedented change and growth. From 1960 to 1970 the population grew from 1,993 to 2,820, an in crease of 41.5%. This population increase skyrocketed 150% during the 1970s. In 1980 Riverton’s population totaled 7,032.32 This growth was even more dramatically illustrated by the in crease in monies spent for city operations. City budgets for just the eleven-year period from 1968 to 1979 increased from $32,580 to $1,045,451, an increase of 3,209% .33 This was due not only to population growth but also to the city assuming re sponsibility for many services that were formerly provided by

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the county. During this dynamic period Wendell Grover (1958-62), George Usher (1962-70), Robert Helt (1970-74), and Paul Mortensen (1974-78) served as Riverton’s chief exec utives. A major milestone of the two decades occurred in June 1967 when Riverton (along with the neighboring towns of West Jordan and South Jordan) changed from its town status into a designated city.34 This came about as a result of increased popu lation and a series of judicial rulings. As a result of these rulings Riverton became a third-class city. Utah law divides municipali ties into four classifications according to their population: (1) Cities of the first class are those municipalities having 100.000 or more inhabitants. (2) Cities of the second class are those municipalities having 60.000 Or more but fewer than 100,000 inhabitants. (3) Cities of the third class are those municipalities having 800 or more but fewer than 60,000 inhabitants. (4) Towns include those municipalities having fewer than 800 in habitants.35 The general powers and duties of these different classes of mu nicipalities are essentially the same. Cities however operate under different budgeting, accounting and reporting laws than do towns. The major difference between these classifications is the governmental structure required of each type of municipal ity. As a third-class city, Riverton’s governing body changed from a town president and four board members called trustees to an elected mayor with five councilmen.36 Although the town’s population had been greater than 800 for some time, reclassifi cation was not automatic until the Utah Supreme Court ruled it so in a mid-1960s case. Citing the court opinion, the state attor ney general had Governor Calvin Rampton issue a proclama tion certifying Riverton as a third-class city.37

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As a third-class city Riverton had the op Municipal Government in tion of selecting one of Utah Third Class Cities two forms of govern ment— the councilmayor form or the THE ELECTORATE council-manager form. Under the councilmayor form of city gov ernment there are two CITY COUNCIL MAYOR separate and equal branches of govern ment. The legislative branch consists of the five city council mem bers who are responsi s \ ble for enacting ordi DEPARTM ENT DEPARTM ENT A nances, appropriating c funds and reviewing ac tions of the mayor and city departments. The F i g . 10. R iv e r t o n M a y o r - C o u n c i l F o r m o f G o v e r n m e n t , 1 9 6 7 -8 0 , 1 9 8 2 . Source: State and Local executive branch is Government in Utah, p. 248. headed by the mayor who supervises the city departments and officers. The mayor is charged with administering and enforcing all laws and ordi nances. He or she may have a city administrator (sometimes called a manager) who helps in directing the affairs of the city. Mayors may also veto ordinances or tax levies, but may be over ridden by a two-thirds vote of all council members.38 Under the council-manager form of government, the city council appoints (with a two-thirds vote) a professional city manager who administers the city’s departments. Although there is an elected mayor, he is merely a ceremonial officer with no real power— simply representing the city in official functions. The city manager attends all council meetings, but has no vote. To adopt one of these types of government the proposal must be approved by a majority of the city’s registered voters in

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a special election. The issue may be brought before the voters by a vote of the city council or by an initiative of the people.39 In the years to follow, Riverton used both forms of city gov ernment. W hich form of government the city used and how it was instituted played a central role in the explosive and divisive arguments confronting Riverton city government during the 1980s. In 1967 George Usher, who was president of the town board, became Riverton’s first designated mayor. The four other trustees became city councilmen and at the next municipal election in November 1967 an additional councilman was added.40 In addition to becoming a city Riverton underwent other changes in the 1960s and 1970s. An early project was the in stallation of curb and gutter along Redwood Road. A special improvement district was organized for that purpose during the administration of town board president Wendell Grover.41 During public hearings on this proposal, a large amount of pub lic opposition surfaced. Since property owners would have to

Optional City Manager Government in Utah Cities and Towns

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Foundation, State and Local Government in Utah, p. 249.

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bear the majority of the installation costs, land owners with large farms and large frontages along Redwood Road were the most vocal in their opposition to this improvement district. Morris Butterfield, attending one of these hearings, decided his position on the issue early when he stated that he didn’t know what the meeting was going to be about, but he was against it. So heated did the controversy surrounding the curb and gutter district become that a number of property owners on the north side of town started circulating petitions requesting deannexation from Riverton.42 Donald Petersen, who lived on the north end of Riverton during the controversy and later served on the town board, commented: I think many things that they [Wendell Grover’s administration] did might not have been popular, but in the long run they were quite good for the town. One of them was the curb and gutter that they put in. It made quite an improvement in Riverton, but many of the people were opposed to it. I remember people, especially down on this end of town were quite up in arms and fighting it all of the way because of large farms and large frontages. They didn’t want to have to bear the brunt of the expenses putting in the curb and gutter all across the front of their property. So they would se cede from the town. They would not be in Riverton anymore and the next thing you know, the mayor and other people had worked together and they were back in the town. Then they’d go to work and pretty soon again they would be out of the town. I didn’t know whether I was in the town or out of the town half of the time.43 A number of property owners on the north side of town, adjacent to South Jordan, never did return to Riverton. How ever, the curb and gutter project was eventually completed. It helped Riverton look more like a suburban city than a country town.44 A refreshing topic to some, but a constant headache to most city councilmen was Riverton’s water system. The waterworks underwent major improvements during this time. In the early 1960s most of the culinary water came from springs in Bear

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Canyon east of Draper and from local wells. By the end of the 1970s Riverton continued to use these sources, but bought addi tional water from the Salt Lake Water Conservancy District. In the early 1960s the town approved a $75,000 bond to construct a new well and build a storage tank on the Herriman Road at 4000 West. In addition miles of larger water transmission lines were dug. The town board minutes in 1963 reflected the con cerns expressed about Riverton’s future water supply: Mr. Roland Wright, a representative from the Central Water Conservancy district [CWCD] . . . asks our help in getting 50 property owners to sign a petition so that this conservancy district could become a reality. He explained that the water table in this area is lowering and within 10 years we will not be able to have any increased growth in this area because of the water shortage. The CWCD would utilize water from Colorado River through a system of dams and dikes.45 Proving these fears to be true, Mayor Robert Helt explained at a mass meeting of residents in 1973 that Riverton was out of water. He outlined two options available to the city: (1) Stop all building (Mayor Helt told all citizens that the city board had stopped all new subdivisions). (2) Buy water from the Jordan Aqueduct owned by the Salt Lake County Water Conservancy which was to be completed be fore 1974-46 An election was held on February 20, 1973 to ask voters to ap prove the sale of $400,000 worth of water bonds. Favoring the bonds by a vote of 213 to 78, voters allowed the city to start up dating the old system.47 During the remainder of the 1970s, out dated wooden pipes were replaced and enlarged pipe lines, booster pumps and new storage reservoirs were constructed. More lines were dug to connect Riverton with Conservancy District water and existing mains were enlarged to carry addi tional well water.48

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A welcome addition to the city during the 1960s and 1970s was a new sewer system. The need for a sewage disposal system in the south valley area was recognized in the early 1960s. The Utah State Health Department called attention to health hazards in a number of areas around Riverton and Draper. Some places were so saturated with human waste from overflowing septic tanks that abatement orders were issued. The Riverton and south valley area was one of only three metropolitan areas in the entire Great Basin not to have modem sanitary facilities. Bond elections were held in 1961 and 1962 to approve and fi nance construction of a sewage treatment system. The voters turned down the sewer bonds in 1961, but approved them in 1962. However, the results of the 1962 election were ruled in valid by the Utah Supreme Court due to the methods used to determine voter qualifications.49 A third election was held in 1963 for the planned $2,826,700 sewage collection, disposal and treatment system. By a total of 200 votes, voters in the commu nities of Riverton, Draper, Crescent, Bluffdale and South Jordan defeated the bond issue for the second time. Explaining the loss, Wendell Grover, chairman of the board of trustees for the South Salt Lake County Sewage Improvement District said: “We faced a well organized opposition and apathy on the part of the gen eral public.”50 The problem continued to worsen each year. Finally in 1970 a special meeting was held in the Riverton School to consider the sewer issue again. A t the meeting of 100 residents, Leonard Beckstead made a motion to give the city council authorization to investigate the possibility of Riverton constructing a sewer system on its own.51 The proposition was investigated and a year later a report was presented in a similar town meeting. A t that gathering, W.S. Mickelsen, chairman of the sewage district trustees, reported that the total cost of the system for all south valley towns would be $5,940,000. Two mil lion dollars of the total could be obtained from federal monies. Riverton’s cost to build its own sewage collection system was put at $739,000 in addition to the cost of an outfall line to the treatment plant. It was suggested by the authorities present that the only way the project would be cost-efficient would be for

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Riverton to combine with South Jordan to build the system then join the rest of the district in the operation of a single treatment plant.52 However all these concerns were soon allayed when the complete sewer system was approved and constructed. Bonds were sold in November 1973 and sewer lines were finally hooked up and ready to go by 1975.53 Rapid population growth required proper city planning and proper city planning required the ordinances and boards to en force those plans. Expansive growth in the 1960s and 1970s re quired the city to adopt comprehensive planning and zoning or dinances. In 1961, Clay Allred, a professional planner, was hired to prepare a master plan for planning and zoning. A town plan ning and zoning committee was sustained in January 1961 with Gale B. Nell as its chairman. The following motion was made in a town council meeting in April 1964: A discussion was held regarding zoning in Riverton. It was de cided that we should begin to think about zoning now instead of waiting until we have any more problems to cope with. President Usher made the motion to have Trustee Nichols begin looking into our zoning problems.54 In December 1965, it was noted in board meeting that in the year and a half since the town planning commission was orga nized more and more ordinances had been put into effect.55 Town Board President George Usher remarked at the time: “Subdividers and other builders must obtain permits and zoning ordinances will be strictly enforced.”56 By the 1970s the city planning commission had developed master plans to help guide and direct the city’s explosive growth patterns. A more sinister problem confronted the town in the last half of the 1970s when the Ku Klux Klan appeared on the scene. In 1975, a 20-year-old graduate of Bingham High School and Riverton resident, “Gene Hammond” (pseudonym), organized a branch of the Klan in Riverton. The southwest part of the val ley proved vulnerable to Klan activity in the 1970s because some ultra-conservatives in the towns of Herriman, Bluffdale,

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and Riverton felt threatened by the drastic demographic, eco nomic and political changes their towns were undergoing. A few saw the Klan as a means to slow down or even abate these changes. By August 1975, Hammond had found six other men in the area willing to join the Klan. Late one summer night these early recruits assembled at Hidden Valley, an isolated spot by the Jordan Narrows and the Point-of-the-Mountain for an initiation ceremony. A cross burning was held during which they swore allegiance to the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.57 The Riverton-based Klan made its first “public” appearance at a cross-burning in the Riverton Park on June 9, 1979. Held sometime between 2:00 A.M . and 4:00 A .M ., the incident was de tected soon thereafter by the Riverton police. Not really believ ing that the Klan was in town, the police attributed the charred cross remains to pranksters or vandals. W hen questioned about the incendiary incident, Riverton’s police chief expressed his uncertainty of Klan involvement declaring: “We questioned the existence of the Ku Klux Klan because there were no blacks in the city.” Skepticism soon vanished when officers found a poster stuck to the door of the police department. The message stated: “The Ku Klux Klan is watching you! Fight for W hite Rights!” These two incidents not only heralded Klan activity in Riverton, but reinforced the racist nature of the Klan. The park cross-burning incident coincided with the first anniversary of the LDS Church granting the priesthood to all worthy male members regardless of race.58 The Klan’s racism was further illustrated by a series of mock executions. In early October a dummy dressed in grey pants and wearing shoes was found hanging from a power line at the en trance to the Riverton Cemetery. A sign around its neck read: “You F—'ing Niggers, Get Out of Riverton.” Apparently demon strating their intent to use violence to enforce their demands, Klansmen shot the effigy in the stomach with a shotgun and left dead ducks below the effigy on both sides of the cemetery gate. Riverton police detective Mark Pratt, who investigated the in cident explained: “The shooting indicated that the person’s who hanged the effigy were capable of violence. That made us all nervous.”59

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White Man, AWAKEN!

You can help too!

JOIN UP... JOIN IN! JO IN :

THE KNIGHTS OF THE K U K LU X K L A N F o r fu rth e r in fo rm a tio n contact:

KnigijtB of thr Ku Klux Klan Post Office Box 518 Riverton, Utah 84065 F i g . 12. P r o m o t io n a l Ku K l u x K l a n H a n d b il l . Source: Gerlach,

Blazing

Crosses in Zion, facing p. 117.

The mock hangings at the cemetery continued through October and into November. Late in October a dummy clothed in brown pants and sandals and bearing a placard stating “KKK Kills Niggers” was discovered. Still another mock “corpse” was sighted early in the morning of November 10 garbed in blue jeans and a plaid shirt. It bore the inscription “Herman IV” on one of its hands (perhaps indicating this was the fourth effigy to be hanged). The letters “KKK” were painted on the street below the dummy, and one of the streetlights by the cemetery’s

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entrance was shot out. Leonard Smock, Riverton’s fire chief, was called to cut down the eerie phantom. He described the scene as scary. Evidently emboldened by their effigy hangings and crossburnings, Klan leaders increased their recruiting activities. Fliers stating “W hite man, awaken! You can help too! Join up . . . Join in! Join: The Knights of the Ku Klux Klan,” were posted on telephone poles and construction barricades throughout the area. A Riverton post office box was listed as the place to write for further information. In addition, advertisements were placed in the Jordan Valley Sentinel, the weekly south valley newspaper, encouraging people to “be part of the solution, not part of the problem,” by joining the Klan. These posters and newspaper ads caused a stir in town as residents started discussing the Klan’s heightened visibility. In his book Blazing Crosses in Zion, Larry Gerlach described the typical Riverton Klan member: Except for one owner of a small business (a tavern), all of the charter members of the original Riverton Klan hailed from the ranks of semi-skilled or unskilled labor—a gas station attendant, a pipefitter, a furnace repairman, a welder, a tractor operator and a manual laborer were typical Klansmen. None had more than a high school education. Almost all had been bom in Utah, ranged in age from early twenties to mid-thirties . . . Most had ties with the L.D.S. Church. The Riverton Klansmen were as one member of the community expressed it, “just a bunch of average guys.” A prominent merchant who professed to be “neutral on the Klan,” described known Klansmen as “fine, upstanding people.” Another Riverton resident described them as the “downtrodden”—young men who had “menial jobs with no future.” To the Riverton po lice they were “people who made a habit of carrying weapons and wearing army camouflage fatigues.” Still another Rivertonian was blunter: “They’re losers— the only thing they got going for them is that they are white.”61 The Riverton-based Klan apparently reached its height in the early 1980s expanding to a few other communities and reaching a membership of just over a hundred throughout the

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valley. Its first and only public demonstration occurred at Weber State University in Ogden on May 14, 1980 when three Riverton Klansmen dressed in knee-length white coats bearing Klan insignia and wearing baseball and army caps with rodeo and “Tri-K Contractors” patches passed out literature at an anti' Iranian rally. Carrying signs reading “Iranians Go Home,” “Nuke Iran,” and “I’m Proud to Be an American KKK.” Advocating white supremacy, the Klansmen confronted a generally hostile crowd.62 In addition, during this time there were numerous other re ports of Klan activity in the area. It was reported that the Klansmen repeatedly barged into convenience stores in River ton and South Jordan and ordered black clerks “to get out of town.” Raising money by sponsoring cockfights and dogfights, Klansmen liked to buy arms and ammunition. These weapons were then sold for a handsome profit to Klansmen in other states as well as to right-wing para-military groups. Automatic weapons were stockpiled near Camp Williams, south of Bluff dale. In addition, former special forces personnel held guerilla training exercises with the Klan near Camp Williams. Unfor tunately nearly every act of vandalism or racism during this time was conveniently and automatically attributed to the Riverton Klan.63 During the next few years, Klan activity dwindled as the organization fought internal disputes and factionalization.64 Unfortunately, while advocating racism, intolerance and law lessness, this small minority of hate mongers gave the whole town an unwanted notoriety. Riverton faced other conflicts during these decades. These involved the battles between the city and the county over what kinds of municipal services the county would provide at no added cost to the city. Before Riverton was incorporated the county performed almost all of the town’s municipal services. The county continued to provide sheriff’s services, fire protec tion, road lighting and maintenance, and garbage collection after Riverton was incorporated. In 1965 officials from Riverton met with county officials to discuss which of these services could be continued without a contract for the payment of these

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services. The legal question of double taxation was the major issue in these discussions.65 Double taxation involved the question of whether residents of the incorporated cities and unincorporated county received the same level of county services for the taxes each paid. Many residents questioned the fairness of a system wherein those who paid the same amount of county taxes as they did, but happened to live in an unincorporated area of the county (e.g., Herriman or Copperton residents), re ceived police and fire protection from the county while in Riverton they had to pay additional taxes to receive the same service. The following entry in the city council minutes of 1968 was typical of the legal wrangling that went on for a number of years: Selyf [Page, Riverton fire chief] reported that he and Allen Stocking, assistant fire chief had not been paid for their work in June and July by the County and that the County has said that they will not pay them. The County feels that it is the Town’s re sponsibility to pay them. Mr. Page said that he and Allen know that this has not been settled between Riverton and the County but they would like to have some kind of understanding while we are working out the problem. Mayor Usher reported that he had talked with the attorney regarding this problem and that he had been advised to guarantee them a wage until this thing is settled. Councilman Brown made a motion to guarantee Selyf Page $75 and Allen Stocking $50 per month for their services until the final contract is signed. This will include their monthly pay plus all fires they attend. Councilman Helt 2nd the motion, all mem bers approved.66 Concerns were also voiced in July 1968 about the police con tract with the county. Councilman Helt expressed his opinion that Riverton needed a city marshal, commenting that the city could not get by without one. Mayor Usher countered that he talked to County Sheriff “Swede” Larson and that he promised to render the same service as the sheriff’s office had in the past. Orr Hill, who was also at the council meeting, volunteered to

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help set up a city police department.67 Relations between city and county governments in the southwest part of the county were strained during these legal negotiations as is evidenced by this entry in the 1967 town board minutes: President George Usher reported that Bruce Egbert, of West Jordan, had called to tell him of a movement within this Section to withdraw from the Salt Lake County, and form a new county. President Usher reported that there would be a meeting to discuss the matter. The new county would be bordered by the Jordan River on the east, Twenty-first South on the north, Tooele County line on the west, and Utah County on the south.68 Another concern with contracting services with the county was expressed by Robert Helt at a 1968 city council meeting: Councilman Helt expressed the view of the entire city council that Riverton should not lose its identity as a city. We should do whatever is necessary to stay a separate unit from the county, even if we have to increase the mill levy to do so. All council members agreed.69 Nevertheless by the end of 1968, Riverton and the county ham mered out a contract for the county to provide fire protection, road maintenance and garbage collection. A question was later voiced as to whether this contract covered street lighting.70 Riverton’s police services continued to be a concern. When Robert Helt became mayor he felt that as a third class city, Riverton was required to appoint a town marshal.71 He received council approval and in February 1970, ElRay Bridges was ap pointed Riverton’s first chief of police. He was also assigned to be the city dog catcher.72 In October 1970, Mayor Helt asked the city council if it would approve the hiring of Boyd Burbidge and R.J. Willis as town marshals for a salary of $100 per month for both of them if they would furnish their own car and uni forms. The council agreed that more protection was needed, but was concerned with the number of hours that would be spent

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patrolling the community.73 A t the next council meeting Mr. Burbidge and Mr. Willis stated their qualifications and agreed to patrol 16 hours a day, seven days a week. Both indicated that they wanted additional schooling and needed badges and traffic violation books. The council then approved their appointment upon the condition that they could be terminated at any time. They were given badges and told to start patrolling on November 3, 1970.74 ElRay Bridges continued to serve as police chief until April 1971 at which time Leonard Smock was ap pointed chief.75 The mayor later conferred with the county sher iff about the fledgling Riverton police force. The sheriff felt that the force was fine, but that the policemen needed some identify ing clothing. That way the county sheriff’s men could recognize them and no one would get hurt.76 In 1977 Riverton decided to begin its own garbage collec tion service as well as to provide its own fire protection. Residents were billed $3.50 per month for garbage collection as opposed to the $4.00 they were charged by the county. The garbage collection was contracted with a private contractor. The city purchased two fire trucks from the county to start their fire department. The city then assessed a one-mill tax to pay Salt Lake County for dispatching and backup services.77 Robert Webster was the fire chief at the time and Bill Turner was the assistant chief. Riverton’s 20-man volunteer fire department was dispatched to fires and other emergencies by Sandy City’s 911 service.78 By 1977, Riverton was providing most of its own mu nicipal services. However, conflict again arose between Riverton and the county in 1980 when the city engaged in one of the most divisive debates in the community’s history.79 Everyone has heard accounts of a single vote determining the outcome of an election. Although just a sidelight in the town’s history, such an incident occurred in Riverton during the 1970s. In November 1975 in a contest for a seat on the city council, a preliminary vote count indicated that Frank Withers had beaten Noel Blaine Page by a single vote. A recount of the votes was requested and the new tally showed that both candi dates garnered the same number of votes.80 State law required

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that in the case of a tie in a city election, the winner would be chosen by lots in the presence of the mayor and city recorder. Withers and Page opted to decide who won the council seat by the toss of a coin. A t a special city council meeting on November 20, 1975, Mayor Mortensen flipped a silver dollar to break the election tie. Page called “tails” while the silver dollar was in the air. It landed “heads” and Frank Withers took the seat on the council.81 A sampling of entries in the minutes during the decades of the 1960s and 1970s shows a wide range of municipal concerns, from mundane to uniquely humorous: [Town Board] President Grover wants to discuss with some of the Bluffdale residents the subject of asking Bluffdale to annex itself to Riverton. February 1, 1960 A vote was taken that allowed taverns to stay open on Sundays the same as the county allows and the tavern beer license is to be cut to $100.00. May 9, I960 Discussed fencing around spring in Bear Canyon to keep out cat tle. February 6, 1961 Mr. Usher asked Mrs. Taylor [town clerk] why it had been neces sary to hire so much extra help during the past month or two in the office and also asked Mrs. Taylor if she was interested in keep ing her job as town clerk why hadn’t she been getting some extra schooling? Mrs. Taylor responded that after 5 years and 9 months in the office she knows what she is doing. June 23, 1962 Mr. Mel Withers asked the Board’s permission to hold their an nual rodeo the evening of July 3, 1964 instead of the end of May wich [sic] is the usual time for this event. Mr. Withers reported that the weather has been unusually cold the past 2 years and that the club wanted the date. . . . Pres. Usher made the motion to let the Rough Riders have their rodeo on July 3 providing the park is cleaned up for the Town Days breakfast the next morning. March 2, 1964

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The clerk reported that David Helt had given her the names of the people who would not pay their Dog Tax, and the board asked her to send the names to the lawyer and ask him to send them a letter. September 7, 1965 Trustee Brown called the Town Boardâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s attention to the low hangÂ ing trees on 1800 West behind the school. It was decided that they could contact the county and Utah Power and Light to see if they will trim these trees. September 12, 1966 Councilman Brown reported that a player (outside Riverton) told him that they would play ball wheather [sic] he [Mr. Brown] liked it or not. Councilman Brown told the player that they could not play ball in our park unless they follow the requirements set by the city commission. Mayor Usher stated that there is going to be just one boss at the park and everyone will have to cooperate with him. Mr. Brown also reported that he had heard that the team was planning to charge for watching the games. He feels this is not right unless it is OKed by the city council. September 3, 1968 Members of the city council reported that they had heard many complaints regarding the amusement center recently opened at the old drug store. January 19, 1970 Mayor Mortensen and Councilman Floyd Bills reported to the Council that they had met with City Judge LaMar Johnson, who informed them that he wants to stop having to hold court in his home. July 6, 1976 Other concerns brought before the board and council included: land annexations, dust from horses and other nuisances, speed limits, vandalism in the park, road repair, derelict automobiles, development of new subdivisions, water leaks and taxes. These problems and concerns were addressed on a regular basis.

Notes 1. Elias Butterfield, interview with S cott Crump, May 10, 1991. 2. State and Local Government in Utah, p. 242.

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3. “Present Petition,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 27, 1946. 4. Salt Lake Tribune, July 21, 1946. 5. “Incorporation Move Stirs Court Battle,” Salt Lake Tribune, June 6, 1946. 6. “Hearing Opens on Riverton,” Salt Lake Tribune, February 15, 1947 and “Town’s W ater Row Brews,” Salt Lake Tribune, February 20, 1947. 7. “Judge Urges Riverton Vote on Issue of Incorporation,” Salt Lake Tribune, February 18, 1947. 8. “Riverton to V ote,” Salt Lake Tribune, May 24, 1947. 9. “Riverton Moves to Settle Town Charter Argument,” Salt Lake Tribune, September 23, 1947. 10. “County Board Settles Dispute, Grants Riverton Charter,” Salt Lake Tribune, October 9, 1947. County Commission minutes for October 8, 1947, seem to conflict with the newspaper accounts as to the percentage of Riverton’s registered voters signing petitions favoring incorporation. The minutes record the following: This group [of Riverton voters] submitted information that there are 697 registered voters in Riverton. 385 of the signers on this petition are registered voters and this figure represents 55.2% of the 697 registered voters. They furnished an affidavit to the effect that 82 persons, 81 of them registered, have moved from the district and made their home else where. If these 81 names were deducted, there would be a total of 616 registered voters in Riverton. 385 signers is 60.5% of 616 voters. Alvin Keddington, County Clerk, was present and he was requested to check this petition against the registration rolls in his department. He stated that this check has been made and the tabulation appears on the bottom of each page of the petition. The totals on these pages show that there is a majority of the registered voters in the districts on these peti tions. There is a total of 455 names on the petition, 385 registered and 7 0 not registered. This group requested that the County assist them until such time as they can carry on without the support of the County and they agreed that any revenue taken in by the Town on license fees, etc. would be turned over to the County. Recommendation was made that this Petition be approved. . . . A n excerpt of the text of the incorporation petition, taken from the Salt Lake County Commission minutes, follows: Joseph P. Butterfield, Alma Butterfield, Elias C. Butterfield, Eldred

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Hamilton, A rthur J. Orr, Wilford Crane, and Meredith Page appeared before the Board and submitted the following Petition: T o the Honorable Board of County Commissioners of Salt Lake County, U tah: Petition for incorporation of the Town of Riverton, Salt Lake County, U tah. Th e undersigned being a majority of the electors of Riverton, Salt Lake County, U tah, an unincorporated town, hereby petition to have said town incorporated and, in that behalf, represent: 1. A legal description of the territory desired to be incorporated is as fol lows: Comm encing at the intersection of the Jordan River and the South line of 118 South Street and thence W est on the South line of 118 South Street to the East line of 4 8 0 0 W est Street; thence South on the East line of 4 8 0 0 W est Street to the N orth line of 128 South Street; and thence East along the N orth line of 138 South Street to the intersection of said line with the Jordan River; thence N orth along the W est bank of the Jordan River to the point of beginning. A n accurate map of the said above territy [sic] is attached hereto. 2. T h e name under which the town is to be incorporated is “R iverton.” 3. The population within the area to be embraced within said town is more than 100 and less than 7,0 0 0 persons. 4- T h e undersigned constitute a majority of the electors within the area proposed to be so incorporated, said area now known as the unincorpo rated town of Riverton. W herefore, your petitioners pray that the area herein described be incorporated as a town pursuant to the provisions of Section 15-2-6, U tah Code A nnotated, 1943; and that your Honorable Board appoint the first President and Board of Trustees to act until the next municipal election and until their successors are elected and qualified. Dated this 8th day of O ctober, 1947. [Then follows a list of names of some of the signatories including Cleo Page, Mavis Poulsen, Roland Page, Jeannine Page, Henry Page, G eneva Page, Jean Page, Allen M. W interton, A va A . W interton, Mildred C. Page, Selyf Page, Ray Beck, Jr., Ruth B. Beck, Don O viatt, Elma O viatt, Valdor Spencer, Ethel Gammell, A nna Mae Sandstrom, Jack Q. Stephensen, Noel J. Page, Ernest R. Paulsen, Marjorie Anderson,

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Meredith Page, Alm on L. Butterfield, Melba C. Butterfield, Adine McFarlane, H. M. McFarlane, Georgia Spencer, G. Wayne Simper, Ruth H. Smith, W m . J. Wilson, Myrle Wilson, Don C. Smith, Jr., John J. Smith, and Rayola Smith. The petition and list of signatories is pre served in the Riverton City Hall.] This petition is signed by the above named persons and 419 others. The foregoing Petition approved this 8th day of October, A.D. 1947, by the Board of County Commissioners of Salt Lake County. Salt Lake County Commission, Minutes, October 8, 1947, U tah State Archives. 11. “Opposers W in Riverton Town Offices,” Salt Lake Tribune, October 2 6 ,1 9 4 7 . 12. “Riverton Rule Under A ttack,” Salt Lake Tribune, October 30, 1947 and “County Commission Criticized on Naming of Riverton Town Board,” Deseret News, October 29, 1947. 13. Riverton Town Board, Minutes, January 3, 1950, Riverton City Hall. 14. Elias C. Butterfield, interview, May 10, 1991. 15. State and Local Government in Utah (Salt Lake City: U tah Foundation, 1992) pp. 2 3 5 -3 6 . 16. Riverton Town Board, Minutes, November 13, 1950. 17. Elias C. Butterfield, interview, May 10, 1991. 18. Ibid. 19. “Site Purchased for Riverton Community Park,” Midvale Sentinel, January 5, 1951 and “Riverton Park Completed,” Midvale Sentinel, December 1 9 ,1 9 5 2 . 20. Blanche Densley, Excerpts from the History of Riverton (1971) p. 32. 21. “Riverton Starts $ 6 5 ,0 0 0 Drainage Project,” Midvale Sentinel, January 5 ,1 9 5 1 . 22. Riverton Town Board, Minutes, November 13, 1950. 23. “Drainage Project at Riverton Nears Completion,” Midvale Sentinel, October 10, 1952. 24. “Riverton Starts Cemetery Improvements,” Midvale Sentinel, June 17, 1952.

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25. Elias C . Butterfield, interview, May 10, 1991. 26. From a newspaper article which appeared in the Midvale Sentinel, Blanche Densley recorded the history of the cemetery: The land where the cemetery is now located, was donated by Charles M. Nokes, it being a part of his farm. T h e ground was very sandy and tumbleweeds and sandburs grew profusely. A n eight-months-old baby, Sarah Jane Draper, bom February 7, 1876 was the first person on record to be buried there. She died O ctober 5, 1876. By the end of 1891, according to the records, there were eleven bodies buried. A t that time it was officially declared a cemetery, and ground was laid out with 18 plots to a lot. Later, Elias C . Butterfield, Tow n Clerk, and W illiam and A nna Silcox, remapped the area, increased the number of plots to 20 to a lot, brought the records up to date. However, some were missing. Henry Seal, who died at the age of almost 101 years, in 1963, was the oldest person to be buried there. Zachariah Butterfield was a close second, being buried in 1964 on his 100th birthday. T he highest number of burials in one year were 22 in 1964- T h e most in one day were six, due to the sad bus acci dent in 1938. Mr. Silcox said he had had many weird experiences while Sexton. “There is no stillness like one experiences at night in a cem e tery.” Mr. Silcox, who lives n ext to the cemetery, declared he lived on “Easy Street” because so many people n ext to him were resting. Mr. Silcox retired in 1969 after 42 years as sexton. A t the time he took over, graves were discerned by mounds of soil. Prior to Memorial Day, relatives had to clear off the weeds before deco rating their graves. In 1952, a sprinkling system was installed, getting water from an irrigation ditch across the street. A lawn was planted. For some time, this necessitated almost day and night care to get the grass started and for it to become the attractive place it later became. Mr. Silcox did farming along with his cemetery work. Sextons through the years have been: John T h om e, Gilbert Lloyd, Freeman Lloyd, Henry Maynard (5 years); W illiam O. Silcox (42 years); and Claude B. Densley. Blanche Densley, Excerpts from the History of Riverton, p. 23. 27. “W .O . Silcox Retires as City S extan t,” Midvale Sentinel, January 22, 1970. 28. “Open House Dedicates $ 2 0 ,5 0 0 Riverton Town H all,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 1, 1956. 29. Blanche Densley, Excerpts from the History of Riverton, p. 32. 30. Riverton Town Board, Minutes, January 4, 1965.

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31. The minutes of the first Riverton town board meeting recorded in the city records gives an interesting view of a typical town board meeting of the 1950s: Minutes of the first meeting of the new Board of Trustees of the Town of Riverton held in the office of the Riverton Motor Company January 3, 1950 at 8:00 p . m . Present:

President Gwynne Page Trustee Elmo W . Hamilton Trustee Joseph P. Butterfield Trustee M.J. Stringham Trustee N.K. Thomson

Also Present:

Members of the retiring board E. L. Butterfield Melvin Peterson Harry Page Morris Butterfield

The main purpose of the meeting was to install the new members in office. Meeting was called to order by E.L. Butterfield,retiring president. He congratulated the new board on their being selected to serve as com munity officers and offered his services and those of his associates when ever they might be needed. He asked the former clerk, Morris Butterfield, to give the oath of office to the incoming board. President Gwynne Page stood first and accepted the following oath: “I do solemnly swear that I will support, obey and defend the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of this State; that I will discharge the duties of my office with fidelity.” Elmo W . Hamilton and Joseph P. Butterfield, four year trustees, and M.J. Stringham and N.K. Thomson, two year trustees, stood as a group and accepted the same oath. Various papers, charts, reports, minutes, ordinances, bills, tax state ments, etc. pertaining to town business were transferred to the new board with explanations and recommendations regarding certain unfinished projects. Motion was made by Trustee Thomson, seconded by Trustee Hamilton and passed unanimously that a vote of thanks be extended to the retiring board for services rendered during their term in office. Treasurer, Melvin Peterson, transferred by check $61.60, the full amount of money on hand in the Murray Bank, to the new board. A t this time the old board asked to be excused and Gwynne Page, the new president, took the chair.

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The m atter of selecting a bank in which to deposit town funds was discussed and it was decided to do business with the Midvale Branch of the Sandy City Bank. Opinion was expressed that an attorney should n ot be retained on a regular fee but to employ the services of a com petent lawyer when needed. Motion was made by Trustee H amilton and seconded by Trustee Stringham that county commissioners be approached by representation from the board pledging the cooperation of the board and the com m u nity with the county officers particularly as regards B road money. A ttention was given to securing a new clerk. T h e name of Elias C. Butterfield was presented and approved by all present. Trustee Hamilton was asked to con tact him. Motion was made and passed that the regular meetings of the Board be held the second Monday of each m onth in the office of the Riverton M otor Company. Special meetings subject to the call of the President. A t the direction of President Page meeting adjourned at 10:30 P.M. N .K . Thom son A cting Clerk 32. State and Local Government in Utah, p. 247. 33. Salt Lake Tribune, July 25, 1968 and Salt Lake Tribune, June 20, 1979. 34- “3 Towns W ill Become Cities in New Ruling,” Midvale Sentinel, June 29, 1967. 35. State and Local Government in Utah, p. 237. 36. Ibid., pp. 2 3 7 -3 8 . 37. “3 Towns W ill Become Cities in New Ruling,” Midvale Sentinel, June 29, 1967, and “W est Jordan, South Jordan, Riverton to Elect First City Officials,” Midvale Sentinel, O ctober 26, 1967. 38. State and Local Government in Utah, p. 239. 39. Ibid., p. 241. 40. Midvale Sentinel, O ctober 26, 1967. 41. Riverton Town Board, Minutes, September 3 0 , 1959. 42. Dell Beckstead, conversation with S cott Crump, February 10, 1994. 43. Donald B. Petersen, interview with Mel Bashore, April 9, 1986. 44. Dell Beckstead, conversation, February 10, 1994.

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45. Riverton Town Board, Minutes, December 2, 1963. 46. Riverton City Council, Minutes, January 16, 1973. 47. Ibid., March 1, 1973. 48. “Riverton to Improve W ater System,” Salt Lake Tribune, May 10, 1977. 49. “Health in the County,” Salt Lake Tribune, August 12, 1964. 50. “Vote Nips Sewer Bond in 5 S.L. Area Towns,” Salt Lake Tribune, August 13, 196451. Riverton City Council, Minutes, May 25, 1970. 52. Salt Lake Tribune, April 16, 1971. 53. “Growing Pains Starting to Trouble Riverton,” Salt Lake Tribune, June 2 5 ,1 9 7 6 . 54- Riverton Town Board, Minutes, April 6, 1964. 55. Ibid., December 6, 1965. 56. Salt Lake Tribune, May 14, 1965. 57. Larry R. Gerlach, Blazing Crosses in Zion: The Ku Klux Klan in Utah (Logan: U tah State University Press, 1982) pp. 1 6 1 -6 2 . A 17-page feature ar ticle on the Riverton Klan written by Larry Gerlach was also published in the May 1981 issue of Utah Holiday. 58. Ibid., p. 163. 59. Ibid., p. 164. 60. Ibid. 61. Gerlach, Blazing Crosses in Zion, pp. 165 -6 6 . 62. Ibid., pp. 1 6 7 -6 8 . 63. Ibid., p. 173. 64. Ibid., pp. 1 6 8 -7 0 . 65. “3 Communities to Study County Service,” Salt Lake Tribune, December 15, 1965. 66. Riverton City Council, Minutes, August 5, 1968. 67. Ibid., July 1, 1968.

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68. Riverton Town Board, Minutes, May 1, 1967. 69. Riverton City Council, Minutes, April 1, 1968. 70. “City N ot Billing Riverton on Lights,” Salt Lake Tribune, June 6, 1975. 71. Riverton City Council, Minutes, January 14, 1970. 72. Ibid., February 2, 1970. 73. Ibid., O ctober 12, 1970. 74. Ibid., November 2, 1970. T h e entry in the minutes reads as follows: Mr. Boyd M. Burbidge and Mr. R.J. Willis were questioned regarding the position of Marshal and Deputy Marshal, they would like with the City of Riverton. Council George Dansie asked Mr. Burbidge and Mr. Willis how much time and how much patrolling would be done for the $ 1 0 0 .0 0 they are asking for a salary for both of them per m onth. Mr. Burbidge stated that 16 hours per day 7 days a week, and at whatever hours the council sets up for them. Councilm an George Dansie asked Mr. Burbidge and Mr. Willis how much experience in this line of work they have had. Mr. Burbidge stated that he had been in the police force in Com pton, California, and he had been a brig, warden in the service for six months, and either a deputy constable or a constable ever since. Mr. R.J. Willis has had no experience. Council George Dansie asked if they planned on taking the schooling which requires 2 4 0 hours to be an accredited law enforcement officer. They both answered yes. Mr. Burbidge stated that if the schooling is not taken within 18 months after they are sworn in they will not be recognized as law officers outside the Riverton City limits. Mr. Burbidge stated that they both want to take the schooling within the next year. He went on to say that they would need a Marshal and a Deputy Marshal badge and two traffic violation books. Concilm en George Dansie made the motion to accept Mr. Burbidge and Mr. Willis as marshal and deputy marshal with the clause or recom mendation made by Mayor Helt that the City Council can terminate their employment at any time. Concilm an Willis Petersen seconded the motion. A ll ap proved. They are to start patrolling Novem ber 3, 1970, and leave a card inside of each business and the town hall stating what hour they were there. T he marshal and deputy marshal badges were given to them. 75. Riverton City Council, Minutes, April 5, 1971 and ibid., May 24, 1971. 76. Ibid., November 18, 1970.

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77. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Riverton to Start Garbage Pickup,â&#x20AC;? Salt Lake Tribune, June 8, 1977. 78. Jordan Valley Sentinel, June 16, 1977. 79. See Chapter 13. 80. Riverton City Council, Minutes, November 18, 1975. 81. Ibid., November 20, 1975.

13 “A Cat and Dog Fight”

and Other Challenges Politics and G overnm ent

(1978-1994)

It was just one day after May Day in 1989. The town park was alive with activity. People were enjoying softball, baseball, horseshoes, horseback riding or just a quiet walk in the shirt sleeve weather. Scores of citizens enjoying an evening of recre ation scarcely noticed the happenings on the south side of the park. There a beehive of activity was taking place at the uniquely-designed southwestem-style building that was River ton’s City Hall. The sun’s evening rays shown brightly on the pink-colored structure as a number of residents could be seen scurrying up the steps to be in attendance at a city council meeting. At a little past 7:00 P.M. city council members Jan Wells, Steve Brooks, Wilson Svedin, Terry Wright and Darla Serassio along with Mayor Dale Gardiner came into the council chambers and sat in the high-backed gray chairs behind the oak rostrum on the east side of the room. Mayor Gardiner called the meeting to order after which a prayer was offered. Facing the 311

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U.S. flag on the north side of the rostrum, David Stevens led the Pledge of Allegiance after which the minutes of the previous council meeting were approved. The first item on the agenda was the awarding of bids for the sale of surplus Riverton City property followed by discussion on the renewal of the Salt Lake County Sheriff’s lease on office space in the Riverton City Hall. Other items discussed ranged from the adoption of a tenta tive budget for the 1989-90 fiscal year to hearing reports from the city historical society, engineer and planning commissions. Time was allotted for citizen input thus giving those in atten dance the opportunity to speak on the issues of the day. Those desiring to voice their opinions came forward at the designated time and stood at the microphone stationed at the front of the room. Stating their name for the record, they proceeded to add their input to the decision-making process. The motion to ad journ the meeting was made by Wilson Svedin at 9:00 RM. This 1989 exercise in small-town democracy was typical of what Riverton’s residents found at city council meetings in the last two decades of the twentieth century. The regular council meetings were the city’s democratic forum-the site of govern mental decisions and debates. Presiding over the decision-mak ing process at this time were Mayors Lowell W hite (1978—82), Dale Gardiner (1 9 8 2 -9 0 ), James Warr (1 9 9 0 -9 4 ) and Sandra Lloyd (1 9 9 4 - ). Governing during these years was not an easy task, for as Riverton grew into one of the major cities of Salt Lake County, many important and long-ranging decisions had to be made. These decisions could be extremely controversial as was the case during the Lowell W hite administration when Riverton embarked upon one of the most bitter and divisive government battles in the city’s political history. The primary combatants in this contest were the Don Beckstead-lead faction of the city council and Mayor Lowell White. Each was dedicated to serving Riverton, but both parties felt their philosophy was best. Mr. Beckstead was a life-long resi dent of Riverton who considered himself a pragmatist with re ducing city costs his primary objective. On the other hand, Lowell White was a relative newcomer to Riverton who had

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some deep-seated political philosophies. One of these beliefs was an aversion to big government which he deemed unman ageable. He was an advocate of small cities and an opponent to any city-county consolidation.1 The battle between these adversaries was sparked by an ad ministrative decision of Mayor White in January 1979 to de mote Police Chief Leonard Smock, a respected member of the community, to patrolman. White contended that Smock was not an effective leader and had trouble adapting to the new situ ations that the eight-man police force faced. Finding the posi tion of patrolman unacceptable, Smock resigned. This triggered a widespread protest from Smock’s supporters who filled the city council chambers for weeks to voice their displeasure. Standing firm on his decision, Mayor White received abusive and threat ening telephone calls for his actions. In addition, his house and car were vandalized. The situation became so menacing that he sent his family to Colorado for the summer so that they would not have to experience the abuse.2 In March 1979 the mayor appointed the city’s first full-time professionally-trained police chief. Chief Ronald Ballantyne reorganized the town’s young, ambitious police force into an efficient law-enforcing machine. Too efficient for some, for as citations increased, so did rum blings of discontent in the community. Objections to the police department centered not only on rigid law enforcement, by what some residents referred to as a “bunch of hot-shots” who took themselves too seriously, but on the expense of maintain ing the local police. During the summer of 1979, patrol cars be came targets of rocks and beer bottles as discontent escalated.3 This controversy became the hottest issue of the 1979 city elec tion campaign. Don Beckstead, Leonard Smock’s brother-in-law and a candi date for the city council in the 1979 campaign, emerged as the leader of the opposition to Mayor White. He campaigned on the platform that Riverton could save money if it dissolved its entire police force and contracted for law enforcement services with the Salt Lake County Sheriff’s Office. He maintained that it would be more effective because of its already-established resources.4

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Mayor W hite, who was not even running for election, be came the primary subject of campaign debates. He defended his actions, stating flatly that he would never reinstate former Police Chief Smock and that the county could not be trusted in its public safety cost estimates. He said: W henever the county gives us a bid, its always an estimate and its always so ridiculously low that I defy them to provide the service at that cost. T hen when the bill comes we find out the truth.5

Aligning themselves opposite the mayor with Don Beckstead were two other city council candidates, Curtis Collard and Steve Brooks.6 W hen the votes were counted, all three of these candidates won city council seats. They were sworn into office in January 1980 and the battle lines were drawn. The new majority on the council immediately began negotiations with the county for police services, considered changing Riverton’s government to the city manager form in an attempt to strip the mayor of most of his power, and launched an investi gation into suspected irregularities in the city’s administration. By February 1980, the councilmen’s investigation revealed the following: 1. Two automobiles were purchased without council ap proval. 2. A city water tank was not satisfactorily completed, but no penalty was levied against the contractor as called for in the contract. 3. Supplies, fuel and materials could have been purchased at large savings with proper bids. 4. An attorney, in addition to the already-retained city at torney, was hired without council approval. 5. Capital improvement projects had not been let out to bid.7 Fighting these actions and accusations with all means possi ble, Mayor W hite filed a suit in Third District Court charging

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that the council illegally stripped him of several powers required of him as a mayor of a third-class city. His suit also attempted to enjoin the council from changing the form of Riverton’s city government without a vote of the people. In addition a citizen’s group, led by Gaylord Johnson, started circulating petitions throughout the city calling for a city-wide referendum on the police services contract and city manager form of government.8 At a stormy council meeting held on March 4, 1980 the council voted, with one abstention, to change to a councilmanager form of government, effectively stripping the mayor of all his executive powers. The meeting was filled with additional surprises as Dale Gardiner, Riverton City attorney and Richard Woodworth, the city administrator, both submitted their resig nations. Dale Gardiner questioned the legality of the ordinance. He said: “We will let the court decide if you can do away with an elected official’s position without a vote.”9 Explaining his res ignation, he said he felt frustrated being caught between defend ing the council one time and then the mayor the next. He com mented that the whole affair was like the “Bamum and Bailey Circus” in the south county or as he called it “Bamum and Bailey South.”10 City administrator Rich Woodward explained his decision to resign: This city has been operating with no direction. I would call it chaotic at best. I’ve ended up with all of the responsibility and none of the authority. Everywhere I turn, I’m being circumvented by the council or the mayor. Personalities here are involved too much to do anything constructive anymore. A t least not with the existing people.11

Citizens at the meeting were split in their support for the mayor and the city council. However, most seemed united in their de sire to see the governmental feuding end. Bonnie Mousley ad dressing the council commented: “I’m almost sad to say I’m a citizen of Riverton anymore. We elected you all to make this city a better place, instead of throwing mud so much.”12 The dispute worsened, however, for on April 1, the council

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approved by a 4 to 1 vote, a resolution to contract with Salt Lake County for law enforcement services. The $154,900 con tract, which was negotiated to provide Riverton residents with one deputy on patrol 24 hours per day plus various support ser vices— including detectives and secretaries, was to go into effect on April 15.13 In the meantime the Riverton police force joined the legal morass and filed a lawsuit of its own against the city council. The officers, represented by former deputy Salt Lake County attorney, Joseph E. Tesch, alleged that the council, in negotiating with the county, refused to enter into collective bargaining with them and that the final action was made in secret, a violation of U tah’s Sunshine Law (also referred to as the Open and Public Meetings Law). The suit asked the court to nullify the council’s actions.14 Addressing the council at its April 1st meeting, Mr. Tesch com mented that Riverton’s domestic quarrel would likely cost the city more in attorney’s fees than it would cost to hire two more police officers. He implored the council to sit down with him and work out a solution. He closed his remarks by saying: W ith all the publicity this thing has turned up, its tantam ount to the rest of the county having fun looking into a barrel of m on keys. It’s really nothing more than a domestic argument which has spilled into the street.15

The legal maneuvering continued at a special city council meeting the following week, when the council voted to fire its entire police department and to sign the county contract.16 The mayor refused to fire the officers. A t an emergency meeting the following night, Don Beckstead, who was elected mayor protempore, signed nine blue slips, one for each of the officers and the secretary. The city police, after having a closed meeting with the mayor, ceased patrolling the city that evening at 8:25 P.M. The County Sheriff’s department immediately shifted as signments so that its deputies could patrol the city. Mayor White, claiming that the action was illegal, was not present at the emergency meeting. He and Blaine Page were apparently not notified of the meeting.17

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Riverton V s . Riverton

Fig. 13. P a t B a g l e y

cartoo n .

Source: Salt Lake Tribune, April 17, 1980.

The battlefield then moved to Salt Lake City. A meeting was scheduled on April 14 for the county commissioners to ap prove the Riverton police services contract. Riverton citizens packed the commission chambers carrying signs reading “We Want Our Local Police Department Back’’ and “We Want to Keep Local Control.” Joseph Tesch, attorney for the city’s eight police officers, advised the commissioners to delay signing the contract with Riverton until questions concerning the city council’s ac tions could be settled. He said that the Salt Lake County attor ney had begun an investigation into the turmoil and even sug gested that a grand jury might be in order to resolve questions about Riverton City government. Gaylord Johnson, speaking for the Riverton Citizens for Constitutional Government, a group fighting to restore the local police force, explained that five different petitions and referendums were circulating in Riverton concerning the police question. Just a few nights be fore at a meeting in the Riverton School, his group had called

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for the resignation-of the mayor and city council and for new city elections. He informed the commissioners that he had filed a petition seeking to stop the transfer of city funds to the county for payment of the sheriff’s contract. After listening to the protests, the commission decided to delay signing the contract for 30 days while Riverton got its affairs in order. Commissioner William Dunn exclaimed that in light of threatened lawsuits, citizen petitions and possible citizen court action, the delay was prudent. He also let it be known that it was not the commission’s policy to force its services on cities. In addition, it was noted that the commissioners tried to avoid involvement in city conflicts. He stated that the contract had been signed by Mayor White, but that he had written above his signature: “The mayor disapproves of this agreement.”18 In the meantime the Salt Lake Tribune published a lead edi torial berating the conduct of the Riverton City government. The editor wrote that Riverton’s fights were “suggestive of something about as sophisticated as a cat and dog fight.” He continued editorializing that the whole affair “smacked of a bunch of supposed adults who have decided to act like chil dren.” Using the contemporary teenage parlance, he labeled Riverton as being “uncool.”19 Back in Riverton, the Citizens for Constitutional Govern ment along with Mayor W hite filed yet another lawsuit in Third District Court in an attempt to nullify a number of ac tions by the city council. The suit asked for ten judgments against the council, but most importantly it called for the rein statement of the city police force, for a court order restraining the council from implementing the contract for sheriff’s services with the county and for the repeal of the council-manager form of government wherein the council assumed the mayor’s admin istrative functions. The suit requested that the firing of the po lice department— done in emergency session by Don Beckstead who was appointed mayor pro tempore— be declared null and void as a violation of the Utah Open and Public Meetings A ct since Mayor W hite and Councilman Page were not notified of the meeting and proper notification proceedings were not fol

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lowed. Finally they asserted that the council-manager form of government was unconstitutional because it did not provide three separate branches of government. They also filed a refer endum petition signed by nearly half the registered voters, re questing that the electorate be allowed to decide the future of law enforcement in the city on the November ballot.20 On the strength of these pending legal actions, Mayor White ordered the city’s eight policemen back to work. A t a 7:00 A.M . meeting held on April 17, the mayor told the officers to perform their duties as outlined in state and city law and promised them that they would be paid. He stated that since the county had refused to ratify the sheriff’s service contract, in tended to go into effect on the 15 th, Riverton was essentially left without police protection. Since the mayor was responsible for enforcing the law and providing police protection, he felt he was legally justified in his actions. Councilmen Steve Brooks and Don Beckstead disagreed with the mayor’s actions, ques tioning whether the officers were legally sworn into their posi tions. They were concerned about the city’s liability and asked the officers to sign a waiver form. Police Chief Ron Ballantyne and the other officers refused to sign, claiming with the mayor, that they had not been legally fired and were therefore still city employees.21 The officers added to Riverton’s legal quagmire by filing yet another lawsuit against the city council. The suit was taken to federal district court and claimed that the police officers’ civil rights had been violated. The suit, which asked for $800,000 in damages, made a total of three law suits the police had filed against the council.22 A t a special council meeting held on April 23, council members took steps to defend themselves from the blizzard of law suits that had been filed in various courts. The council hired former Third District Judge Stewart Hanson, Jr. to be their legal counsel. Hanson’s first task was to defend the council at a May 1st court hearing. He also initiated legal actions to allow the city to pay its bills. Payments of some bills had been halted be cause of the contentions between the mayor and council. He

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commented that he took a great deal of pride in his profession and its ability to resolve disputes. In his assessment of the situa tion, Hanson said: “There are some tremendous difficulties here. The fundamental issue is who has the authority to run the city government of Riverton.” The council also directed City Recorder Peggy Green not to put the initiative and referendum petitions filed by the Citizens for Constitutional Government on the November ballot. David Church, the city’s new attorney, advised the council to let the courts decide whether the peti tions were legal before placing them on the ballot.23 Riverton’s day in court came on May 1 when Third District Court Judge Jay Banks heard over four hours of arguments on both sides of the case. A t the hearing Kenneth M. Hisatake, representing the Riverton Citizens for Constitutional Govern ment, and Mayor W hite asked the judge for the following: 1. restrain the council from entering into an interlocal agreement with Salt Lake County for law enforcement and put the issue on a referendum petition; 2. restrain the council from further violations of the state Open Meetings A ct (Sunshine Law); 3. restrain the council from purchasing goods or services for Riverton City without proper authorization; 4. restrain the council from interfering with the mayor or administrative assistant during the performance of their duly authorized duties; 5. restrain the council from “further threatening or harass ing” Riverton City employees; and 6. reinstate the Riverton police force. Mr. Hanson rebutted these arguments by claiming that the fundamental question in this case was who had legislative and executive authority in the city? He submitted precedent-setting legal cases showing that the council did, indeed have the power to hire and fire, and that it shared the administrative functions of running the city with the mayor. He then gave legal argu ments countering all the mayor’s requests.24

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Judge Banks, returning with his ruling on May 7, called the parties together to explain his decision. He claimed that he could not order reinstatement of the police department because that was the prerogative of the city council. The judge did grant a restraining order preventing the councilmen from harassing any city employees, but denied the other requests. He explained that there was not enough evidence to demonstrate that irreparable harm would result if the issues came to trial in the normal manner. He then told the parties that the trial on the issues, which would require time in order to gather evidence, would be set as soon as possible.25 The police thereupon ap pealed the ruling to the Utah Supreme Court, which refused to review the decision.26 A couple of developments occurred directly after Judge Banks’ ruling. First, Mayor W hite advised Riverton’s police to go home. He told the officers to look for temporary jobs until the reinstatement trial could take place. He remarked: Everyone I talked to thought it would be wise to park the cars and let the county come in, and that they [the Riverton police] try to find a full-time job or a part-time job to tide them over.27

Second, the mayor hired the former police chief, Richard Ballantyne, to be his administrative assistant, replacing Richard Woodruff.28 As could be expected, this action caused another rift with the city council. They refused to pay Mr. Ballantyne, claiming the position of administrative assistant did not exist.29 Mayor White paid him anyway and the council sued the mayor for the payment. Disputes also erupted over the payment of gasoline used by the Riverton police after their reinstatement by the mayor. All these disagreements demonstrated the acrimony that existed in city government.30 Feelings were so bitter and heated that there were reports that one city administrator brought a gun with him to city council meeting for protection.31 Despite the fact that there was still a severe polarization in Riverton government over the police issue, the county commis sioners, as a result of Judge Banks’ ruling, decided to approve the

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contract providing -county sheriff’s services to Riverton. The commission chambers were filled again with Riverton residents urging the commissioners to reject the contract and allow them a chance to put the police question on the ballot. Commissioner William Dunn commented at the meeting that the commission had the legal obligation to deal with the city’s elected represen' tatives. He also observed that the county needed to put the contract in force so that it could get paid for the services it was providing. He acknowledged that the commission’s actions could be subject to change as required by future court decisions.32 Throughout the next year and a half conflicts continued. A t a November 1980 council meeting an ordinance was adopted that granted newly-appointed city manager, Jim Young, the power to appoint all officers in the city with the consent of the city council. The mayor, who was little more than a figurehead at this time, was powerless to do much about it. A t the same meeting the council authorized Mr. Young to organize a meeting between the councilmen, Mayor W hite and Gaylord Johnson to discuss the possibility of dropping some of the approximately seventeen lawsuits in which the city was involved.33 Unfortunately the participants made precious little progress trying to solve the city’s legal hassles. However, through legal maneuver' ing and a few compromises, most of the lawsuits never came to trial, but were dismissed in the courts or dropped. Unfor tunately, these dismissals came after hundreds of thousands of dollars had already been spent in legal fees.34 This dismal chapter in Riverton politics was eventually settled like most political battles, by an election. In the 1981 city election voters chose Dale Gardiner to be mayor and seated two new city councilmen. Trust between the mayor and council was eventually restored and in June 1982, the council voted 3-2 to return Riverton to the mayor-council form of government. Gaylord Johnson said at that time that the council’s action made his lawsuit moot, adding: “I see no reason for further contention.”35 Thus ended what historian Larry Gerlach termed “what surely must constitute the most disgraceful chapter in the history of local government in U tah.”36 The governmental fiasco

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consisting of lawsuits, counterlawsuits, requests for resignations, resignations, firings, initiative and recall petitions, verbal abuse and name calling, threats, a change in city governmental pow ers, devious parliamentary procedures and dirty power politics was over. The infighting had practically brought the function ing of Riverton City government to a halt and had made the city the subject of derision throughout the state.37 Whether the controversy was simply a conflict of personalities, a genuine dis agreement over the quality and cost of police protection or something else, may be debated forever. Nevertheless, residents were grateful to have the whole mess behind them. As it began in 1982, two goals of the Gardiner administra tion were to heal the wounds of the past and to bring Riverton’s city services up to standard. Mayor Gardiner felt that the best policy was to introduce changes and seek im provements gradually. He carefully rebuilt relationships be tween the mayor and the city council and cautiously picked the projects and issues he would pursue. One of the first projects he tackled was the building of a new city hall. It had been appar ent for a number of years that the old city hall on Redwood Road was inadequate. Some city council members suggested that the old city hall should be enlarged, but a majority felt that a new one was needed and that it should be built in the park. W ith money that had been saved from the public safety budget and other services, the construction process proceeded. Mayor Gardiner felt that the structure should not be ostenta tious, but rather be efficient and economical. Tired of what he called the “fake colonial” style buildings that were made to look like Independence Hall, he was determined to have some thing unique. Impressed with the southwestem-style of the South Jordan senior citizens center, he recommended that the city hire the same architect.38 Culp Construction Company was chosen from among 17 different bidders to build the city hall. Its bid totaled $350,000. Ground breaking ceremonies were held on February 21, 1983 and the solar-efficient southwestemstyle structure was dedicated that same year on September 24.39 The new city hall, which contained 5,700 square feet on each

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of its two floors, was a badly-needed and welcome addition. It was a symbol of a maturing city coming of age. Soon after Mayor Gardiner took office, he realized the need to upgrade city services. A t that time, he received a call from KSL-TV asking him for an interview. Assuming that the re porter simply wanted to do a background story on a new mayor, he agreed to be questioned. The T V truck arrived and the news men laboriously set up their equipment for the interview. W hen the equipment was ready, the reporter stuck a microphone in the mayor’s face and asked why the city buried dead dogs in the park. The question took the mayor by surprise. He responded that he didn’t know that dead dogs were buried in the park, but that he would find out. He later discovered that dead dogs were being buried in the park by city workers and that evidently it had been a normal and time-honored procedure. The humorous “dead dog” story made news through the valley, but it made the mayor painfully aware of the need for upgrading city services. In investigating other city services Mayor Gardiner discovered that leaks in main water lines sometimes took days to fix and that some employees of the public works department could not even operate the backhoe. In addition, numerous public works pro jects had to be contracted out to other people. A concentrated effort was made to raise Riverton’s services to a higher level.40 In contrast to previous city administrations, that were dis trustful of Salt Lake County, the city council and mayor during the Gardiner administration decided to work with the county. The attempt at cooperation came as a pleasant surprise to the county, which had grown accustomed to having cities make de mands and threats for county services. This cooperative effort resulted in a number of projects being developed in Riverton during the 1980s and 1990s. The mayor and various councilmen lobbied commissioners or heads of county departments on a frequent basis about possible devel opments at their offices or at county meetings. Sometimes, as the need arose, visits were so frequent that some felt as though they were camping at the county complex. One commissioner’s secretary regularly commented: “Here comes Mayor Gardiner

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again. I wonder what he wants this time.”41 Their efforts not only resulted in closer ties between Riverton and the county, but in the construction of a swimming pool, library, fire station, and golf course in Riverton. Ground was broken in 1985 for the construction of the $300,000 South County swimming pool located at 12765 South 1125 West. Final touches were made on the huge “Z-shaped” pool which was built to accommodate 800 to 900 swimmers in the spring of 1986. Its design featured six 50-meter race lanes, a threeplatform diving tank, six 50-meter race lanes, a three-platformed diving tank, six 25-meter exercise lanes and a large wading area. Other amenities included an 800 square-foot deck and 29,000 square-feet of grass for sun bathing. A bathhouse was started in March 1986 and was completed in the late summer of that same year. Despite the absence of a bathhouse to change clothes in, the county scheduled the opening of the pool on June 7, 1986. Temporary shower and restroom facilities were readied for open ing day. Swimmers were encouraged to wear their swimming at tire to the pool.42 As construction on the pool neared completion, Mayor Gardiner, who had faith that the county could not com plete anything on schedule, bet County Commissioner Michael Stewart that the county would not finish the pool by June 7. Commissioner Stewart accepted the bet at which time he and the mayor decided that the loser would have to take a skinny dip in the pool at the grand opening. A day or so before June 7 when it appeared as though the pool would open on time, Mr. Stewart called Mike Siler, the city administrator, and told him to inform Mayor Gardiner to get ready to perform. However, as the pool was filling up in preparation for the grand opening festivities, the main pipe ruptured. As a result, the opening was delayed, Mayor Gardiner was saved and it was Mike Stewart’s duty to perform. Knowing that he was in a bind, Commissioner Stewart explained that in county terms, “skinny dipping” meant that he was to find the skinniest employee on his staff and have him take a dip in the pool. So at the delayed opening, Mr. Stewart’s “skinny” adminis trative assistant, fully clothed in his bathing suit, took an inau gural “skinny dip” at Riverton’s South County Pool.43

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The construction of a library was also a valued addition to the community in the 1980s. A 3,500 square-foot structure was erected at 1830 West 12600 South on the north side of the Riverton Plaza shopping center. The grand opening was held on January 27, 1987 at which time residents were introduced to the library’s new technology and resources. Advertisements touted the fact that citizens of Riverton were provided with access to over a million items through the Salt Lake County library sys tem. Although the facility was small, it was a start. In 1992, construction began on an addition, that when completed in 1993, doubled the size of the Riverton library. W hen the new 7.000 square-foot library was officially reopened on February 17, 1993, it had plenty of “elbow room” as well as space for over 34.000 items on its shelves. People made good use of their li brary, which also featured a quiet study area, a magazine display wall and nine sofa-type chairs. A record 15,000 check-outs were made in the month prior to the addition’s official opening. The library has proven to be a convenient and abundant source of information for city residents.44 Another benefit of the cooperation between the city and the county was the construction at 2700 West and 13000 South of a new fire station. Started in the fall 1987, the structure was completed in January 1988. Riverton spent $102,000 from money it received from federal community development block grants and from city capital project funds to construct the fire station. In return for the use of Riverton’s building, the county agreed to spend $225,000 annually to keep county paramedic crews housed there. The facility, when complete, boasted sleep ing quarters used by the paramedics, a kitchen, bath facilities, a training room and an office.45 In November 1988 the addition of two new truck bays onto the station was approved. These were completed in 1989 at which time all the fire trucks were moved from the public works building in the park to the new building on Pole Line Road (2700 West). The final municipal improvement project was the addition of Salt Lake County’s Riverbend golf course. Riverton became the top candidate for a county golf course in the late 1980s

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when Sandy rejected a course in the Dimple Dell area. Salt Lake County Parks and Recreation hosted a “tee o ff’ (groundbreak ing) ceremony that included city and county officials in August 1992. The Riverbend course, which was the first one built by the county in 25 years, was constructed on 160 acres of land be tween 1300 West and the Jordan River at about 12800 South. The $6 million dollar project, designed by Gene Bates, featured 18 holes with 6,700 yards of play.46 The golf course proved to be a political plum and a major asset to Riverton. A project that never came to fruition in the 1980s was a civic center. Mayor Gardiner proposed building a civic center that would house a performing arts auditorium, music practice rooms, art space, a gymnasium and community meeting rooms. Joseph Linton, a prominent Utah architect, was hired to design the structure. Models and artistic renderings were completed and published. Estimated to cost $2.5 million, the proposed cen ter was planned to be built adjacent to the new swimming pool. Randy Horiuchi was enlisted to spearhead fund-raising activi ties. All funding was scheduled to come from outside sources, including private donations, grants from arts-oriented organiza tions and possible federal grants.47 Some benefit concert^ were held to help in fund-raising efforts, but other funding sources never materialized. As a result the civic center was scuttled. By the mid-1980s much of the bitterness and disgust felt by many residents toward their city government in the early 1980s began to fade. They had enough faith in their city to suggest that it take upon itself new responsibilities. They felt that as the city grew and matured, it should have organizations like other cities in the area. It was at this time that proposals came before the city to establish an arts council, an historical society and a senior citizens center. The Riverton Arts Council was established in 1983 and soon became recognized statewide for its efforts in promoting an appreciation for the arts in Riverton. The proposal to establish the Riverton Arts Council came from Bonnie Young. She cited the reasons for having an arts council before the city council in 1983:

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W e need a Riverton A rts Council due to all the things th at will come with it. W e have many talented people in R iverton and should be able to use this talent in various ways. A n A rts Council would allow us to do so. Dance arts, vocal and instrumental tal ents could all play a part.48

The organization was incorporated by the city council, which acted as its board of trustees. A management committee consist ing of Bonnie Young, I la Jean Bergstrom, Hank Nelson and Sandra Lloyd was appointed to run the day-to-day affairs of the organization.49 Funding for the organization was obtained through grants from the Utah Arts Council that were matched by the city. One of the council’s first major dramatic productions was the musical Seven Brides for Seven Brothers. Not only did the play have to be produced and rehearsed, but a playhouse had to be made to perform it in. Arts Council members and senior citi zens spent countless hours converting the Beesley Bam at 1650 West 13200 South into a playhouse for the production. Heating the bam in late October was a problem because fire codes re quired that the heaters be shut off while people were in the bam. Those attending were advised to dress warmly. Warm apple cider and pretzels were sold during intermission. Parking was also a problem, but was solved by parking cars at the cemetery and hav ing people hitch a ride on a hay wagon to the bam.50 The musi cal was a success and the Arts Council went on to present other productions that enriched Riverton’s cultural environment. Some of these productions included The Fantasticks (1985), Music Man (1987), Gentle Gardner (1987), “1776” (1987), Bye Bye Birdie (1988), Cinderella (1992) and Brigadoon (1993). In ad dition, the Arts Council sponsored symphony concerts, an “oldfashioned” Christmas fair featuring arts and crafts of local artists, workshops in dance, drama and art, patriotic plays for Town Day’s celebrations in July, free concerts in the city park, a concert choir, children’s theater, arts in the park, Halloween story-telling as well as poetry and art competitions for children. Outside dra matic productions that have included The Farley Family Reunion, J. Golden and Wilford Woodruff—G od’s Fisherman were brought

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to town as well as other performing groups. These programs were held at various locations including the Beesley Barn and the Riverton Elementary School. However, most of the Council’s ac tivities had to be held in the park for want of a permanent home for the arts. Bonnie Young served as president of the Arts Council until 1987. She was succeeded by Raquel Ohmie, Barb Aabi, Claudia Meidell, Erin Nickle and Mitzi Busath.51 The importance of the past in promoting civic pride was recognized when the Riverton Historical Society was organized on February 15, 1984 in a meeting at the Riverton City Hall. Mont Evans, newly-elected member of the city council, ex plained the program set up by the National Park Service and the Utah State Historical Society whereby communities could obtain funds for local historic preservation. It was decided that Riverton needed a historical society to help the city research its roots and maintain a community identity. Officers were chosen and a charter was adopted.52 The first president of the Riverton Historical Society was Elias Butterfield. Assisting him were Elvoy Dansie (vice-president), Donald Petersen (secretary) and Scott Crump (historian). Over the next few months additional members were recruited and committees organized to handle publicity, city landmarks, past history and current history.53 Members helped to gather family histories, photographs, archi tectural records, oral histories and other documents relating to Riverton’s past. W ith funds available through the State His torical Society’s Certified Local Government (CLG) program and matched by the city, the Historical Society was able to pur chase tape recorders, a computer, materials for storing historic documents, a camera and other supplies needed for preserving the town’s past. Many people helped get the Historical Society underway, but especially important contributions were made by Elias Butterfield, who lent financial and organizational support to the fledgling organization. In addition to collecting materials needed for the publication of a book, Riverton’s historians em barked on other projects intended not only to preserve River ton’s heritage, but to make it readily available to the commu nity. Two pamphlets were published to introduce new residents,

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community groups and schools to Riverton’s heritage. One pam phlet outlined Riverton’s history and historic sites while the other detailed a walking tour of Riverton’s central business dis trict. Two slide/videotape productions were created. One de tailed Riverton’s beginnings to World War I and the other docu mented the town’s business history. These were made available in the Riverton library and local schools. Starting in 1988, lec ture programs were held covering historical topics ranging from childhood memories, polygamy, and the Miss Riverton Pageant to the 1918 flu epidemic, 1938 school bus/train accident, and baseball. Another project involved researching historic homes and businesses for possible inclusion on the National Register of Historic Places— a prestigious list of historic properties in the United States. First, a city-wide reconnaissance survey was con ducted mapping and documenting all Riverton homes built be fore 1945. Then an intensive survey was performed for several homes which were deemed potentially eligible for National Register nomination. Upon the advice of the State Historical Society, a few homes were then chosen which had a greater like lihood of being accepted for nomination to the National Register. These were researched in depth and nominations were prepared. A t this date, two homes in Riverton have been placed on the National Register.54 The Riverton Hall of Honor was es tablished in 1990 to honor those who have made noteworthy contributions to the community. Those honored (or their de scendants) ride in the Town Days’ parade and a portrait and plaque describing their accomplishments is placed in the city hall.55 Scott Crump replaced Elias Butterfield as president of the Historical Society in February 1988. A t that time, Mel Bashore was selected as vice-president and Karen Bashore as secretarytreasurer. These three, with the help of other Society members initiated many of the Society’s recent programs. In addition, they authored this book which was published in 1994. The Riverton Senior Citizens Center started operation in 1984. With funding from a federal community development block grant, the old city hall on Redwood Road was remodeled. The electrical wiring, plumbing and finishing work in the build

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ing’s remodeling were all done by seniors themselves. When the project was completed, the new center boasted a modern kitchen, restrooms, a sitting room, card room, a ceramic class room, storage space and an office.56 This pleasant meeting place provided the town’s seniors a location to chat with their peers, play cards, shoot pool, tie a quilt, work on ceramics, have lunch, or simply enjoy an afternoon of entertainment. The center’s founding members were Leonard Beckstead, Rachel Perry, Dell Beckstead, Clifton Lloyd, Leslie M. Butterfield and Harry Swofford.57 From the start, the city was very supportive of the senior center. It pays all of the utilities and helps with trans portation. Averaging 55 to 65 people at their semi-weekly meet ings, the seniors (age 60 and above) participate in a whole range of activities. Besides the aforementioned activities, there have been regular bingo games, classes sponsored by the Salt Lake County Recreation Department and periodic bus trips. Places visited by seniors ranged from Coalville to Heber.58 In July 1992 a suspicious fire was started in the senior center. Arson investi gators from the county sheriff and fire departments suspected three juveniles. Damage estimates amounted to $70,000 for re pairs to the 25 to 30 percent of the building that was burned. The fire-damaged structure had to be closed and bids were taken by the city for repairs.59 In the meantime Lyn Bumingham, prin cipal of Southland Elementary School, offered the senior citi zens the use of her school while the center was being restored. A special camaraderie developed during this interim period be tween the seniors and the elementary students. Del Shomaker remarked: “The people at the school are like a family to us. We owe a special thanks to that gracious principal.” The seniors returned to their repaired and improved center in January 1993. They celebrated the event by holding an open house in February 1994. As a result of the remodeling, the cen ter featured a bigger kitchen, a dishwasher, as well as new paint ing and carpeting. Ground was also broken during the open house for a $65,000 addition. When completed, it provided space for additional recreational areas and a second dining room.60 In 1994 the officers of the senior’s group included: Del

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Shomaker (president), Betty Maynard (vice-president), Viola Turner (secretary), and Standish Heineken (treasurer).61 As a result of their hard work and dedication, Riverton’s seniors have a pleasant place to learn and develop talents, perform service for others, socialize with friends or simply have an enjoyable time. Some of the most controversial issues during the Gardiner, Warr and Lloyd administrations involved water, taxes and growth. Related in some ways yet different in others, these issues provided the explosives for the major battles fought at city hall. The water issue, which had been worked on extensively in the 1970s surfaced again in the 1980s. The city announced in 1986 that the water system had been operating at a loss for all but one of the previous eight years. In addition, because of the city’s spectacular growth, it was forecast that the system would be unable to keep up with demands by 1992 if significant capital improvements were not funded. As a result the city proposed to increase its water rates (which it claimed were competitive with other cities), for the first time since 1978 from a monthly rate of $4 to $6. The charge for water used above a monthly 10,000' gallon minimum was to be raised from 30 to 50 cents per gallon. It appeared as though the council would stand by its decision to increase the rates until a hostile crowd of residents, gathered at Rosamond Elementary School for a public hearing mounted a vociferous attack on the rate hike. A t the Rosamond Elemen' tary School hearing, held on October 7, 1986, the city pre' sented its reasons why the rate increases were needed after which Reed Thomas was given an opportunity to explain why the rate hikes were not necessary. He claimed the city was not telling the truth about water system expenses and claimed that the city had been squandering money earmarked for system depreciation. The crowd’s belligerent protests increased until a motion to rescind the rate increase passed the second time it was presented.62 A citizen’s advisory board was created to review the city’s water resources, examine the system’s condition and quality, recommend needed improvements and rate increases and to develop a master plan for future growth. After a year and

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a half of review it was decided that major improvements were needed to solve water pressure and financial problems. Addi tionally new sources of water needed to be explored and old lead pipes required replacement. A 90-100% increase was originally proposed to cover these improvements, but in April 1988 the council settled for a 26% increase and postponed some needed changes. Despite the increase, Riverton’s water rates remained some of the lowest in the county.63 A refreshing water improve ment came in 1990 when a bottle-filling fountain was erected in the city park. The fountain was connected to spring water taken from Bear Canyon. A plaque was placed on the granite-faced fountain explaining the history of Bear Canyon’s water source.64 Despite these improvements the water system continued to be a problem requiring the continual attention of the city through out the 1980s and 1990s. Tax increases are always controversial and Riverton dealt with them a number of times during the last two decades of the twentieth century. In 1989 the council rejected an 86% city property tax increase. This increase would have amounted to a $60 hike on the average $70,000 home and would have raised $193,000 for road projects, upgraded fire protection and im proved animal control services. A 6% utility franchise tax had been proposed earlier in the year to raise the needed funds, but this was rejected when a number of residents suggested the al ternative of raising the property tax since it could be deducted from federal and state income taxes. During the budget hearings concerned citizens suggested numerous cost-cutting measures. To save money in the area of animal control, some suggested simply shooting stray animals instead of spending time and money capturing and euthanizing them. A different suggestion came from another citizen who said: “For animal control, give our kids a .22 and there won’t be a problem.” Another lady of fered a plan to hire volunteers for animal control. She com mented: “A volunteer could be paid $6 for every animal picked up. The city could then fine its owner $30. The net savings would be $24.” The council did not favor any of these ideas due to the dangers involved with untrained volunteers, liability

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1990-91

1991-92

General fund Other funds

$1,196,375 $1,085,905

$1,198,212 $1,060,789

WHERE IT COMES FROM:

WHERE IT GOES:

(SELECTED EXPENDITURES)

(SELECTED REVENUE SOURCES)

1991-92

$864,333 1990-91

$339,542 1991-92

$517,150

1991-92

$89,111

1990-91

$517,150

1990-91

$ 127,600

1991-92

$95,370

$24,500

1990-91

199091

$86,380

$32,705

Tax/fee hikes:

None proposed $100.60 on an $80,000 home

Property tax: Public hearing: F i g . 14. R iv e r t o n

it y

Tuesday, June 4, 7 p.m., City Hall, 1276S S. 1400 West B udget,

1 9 9 0 -9 1

and

1 9 9 1 -9 2 . S o u r c e :

Deseret News, June 1, 1991.

problems and other hidden costs. After refusing the tax increase the council was forced to cut the budget.65 The council faced the same tax problem in 1990. This time despite a round of boos, catcalls and derisive comments from au dience members, council members by a 4-1 vote, bravely held firm on their resolution to overturn Mayor Warr’s budget and replace it with their own. The council’s budget, which called for the same 86% increase in local property taxes that was rejected in 1989, was intended to provide funding for road improve-

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merits and upgrading the fire department. The vote created a rift between the council and mayor who had pleaded that his “hold the line” budget be adopted. He claimed that he had made spending cuts in his first six months that had offset the $80,000 deficit in the current budget. These cuts ranged from firing the city administrator and cutting road and park mainte nance to a general 5% reduction in all programs. Councilman Wilson Svedin countered that Mayor Warr’s budget failed to meet critical city needs, especially in the area of roads.66 The issue became even more heated when the tax hike came up for a final vote two months later. So many people came to voice their opinions about the increase that the council meeting had to be recessed at the city hall and reconvened at Rosamond Elementary School. Almost every speaker voiced complaints during a nearly three-hour meeting. The handful of speakers who chose to speak in favor of the roughly $60 a year increase were castigated with name calling, booing and loud shouts. The council lowered the increase to 50% (amounting to $40 on a $70,000 home), but then stood resolute in approving it with a 4-1 vote. Council members Steve Brooks, Wilson Svedin, Raquel Ohmie and Terry Wright voted for the proposal and Brent Richards voted against it. The final decision to increase taxes was met with statements like “get a rope,” “impeach them” and “let’s get rid of four of ‘em.” Even Councilman Richards an grily remarked after the vote that he would personally campaign against those council members who voted for the increase.67 Budget hearings involving tax increases and acrimonious de bates by aroused citizens throughout the city were typical occur rences during this time. Another issue causing concern in Riverton during the 1980s and 1990s dealt with the city’s explosive growth and the plan ning and zoning problems associated with it. The size of build ing lots, zoning density and types of land use were constant is sues facing the city council and planning commission. An especially sensitive aspect of the growth issue concerned devel opment in the Jordan River Bottoms. Many citizens felt that the Jordan River Bottoms were an important natural resource and

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they did not want to see that land encroached upon by new construction. In 1992 citizens holding this view clashed with developers who wanted to construct subdivisions in the river bottoms. Concerns were voiced about flood dangers, damage to the wetlands and wildlife habitats, liquefaction problems during earthquakes and future recreational use. The council refused to halt previously-approved subdivisions, but enacted a morato rium on future development in the area.68 The city rezoned the entire length of the Jordan River in Riverton and worked to de velop a Jordan River Parkway Master Plan.69 Growth concerns surfaced again in 1993 when a group of citizens banded together to form a committee entitled Riverton Citizens for Planned Growth. They petitioned the city for a building moratorium until problems concerning a full-time city planner, a new city master plan, traffic problems, parks and recreation, schools and the West Valley Highway were resolved. Neil Spencer, the group’s spokesman, commented at that time: “The city is cur rently growing so rapidly that adequate planning is not being done. This failure to plan has a major impact on the present and future quality of life in the Riverton area.” The city refused to enact a complete moratorium, but took the group’s proposals under advisement.70 Responding to citizen concerns about growth, the city council proposed in 1994 to rezone all undevel oped R-10 property to a lower density of R-14, which would make the smallest lots in Riverton 14,000 square-feet instead of 10,000 square-feet. It was stated at the hearings that hopefully these changes would help preserve Riverton’s “quality of life.”71 Mayor Gardiner encountered an interesting situation that came about as a result of Riverton’s growth. W hen the LDS Church was building its Brookwood meetinghouse, the heavy equipment used in the construction had to pass through the Brookwood subdivision. In doing so the equipment ruined the road base to the point that the mayor “red tagged” the whole project. This meant that the city would no longer approve con tinued construction of the meetinghouse. W hen the problem came to the attention of Church officials they sent the regional building official to meet with the mayor. During their meeting

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the building official asked: “Brother Gardiner, what are you going to do about our chapel?” The mayor, who knew he was in trouble when he was addressed as “brother,” responded by say ing: “What are you going to do about my road?” The official re sponded: “It was a crummy road and we aren’t going to do any thing.” Mayor Gardiner remarked that it was fine until he put his trucks on it and that unless he posted a bond to repair the road, he would put a sheriff on patrol at the building site to make sure no further construction took place. Just as he was get ting ready to call downstairs for the sheriff, the church official relented: “I don’t think this is fair, but for you Brother Gardiner we will do it.”72 Never one to pass up an opportunity to promote his growing city, Mayor Gardiner wrote a letter at this time to Al Davis, the owner of the Los Angeles Raiders football team. Davis was con sidering moving the Raiders out of Los Angeles. Gardiner of fered Riverton as a possible home for his NFL team. He ex plained that he had measured the space at the rodeo arena and there was exactly 100 yards. Therefore, the team’s playing field needs could be met by moving the bleachers back just a bit. Riverton would also be willing to pay the team’s asking price of $29,000,000 on terms allowing for the payment of one dollar a year. For some unexplained reason he never received a response back from the Raiders.73 Other projects and issues dealt with by the city during this time included: dust coming from the horses at the rodeo arena (1980s), the tree project to beautify the city (1985), the pollu tion of a portion of the city’s water supply by Kennecott Copper (1986), the creation of street lighting districts (1987), the im pact and placement of the Bangerter (West Valley) Highway, the placement of group homes for the mentally handicapped (1988), the “giardia scares” when residents claimed the water supply was contaminated with bacteria (1991), and the conver sion to an improved garbage collection system (1992).74 The smooth functioning of a city not only requires the dedi cated efforts of its elected officials, but also the hard work of ap pointed officials and staff. In the early 1990s Riverton had a

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five-member planning commission and a five-member Board of Adjustments.75 The city also had an assistant city administrator (Craig W hite), city attorney (David Church), city recorder (Sandra Lloyd), city engineer (Jack Zirbes and Larry Gilson), city planner (Bob Scott), assistant city planner (Diana Martinez), building inspector (Dick Mumford), animal and ordinance control officer (Bill Arnold) and city treasurer (Craig W hite). The city had 14 full-time employees in 1994.76 There was some controversy surrounding the position of city administrator during the 1980s. In 1988 Mayor Gardiner fired Michael Siler, his administrator for six years, when Mr. Siler ap proved unauthorized pay raises totaling $284 for some city em ployees. He was replaced by D’Arcy Dixon Pignanelli.77 She, in turn, was fired by Mayor Warr in 1990 for what was termed “bud get concerns.”78 For the remainder of the Warr administration and into the Lloyd administration the position was left vacant. City police services in the 1990s continued to be handled by Salt Lake County. Riverton’s contract with the county totaled $373,935 for the 1993-94 fiscal year. The contract stipulated that Riverton would receive one patrol car on duty 24 hours a day, seven days a week and an additional car on a six-hour shift during the day. Backup police and detective services were also included. Riverton also provided building space in the basement of the city hall and utilities for the Salt Lake County Sheriff’s South Valley substation. This substation covered all areas in the county south of 1-215. Captain Earl Watrous headed the substa tion in 1994, which had approximately 40 deputies assigned to it.79 The sheriff’s office issued a yearly statistical crime report for the City of Riverton.80 Residents needing to pay traffic tickets or involved in cases involving the violation of city ordinances were summoned to Riverton’s Justice of the Peace Court. Judge Galen Buckley, an LDS seminary principal by profession, was appointed in 1988 as the court judge by Mayor Gardiner. In 1994 Judge Buckley held court on Thursdays from 3:00 P.M. to 6:00 P.M. He was assisted by Darla Serassio who was the clerk of court. Also serving as Riverton judges during the 1980s and 1990s were Don Handy and Albert Mitchell.

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Riverton’s fire department in the mid-1990s boasted a crew of well-trained personnel. Gail Kidd headed the department of 25 volunteers who were either state-certified or in the process of obtaining their state certification. Mr. Kidd, who succeeded Robert Webster as fire chief in 1988, was assisted by Assistant Chief Doug Obert, Battalion Chiefs Keith Pearce and Michael Farnsworth, Captains William Sylvester and Keith Hanson and Fire Marshall Dick Stuart. The city was equipped with six fire fighting vehicles in the mid-1990s. These included three pumper trucks (the newest one purchased for $200,000 in 1994), a grass auxiliary pumper truck, a medical truck and an all-purpose extracation (jaws of life) vehicle. The operational center for the fire department was the new fire house completed in 1988 on 2700 West 13000 South. The fire house also housed two full-time paramedics who were supplied by the county to offer advanced life support to Riverton residents.81 Woodrow Wilson, the twenty-eighth president of the United States, once said that the history of America is written in the history of its small towns and villages. If that is so then the history of Riverton’s government is just a small slice of Americana. Like citizens of towns and villages all over the country, Riverton’s citizens may get disgusted at times, they may complain at times or they may even get mad at times. Yet they know that although their government is not perfect, it is still a pretty good government after all. They also realize that in a small town democratic government, although almost every one can have a say, not everyone can have their way. Surveys taken by Riverton City in the 1980s and 1990s indicate the majority of residents are generally satisfied with their city gov ernment.82 Some believe that all that people want from city govern ment is a decent park for their kids to play in, a garbage man to pick up their trash, a fireman to protect them from disasters, a water system to deliver pure water and a policeman to safeguard them from crime. Riverton City did its best to provide these basic services and its citizens continued to have their input into how it should provide them. After all, isn’t that what democracy is all about?

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Notes 1.

“Riverton

Antagonists

Both

Agree

T h at

Comm unity

Is N o

C am elot,” Deseret News, April 21, 1980. 2. “Riverton Race N ear Boiling Point,” Deseret News, O ctober 3 0 , 1979. 3. Gerlach, Blazing Crosses in Zion, p. 177. 4. “Riverton Race N ear Boiling Point,” Deseret News, O ctober 3 0 , 1979. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. “Two Councilm en in Riverton A ir Charges,” Deseret News, February 25, 1980. 8. Ibid. 9. “Council in Riverton Demotes Mayor, Votes Regime Change,” Salt Lake Tribune, M arch 5, 1980. 10. Dale F. Gardiner, interview with S cott Crump, February 8, 199411. “Council in Riverton Demotes Mayor, Votes Regime Change,” Salt Lake Tribune, M arch 5, 1980. 12. Ibid. 13. “Riverton Council OKs Resolution to C o n tract for Police Services,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 2, 1980. 14- “Police Officers U nion Files Suit Against Riverton City C ouncil,” Sait Lake Tribune, M arch 13, 1980. 15. “Riverton Council OKs Resolution to C on tract for Police Service,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 2, 1980. 16. “Riverton Council Fires Police Dept.,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 8, 1980. 17. “Emergency Meeting A xes Riverton Police Force,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 9, 1980. 18. “County Delays Signing C o n tract,” Deseret News, April 14, 1980. 19. “U ncool in Riverton,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 12, 1980. T h e text of this editorial follows:

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There is something very unseemly about the squabble going on in Riverton over who and how the community is to be policed. A majority of the city council have voted to abandon the city’s 8-member police force and contract with the Salt Lake County Sheriffs Department for law enforcement services. The mayor, however, has resisted. The con tract with Salt Lake County is to be effective on April 15, but council members couldn’t wait that long. Tuesday they voted, during a meeting that might be subject to challenge under the state sunshine statute, to fire the police department immediately. Appearances might not be all re vealing, but in Riverton’s case they are suggestive of something about as sophisticated as a cat and dog fight. The whole affair smacks of a bunch of supposed adults who have decided to act like children. In contempo rary teen-age parlance they are “uncool.” Contracting for law enforce ment services from the county sheriff offers one major attraction, a sav ings annually of about $ 1 1 6 ,1 0 0 for the taxpayers of Riverton. The city’s police department current budget totals $27 1 ,0 0 0 , while the contract with the sheriffs office would cost $ 1 5 4 ,9 0 0 a year. T hat is a 4 2 .8 per cent saving. W hether this will be a “good deal” for the citizens of Riverton ought to be decided on a single factor alone: W ill the level of law enforcement services be at least the same with the sheriffs office doing the job as it is with Riverton maintaining its own police depart ment? Sheriff Pete Hayward had agreed to assign the manpower equiva lent of 4 and a half deputies to Riverton plus additional services such as juvenile narcotics, detective on an as needed basis. Contracting with the county would also eliminate Riverton’s need to maintain any'administrative personnel or services, a substantial savings. Contracts for police ser vices by smaller communities with larger law enforcement agencies have been suggested as economically wise and professionally viable by a num ber of studies, including at least one by the federal Law Enforcement Assistance Administration. Closer to home, several U tah communities have contracts with county sheriffs to provide their police protection. But all such rational consideration seems to have been sunk beneath a sea of acrimony, abusive rhetoric and legal uncertainties. Considering the negativeness and controversy embroiling the proposed law enforce ment contract, the reluctance to signing it displayed by County Commissioners William L. Hutchinson and Robert G. Salter, without the benefit of a detailed analysis, is not only understandable, but highly commendable; the action of reasonable and prudent men. The contract might be all right, but the bitterness and border-line irrationality gener ated in the wake of its fashioning definitely suggests any finalization of the agreement be preceded by careful, cool and calculated examination. 20. “Group in Riverton Files Suit, Seeks to Nullify Council A cts,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 17, 1980.

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21. “Riverton Police Back on Job,” Deseret News, April 17, 1980. 22. “Riverton Appoints A ttorney,” Salt Lake Tribune, April 24, 1980. 23. “Riverton Council Hires Lawyer,” Deseret News, April 24, 1980. 24. “Judge Vows Timely Ruling on Restraining Order in Riverton,” Salt Lake Tribune, May 2, 1980. 25. “Riverton Police Fail to W in Reinstatem ent,” Deseret News, May 7, 1980. 26. “Riverton Petition ‘Denied’,” Salt Lake Tribune, May 21, 1980. 27. “Riverton Group May Seek Reversal,” Deseret News, May 8, 1980. 28. Ibid. 29. “Mayor to Pay Riverton Aide Despite O rder,” Deseret News, May 10, 1980. 30. “Gas Bill Boosts Riverton W oes,” Salt Lake Tribune, August 8, 1980. 31. Dale F. Gardiner, interview, February 8, 1994. 32. “County OKs Pact to Give Riverton Police H elp,” Deseret News, May 12, 1980. 33. “Confusion Reigns O ver Controversial New Riverton O rdinance,” Salt Lake Tribune, Novem ber 7, 1980. 34- Gaylord Johnson, conversation with S cott Crump, February 19, 1994. 35. “Riverton Now U nder M ayor-Council,” Salt Lake Tribune, June 2, 1982. 36. Gerlach, Blazing Crosses in Zion, p. 178. 37. Ibid. Larry G erlach hypothesizes that the KKK may even have had an influence on some of the city’s governmental problems. 38. Dale Gardiner, interview, February 8, 1994. 39. Riverton City Council, Minutes, February 15, 1983. 40. Dale Gardiner, interview, February 8, 1994. 41. Ibid. 42. “South Valley Pool Pace Picks U p ,” Green Sheet, April 3, 1986. 43. Dale Gardiner, interview, February 8, 1994.

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44. “Riverton Library to Celebrate Expansion,” Green Sheet, February 11, 1993. 45. “Cooperative Effort Pays Off for City and County,” Green Sheet, March 24, 1988. 46. “Riverton W ill G et 1st New Golf Course in 25 Years,” Deseret Nevus, August 17, 1992. 47. “Riverton Civic C enter,” Green Sheet, September 4, 1986. 48. Riverton City Council, Minutes, July 19, 1983. 49. Ibid. O ther members of the committee included: Michelle Herscher, Marilyn Berrett, Dee Maynard, Ruth Kirkham, Elin Nickel, Taylor Smith, Beverly Olson, Cora Lynn Smith, and Eric Williams. 50. “Fun to Begin in Riverton Tonight,” Green Sheet, October 25, 1984. 51. The officers of the Arts Council in 1994 included: Mitzi Busath (president), Kristi Sumsion (vice-president), Jennifer Brown (vice-president), Chris Lawrence (treasurer), and Lori Berrett (secretary-historian). Other board members and their areas of responsibility included: Annie Earley (pub licity/advertising), Layne Brown (public relations/fund-raising), Torey Carroll (concerts in the park), Michelle Sharp (arts in the park), Della Leslie (pro gram council), Heidi Christensen (program council), and Michelle Willden (children’s theater). Mitzi Busath, conversation with Scott Crump, February 26, 1994. 52. “A n Ordinance of the Governing Body of Riverton City Allowing Participation in the Historic Preservation Local Government Certification Program,” Ordinance No. 8-21-84-1. 53. Other early members of the Historical Society included: Rayola Smith, Jack Smith, Rebecca W alk, Clifton Lloyd, Selyf Page, Jean Newman, Beth Bowen, Paul K. Mortensen, Owen Hamilton, Martin Bowen, Charles Green, Leslie Butterfield, Melvin Bashore, Karen Bashore, Evelyn Dreyer, James Denney, Rulon Dansie, David Rencher, Willard Bills, Laurel Bills, Vivian Brown, Bertha Dansie, Mont Evans, and U tahna Frantz. 54. The George H. Dansie home was placed on the Register prior to the formation of the Historical Society. The Society was successful in placing the Draper/Steadman/Morgan Home, located at 13518 South 1700 W est, on the National Register. 55. T o this date, the following have been inducted into the Hall of Honor: Orrin Porter Miller (1 9 9 0 ), Jane Heath Silcock (1 9 9 0 ), Elias C. Butterfield (1 9 9 0 ), Rena Berrett Baker (1 9 9 0 ), Leonard C. Beckstead (1991),

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Isaac Ensign Freeman (1 9 9 1 ), Sarah A nn Elizabeth England Dansie (1 9 9 2 ), Gwynne Page (1 9 9 2 ), Mildred Densley (1 9 9 3 ), W endell G rover (1 9 9 3 ), Blanche Densley (1 9 9 4 ), and John Hansen, Jr. (1 9 9 4 ). 56. “Riverton: A City for the People,” G reen Sheet, April 9, 1986. 57. “Big Day for Riverton Seniors,” South Valley News, M arch 1993. 58. “New C enter for Senior Citizens Rises from the A shes,” Deseret News, February 25, 1993. 59. “Probers Suspect Arson in Fire at Riverton Senior Citizens C en ter,” Deseret News, July 23, 1992. 60. “New C enter for Senior Citizens Rises from the Ashes,” Deseret News, February 25, 1993. 61. O ther officers included: Ruth Parry (quilting room chairm an), Bregetta Becker (nutritional chairm an), and Donna Bills and Beth Bone (transportation board members). 62. Riverton City Council, Minutes, O ctober 7, 1986. 63. “Riverton Shrinks W ater Rate Boost to 2 6 % ,” Deseret News, April 26, 1988. 64- “New Fountain in Riverton Park Uses Bear Canyon W ater,” G reen Sheet, April 5, 1990. 65. “Riverton Council to C ut Services A fter Rejecting Property T ax Hike,” Salt Lake Tribune, August 16, 1989. 66. “Riverton City Council Votes to Raise Property Taxes 8 5 % ,” Deseret News, June 6, 1990. 67. “Riverton Council Braves Ire of Big Crowd to T a x Hikes,” Green Sheet, August 16, 1990. 68. “Riverton Protects ‘Property Rights’,” G reen Sheet, Novem ber 19, 1992. 69. “Major Rezoning for City of Riverton,” South Valley News, M arch 1993. 70. “Riverton Citizens Demand Better Planning,” G reen Sheet, May 6, 1993. 71. “Major Land Rezone Being Considered in R iverton,” South Valley News, February 1994. 72. Dale Gardiner, interview, February 8, 1994.

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73.

345

Ibid.

74- Riverton City Newsletters. 75. In 1993, the following people served on the Planning Commission: Dick Huffman, W yom a Darlington, Monte McKee, Ralph Glad, Paul Evans, and Carolyn Swenson. In 1993, the Board of Adjustments consisted of the following people: James Denney, Scott Crump, Norma Bench, Lewis Shaw, and Robert Ford. 76. These officials were supported by an office staff consisting of Nancy Wininger, Linda Gustaveson, Elaine Christensen, Sue Gygi and Lori Jensen. Joni Ostler, Dorothy Butterfield, Susan Dillman, and Eleanor Collard also worked in the office previous to this time. Workers in the Public Works Department in 1994 included: Brent Bennett (supervisor), Scott Ball, Jim Katzdom, and Brent Varney. The W ater Department consisted of Scott Hill (supervisor), Lance Dalton, and Duane Green. 77. “Riverton Fills 2 City Administrative Posts,” Deseret News, March 3, 1988. 78. “City Official Discharged,” Green Sheet, January 25, 1990. 79. Craig W hite, conversation with Scott Crump, January 19, 199480. The following figures compare crime statistics for 1991 and 1992:

1991

1992

Initial Reports: Follow-up Reports: Total Calls for Service:

3091 1160 4251

3597 1112 4709

Crimes Against Persons (Reported) Assault-Gun/Knife: Assault-All Other: Armed Robbery: Rape (A ttem pt): Forcible Sex Abuse-Child:

8 48 1 1 13

11 53 1 2 22

Crimes Against Property (Reported) A uto Theft: Residential Burglary: Business Burglary: Forgery-Checks: Found Property: Theft-Bikes: Theft-Car Prowl:

22 51 10 15 48 47 43

16 50 12 6 36 24 50

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346

70 42

T h eft-C ar Strip Theft-G as Theft-Shoplifter

Theft-Miscellaneous

Vandalism

120

58 132

Traffic A ccidents:

148

161

H it and Run A ccidents: Traffic Offenses/Problems: Injury A ccidents: Citations Issued: Fatalities: DUI:

144 32

208

218

4 77

34 87

Traffic

Alarm Drops:

102

105

Anim al/Livestock Problems: Ambulance Backs:

71 95

Curfew/Loitering:

17 5 52

Various

Family Offenses/Disputes: Disorderly Conduct/Pub. Peace: Drug Cases:

Indecent Exposure/Lewdness: Keep Public Peace:

135

11 4 111 5 2 41 233

Trespassing:

54 217 58

Ungovernable/Delinquent Juvenile:

215 105

245

Suspicious Circumstances:

Arrests M ade Juvenile: Adults:

167

81. Craig W hite, conversation, January 19, 199482. Following is an excerpt from a citizenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s survey taken during the W arr administration in 1991. W ritten by Mayor Jim W arr, it appeared in the May 1991 Riverton City newsletter: W e received 25 responses to the satisfaction survey in the last issue of the newsletter. The lack of response could indicate satisfaction at the best, and apathy at the worst. T he 25 responses should not be considered an accurate sample. The results are as follows (averaged and rated on a scale from 1 lowest to 5 highest). Mayor 2.75; City Council 2.16; City Office Staff 4 .0 4 ; Public Works Crew 3 .3 2 ; W ater Dept. 3 .8 8 ; Anim al Control 2.69; Fire Dept. 4.2 8 ; Police 4.2 4 ; Court 2.6 3 ; and Senior Citizens 3.63.

P o l it ic s a n d G o v e r n m e n t ( 1 9 7 8 - 1 9 9 4 )

347

In 1987, a more comprehensive survey was taken during Mayor Dale Gardiner’s administration. A sample of some of the questions and citizen re sponses follow:

E xc

Good

Fair

Poor

D on’t Know

How effective are the mayor and city 1% council in areas of planning and zoning?

33%

12%

22%

Communication between elected officials and citizens?

21%

30%

32%

14%

Homeowners maintaining and beautifying homes and yards?

51%

32%

12%

Roads, highways, and streets?

36%

42%

18%

Quality of drinking water?

22%

23%

53%

A re you satisfied with the rate of growth

Yes 77%

No 23%

Would you like to be able to find employment in Riverton?

65%

35%

Should the city use tax dollars to encourage business development?

43%

57%

Should the mill levy be increased to maintain current levels of service?

29%

71%

52% 51% 43% 52% 31% 90%

48% 49% 57% 48% 69% 10%

Would you be willing to pay more taxes: to improve the water system? to improve streets and roads? to improve law enforcement? to install sidewalks? to improve parks and park facilities? Do you expect to be living in Riverton five years from now?

“U tah Community Progress, Community Survey, Riverton, U tah ,” N ov ember 1987.

Biographies

il l ia m E d w a r d B a t e was bom May 12, 1846, in England. He came to U tah in 1859, moving to Riverton about 1885. He married Hannah Shelly and a plural wife, Maud J. Nell, fathering a total of nineteen children. He owned the first store in Riverton on the southwest com er of Redwood Road and 12600 South. In 1897, he became vice president and director of the Riverton Pioneer Co-op and he transferred his stock of merchandise valued at $ 4 ,0 0 0 to that corporation. T ax records in 1890 show that he had twenty acres of land, 2 horses, a cow, a wagon, and $ 50 worth of merchandise. He played the violin in the first band in Riverton (William V. Morris’s band). In about 1899, he moved from Riverton to Chesterfield, U tah, and thence to Garfield, U tah in 1904. He died in 1907.

EDWARD B y r a m B e c k s t e a d was bom in South Jordan in 1901. He only attended Jordan

High School for a few months before deciding to quit and do teaming for a road construc tion outfit. He began courting Mary Ellen Seal of Riverton with his horse and buggy. They married in 1921, just two weeks prior to Ed leaving to serve an LDS Church mission. Mary lived with Ed’s parents during his absence. Ed did custom work with his grain binder, living in the early years of their marriage in South Jordan. In 1926, they bought an 18-acre farm in Riverton, living in the existing 3-room house (11988 S. 1700 W .) on the property. Ed was principally involved in farming and raising chickens. They raised five children: Edward Junior, Max Seal, Lee Reed, Seal Cloyd, and Mary (Rindlisbacher). Mary Beckstead died in 1974- He later married Ruth Richie who passed away in 1983. Ed died in 1992 in Sandy. GEORGE F r a n c i s B e c k s t e a d was bom in 1860 in Provo, a son of George Wesley and

Eleanor Beckstead. He married Charlotte Emeline Hamilton in 1881, living in or near his father’s home (northeast com er of 12400 S. 1300 W .).1 They had nine children: Leonard Lawrence, Mary Ellen, Elizabeth Virginia (Dixon), Francis Hamilton, Violet (Craven), Wesley Roland, George Stanley, Golda Ruth (Crandall), and Lee Hamilton. He was a suc cessful sheepman and farmer. They moved to Provo in about 1910. He died in 1916 and is buried in Provo. Charlotte died in 1953 and was also buried in Provo. e s l e y B e c k s t e a d was bom in Canada in 1835. He came to U tah in 1852 and was one of the early settlers on the west side of the Jordan River. He married Eleanor Davis, from Wales, in 1859. They had nine children: George Francis, Catherine Elizabeth (Blake), Sarah Jane (Thatcher), Mary Ellen (Harding), Alzina Jenette (Blake), William Warren, Sena, N ena Cordelia (Johnson), and Ann. According to federal land records, he home steaded 136 acres of land in the northeast part of Riverton in 1874- In 1878, he constructed the first building to be used as a school in Riverton. A one-room adobe building, it was a pri vate school and served about fifteen pupils. In 1883—84, he served a Church mission to

GEORGE W

349

350

B io g r a p h ie s

Canada. During the next several years, their 8-room adobe house was frequently used as a hiding place by polygamist Mormon Church leaders on the “underground.”2 Beckstead died in 1890, while in San Bernardino, California, where he went for the benefit of his health. He is buried in South Jordan. h o m a s W e s l e y B e c k s t e a d , J r . was bom in 1859 in Cottonw ood, U tah . He married Elizabeth Jensen in 1880. They resided in Riverton from approximately 1882 until 1885 or 1886. During their young-married years in Riverton, Wesley farmed two separate plots of ground totalling eighty acres. According to extant records, he had a cow, a couple of horses, and a wagon.3 They moved to W hitney, Idaho, where he farmed for many years. His first wife died there in 1898. Beckstead married again two times before his death in 1953.

a r r e n B e c k s t e a d , a sheepman, was bom in South Jordan in 1870, a son of George Wesley and Eleanor Beckstead. He married Mary Jane Berg in 1891, making his liv ing in the sheep business. He built a stately Victorian Eclectic style home on Redwood Road (1 3 0 2 4 ) in 1897, upon returning from a two-year Mormon mission to the S ou th s He lived in Riverton until 1915, thereafter moving to Pocatello, Idaho. He died at Nibley in C ache County in 1954.

WILLIAM W

JOHN H a r o l d B e r r e t t was bom in 1897 in South Cottonw ood (U n io n ), U tah . H e married

Stella W right in 1916. He worked for a few years as a freighter to the mines in Big and Little Cottonwood Canyons. In 1923, they moved from U nion to Riverton. John and his brother Orin rented a farm from Zach Butterfield, located between 2 7 0 0 and 3 6 0 0 W est, south of 13400 South. A t first, they lived in a primitive one-room home on the farm, but in 1926 they moved to a more substantial home on Redwood Road (1 3 0 1 5 South). They raised their family in this home until 1959, moving into a new home built by a son-in-law (1 3 0 9 0 S. 1700 W .). Stella and John had seven children: Afton Vilate, Harold Emery, M elvin Arthur, LaMar Cecil, Don Heber, Vere Gilbert, and Stella Yvonne (Bishop). During the Great Depression, he lost his farm. T o support his family, he worked for the W .P .A ., farmed some on Tom Densley’s ground, and hauled ore. In 1936, he was employed by R iverton M otor Company, where he worked for thirty-two years until his retirement. H e held the position of manager with them for twenty-five years. He was a bishop of the Riverton 1st W ard from 1953 to 1958. He was the first stake president of the Riverton Stake (1 9 6 0 —6 2 ). H e died in 1971 and is buried in Murray. O r in E v e r e t t B e r r e t t was bom in Union, U tah in 1899. He worked as a truck gardener with his father and brothers for some years. He joined with his brother Harold in a farming venture in Riverton in 1923. They raised sugar beets, potatoes, grain, and hay. In 1924, he married English-bom Nellie Roote. They were the parents of four children: A lta Maxine (Bradshaw), Paul Orin, Joyce Nellie (Thorup), and Bem ell W alker. Prior to his death in 1936, Orin worked for ten years as a bookkeeper, salesman, and junior partner for the Riverton M otor Company. He was buried in Sandy. In 1942, Nellie married Mahonri Butterfield. R e n a B e r r e t t B a k e r was bom in 1916 in Roy, U tah , a daughter of Pete and Fortuna

Bonecher. She married Harold Emery Berrett in 1938. Emery was employed by the Riverton Motor Company, where he worked for forty-two years. Rena and Emery owned and managed the florist shop, B e r r e t t ’s BLOSSOMS. Emery died in 1977. In 1990, Rena was one of four in augural inductees in the Riverton Hall of Honor. l e x a n d e r B il l s was bom in 1857 in Little Cottonwood, U tah, a son of W illiam Andrew and Emeline Bills. In 1875, he married Emily Bathsheba Beckstead and they were the par ents of thirteen children. In 1880, he became a polygamist, marrying R achel Clem ency Neel. In 1887, he was arrested, charged with unlawful cohabitation, and served a sentence of six months in the U tah Penitentiary.5 Alexander and Rachel were the parents of eight children. Bills farmed, raised livestock and sheep, and was a partner with George W . Bills in a general store in Riverton at the turn of the century.6 His families lived in the vicinity of

B io g r a p h i e s

351

the Bluffdale-Riverton town border and associated in both communities.7 In 1901, he mar ried a younger woman, Hattie Mable McMartin, and moved to Idaho.8 In order to do this, he divorced his first wife Emily and “set aside” his plural wife Rachel.9 He and Hattie had eight children and Bills became a bishop in Idaho. He died in 1930 in Mapleton, U tah and was buried in Springville. His first wife, Emily, died in 1937; Rachel died in 1933; and Hattie died in 1 942.10 D a v id B il l s was bom in South Jordan in 1874, son of William Andrew and Emeline

Beckstead Bills. In 1889, he married Lorena Emeline Smith of Draper. Sixteen children were bom to this couple: David Lauritz, Louetta (Madsen), Lorena Mae (Glazier), Lancelot, Sylvia (1. Page & 2. W ilson), Clarence DeLural, Venus Orlena (Sm ith), Ebba Eleanor (Pollard), Henry Locell, A lta Amelia (Huggins), Leo DeMont, Kenneth William, Melva Rhea, Lela Jessimine (1. Butterfield &. 2. Sm ith), Vaughn Gordon, and Derrill Smith. They initially lived in a sheep camp wagon on the range, but shortly moved to South Jordan. In about 1895 they moved to Bluffdale. W hile in Bluffdale, David went into partnership in the meat business in 1900 with his brother, George. The brothers dissolved their partnership in 1905 and David moved his family to a new, large brick home, built in the Victorian Eclectic style, in Riverton. The house was originally situated on 35 acres of ground which David Bills bought from Orrin Porter Miller. Before they were able to landscape the grounds around the house, rainstorms turned the clay soil into a quagmire in which the little children would get stuck and have to be pulled out by the older children. Bills established a meat and grocery business in Riverton. He served as bishop of the Riverton W ard from 1921 to 1927. He di vided his time between farming and operating his market. In the community, he served as a director of the Jordan Valley Bank, president of the Riverton Canning Company (1 9 1 5 -3 1 ), president of the Riverton Pipe Line Company (1908—2 6), and a principal promoter of the town’s electric light system. David died in 1943 and Lorena in 1947. G o r d o n S il a s B il l s was bom in 1854 at W est Jordan, a son of W illiam Andrew and

Emeline Beckstead Bills. After the disruption caused by the general “Move South” in 1858, the family moved to Mountain Green in Morgan County.11 After a stay of 4 1/2 years, they returned to South Jordan. Gordon attended the South Jordan School. He married Ellen Gatherhood Holt in 1875. They had ten children: Ida A nn (Bate), Silas William, Rosa Emeline, Arthur Mathew, Sadie Ellen (Stocking), Edna Phinella (Coy), Hazel (Butterfield), Edward Alanzo, Harriet Lena (H ilton), and Emma Tresa (Hamilton). In 1879, he married Bertha Lena Jensen in a plural marriage. A month after this marriage, he departed to serve a Church mission in the South, returning in 1881.12 He had eight children by his second wife, who was called “Aunt Lennie”: Ezra Lars, Raymond, Carrie Marie (G reen), Edith Naomia, Bertie Melvin, Elizabeth (Miller), Reynold, and Leslie Merrit. In 1885, he moved both fami lies to Riverton. Initially they lived on property near the southern boundary of Riverton, but later he moved his families to some property he acquired in the vicinity of 13200 South 1100 W est. Soon after, he moved his first family to a larger home on the Herriman Road (approximately 1500 W . 12600 S .). He farmed on several pieces of property in Riverton and Bluffdale. He served as a bishop of the Riverton W ard from 1900 to 1921, thereafter being called as a patriarch of the Jordan Stake in which ecclesiastical calling he served until his death in 1932. He was buried in South Jordan. WILLIAM A n d r e w B il l s was bom in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in 1835. His parents joined

the Mormon Church in 1836, living thereafter in places of Mormon settlement at Far W est, Missouri and Nauvoo, Illinois. They journeyed to Salt Lake Valley in 1848. He attended school for a few years and married Emeline Beckstead in 1852. In 1857—58, he manned the fortifications in Echo Canyon during the threatened “U tah W ar.” After an understanding was reached and peace restored, he moved his family to Mountain Green in Morgan County. In 1863, he moved his family to South Jordan. He served as branch president and bishop in South Jordan from 1866 to 1900. During this period of time he took three plural wives: Marthine Matilda Amundson (1 8 6 9 ), Petrenia Amundson (1 8 6 9 ), and Annie Eastwood (1 8 7 9 ). By these four wives, he was the father of over 3 0 children. He began to

352

B io g r a p h ie s

become sick and feeble in 1897 and sometime after 1902, when his health really began to decline, he and Emeline moved to Riverton. Several of his children resided in Riverton who he was able to visit regularly in his old age. In 1915, he was living in the home of his son, Parley Bills. O n April 4, 1915, he wandered off in the evening. W h en he didn’t return, search parties were sent out looking for him. They found his hat and glove entangled in brush on the bank of the Jordan River. His body was not found until April 20th , when search parties were directed to a place in the Jordan River where his daughter-in-law, Lorena Bills, had dreamt his body was lodged. He was buried in the South Jordan Cemetery. CHARLES H e n r y B l a c k was bom in 1871 in Kanosh, a son of Joseph S. and Sarah Jane

Black. In 1875, Henry moved with his family to Deseret in Millard County. Henry married Mabel A nnette W arner in 1892 and they made their first home in Oasis, a mile east of Deseret. Henry worked for his father on the farm and also clerked in his father’s mercantile store. In 1896, Henry and Mabel moved with their two children to Riverton where Henry worked as a clerk in the Page Store. He also managed the dance hall in the Commercial Building. Daniel Densley also employed him in helping transport sheep by rail to Chicago for sale at the stockyards. His health deteriorated and at the advice of a doctor he bought a 40-acre ranch in Lewisville, Idaho. He moved there in 1903. He remained in Idaho until 1930 when he moved to Ogden to be near his children. H e and Mabel were the parents of sixteen children. Henry died in 1951 and Mabel in 1961 and both are buried in Ogden. JOSEPH S m it h B l a c k was bom in Ireland in 1836. He emigrated with his m other and two

brothers to Am erica in 1840, coming on to U tah in 1850. He was principally associated with the settlement of Deseret in Millard County, where he served for fifteen years as the ward bishop. He had four wives in polygamy and 3 8 children. After suffering some financial reverses and after the death of his fourth wife, he disposed of much of his property and moved to Riverton in 1897, where his son, Charles Henry, had been living since 1896. One of his plural wives, Sarah Jane, was also living in Riverton. H e only lived in Riverton for a few years, moving to Lewisville, Idaho, with Sarah when his son moved there in 1903. Joseph S. Black died in 1910 and is buried in Deseret, U ta h .13 CHARLES H e n r y B l a k e was bom in England in 1863. He emigrated from England with his

family when he was a young teenager. He married Alzina Jenette Beckstead, a daughter of George Wesley and Eleanor Beckstead, in 1888 in Riverton. As far as can be determined, he farmed the piece of ground where Isaac Freeman later lived (1 3 0 0 W . 12200 S.).H H e was a rancher and woolgrower. They left Riverton in the early 1900s, moving to Salt Lake City where they lived for over thirty-five years. He died at his home in Rock Springs, Wyoming in 1946, eight years after his wife’s death. They are both buried in Salt Lake City. They were parents of seven children. J a m e s B l a k e , a farmer and dairyman, was bom in England in 1855. H e was an older brother

of Charles Henry Blake. He came with an older brother to A m erica in 1869, settling in Salt Lake City. W hile living there, he was engaged in the sheep business and later was employed by the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company. He married Elizabeth C atherine Beckstead, a daughter of George Wesley and Eleanor Davis Beckstead, in 1878. Although tax records show Blake pastured 125 head of sheep in Riverton in 1880, they lived in South Jordan until about 1887. Blake then bought land and built an adobe home on the southwest com er of the Lower Road and the Herriman Road (1 2 6 0 0 South 1300 W est). In the m id-1890s, Blake and his younger brother, Charles, claimed to have suffered damage to their pasture north of the Draper-Herriman Road in the river bottoms. A prior owner of that land, one Z. Jefferds, had permitted the Old Jordan and Galena Mining Company to build a canal in 1877 through his property east of the Jordan River in exchange for irrigation rights. T h e Blakes claimed that they were refused their water rights out of the Galena Canal in 1895. In 1899, the Blakes received an out-of-court settlem ent.15 Blake moved his family to Sugar City, Idaho in 1904, where he worked in the sugar factory. According to an entry in an old church minute book, he was living in Garland, U tah in 1 915.16 He later became an agricultural super

B io g r a p h ie s

353

intendent for the sugar company in the Rexburg district. He was the Rexburg city clerk from 1928 to 1932, having moved there in 1925. He and his wife were married for over sixty years, having sixteen children. Their second child, Sarah Eleanor, married Eugene E. Miller and was the only member of this large family to stay in Riverton. James died in 1939 and his wife died five months later, both being buried in Sugar City. b r a m B o w e n was bom in Herriman in 1878, a son of John M. and A nn Densley Bowen. He went to school through the third grade, but had to stop to help support the family. Prior to getting married, he herded sheep for his uncle, Bill Densley. He used the sheep he had ac cumulated from his earnings to trade for his uncle’s 30-acre farm and home (1 3 6 5 8 S. 1700 W .) in Riverton. He acquired this farm after marrying Mabel Lavinia Seal in 1905. Mabel was a daughter of Franklin E. and Mary Ellen Bills Seal of Riverton. Abram and Mabel’s farm was directly across the street from the Seals. Early in their marriage, Abram herded sheep for Mose and Aaron Densley. He planted five acres of their farm in apples, raised chickens, and kept his bam stocked with hay for his cows, horses, and sheep. He suffered throughout his life with asthma. They had six children: Franklin John, Abram Adelbert, Vesta Grace (Gallacher), Joseph Martin, Mary, and Ivan. Abram died in 1947 and Mabel in 1958.

WILLIAM H e n r y BOWLDEN, a painter and builder, was bom in England in 1846. A t the age

of thirty (1 8 8 0 ), he was a farm laborer, living in a small dwelling on the Lower Road near the northern boundary of Riverton. W hen the Riverton Branch Sabbath School was orga nized in 1880, he was appointed secretary. Alphabet and reading classes were taught in Sunday School in these early years and were well attended in Riverton. In 1881, Bowlden expressed his concern about the reasons people were attending Sunday School. He declared “it is not only for the purpose of learning to read that we come here on Sunday mornings but it is to learn of the principles of the work of God.”17 In 1883, he married Sarah Silcock. They lived somewhat west of Henry Seal’s hom e in a log house (approx. 1 3 6 0 0 So. 14 5 0 W . ) . 18 They had five children: Sarah Mabel (Beckstead), Mary Catharine (Gilbert), Rhoda Jane, Martha Elizabeth (Butterfield), and William Henry. Sarah passed away when just thirty-one years old in 1890. Bowlden married a Danish woman, Zina Hansen and they had three children before he died in 1901. He and Sarah are buried in Riverton. h o m a s B u t t e r f ie l d was bom in Herriman in 1868, one of the nine sons of Almon and Elizabeth A nn Farmer Butterfield. As did his other brothers, he attended school as the farm chores and sheep herding responsibilities allowed. After a year of courting, he married Sarah Jane Crump in 1896. After six weeks of marriage, he served a four-year Church mis sion to New Zealand. He returned to his family in Herriman in 1900, where he continued in the sheep business. In 1906, they purchased the Victorian Eclectic style home of William W arren Beckstead (1 3 024 S. 1700 W .) and moved to Riverton. From 1908 to 1911, he served another mission to the Central States. In his absence, Alvin Miller cared for his farm. One distinguishing feature of his farm was the spectacular bam which sported hardwood floors and turreted comers. As a leading farmer and stockraiser in the county, he operated a farm of over 500 irrigable acres. His name is affixed to the founding articles of many of the principal corporations established in Riverton after the turn of the century: Riverton Pipe Line Company (vice-president 1907—26, president 1 9 2 7 -3 1 ), Riverton Canning Company (director), Riverton Drug Company, Jordan Valley Bank (president 1 9 0 6 -3 2 ), and Riverton Livestock Company (secretary/treasurer). He was one of the directors of the Inter-mountain Lloyd Fire Insurance Company and served a term as a state legislator. He served as president of the W est Jordan Stake from 1931 to 1937. Eight children were bom to A .T . and Sarah Jane: Tira Arvilla (Hamilton), Amy Lucetta (Fullmer), Marva, Almon Floyd, Charles Ovid, James Earl, Thomas Ellis, and Sarah Myrle (W ilson). He passed away in 1940 and was buried in Herriman.

ALMON T

E d w in L e s l ie B u t t e r f ie l d was bom in Herriman in 1894. He married Amy Winters in 1916.

Les was a station agent for twenty-three years for the Salt Lake and Utah Railroad following

354

B io g r a p h i e s

which he worked for the U tah State Road Commission. He was the first president of the Riverton Town Board when the town was incorporated in 1948. He died in 1963 and was buried in Herriman. JOSEPH J a m e s B u t t e r f ie l d was b o m in Herriman in 1870, a son of A lm a and Elizabeth A.

Farmer Butterfield. Known as “Jim ” throughout his life, he spent most of his childhood help ing on the farm and with the sheep. He had very little formal schooling, spending most of his young adulthood trailing sheep back and forth from summer to winter range. W h en he was 27, he began courting Dora Caroline Petersen, who was clerking in Thom as P. Page’s store. They married in 1898, spending their wedding night in their own two-room brick home (1 1 9 8 8 S. 1700 W .) on their 20-acre farm. For the first five or six years of their mar riage, Dora went to the herd with Jim. Their children accompanied them. Jim sold the sheep business after a few years because his children were of school age and he was suffering from sciatic rheumatism. They sold their 20-acre farm in 1915 and bought a 40-acre farm on the “Flat” on Pole Line Road. They had seven children at this time: Dora G race (C allicott), Mildred Elizabeth (Sm ith), Joseph Petersen, Arnold James, A lm on Leroy, Elias Christian, and VeLoy Hansen. In 1917, at the age of 46 , Jim was killed while trying to move a hay der rick under a high voltage power line. Dora was 39 at the time of this tragic accident, left with the seven children, ages 3 to 17, to rear alone. She also took in two of her brother’s youngest children, Blayne C . and Cleo (Levine) Petersen, to raise when they were orphaned during the 1918 flu epidemic. Dora passed away in 1964, at the age of 85. M a h o n r i BUTTERFIELD was bom in 1887 in Herriman, the thirteenth of sixteen children of

Elizabeth A . Farmer and Alm on Butterfield. He enjoyed going to school but his attendance was necessarily irregular because he had to help herd sheep. A t the age of 17, he went out on the range in Wyoming. In 1911, he married Hazel Bills, a daughter of Ellen G . H olt and Gordon S. Bills. During the first few years of their marriage, they lived close to the sheep herd. W ith the coming of children into their lives, they established a home in Riverton. After his brother, Jim Butterfield, was killed in 1917 by the high voltage line, he moved his family to his brother’s farm on the Pole Line Road to help Dora take care of the farm and raise her family. After a brief residence in Herriman from 1919 to 1921, they returned to Riverton, buying a home on the Herriman Road (2 7 8 9 W . 12 6 0 0 South). Mahonri (he was generally known as “H on”) worked at farming. In 1938, Hazel passed away. Some of their eight children were grown and on their own with the youngest child being six at the time of their mother’s passing. Their children were Ellen Elizabeth, Essie (Christensen), Verda (Lester), Hazel Leone, Mahonri Trussler, Edra (W est), Paul Gordon, and Neil Alm on. In 1942, Mahonri married Nellie Roote Berrett, who had also lost her companion. Mahonri moved to her home (1 3 0 3 7 S. 1700 W .) with his three youngest children. Nellie had four children of her own. Mahonri passed away in 1951 and was buried in Herriman. N e l l ie B e r r e t t B u t t e r f ie l d was bom in England in 1897. She emigrated to Am erica with

her father and sister in 1908. They lived in U nion with her uncle, W illard C . Burgon. In 1924, she married Orin E. Berrett. He and his brother, Harold, leased forty acres of farm land in Riverton from Zachariah Butterfield. They were successful in raising sugar beets, potatoes, hay, and grain. T h o m a s A l m o n B u t t e r f ie l d was bom in Herriman in 1885, a son of Samuel and Sarah Jane Butterfield. After graduating from school, he attended Brigham Young University for a few semesters, but returned home to take over the family’s sheep business when his father was called to go on a mission. He married Ella Brown in 1908. They lived in Herriman until 1924, moving to Riverton and later to Salt Lake C ity so that their two children (Thomas Harvey and Vera G race) could attend L.D.S. High School. In 1930, they asked Reynold Bills to build them a home on a lot which they had purchased from W illiam and Sophia Torkelson. Their home (1 2 3 3 4 S. 1700 W .) is the best preserved Prairie style bungalow in Riverton.19 T .A ., as he was known, owned a large ranch in Rush Valley and 140 acres on the “Flats” between Riverton and Herriman. He raised alfalfa and grain on this parcel to obtain

B io g r a p h ie s

355

winter feed for his sheep. He also leased government land in several nearby canyons as sum mer sheep-runs. He was president of the Riverton Feeders Association, president of the Farm Production Credit Association, and widely recognized as the “candy man” by many children. He passed away in 1942, whereafter Ella sold their home to Leonard C. Beckstead. ZACHARIAH BUTTERFIELD was bom January 4, 1864, inside the fort walls at Herriman, Utah.

Butterfield Canyon was named after his father, Thomas Butterfield, who was one of the early settlers of Herriman. In an interview with him in his 94th year, Zachariah described himself as just “a common old citizen.” The public record reveals an estimable life of accom plishment. He was one of the organizers of the Jordan Valley Bank, vice president of the Riverton Pipe Line Company, an early advocate of the Deer Creek Reservoir project, direc tor of the Provo Reservoir and U tah Lake Distribution Company, and a director of the Jordan Valley Bank. He was married thrice, father of eleven children, and was buried on his 100th birthday. il l ia m H e n r y C a r d w e l l was bom in 1889 in Salt Lake City. He married British-born Ethel Lillian Hibbard in 1914, thereafter moving to Butlerville, U tah where Bill began farm ing. In 1917, they moved to Idaho, living first on farms in Antelope and in Darlington (1 9 2 1 ). They were the parents of eleven children: Ivy Maud (Page), Robert Lorenzo, Verna (Lloyd), Dale Hibbard, William Henry, Daniel Gaylon, Lowell J., Ethel Elizabeth (Bennett), M artin Albert, John Earl, and Annie Joy (Shinsel). Desirous to have their children attend school past the 8th grade, they left Darlington and moved to Riverton in 1929. They bought the old Robert Dansie home on the Lower Road. Bill farmed and was a custodian in the Riverton 1st W ard meetinghouse. In 1935, he helped build sidewalks in Riverton, serving as road supervisor in Riverton, Bluffdale, and Herriman. In that same year, they bought the Charles Nokes’ home and moved there (13211 So. 1700 W .). They lived there until 1946, at which time they bought a farm and smaller home on 3 6 0 0 W est. Bill farmed and worked for Salt Lake County for many years. Lily passed away in 1949, whereafter Bill married Alice Fransen in 1950. Bill passed away in 1974.

ie l s J o h n C h r is t ia n s e n was bom in Denmark in 1845. He married Ellen Stark in 1876, three years after she arrived in U tah from her native Sweden. They lived in Brigham City and Deseret for brief periods of time prior to moving to Riverton in the mid-1880s. Six of their nine children were bom to them in Riverton. They lived across the road from the cemetery on a ten-acre piece of ground. According to county tax records, he owned one horse and a cow in 1890. He served as constable in Riverton from 1887 to 1 8 9 4 .20 In 1899, he was appointed with some of the other stalwart men in the Riverton W ard to act as mission aries to induce the “wayward young men” of the town to attend meetings and lead righteous lives. He later moved to Salt Lake City where he died in 1927. His wife died there in 1 9 3 5 .21

R u b y W lLLA D a n s ie C o n k l e was bom in 1920 in Riverton, a daughter of Wilford Benjamin

and Eva Dansie. After graduating from high school, she went to Henager Business College. She worked as a legal secretary. In 1941, she married Russell Don “Butch” Conkle and they built a home in Riverton (12513 So. 1700 W .). During World W ar II, Russell worked for Remington Arms and helped run Wilford Dansie’s large farm and haychopping outfit. He was killed in a farm accident in 1950. He left Willa a widow and two children: Jill and Dallas Jack. For a time, W illa supported her family in door-to-door sales and also worked in the Rolsave Store. She attended beauty and barber college and established a barbershop east of the IFA Store which she operated for sixteen years. Her daughter, Jill, graduated from LDS Business College and afterwards worked as a bookkeeper. She married George Dale Wagaman in 1969 and they had two sons. She later became the site manager for the Riverton Senior Citizens Center. Dallas Jack joined the Army Reserve after high school. He was a good auto mechanic and worked as a youth for Leonard Beckstead and Bill Bone in their service stations. He later worked for Kennecott Copper and as operational manager at the Cottonwood Mall. He had two children with his first wife, Pamela Collard. After a di vorce, he married Rose Leffler.

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H e b e r S t e w a r t C r a n e was bom in Sugar House, U tah , in 1867. His family moved to Herriman in 1869. His father, James Crane, was a polygamist, having three wives. Heber’s mother, Elizabeth, was the second wife. W hile growing up, he helped his father with the farm work, including hauling wood and growing sugar cane. He also played baseball and the flute and accordion in a young men’s band. He married Mary Jane Miller of Herriman in 1891. U ntil he was able to get started in the sheep business for himself, he hired out to Daniel Densley. After eight years in Herriman, they bought W illiam E. Bate’s farm in Riverton, moving there in 1900. Being in the sheep business, he was often away from home, much of the time at his ranches in Idaho. He was a community leader, being a director of such institutions as the Riverton Livestock Company, Riverton Drug Company, Riverton Farms Dairy and a major shareholder in various other local concerns. W hile a member of the Riverton 2nd W ard bishopric, he played a major role in the construction of the meeting house. He passed away in 1947 at the age of 79. il f o r d C r a n e was bom in 1894 in Herriman, son of James Standard and Sarah A n n Dansie Crane. Wilford married Mary A n n Bills of Bluffdale in 1911. They were the parents of seven children: Helen Reba (H o lt), James Ray, Clarence John “Mike”, Kenneth Merrill, Ralph, Robert W ellington, and Mary A n n . Wilford worked in the Lark mines in the early years of their marriage. They moved to Riverton in about 1920. After moving to Riverton, he sharecropped with his uncle, George H . Dansie. H e also had a dairy herd while living in their brick home on Redwood Road (1 2 4 9 7 South). During the Depression, they lost this home and moved further south on Redwood Road (1 2 8 5 5 South). W hile living here, Wilford raised chickens and returned to work in the Lark mines. Wilford died in 1966 and Mary A n n in 1959 and both were buried in Riverton.22

JAMES H e n r y W

il l e r C r a n e was bom in 1872 in Herriman, a daughter of Olive and George Miller. In her youth, she helped out at home by washing, ironing, sewing, and knitting. She earned money by doing housework for other families and picking up potatoes in the fields. She married Heber S. Crane when she was nineteen. Twelve children were bom to her: Heber Leonald, Daisy Vera, Elsie Mary (C arpenter), Brigham Cecil, Erma May, George Milton, Olive (Sm ith), Ferrel Elizabeth, A lta Fredonia, Vilate (Shaffer), and Lavon. A t the time they moved to Riverton, they had four young children. T h e ground on the Bate farm that they had bought was sodden with sticky clay. T h e little children could hardly leave the house without losing their shoes in the sticky mud. It was an extra burden for Mary Jane with her husband gone with the sheep for months at a time. O ne of the first labors that Heber did when he was able to be home was to haul loads of gravel to stabilize the soil around their home. Over time, he improved on their home and acreage. O ne interesting in novation that he devised to help lessen the work involved in washing clothes for such a big family was a treadmill-powered washing machine. O n the side of their imposing VictorianEclectic/Neoclassical style brick home (1 2 6 4 2 S. 1700 W .), built in about 1914, he fixed a treadmill which was powered by two dogs. As the dogs ran on this treadmill, it turned a wheel which caused the washing machine to agitate the clothes. Somehow the dogs had a sense about the day of the week designated as washday. They would run away and hide on washday unless they were chained up the night before. Such conveniences helped to make Mary Jane’s homemaking burdens lighter. Genealogy and raising flowers, especially iris, as a member of the Riverton Flora Culture Garden Club, were some of her abiding interests. She died at age 8 6 in 1958.

M ary Jane M

h a r l e s C r u m p , J r . was bom in 1859 in Herriman. Although he is recognized more for his beginnings in Herriman and his tenure in Bluffdale, he did spend a few years in Riverton during the early years of his marriage. He married Lovina Kidd in 1879. They lived in Herriman for a few years, moving to Riverton in the early 1880s. Four of their ten chil dren were bom in Riverton. He had about forty acres of land in Riverton; owning a cow and three horses. In 1889, he moved to help establish a Mormon colony in the San Luis Valley in Colorado. After just a few years, he returned to U tah and settled in Bluffdale. A t least as early as 1908, he operated a meat market in Riverton, concluding business shortly after 1913.23 He died in 1929 and was buried in Bluffdale.

WILLIAM C

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A l m a I s h m a e l D a n s ie was bom in Riverton in 1889, a son o f James W ilcox and Alice

Dansie. In 1911, he married Geraldine “Dean” Lovendahl and they were the parents of two sons: Willard Lovendahl and Donald Alma. Alma spent his entire life in Riverton, engaging mostly in farm work. Their home and farm was in the vicinity of 2000 W . 12600 South. During winters, he was employed at the W est Jordan sugar factory, Draper Poultry, and was a crosswalk guard at the Riverton School. Late in life, he was active in the Riverton Rough Riders horse club. Geraldine died in 1959 and Alma died in 1967 and both are buried in Riverton. CHARLES N e p h i D a n s ie was bom in England in 1854, a son of Robert and Charlotte Dansie. He emigrated to U tah in 1862. He married Margaret Mary Crump in 1874. Their families had both settled in Herriman and they continued to live there after they were married. They had five children: Margaret Jane (Silcock), Charlotte Elizabeth (Jensen), Charles Nephi, Robert James, and John William. His wife died in 1883 and he married Nina Etta Silcock of Riverton a few months thereafter. Prior to his first wife’s death, he had purchased a 28 1/2 acre plot of ground for $1,500. It was located west of the Lower Road (1 3 0 0 W .) across from N. T . Silcock’s property. A t this time, he moved to Riverton, temporarily housing his chil dren in his brother Robert’s home. W ith the help of N. T . Silcock and his boys, he built a brick home (12941 South 1300 W est) in 1 8 8 6 -8 7 . They had nine children: Charles William, Henry Franklin, George W alter, Alfred Benjamin, Parley Alonzo, Nina LaGlora (Busath), Feramortz Liston, Golda Pearl (Hoggan), and Julian LeGrand. They moved from Riverton to Salt Lake City in 1901. A t the time of his death in 1926, he was regarded as one of the foremost sheep operators in the Intermountain W est. Nina died in 1946 and both are buried in the Salt Lake City cemetery. ELVOY H e n r y D a n s ie was bom in Riverton in 1910, the last of eight children bom to George Henry and Sarah A nn Elizabeth Dansie. As a youth, he helped his father with his extensive farms. W hile attending Jordan High School, he started driving the 20-passenger school bus in 1927. After his father died in 1935, the sixteen acre farm and home (12 4 9 4 S. 1700 W .) were deeded to him, subject to back taxes. After borrowing the money to pay the taxes, he decided that he wanted to serve a mission. After making the necessary arrange ments, he served a mission in California from 1936 to 1938. Soon after returning, he mar ried Bertha Elmira Day who he had met while on his mission. After their marriage, he re sumed farming, increasingly adding to his land holdings. They adopted two children: Glenn Elvoy and Lora Lee. He served as a counselor in the Riverton 2nd W ard bishopric from 1956 to 1962. In 1970, Elvoy sold 58 acres on the “flat” to the Oakdale Farms and began reducing his work load. He was one of the founding members of the Riverton Historical Society, serv ing for a time as vice chairman. GEORGE H e n r y D a n s ie was bom at Bingham Canyon in 1866, the son of Robert and Jane

W ilcox Dansie. His family moved to Herriman when he was a small child. He attended school there through the “Fourth Reader,” but was principally a self-educated man. W hen a young man, he accumulated a herd of sheep which he grazed in Utah, Idaho, and Wyoming. He took his sheep to Soda Springs, Idaho,for shearing. A t Soda Springs, he met Sarah Ann Elizabeth England who traveled there from her home at Hyde Park, Utah, to work as a cook for the shearers. They courted and married in 1893, initially making their home in Herriman. Because of the scarcity of available irrigation water in Herriman, George and sev eral of his brothers purchased land in Riverton. George purchased forty acres of land on the intersection of the northwest com er of Redwood Road and the Herriman Road (12 6 0 0 S.). His brother, Jim Dansie, had also purchased forty acres of land in Riverton, however it was isolated from the main road (1/4 mile south of Herriman Road and 1/4 mile west of Redwood Road). George traded the south half of his forty acres, on which Jim built a home, for the north half of Jim’s forty acres. George built a home on the north half of his original acreage. He became a stock raiser and farmer, eventually increasing the size of his irrigable land holdings to three hundred acres. About 1895, he enlarged his home (12494 So. 1700 W .) by adding a room on the main floor and building an upper story, making ten rooms in all.24 He obtained and shared culinary water with his neighbors from a well which he drilled

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on his land. They also opened their home to travelers, fruit peddlers, school teachers, and others who desired hospitable lodging and board. It was familiarly known as the “Riverton H otel” and the “Dansie R an ch .” From 1896 to 1898, George absented himself on a mission to England. T he ranch served as the headquarters and lodgings for construction crews that installed the first electric power lines, interurban train tracks, road paving, and other im provements. George and Sarah had eight children: Ivy Jane (Sorensen), Rosena Eliza (Enniss), Inez Elizabeth, Rulon George, Marvin England, Lorin Jessie, Connie Leora (Newbold), and Elvoy Henry. In addition to her home duties and the demands of running a hostelry, Sarah was a tireless worker in the LDS C hurch Primary organization, serving as president from 1900 until her death in 1925, except for six years between 1908 and 1916. She had been painfully afflicted with cancer for over a year prior to her passing and George passed away ten years later in 1935, also a victim to cancer. J a m e s R o b e r t D a n s ie was bom in 1886 in Fort Herriman, the eldest son of James W ilcox

and A lice Smith Dansie. He first married Florence Bills, but that marriage ended in annul ment. In 1912, he married Jennie Agnes Jensen. They lived in a hom e on the Herriman Road (approx. 2 1 0 0 W . 12600 S .). They were the parents of four children: W ayne Robert, Eldon James, A lice Faye (Young/M artin), and Gerald Jensen. Before moving to Salt Lake to work for the city (probably in the early 1930s), James did some farming and worked for awhile for the railroad. In 1934, they moved to Southern California. H e and Jennie were di vorced, with Jennie passing away in 1944. He married Phoebe W . Jones, who died after a short while. He remarried again, the fourth time, to Mary Catherine Christiansen, to whom he was married at the time of his death in 1965. N ot without reason, his niece, W illa Conkle called James Robert her “much-married uncle.”25 James Robert Dansie is buried in Fountain Green, U tah. il c o x D a n s ie was bom in 1863 in South Cottonw ood to Robert Sr. and Jane W ilcox Dansie. Shortly after his birth, his family moved to a ranch at the mouth of Bingham Canyon. In 1865, they moved to Herriman. He and his brothers grew up having to care for their father’s sheep. In 1885, he married A lice Smith. They initially lived in Herriman, but in 1888, they bought 4 0 acres of land in Riverton on the northwest com er of 12600 South and 1700 W est. They first constructed a log cabin which was replaced with a brick farm home. He continually added to his land holdings on which he farmed and ran cattle. He was widely recognized for raising prize draft horses. He did custom threshing with a large steam-powered thresher. Beginning in 1905, he served as a constable for about ten years. He served as a director of the U tah and Salt Lake Canal for fourteen years. He oper ated one of the early blacksmith shops in Riverton. He also owned the first coal yard in Riverton, having contracted for exclusive coal rights with the interurban railroad. About 1923, he built an automotive garage on the com er which his son-in-law, W illiam Nelson, operated. He let Tommy Nichols build his short-lived (destroyed by fire) candy store to the west of the garage. He also built a hamburger stand n ext to the garage which his daughter, Clarissa, operated. In 1930, the farm home burned down in the first of a set of destructive fires. Heartbroken over this fire, Alice passed away in 1931. Her children included James Robert, Alm a Ishmael, Alice Jane (N elson), Wilford Benjamin, Sarah Mae, and Clarissa Ellen. In 1933, the big bam burned down, as did the machine shop and buggy sheds and even the blacksmith shop in subsequent fires. Jim was afflicted with stomach cancer and passed away in 1942.

J a m es W

R o b e r t D a n s ie , J r . was bom in 1850 in England, a son of Robert and Charlotte Dansie. He

emigrated to U tah with his family in 1862. He was raised in Herriman. He married Roseina Silcock, a daughter of N . T . and Jane Silcock, in 1875. They resided in Herriman and had three childrep: C harlotte (Shelley), Robert Moroni, and Alm a. Roseina and the infant Alma died as a result of complications in childbirth in 1879. In 1880, he married Paulina (Polly) Silcock, a sister-in-law. They settled in Riverton on forty acres and had twelve chil dren: Nicholas Thomas, Roseina Harriet, Annie Louise (G ates), Mahonri Moriancumer, Charles Alfred, Edna Pearl, Electa Hortense (Lind), Mary Isabelle, Chauncey Millard,

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Roberta Sarahann (Jarman), Percy Jewel, and Ida Pauline (Peck). He served as a constable in Riverton from 1883 to 1886. In 1884, he took a plural wife, Danish-born Anne Christine Madsen. They had four children: James Hyrum, Joseph Henry, Engree Marie (Corbett), and Elsie Roberta (Knight). Dansie was a successful stockgrower. He kept separate houses for his plural families neighboring the old meetinghouse/school on the Lower Road. In 1905, he moved to Salt Lake City. He died in 1920 and was buried in Herriman. WlLFORD BENJAMIN D a n s ie was bom in 1895 in Riverton, a son of James W ilcox and Alice Smith Dansie. W hile growing up he tried his hand at being a cowboy in Wyoming, working in the coal yard, threshing, and freighting goods to Bingham. In 1918, he married Lucille W ood of W est Jordan. T h e morning after their marriage, he reported to serve in the Army. Before being shipped to France, he became ill with the flu which killed so many during the period of the First World W ar. After he recovered, the war had ended and he returned home. He built a brick bungalow on his father’s property which they later remodeled into a two-story stucco home. Wilford was principally engaged in farming, owning large parcels of dry and irrigable farm land. During the Depression, he hauled coal and operated a hay chop per. Wilford and Lucille had two daughters: W illa (Conkle) and Delores (Mousley). In the mid-1940s, Wilford began raising and racing thoroughbred race horses. They were very suc cessful. Wilford passed away in 1970 from a stroke. il l a r d L o v e n d a h l D a n s ie was bom in 1913 in Riverton, the oldest son of Alm a I. and Geraldine Dansie. As a boy, he worked on the family farm. They raised hay, grain, and sugar beets. He also milked cows for Heber Crane on his dairy farm. In 1932, he married Marjorie Bone and they were the parents of two sons: Ronald LaVar and G rant Willard. They settled in Riverton, having built a home on Redwood Road. He worked in the U .S. Mine in Lark for eight years. Disliking underground mine work, they moved to California where he worked as a roofer. Returning to U tah, during the war, he found employment at Remington Arms making cartridges for shells. After the war, he was employed at Hercules Powder Plant where he worked for thirty-three years until his retirement. They then built a home (3 1 5 0 W . 13400 S.) on seventeen acres of farming ground that his grandfather had originally owned and his sons built homes on either side of him.

WILLIAM H e b e r D a n s ie , a farmer and dairyman, was bom in 1860 in England, a son of

Robert and Charlotte Dansie. In 1881, he married Eliza Jane W right. They were parents of eleven children: Emma Jane (Lovendahl), William Heber, Charlotte Mary (W right), Eva Isabell (Lovendahl), Lenora Ada (Cowdell), Leroy Samuel, Robert Erva, Olive May (Lovendahl), Archibald Rollison, Eliza Lillian, and Leslie Earl. They lived in a brick house in the southeastern part of Riverton, overlooking the Jordan River valley. He died in 1929 and his wife in 1945. Both are buried in Riverton. BLANCHE H a z e l B il l s D e n s l e y was bom in 1892 in South Jordan, a daughter of Alexander Bills and his plural wife Rachel. She spent her childhood in Bluffdale and Grantsville, living for some time with an older sister and her husband. In 1905, she moved back with her family when her mother moved to Riverton.26 She conservatively stated that her family was in “quite poor circumstances.”22 In 1908, the family moved to Salt Lake City. W hen she was eighteen, she married Thomas Lyman Densley and they made their home in Riverton. In 1918, they built a brick home (12991 South Redwood Road) in which they raised their family. They were the parents of six children: Lucile, LaVae (Lee), Marjorie (Sorenson), Fern (H olt), Afton (Crane), and Vere Thomas. Blanche was active in the Mormon Church and in com munity organizations. She was a charter member and twice president of the Ladies Literary Club, member and president of the Riverton Lady Lions, and a member and officer in the local chapter of the Daughters of U tah Pioneers. Her husband died in 1955 and was buried in Riverton. She wrote a column for the Midvale Sentinel and took subscriptions for fifteen years. This enabled her to earn Social Security on which she supported herself after her hus band’s death. A t the age of 62, she commuted to take office and bookkeeping courses at the LDS Business College. She also took a two-year correspondence course and received a high

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school diploma. W hen she was 78 years old, she wrote and published the book Excerpts from the History o f Riverton & Lives o f Some o f Its People. She died in 1987 in Draper and was buried in Riverton. D a n ie l D e n s l e y , J r . was bom in England in 1858. He emigrated with his parents to U tah in

1865. He lived with his parents until he was nineteen after which he hired out to herd sheep. He herded sheep until he got married, in 1880 to Elizabeth Morris Butterfield. A few months after they were married, he accepted a call to fill a two-year Mormon mission to the southern states. In his journal, he states that “we had just commenced to make us a little home” in Herriman when he received his missionary assignment.28 After he returned home, they moved to Riverton about 1885 or 1886. He was a prosperous sheepman and purchased the east side of Redwood Road from 12600 South to approximately 13 0 0 0 South (Nokes’ hill). A t one time, he had 8 0 ,0 0 0 head of sheep, but after W orld W ar I, he got out of the sheep business. H e used much of the money which he got from selling the sheep to buy sul phur stock. This turned out to be a bad investment and he just about went broke.29 After Elizabeth had her third child, Daniel hired A ram inta W ardle from South Jordan to take care of “Lizzie.” This hireling relationship took a novel turn when Daniel took “Minty” as a plural wife in 1886.30 After “Lizzie’s” next baby was bom , Daniel hired a girl from Herriman, Elizabeth Elize Bodell, who he took for a third wife in 1888.31 Each of the families had their own home on Redwood Road: “Lizzie” having the house furthest south (12 9 8 1 S o.), then “Libby” (1 2 9 0 8 S o.), then “M inty” (1 2831 S o.). A ccording to a grandson, the wives em ployed psychology in their plural marital relations: “W h en one of the wives would get mad at him, they’d all get mad at him. T h at way, he couldn’t get away with much.”32 Altogether, Daniel was the father of thirty-four children. His children with “Lizzie” were William, Elizabeth Emma, Daniel Edwin, Sarah Drusilla (Newbold), Thom as Lyman, Mary Etta, Elva Pearl (H arper), Leah Lenora (Lloyd), Myrtle Esther (N o tt), Marie V em ice (Bills), Gordon Zachariah, Golden Earl, and Alvin Levoy. His children with “M inty” were Delorus Ray, Martha Syrinda (Bohi), Iva Cecile (H ansen), Elmer Wilford, Isaac John, Irene Leone (Beus), Royal Leland, Orin Parley, A nnie May (Lund), Thelm a G race, and Reva Louise (Reynolds). His children with “Libby” were Truby Hylantha (H o lt), Joseph A aron, Claude Bodell, Elton Trussler, Emma Eliza, Beech Frederick, Glynn Clayton, Minnie Bodell (M cM ullin), DeLearl, and Calvin James.33 He died in 1930. L o v e l l H u f f m a n D e n s l e y was bom in 1909 in Riverton, a son of Moses and Emily Percilla

Densley. He spent his early days working on his father’s forty-acre farm (1 8 9 8 W . 13800 S.). In about 1920, Moses Densley bought Dr. O . R. Hardy’s home (1 2 7 1 4 S. 1700 W .) and moved his family into the center of Riverton. After attending school in Riverton, Lovell went to Jordan High where he was a four-sport letterman, graduating in 1929. After graduat ing from high school, he helped his father herding sheep. He herded sheep for his father until he was thirty-four years old. He enjoyed herding sheep, attributing his interest in that line of work to having the proper attitude: “If you make up your mind you like it, you’ll like it. If you don’t like it, you just as well close the door on it and say goodbye.”34 H e courted Mildred Aylett for four summers before marrying her. She was a daughter of Jesse Edgar and Clara Lillian Aylett and had been bom in 1910 in Riverton. Her father was the custodian of the Riverton School and she and her brother and sisters helped him keep it clean. She was one of the taller girls in her class, a feature which figured into a story which she related about her baptism into the Mormon Church. According to her, David Bills had his slaugh ter house on the banks of the South Jordan Canal. T h at was where he killed the cattle and sheep for the meat that he sold in Bingham and in his market (1 6 6 4 W . 12 6 0 0 S .). As she told it, “He would have those cattle or sheep killed and let all of the entrails run into the canal. T h at’s where we were baptized. W e didn’t know it at the time. But it didn’t stunt me. I grew!” She graduated from the University of U tah in 1 9 3 0 and then taught school in Sevier County for six years before returning to Salt Lake Valley, becoming a teacher at the Riverton School. W hen Lovell’s father sold his sheep in 1945, Lovell got a job in the UtahIdaho Sugar factory in W est Jordan. He became a foreman in the factory, which job he held until his retirement. Mildred passed away in 1993, the same year that she was inducted into the Riverton Hall of Honor.

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e o r g e H e n r y D r a p e r was bom in 1862 in England. His parents were Mormons and they emigrated to America in 1865 and thence to U tah in 1866. After living in Heber City, the family moved to Herriman in 1868. George grew up in Herriman and married Eliza Alice W est in 1880. They lived in Herriman for a short while in a small adobe house. In the sum mer of 1881, they moved to Riverton. They eventually had twelve children, two of which were bom in Riverton. W ith prospects of obtaining work on the railroad, they moved to N orth Morgan in the summer of 1883. In the fall of 1884, they returned to Riverton, re maining only until 1886. They made several other moves trying to better their situation, eventually settling in Clearfield, U tah in 1900. They were one of the early families to settle that community and George Draper died there in 1924 and his wife in 1918. A year before his death he married Pauline Silcock Dansie, a widow. Eliza and George were both buried in South Jordan.35

JOSEPH D r a p e r was bom in England in 1850. He married Esther Silcock in 1873. In the early

years of their marriage, they lived in Herriman. In 1876, they moved to Riverton with a cow, two horses, and a wagon. He farmed in the summer and spent winters fulfilling contracts for work excavating the U tah and Salt Lake Canal. He hauled rock and paid masons to put in the foundation of the school/meetinghouse on the Lower Road. He dug irrigation ditches and worked on the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad when track was laid east of Riverton. In 1879, he took a plural wife, Mary Neilson, the eldest daughter of Hans and Kjerstina Neilson, Swedish settlers in Riverton. He had twelve children by Esther and four children by Mary.36 They lived in Riverton until 1885, whereupon he moved his families to Castle Dale in Emery County. This was just the first of many moves for Joseph Draper, who his first wife asserted was “a bom pioneer.”37 He never returned to live in Riverton, passing away in Duchesne County in 1927. He and Esther are buried in Mountain Home in Duchesne. JOSIAH DRAPER, a farmer, was bom in 1848 in England. He was the eldest of the three Draper

brothers who were early pioneers of Riverton. Josiah’s parents, William and Jane Draper, were Mormon converts and they brought their family (four children— Josiah, Joseph, George, and Sarah Jane) to America in 1865. In 1873, he married Harriet Emma Burgess and they were the parents of thirteen children: Charles William, Henry Josiah, Harriet Elizabeth (England), Andrew George, Sarah Louise (Emanuel), Annie Amelia (Folsom), Ruben Sarhuel, Edith Emiline (Frodsham), W alter, Alma Leroy, Elenora Catherine (Park), Mary Leona (Anderson), and Albert. They lived in Herriman (abt. 1 8 7 4 -7 8 ) before moving to Riverton in about 1879. A t this time, he probably lived somewhere in the vicinity of 13400 South. In 1892, Draper bought some property from Edward Morgan on Redwood Road on which he constructed a Victorian Eclectic-style home (13518 South).38 In 1897, the Drapers sold this home and moved to Oneida County, Idaho. Somewhat like his brother Joseph, Josiah may have been a wanderlust. His obituary notes that he was a resident of Riverton for many years, but he moved from Idaho to Alberta, Canada, for a time before returning to Riverton. His wife died in U tah in 1912 and Josiah died in 1926. Both are buried in Riverton. CRILLA MYERS E g b e r t was bom in 1907 in Riverton, the eldest child of Charles F. and

Annie May Myers. As a child, she used to hike in the hollows south of Myers Lane on her grandfather Jacob Myers’ farm. She “picked wildflowers that grew in great abundance there. . . . [including] fragrant sweet peas, . . . lady slippers, red and blue bells, Indian paint brush, sand lilies and occasionally sego lilies.” Her father used to take her and the neighbor cousins to Heber Crane’s theater where the children were admitted for a dime. She recalled that electricity came to the homes on Myers Lane in about 1917 and “it was a great event in our lives after coal oil lamps and hand-operated washing machines.” In good weather, she used to walk two miles to school, but in winter, John A . Rindlisbach took them in the horsedrawn school wagon. It had canvas stretched across the bows like a pioneer wagon. It was customary for the students in elementary and junior high school to line up in rows according to classes and march into the building to the cadence of piano march music. Any students who got out of step were pulled out and “had to march in the ‘awkward squad’ after school— very humiliating.” As a teenager, she did farm work for her father and for friends and neigh bors for pay ($2.0 0 -$ 2 .5 0 per day). She recalled that she “harrowed the ground after Dad

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plowed. I also cut hay with a mowing machine and a team of horses. Th en I used one horse on a dump rake to rake the hay for piling. T h en when it was dry I piled it and helped load it.” In the winter for fun, she skated on the U tah and Salt Lake Canal and coasted on Tithing Yard Hill. In 1930, she married Ross Egbert. He hauled hay to the alfalfa mill in Riverton for processing into chopped cattle feed. For pay, he received his noon meal and 75 cents per day. In 1932, they moved from Riverton to W est Jordan where Ross worked for farmers, at a fox farm in Sandy, at the U tah and Idaho sugar factory,and later at the U tah Poultry Association in Salt Lake.39 “E l e c t r i c it y I k e ” is fondly recalled by many as one of R iverton’s colorful characters— “The Tinker.” His real name was Louis, but because of the thick, large glasses he wore, he received the sobriquet “Electricity Ike.” Children teased him and, in return, he chased them. He drove a one-horse wagon outfit. He sharpened knives and lawnmowers, fixed broken things, soldered washtubs, and replaced windows. He lived in his wagon, sometimes parking it in people’s yards. He generally lived in the “public camping ground” provided for peddlers and vagabonds. This camping ground was located directly west of the U tah and Salt Lake Canal on the north side of 12600 South. H e also lived at H orace Nokes’s place.40 G e r m a n E d g a r E l l s w o r t h was bom in 1871 in Payson, U tah, where he spent his child hood. He was educated at Brigham Young Academy, whereafter he served as a school princi pal in Lake Shore. His intentions were to save money so he could go to medical school. However, he had to forego his medical school plans when he accepted a call to serve a Mormon mission to California. W ithin a m onth of his return from his mission (1 8 9 8 ), he married Mary Rachel Smith, a daughter of Jesse and Mary A n n Smith. After their marriage, they moved to Riverton where Ellsworth was the principal of the Riverton School from 1898 to 1902. They lived in Riverton for four years, moving to Lehi in 1902, where Ellsworth became an insurance agent. Ellsworth was president of the N orthern States Mission from 1904 to 1920. W hile mission president, he was the president of Zion’s Printing and Publishing Company in Independence, Missouri. H e and Mary were the parents of nine children. Ellsworth died in 1961 in Salt Lake C ity.41 h o m a s F is h e r , a sheepman, was bom in Salt Lake C ity in 1876, son of Thom as B. and Katherine Fisher.42 In 1898, he married Flora Emeline Nell who was a daughter of Philip and Clara Nell. They were the parents of several children, among whom were Estella (Clark), Thelma (Bengston), Velate (Elliott), Helen (Speights), and Louise (M aynes). In 1899, Thomas Fisher bought a five-acre parcel of land from his in-laws on the Morgan Road. This area of town was locally known as “Nellville.” He built a two-room hall-parlor type, Victorian Eclectic style home on this property (1 6 0 0 W . 13400 S .).43 In 1908, Fisher sold this property. He and his wife both passed away in 1963 and were buried in Riverton.

ISAAC E n s ig n F r e e m a n was bom in Herriman in 1866. He attended school in Herriman, worked on the farm and herded sheep in Rose and Butterfield canyons. In Herriman, he was in the sheep business and operated a general merchandise store. W hile working with his sheep in Idaho, he met and courted Mabel Sorensen, whom he married in 1909. They estab lished their home in Riverton on a 35-acre farm that he had bought in 1907. A large brick bam built by Charles Henry Blake was a distinguishing feature on this farm.44 Their Riverton home was remodeled and enlarged in 1913 or 1914 into a beautiful 14-room dwelling.45 Isaac was a prominent farmer and sheepman and was active in civic affairs. He helped organize the Jordan Valley Bank in 1905, acting as vice-president and director until the Bank closed in the G reat Depression. He was vice-president of the Riverton Drug Company (1 9 1 8 ), a di rector of the Riverton Dairy (1 9 2 4 ), and partner with Heber S. Crane in building the Princess Theatre building in 1919. After the closure of the Bank, Freeman’s other businesses successively failed. He used his savings and mortgaged his property in an effort to save the companies, to no avail. As a matter of principal, he declined to take out bankruptcy and mortgage companies began foreclosure proceedings. Even though he was left penniless and without property, he continued to try to repay his debts. Some of his children bought a small home on Redwood Road (1 2 4 2 9 South) to which he moved his family in 1942. He and

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Mabel were the parents of seven children: Cecil Ensign, Herman Hans, Russell Hamblin, W eldon Albert, N ona (Farrer), Mary Angeline, and LaRaine S. Isaac died in 1951. WILLIAM J o h n F r y was born in England in 1855. Riverton W ard records indicate that he

was a resident of Riverton from 1887 to 1889, prior to moving to Brigham City, where he died in 1908. D a l e F. G a r d in e r , a lifetime resident of the Riverton/Bluffdale area, served two consecu tive terms as Riverton’s mayor from 1982 to 1990. Although he ran two successful cam paigns for mayor, Gardiner lost in a 1986 bid for Congress and a 1988 bid for the Salt Lake County Commission. In reviewing his campaign history in 1988, Gardiner quipped: “I ran for school crossing guard in the fifth grade . . . and lost.”46 He is an attorney. a r f f situated in a dugout home on the bottom lands, possibly as early as 1862, according to family records. He was centrally located between Timothy Gilbert and Sam Green’s places. Bom in Denmark in 1843, he joined the Mormon Church in 1855 and emi grated to U tah in 1857. Family records mention that he planted an orchard in Riverton in 1863. He married Antomina Sorensen in 1869, she giving birth to three of their twelve chil dren in their dugout home before moving to Draper in 1874. Garff was president of the board of trustees at Draper at the time the first free district school in U tah was established there. He died in 1921 and is buried in Draper.

P e t e r N ie l s G

A a r o n G a r s i d e , J r ., a sheepman, was bom in 1871 in England. His parents joined the

Mormon Church in the m id-1860s and they emigrated to U tah in 1877 or 1878. They set tled in South Jordan and in 1900, Aaron married Annie Jensine Casperine Myers. Aaron built a frame home on the south side of Myers Lane, west of his father-in-law Jacob Myers’ home. They were the parents of twelve children. Aaron died in 1963 and was buried in South Jordan. A younger brother, Ernest Hilton Garside, also resided in Riverton. He was b om in South Jordan in 1879 and married Geneva Edna Howard in 1901. In 1906, E. H. was murdered by cattlemen while herding sheep in Sweetwater County, Wyoming. Except for a brief time when she resided in Lehi (1 9 1 1 ), Geneva Garside served as postmaster in Riverton from 1909 to 1922. il b e r t was bom in England in 1834. He lived in Riverton twenty-three years and must be regarded as one of its very earliest settlers. A Mormon convert, he emigrated to America in 1855. A few years after coming to U tah, he moved to Riverton and home steaded on the next hill in the river bottoms immediately south of Nicholas Thomas Silcock. Both of them settled in Riverton the same year (1 8 6 5 ).4? Gilbert was a polygamist, having three wives. According to one of his grandchildren, he was a fastidious dresser. He was so meticulous that he wouldn’t perform his farm labors unless he had a starched pleated shirt to wear.48 In 1 8 8 4 -8 5 , he left his families to serve a mission in England. In 1888, he was asked by Mormon Church leaders to move to Colorado to help establish a settlement in the San Luis Valley. Several other Riverton and Bluffdale residents also went to colonize Mormon settlements in Colorado with the Gilberts. They included Joseph and Josiah Draper, John B. Kidd, the Nells, and Crumps. As federal marshals were hunting for polyga mists in hiding at this time, Gilbert was advised to take only one wife to Colorado. He took his second wife, Johanne, who had the .most children. He left his other wives in a boarding house for polygamist wives with the expectation that they would be well cared for. W hen he learned that they were destitute and being mistreated, he brought both of them to Colorado to live. In Colorado, he raised hay, grain, and cattle. He was the Presiding Elder of the small settlement (Sunflower) he colonized in the San Luis Valley until 1891. He later moved his families to Manassa, Colorado, where he died in 1914.

TIMOTHY G

r e e n was bom in Snowville, Utah, in 1883, son of Charles and Mary A nn Green. After his father died, his mother brought her family to Riverton in 1890, inher iting her brother-in-law Samuel Green’s homestead. A blind widow, she was able to be close to the homes of two of her married daughters, Rose Hannah Jeffs and Harriet Ellen Bate.

JOSEPH GOODLIFF G

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Mary A nn Green devoted rpuch of her time to serving in the Relief Society as a counselor to Jane Silcock. Several times in Relief Society, she shared her concerns about young people, including her own. O ne time, she said “it grieved her to hear of the boys talking [in] disre spectful way[s] of the girls, but the girls should be at home so they could not have the chance to talk about them and said she had a desire to keep her children at hom e.” O n another oc casion, she remarked that “her heart ached when the young was reckless and indifferent.”^ Mary A n n died in 1910 and was buried in Riverton. A t her funeral, Bishop Gordon S. Bills paid tribute to “her modest and unasuming disposition and her loyalty to her friends.”50 Her son, Joseph, married Carrie Maria Bills and they lived in a brick home “under the hill” on land that he inherited from his uncle, Samuel G reen.51 He assisted in helping in the work of bringing water by pipeline from Draper to Riverton and in clearing the ground for the build ing of the Riverton School. He also assisted in building the canning factory and the milk processing plant. In addition to serving as a road supervisor, he was a successful farmer and poultry raiser. Joseph Morgan wrote that Joseph G . Green “was a good and sincere worker at whatever he labored at.”52 He died in 1968. r e e n was bom in 1832 in England, a son of Charles and Elizabeth Green. Samuel and some members of his family joined the Mormon Church in 1852. His older brother, Charles, Jr., was the first in his family to join the LDS Church (1 8 5 1 ). Charles, Samuel, and his twin brother, Henry, emigrated to U tah in 1853. Samuel was one of the very earliest set tlers in Riverton, residing on the bottom lands with his dwelling in Riverton and his home stead covering many acres in both Riverton and Bluffdale. He settled here at least as early as 1868 according to extant tax records. In 1868, tax records indicate that he was the largest landholder in Riverton (6 0 0 acres). A t that early date, he had five cows, a horse and wagon, and two mules. A t the time of his death in 1890, he had about one hundred acres. Samuel never married. He was a man of means and frequently lent money at interest and secured by mortgages. He died in 1890 at the age of 58. In his will, he appointed Nicholas T . Silcock, his long-time neighbor as the executor of his estate. He directed that he didn’t want any “extravagant display” at his funeral and wanted to be buried in a “substantial coffin of U tah Manufacture.” Silcock complied with his wishes, procuring a “coffin box and grave close” for $ 40.25. He also obtained a monument ($ 1 5 0 ) and had fencing put around the grave.55 He left his homestead to his four nephews, children of his deceased brother Charles. He left half of his personal property and wealth to his brother Henry, who lived in Ephraim, and the other half to his six nieces, children of his deceased brother Charles.5*

SAMUEL G

r o v e r was bom in 1902 in Farmington, U tah. He moved to Riverton in 1947 with his wife and family. He served as president of the Riverton Tow n Board from 1958 to 1962. A public-spirited man, he served terms of office as a State Representative and Senator. For a time, he was president of the U tah State Senate. H e was also a member of the state industrial commission and state welfare commission. By occupation, he was a farmer. He died in 1968 in Riverton and was named to the Riverton Hall of H onor in 1993.

WENDELL G

R e u b e n S e a b u r n H a m il t o n was bom in Mill Creek in 1870. He married Matilda Edna W inder, a daughter of John R. and Elizabeth W inder, in 1894- They had nine children: Florence Maria (Crum p), John Rex, Norma (M adsen), Eldred Reuben, Elmo W inder, Lola Elizabeth (Densley), Ralph W eston, Kay Albert, and Mildred (Butterfield). They raised their family in a Victorian Eclectic-style home on Redwood Road (1 3 2 2 4 S o.). Their home was directly north of the home of his brother, Thomas M. Hamilton. T h e two families were in constant association. A daughter, Norma, recalled that they were like “one big happy family.” They “worked together, played together, ate together, [and] always got along fine.”55 Reuben served a mission to Texas from 1898 to 1900, leaving his wife and two children at her Mill Creek home, and the farm with his brother Thomas. He served a second mission to California about eleven years later. Reuben died in 1949 and Matilda in 1953. Both were buried in Riverton. h o m a s M a r k H a m il t o n was bom in 1873 in Mill Creek. He courted and married Gladys Caroline Reynolds, a girl from neighboring South Cottonwood, in 1895. In preparation for

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the time when Tom and his brother, Reuben, would be married, their father had home steaded forty acres of land in Riverton. He built a home for each of them on this land which he gave to them for a wedding present. The two brothers farmed the land together. After their families were grown, they dissolved the partnership by mutual consent and continued farming under a separate arrangement. From 1900 to 1903, he served an LDS mission to the Central States. W hile absent, German Ellsworth, rented their farm and Gladys and their two children lived in South Cottonwood with her parents. They had seven children: Gladys Marie (Bills), Everett Mark, Owen Seth, Edith Naomi (Frost), Vesta Vay (R oach), W eston Eugene, and Mary (Stocking). In 1917, Gladys died during childbirth, as did the infant daughter. Owen Hamilton remembered his mother’s passing and how they cared for her body: “They didn’t take the body away. In those days the morticians would come over. They opened the doors. It was in January. Very cold. Lots of snow that winter and they had two wooden saw horses like the carpenters use. Laid a plank on it and laid her on t h a t .. . . W hen they had her funeral, they took her away in a sleigh. . . . down to the cemetery.”56 In 1918, Tom married Annie Madsen, a daughter of Niels Madsen. They had one child: Ruth (Sm ith). In addition to farming, Tom worked as a road supervisor and held other political jobs, being an ardent Democrat. He passed away in 1949. H a n s C h r is t ia n N ie l s e n H a n s e n was bom June 27, 1840, in Denmark. He joined the

Mormon Church in Denmark in 1868, his wife joining a year later. They emigrated to U tah in 1874. Being a skilled carpenter, his work was in demand. Examples of his exquisite work may be seen in staircases in all the 19th-century temples in Utah. Prior to moving to Riverton in 1890, Hansen had lived in various communities in Cache Valley and southern Idaho. A polygamist, three of his five plural families lived in a home which he constructed in Riverton. In 1896, he moved two of his plural wives, who were sisters, and their children to Bluffdale. His first wife, Karen Marie, stayed in Riverton, even after Hansen moved to Millard County in 1899. A grandson recalled that she had no desire to learn English, saying that it was “a dumb, stupid, blockheaded language.” He also recalled the nightly prayers which she offered. They would usually last ten or fifteen minutes and during the first few minutes, his older brother would sneak outside and his grandmother wouldn’t even realize it.57 He was affectionately called “Red Beard” by his friends. He died at his rented farm at Abraham, U tah, in 1907, but was brought to Riverton for burial. JOHN H a n s e n , J r . came to Riverton in 1870 as a small child with his family. He was one of

the first children of early Riverton settlers to obtain a higher education, attending Brigham Young Academy from 1884 to 1887. He married Marina Nichols in 1893. He was a school teacher in Riverton for almost seventeen years. He was one of the principals in the move ment for consolidation of rural schools in Salt Lake County. He was appointed supervisor of the Jordan District in 1907 and served as superintendent of the school district from 1909 to 1911. In 1911, he moved from Riverton to the Sugar House area in Salt Lake City. He car ried on the water resource development tradition of his father in actively promoting the construction of the large pumps at the outlet of U tah Lake. He helped organize the Jordan Valley Bank and was its first cashier. He was the manager of the Page-Hansen Store from 1 9 1 3 -14- He was a director and president of the Riverton Pipe Line for a decade. In 1928, he was first appointed by Governor D em to the State Board of Agriculture, and again there after by Governor Blood, serving as the president of this board for ten years. He established and was first owner of the Salt Lake Costume Company, passing away in 1950 after a long and fruitful life. J o h n H a n s e n , S r . was bom in Denmark in 1831 and emigrated to U tah in 1864. In 1870,

he moved from Salt Lake City to Riverton. His life sketch in Andrew Jenson’s Biographical Encyclopedia mentions that he built the first house, an adobe structure, on the bench land. He must be recognized as the most persistent force in bringing to completion the South Jordan Canal. In a brief life sketch, he wrote that in the process of working on the canal, he lost everything he owned “with the exception of a lame horse.” W ith the successful comple tion of the canal, he became a productive farmer. He died in 1906, his wife Caroline contin uing to live in Riverton until 1911, when she moved to Lehi.

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O s c a r Roi H a r d y was bom in 1880 in Salt Lake City. After obtaining his early education, he married Laura Madsen in 1900 in the Salt Lake Tem ple. They were the parents of five children: Marian, Harvey, Elise (Edgington), Estelle (Oldaugh), and Ester. Th e latter three daughters were triplets, bom in 1913. Dr. Hardy was the second doctor to practice in Riverton, having studied medicine at Northwestern University in Chicago, from whence he graduated in 1912. He practiced medicine in Salt Lake C ity for a very brief time after gradu ating, moving a short while later in 1913 to Riverton where he practiced until about 1920.58 He then moved to Los Angeles, where he died in 1922. R o b e r t L e e H e l t was bom in Kansas in 1918. He served in the Arm y A ir Force during W orld W ar II. He married Fern Densley and they were the parents of two children: Sharon Lee (Bair) and Robyn (W ells). They established their home in Riverton at the beginning of the war. Helt served a term as mayor of Riverton from 1970 to 1974. During his tenure, the city experienced the beginning challenges accompanying population growth. Necessary im provements were made to the water system and construction was begun on the sewer system. A l e x a n d e r S h il l in g t o n H e n d e r s o n was bom O ctober 3 1, 1844 in Ireland. H e joined the

Mormon Church at age 16 and emigrated to U tah in 1863. He principally worked in coal mines in southern U tah , until taking a co n tract to help build the canals on the bench land. W hile buying hay and grain from N . T . Silcock for his team of horses, he became acquainted with Almira H eath Silcock and married her in 1874- He purchased a tract of land to the south of his father-in-law where he built an adobe house. H e donated the land for the first meetinghouse and took his families, having taken a plural wife, to Salt Lake. During the polygamy raids in the 1880s, his plural wife lived with his father-in-law’s plural wife, Harriet Bebbington Silcock, in her small adobe home. In 1892, he bought a farm and built homes for his families on the southern boundary of South Jordan, but they associated socially and ecclesiastically with Riverton. He farmed and raised cattle and bees. He became a widower, remarried, and tackled an assortment of financial challenges which he faced until his death in 1917. CARL F r e d r ic k H e n d r ic k s e n was bom in Denmark in 1838. Although he must principally be considered a pioneer settler of Draper, he was the first titled landowner of over 150 acres of land on which Tithing Yard Hill was later situated. He formally filed for a homestead on this land in 1875, but family records indicate that one of his children was bom in Riverton in 1872. He died in Draper in 1896. L o r e n z o M a t t h e w H o w a r d , son of Samuel H. and Rosa A n n Howard, was bom in 1895

in Riverton. Samuel H. was active in public life, serving in law enforcement in Riverton for many years. Rose Howard was an active church woman, serving as a Relief Society presi dent. According to information in an old minute book, she became president of this Mormon women’s organization by means of a popular election in 1914-59 In his prime, “Ren” was quite a ballplayer, playing third base on the Riverton town team and in city commercial leagues. In 1920, he married Olive Helen Bills. They were the parents of four children: Lorenzo Matthew “Dick”, Bee (Brown), Samuel A ., and Larry Paul. During their marriage, they moved around some, but most of their years were spent in Riverton. “R en” was em ployed in mining, the lumber business, a butcher, and as a cosm etic salesman near the end of the Depression. Th e bulk of his working life he worked as a state road supervisor, retiring with protest at age 72. In an interview, he remarked that he’d “never had an easy job until I got road supervisor.”60 In Riverton, he took care of the town park and planted many of the trees that now shade it. He was a veteran of W orld W ar I, later in life receiving a citation for his service from the French government. In an interview with Mel Bashore, he recalled some of his experiences in the war: “W h en we went to the front first time, we had full packs and your rifle and the damn gas mask attached on the front of you and two bandoliers of am munition. W e started just at dark about nine o’clock at night. You walked fifty minutes and you’d rest ten till daylight the next morning. . . . You’re so damn tired when you fall out, you just flop and they have to go around and kick them to get them up.”61 He helped organize

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two Am erican Legion posts and marched with the Legion on every Memorial Day (with the exception of one when his wife was hospitalized) from the year he was released from the ser vice until the final year of his life. Olive died in 1978 and “Ren” died in 1989 and both were buried in Riverton. S a m u e l L o r e n z o H o w a r d was bom in 1840 in England. His parents were some of the early Mormon converts in England, later emigrating to America. Samuel was orphaned at an early age, his mother having died when he was nine and his father when he was fourteen years old. Leaving from St. Louis, when he was fifteen years of age, he walked across the plains “barefooted” to U tah .62 He initially made his home in Mill Creek, marrying Sarah Jane Hamilton, also of that place, in 1864. They resided there until 1877, then moving to Riverton. Prior to moving to Riverton, Samuel had performed work on the roads for the county in the South Jordan Precinct, which included Riverton.63 They first lived in a dugout on the hillside just south of “Tithing Yard Hill.” They built a little log cabin on the site of that dugout and then they moved it up onto the flat on the northeast com er of the present intersection of the “Lower Road” (1 3 0 0 W .) and the “Herriman Road” (1 2 6 0 0 South). A 1937 newspaper article notes that it was”one of the first three houses built at Riverton.”6'* Nine children were bom to this union: Mary A n n (Beckstead), Samuel Hamilton, Sarah Lovinia (Bodell), Elizabeth V ., John W ., Robert L., Leonora Ellen (Olson), Geneve E. (Garside/Crane), and Joseph Reuben. A n energetic, public-spirited man, Samuel L. Howard passed away in 1906. A t his funeral, Charles E. Miller remembered his friend of forty years as “a good neighbor and a faithful Latter-day Saint up to the end.”65 He sported a goatee and his grandson, Ren Howard, remembered him as a “happy-go-lucky person.”66 He had been an officer in the South Jordan Irrigation Company (1 8 7 7 — ), a road supervisor (1 8 7 8 -8 0 ), and a precinct election judge in addition to earning his living as a farmer and stockraiser. Prior to marrying Samuel L. Howard, Sarah Jane had married Archibald Gardner in 1857. She was only fifteen years old at the time of this marriage and Sarah Jane’s mother also mar ried Gardner at the same time. They had one child (James Hamilton Gardner), but there was a great age difference and the marriage was annulled in 1861. Sarah Jane died in 1924 and both are buried in South Jordan. ELLIS J a r d in e was bom in 1911 in Clarkston, U tah. He married Reba Griffiths,^ Clarkston girl. Ellis was employed as a patternmaker for Eimco and they lived in Salt Lake City. Having both been raised in a rural area, they purchased their first (and only) home in Riverton in 1949. Situated on fifteen acres (12009 S. 1300 W .), they purchased the old Fergus Lord home which had been built about 1910. They raised five children in this home: Bette, Kenneth Dee, Jon Kurt, William Ellis, and Wendy Lynne. Their children were active in the 4-H Program raising pigs. Reba recalled that “we would grow a porker and sell half to pay for the cut, wrap and cure on the other half. Ellis would get three pigs— one for us and the other two would be for the boys and their 4-H project.”67 Ellis commuted to Salt Lake every day by car to his job. Before the freeway was constructed, he traveled on Redwood Road. He recalled that in 1949, there was only a single traffic light (at 3 3 0 0 South) along the entire stretch of highway. Ellis and Reba (she worked for 18 years at Sperry Univac) both retired in 1976 and Ellis passed away in 1985. ROSE H a n n a h G r e e n J e f f s was bom in Gunnison, U tah in 1863. She married William

Henry Jeffs in 1881. They lived in American Fork initially, but moved to Evanston, Wyoming. William Henry Jeffs died in 1891 from an accidental gunshot wound, leaving Rose Hannah to raise six children: Charles William, Harriet Elizabeth (Hayes), Ellen May (Bills), Sarah (Finn/Adams/W right), Amelia Louisa (Purser), and John Henry. She moved her family to Riverton where she raised them. She later married Edwin A . Walker, a brickmaker and postmaster from 1901 to 1903. Her eldest son, Charles W . Jeffs, was the first rural mail carrier. He delivered the mail to Riverton, Bluffdale, and Herriman, picking up the let ters and other mail in a horse-drawn cart. He was bom in 1881 and married Agnes Eurilda Orgill in 1908. They had two daughters: Verda and Geneal (Peterson) and lived in a frame home on the Lower Road (13315 So. 1300 W .). He died in 1911, being just 30 years old.

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Eurilda remarried in 1 9 1 7 ,-to Harry E. Page. Rose H annah died in Idaho in 1917, being buried in Rigby. h a r l e s E m a n u e l J e n s e n , S r ., a farmer, was bom in Denmark in 1865. He joined the Mormon Church when he was eleven years old and preceded his family in coming to Utah. U pon his arrival, he supported himself and sent money to his parents, brothers and sisters so they could come to U tah. He married Caroline Madsen, of Draper, in 1885. They were the parents of seven children: Caroline Sophia (W righ t), Charles Emanuel, Jr., S om Edelbert, Richard, Wilford, Ivy Nielsene (Crystal), and Joseph Golden. Charles served as constable in Riverton in 1894, after which he served a mission to the South Sea islands for the Mormon C hurch. Th e Jensens lived in the Bluffdale/Riverton area until 1900, at which time the fam ily moved to Chesterfield, Idaho. After a year, they moved to Garfield, Idaho. Charles died in 1922 and Caroline in 1940 and both are buried in G rant, Idaho.

HANS B r ig h a m J e n s e n was bom in 1864 in Denmark, emigrating to U tah in 1875. He

resided with his family in Brigham City, Huntsville, and Provo, receiving a com m on school education in the latter community. After filling a mission to New Zealand from 1896 to 1900, he courted and married (1 9 0 2 ) the sister of one of his missionary companions, Mary Emily Butterfield of Herriman. They located at Mercur for two years, then Provo, and moved to Riverton in 1905. Because Hans acquired work in Lark in the mill as a carpenter, they moved to Herriman and thence to Lark. In 1912, Hans built a home (1 2 7 8 7 S. 1700 W .) in Riverton. He spent most of his time farming the various tracts of land which he ac quired. He supplemented his farming income by doing carpenter work, building bams and other buildings in and around Riverton. He later raised chickens and sold eggs. He also worked as custodian in the old domed church, across the street from their home. He was ac tive in community affairs, serving on the water and canal boards, Federal Land Bank com mittee, and served for a time (late 1920s) as the plant manager of the Riverton Farms Dairy. W hile in the Salt Lake Temple, he suffered a stroke which resulted in his death in 1948. Mary passed away in 1964. They had eight children: Myrtle Marie (Petersen), Nona Elizabeth, Mahonri, Pearl M aretta (Palm er), Mary Farmer (Lloyd), Henrick Peter, Ruth Minnie (Linn), and Rintha Sarah. L a r s J e n s e n was bom in Denmark on May 10, 1815. H e married Johanne Andrea W ahlgren

in 1849 and they had three children: Jens Peter, John Peter, and Gunnild Sophia. Lars and Johanne joined the Mormon Church in 1853 and they emigrated to U tah in 1859. Lars’s wife and daughter died while crossing the plains. Soon after arriving in U tah , he married A nna Maria Sorensen. They moved to Riverton about 1874- He is listed on the 1873 county tax rolls as Lars “Yenson,” a non-resident. However, he had some property here at that time on which he kept two horses, four cows, and a wagon. He is credited with being the first set tler on the bench land.68 Th e remains of this original “rock” house lies approximately 100 feet northwest of the old W illiam Densley home located at 1898 W . 13800 South. Jensen served as presiding elder of the Riverton Branch from 1881 to 1883. He was also a patriarch, although the Mormon Church has no record of his blessings in its archives. These blessing books may have been destroyed with other church records in the fire which occurred in the small office on Tithing Yard Hill. N . T . Silcock records some details about Jensen’s demise on April 22, 1883 in his journal: “I whent to see Br. L. Jenson this Morning and he was very Sick . . . his face and head was very much inflamed past the senter of his head. I was Afraid that he was in A bad fix. W e administeread to him twice. Br. Jenson died about eaight aClock this evening.”69 Although Silcock’s journal is not explicit about the place of burial and there is no mention of him in the cemetery sexton book, it is highly likely that he is buried in the Riverton Cemetery. A l e x a n d e r B ic k m o r e K id d , a farmer and stockman, was bom in Herriman in 1853, a son of Alexander and Fidelia Bickmore Kidd. He married Sarah Elizabeth W right in 1878. They lived in the south part of Riverton for about a decade. They were the parents of eleven chil dren: Alexander Carson, Elizabeth A n n (Rogers), Fidelia (H utchins), Thomas Edward,

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Mosiah, Mary Emma (Latimore), John Robert, Joseph Orlando, Malinda, Nephi, and Ethel May (Bryant). He was the first Sunday School superintendent (established in 1880) in the Riverton W ard. In this position, he was often concerned with the exuberant behavior of the children, observing on one occasion that “the children of the Latter-day Saints are naturally full of life but they must learn to keep order in Sunday School and places of worship. ”70 On another occasion, he generously offered to pay the way for two children who otherwise couldn’t afford to attend a ward Sunday School outing to Calder’s Park in Salt Lake City.71 From 1880 to 1881 he served an LDS Church mission to Kentucky. In the late 1880s, along with several other Riverton families, he accepted a Church call to help colonize the San Luis Valley in Colorado. They moved to Manassa, Colorado, where they lived until 1892. During that year, they accepted another colonization assignment to help strengthen a settle ment at Marianna, New Mexico. Kidd was called to be a counselor in the bishopric there in late 1892. They lived there until about 1904, when they returned to Colorado. A t some point, they returned to U tah as A . B. died in Vernal in 1939 and Sarah died there in 1938, where both were buried. JOHN BICKMORE K id d , a farmer, was bom in Herriman in 1859, a son of Alexander and

Fidelia Bickmore Kidd. He married Mary A nnah Staley in 1881. They were the parents of thirteen children, three of whom were bom in Riverton: John Chester, Elmer W orthington, and Margaret Fidelia (Deming). After they were married, they lived in Herriman, but moved to Riverton in about 1883. He farmed forty acres of land in Riverton, which he sold in about 1888, moving to Upton, Summit County, U tah. He died in 1929 and his wife in 1936. Both are buried in Rupert, Idaho. GILBERT L l o y d was bom in 1856 in Pennsylvania. W hen he was eight years old, his father

died and the children in the poverty-stricken family were put in different homes and situa tions. He learned the glass working trade and at the age of 24, he married Mary Elizabeth Kaszer. O f a religious nature and a member of the Baptist Church, he joined the Mormon Church when he was about 3 0 years old. His wife and several other members of his family also joined the Mormon Church. After his glass works factory shut down in 1890, he moved his family to U tah. He worked at various odd jobs. In 1892, he homesteaded 120 acres in Riverton, located some distance west of Pole Line Road (2 7 0 0 W est) on the south side of the Morgan Road (1 3 4 0 0 Sou,th). For six months while he worked at clearing off the land and improving it, his family remained in Salt Lake. He sold their home in the city and moved his family to a rented house a few miles from his Riverton homestead in 1893. Only three months after settling down in their temporary rented home in Riverton, his wife died from complications incident to giving birth to their seventh child. About a year after the passing of his wife, he married Eliza Maynard, a widow with five children. He moved his family to his wife’s home, which was situated on 20-acres of land with water rights and a “comfortable house.” Only four months after remarrying, he was prostrated by heat stroke and was forced to turn over the farm duties to his boys. This affliction made him irritable to the point that Eliza “rued the day that she had brought all this trouble upon herself and home.” He must have been recalling this troublesome time in a poem which Gilbert wrote to Eliza about five years after they married. He reflectively wrote that Eliza “had to be an angel to get along with me.”72 Realizing the burden he was being to his wife and to help sup port his family, he moved to Salt Lake where he engaged in manufacturing and selling a laundry fluid that he had invented. After a time, he moved back to Riverton. During the last decade of his life, he managed a small cafe and candy shop owned by his son, Dwight, at Bingham Junction (Midvale). He was a share holder in the Jordan Valley Dry Farm Company. He also tried to farm again, homesteading about 120 acres of land near Hardlicks Canyon, south of Herriman. He planted about 150 peach trees, but he had to stop the ven ture due to poor health. In 1912, he died at the age of 56, leaving his wife with ten children. The children from his first marriage were: Willis Jacob, Dwight Willmon, Griffith Kaszer, Fredrick Sayer, Beulah Effie (Lancaster), Gilbert John, and Freeman Rowland. He had three children in the union of his second marriage with Eliza: Ethel Eliza (Dimond), Edna Mary (Myers), and W alter Graham.

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S a n d r a L l o y d was Riverton C ity Recorder from 1970 to 1993. In 1994, she began serving as mayor. A lifetime resident, she is widely recognized for being the longtime director of the Miss Riverton Pageant. She has also served as a field director with the Miss U tah Pageant. In civic affairs, she has served on the board of trustees of the Riverton A rts Council and been actively involved in numerous community affairs. WESLEY E a r l L l o y d was bom in Riverton in 1903, a son of Freeman R. and Janetta Swan Lloyd. His childhood home was on the southwest com er of the intersection of 12600 S. 2 7 0 0 W est. He obtained training in automotive mechanics at Jordan High School, graduat ing in 1921. W hile still in school, he worked in the Riverton Canning Company, as did many other young people. In 1923, he began pumping gas at Bill N elson’s service station which was on the northwest com er of the intersection of 126 0 0 S. and 1700 W est. He oper ated an automotive and farm machinery repair business for many years. H e died in 1992. CHRISTIAN R ic h a r d L o v e n d a h l , S r ., a farmer and sheepherder, was bom in 1855 in

Denmark. He cam e to U tah with his parents about 1862, after sailing to A m erica in 1860. The family settled in South Cottonw ood. In 1879, he married Bena Mary Myers. They ini tially lived in South Cottonwood before moving to Riverton in about 1885 where Chris had purchased forty acres of land. He farmed this ground which was reached by a small lane (ap prox. 12125 So.) which ambled west off Redwood Road and led to his frame home. There were four children in the family: Christian Richard, Jr., Leonard, Charles, and Geraldine (Dansie). His wife died in 1916 and in 1920, “Chris” married Rose N . Hansen. H e soon sold his farm holdings to Wilford Myers, his nephew, and Rose and “Chris” began living in William Mason’s old brick home (1 2 3 0 5 So. 1700 W .). A grandson, Elvin Lovendahl, re called that “Chris” was “not a big man, but he seemed to carry a lot of weight.”73 He died in 1934 and was buried in Riverton, where he had lived for fifty years. a r l M a d s e n was bom in Denmark in 1857. As a young man, he apprenticed to learn the carriage making trade. W h en he was twenty, he joined the Mormon Church. Th e Mormon religion was an unpopular and misunderstood religion in Denmark and Madsen was perse cuted by family, friends, and employers. In 1881, he emigrated to U tah . H e found various odd manual labor jobs and in 1882, married Maren Harder, a Dane who had assisted him with train fare to come to U tah. After his marriage, he worked as a railroad section hand and later as a carpenter. In late 1884, Andrew Amundsen, a carpenter and con tractor in South Jordan, offered him a job helping build homes. Preferring the country life, they bought a 20acre farm (1 3 0 0 W . 11900 S.) in Riverton on which he built a small two-room frame house. In 1886, his wife passed away from complications incident to childbirth, leaving Carl with two small children: Carl and Mary. He sold his farm and bought another 20-acre parcel ad joining and to the south of his first farm. He built another home on this ground, into which his brother Niels and his wife and family moved in late 1886. W hile doing some building for Dan Densley, he met a young girl from Herriman, A nne Crane, who was working for Densley. They courted and married in 1887, living for a few years in Herriman. They re turned to Riverton in 1889, as living here was more convenient to C arl’s work. He served a Mormon mission in Denmark from 1900 to 1902, having been detained from leaving in 1899 (when he was called) in order to finish putting the roof on the dome church. He served a second mission to Denmark from 1921 to 1922, returning early after learning that his wife was in poor health. A nne died in 1929. They had ten children: James Emmanuel, Annie Elizabeth (M iller), Andrew Brigham, Carl W illiam, Ettie Keturah (Langford), Alice Fanny (Peterson), Alonzo Franklin, Annie Johanna (1 . Burgon & 2. Curtis), Desna Gwendolyn (Newman), and Adelia Jean. W hile living in Riverton for sixty-two years, he built many homes and buildings still standing in the community. He spent his later years doing odd jobs and reading.74 He was a neighbor of Joseph Park and two of Park’s daughters reminisced about his automobile driving m his later years. Beth Park Bone said that “he’d come flying out of his driveway and never look either way.” Everybody had to w atch out for him, but once he got in an accident when trying to pull into his driveway. Margaret Park Petersen recalled him saying, “I thought everybody knew 1 lived here. I didn’t signal because everybody knows I live here.”75 He passed away in 1947.

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N ie l s M a d s e n was bom in Denmark in 1853. He married Petronelle “Nellie” Larsen, a

Swedish girl, in 1881 in Denmark. They came to America and Riverton about 1886. He was a farmer, leasing ground from Chris Mortensen. They lived in a brick home on Myers Lane (1945 W . 11800 S .). They were the parents of seven children: Mads, Annie (Hamilton), Niels, Jr., Christian Peter, Nellie (Bringhurst), John Michael, and Lucy Inger (W ells). Joseph E. Morgan noted that Madsen had “good, big, fat horses south of his house on Bingham Creek.”76 Madsen died in 1927 and his wife in 1936. Both were buried in Riverton. J a m e s M a y n a r d , J r ., a sheepman, was bom in England in 1849. His mother, Jane, was an

early (1 8 4 5 ) convert to the Mormon Church in England. James, Jr. joined the Mormon Church in 1857 at the age of eight. He came to U tah and in 1877, he married Eliza Pipe, a British-born Mormon convert. They initially lived in Herriman, but moved to Riverton about 1884- They lived on a 20-acre plot of land in an adobe home which they later re placed with a more substantial brick home (13531 S. 1700 W .). They were the parents of five children: Lucy Gertrude (N ell), James William, Martha Elizabeth (Lancaster), Joseph Henry, and Vernon John. In 1889, Maynard died of typhoid pneumonia and his funeral was held at the Riverton schoolhouse. In 1895, Eliza married Gilbert Lloyd, a widower with seven children. N ot having irrigation water on his land, he moved his family to her irrigable land and home. Lloyd died in 1912, leaving Eliza with ten children. Eliza died in 1940 and was buried in Riverton. C h a r l e s L e a v e r M il l a r d , a contractor and painter, was bom about 1859 in Salt Lake City,

a son of British Mormon converts. He married Annie Louisa Van Tassell in 1887. They ini tially lived in Salt Lake City for about a year, but then moved to a homesteaded farm in Woodland. They then moved to Park City in 1896, staying only two years before moving to Riverton in 1898. Living previously in such cold, wintry locations, they had been beset by many trials and setbacks; four of their children had died under the age of five. A son, Vem Bryan Millard, wrote that his mother’s “life in Riverton was much more pleasant than it had been before. . . . W eather conditions were better, her husband had plenty of work painting and papering, and building h o m es.. . . W e had our garden, cow, pigs, chickens, since my fa ther loved to preen them and take them to the fairs where he won many, many ribbons and cash.”77 About 1910, Millard built a frame house (12953 So. 1700 W .) which they lived in until moving to Salt Lake City in 1924. Annie passed away there in 1930 and Charles died in 1951 and was buried in Riverton. They had eleven children: James Dailey, Erma Louisa, Charles William, Hazel Francis, Vance George, V em Bryan, Jane Elisabeth (M itchell), Samuel Legrand, Irene (Stauffer), Maurice Leaver, and Noel Paul. A brother, Edmund Leaver Millard, also did contract work in Riverton, living (beginning in 1901 )in a log house on the northeast com er of Pole Line Road (2 7 0 0 W .) and the Morgan Road (1 3 4 0 0 S.). CHARLES E u g e n e M il l e r was bom in Salt Lake City in 1852, a son of Reuben and Orace

Miller. In 1854, the family moved to Mill Creek where Charles spent his youth in helping on his father’s farms. In 1874, he married Scottish-bom Christine Graham McAllister, his childhood sweetheart.78 After spending that summer in Mill Creek, Charles filed on a quarter section of sage brush land in Riverton.79 They built the simple adobe Victorian Eclectic style home (1330 W . 12600 S.) on the com er of their property in 1893.80 A frame addition was made on the north side in 1915 and another small addition on the west in the 1950s. T h e home design was somewhat unique in that the entry door was placed on the north side, away from the street. They raised nine children: Eugene Charles, Mary Edith (Sm ith), Lewis Edgar, Julia A nn (Dansie), Sylvia Christine (Larsen), Agnes Ethel, Jennette Grace (Bills), Hazel, and Elmo Rex. Being a public-spirited man, Miller was a school district trustee, direc tor of the South Jordan Canal Company, road supervisor, and justice of the peace for many years.81 He served for 21 years as first counselor to Gordon S. Bills in the Riverton Ward bishopric, passing away in that ecclesiastical office at the age of 69 in 1921. Christine, a re fined woman, lived to be 85, passing away in 1941. DAVID L e t t s M il l e r , a farmer and sheep and cattleman, was bom in 1856 at Mill Creek, U tah. He was the youngest of a family of eight children of Reuben and Rhoda Ann Miller.

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In 1877, he married Emeretta Boyce. They were the parents of ten children. David was asso ciated in business with his father until the passing of the latter in 1882. He lived on and op erated a farm in Riverton on land which was owned by his father. It covered approximately 80 acres east of the South Jordan Canal on the north side of the Herriman Road (12 6 0 0 S o.). According to Joseph E. Morgan, after the death of his father, “there was an exchange of homes, David Miller leaving Riverton and his brother Orrin coming out and occupied the David Miller home. T h e house consisted of two adobe rooms. W h en Orrin moved there he added two more rooms to the hom e.”82 This exchange took place in the fall of 1882, prior to O ctober 2nd, when Orrin P. Miller recorded in his journal that he “went up to my place on Jordan, the former residence of D. L. Miller.”83 David returned to Mill Creek where he farmed and engaged in the sheep and cattle industry in association with an older brother. He died in 1901. r r in P o r t e r M il l e r was bom in 1858 at Mill Creek, U tah . He was the son of Reuben Miller and A n n Craner. In 1881, he married Elizabeth M. Morgan of Mill Creek. They ini tially lived in Mill Creek, where they had their first child. After the death of his father in July 1882, he inherited 8 0 acres of land in Riverton, consisting of a small home and farm on which his half-brother, David Letts Miller, had resided.8* David lived in the home until all his crops were harvested and Orrin moved his family to Riverton in N ovember 1882. In 1885, he was called as president of the Riverton Branch and when the Riverton W ard was organized in 1886, he was set apart as its first bishop. He was politically active and in 1887, he became a member of the County C entral Com m ittee of the People’s Party. For six years, he acted as a deputy registrar under the U tah Commission. In 1889, he was elected a mem ber of the Salt Lake County Board of Commissioners. In 1891, he was elected a member of the first D emocratic Territorial C entral Com m ittee. He was highly successful in the breed ing and care of livestock. From 1886 to 1900, he acted as bishop’s agent in the collection of produce tithing from all the wards in the south end of Salt Lake County. In 1897, he was ap pointed a special agent to look after the Church sheep. In 1898, he was elected a director and vice president of the South Jordan Canal Company. In 1900, he was called to be the first president of the Jordan Stake. A t that time, he moved his hom e from Riverton to Union. In 1901, he was called to be a member of the Presiding Bishopric of the Church, in which general office he served until his death in 1918. In that office, he was in charge of most of the farming interests of the Church and also the care of most of the C hurch public buildings. Concurrently, he was a director of the Nevada Land and Livestock Company and also of the Juab Development Company.85 He was in the first group of those who were in ducted into the “Riverton Hall of H onor.” His wife, Elizabeth, died in 1932 and both are buried in the Mill Creek cemetery. They were the parents of eleven children.

J o s e p h E a r l M o r g a n was bom in Preston, Idaho in 1892, a son of Edward Moroni and

Agnes Morgan. Six weeks after his birth, his family moved to Riverton. W hile a youth, he was active in sports and was an avid hunter. He graduated from the eighth grade in 1907 and hired out to herd sheep. He served in the army during W orld W ar I. After returning, he bought a theater building in Riverton and showed the first motion pictures in Riverton. In 1919, he bought Ed Rishton’s home (approx. 13170 S. 1700 W .) on Dry Creek. Shortly after buying this home, he married Judith Wiberg. B om in 1897, she was a daughter of Swedish emigrants John Carl and Amelia Wiberg. Her family had moved to Riverton in 1910, when she was thirteen years old. After finishing her schooling, she worked in the Page-Hansen Store from 1915 until she got married (1 9 1 9 ). W h en she first began, wages were $ 1 .0 0 per day for clerks. Th e standard work day was twelve hours. By the time she stopped working in the store, the eight-hour work day law had been passed and wages had increased to $ 2 .5 0 per day. Joseph and Judith were the parents of four daughters: Elna Lucile (Anderson), Thelma (O rton), Nila Helen (Huff), and Grace Laree (Sonderegger). They lived in the home that Joseph bought at the time of their marriage for forty-eight years. O n his farm, Morgan raised alfalfa, sugar beets, wheat, potatoes, and other produce. He also raised livestock and poultry. Beginning in 1943, Judith worked in Peterson’s Market for a number of years. Judith died in 1969 and Joseph in 1 9 7 1.86

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VERNON H u g h M o r g a n was bom in Riverton in 1894. a son of Edward M . and Agnes

Morgan. He helped with the work on the family farm and attended school until the age of sixteen, at which time he herded sheep on the west desert range. In 1918, he enlisted in the Army, serving principally in France. Upon his return home, he bought (1 9 2 0 ) the James Steadman home (1 3 5 1 8 So. 1700 W .). He farmed the five -acre piece of land on which the house was situated. Being a single man, he continued to live with his parents while renting out the home. In 1928, he married Jane (Jennie) Garfield who was a school teacher boarder at the house on his property. They were the parents of two children: Edward Elden and Agnes Roberta (Kirkham). He bought additional land which he farmed for many years, later selling 3 0 acres to Martin Bowen when it became too much to manage. He contented him self with raising cattle, sheep, and a field of hay. He also started working at various other jobs including being a guard at the Garfield Smelter, a county road supervisor, and a fore man for the U tah State Road Commission at the Midvale shed. He served as a director of the Utah-Salt Lake Canal Company for over forty-five years, twelve of those years as presi dent. Jennie died in 1949 and was buried in Draper. In 1957, he married Mildred Bodell Christensen after his children were raised. He died in 1978. CHRISTIAN M o r t e n s e n was bom in 1877 in Denmark. He came with his family to U tah in

the m id-1880s to Pleasant Grove. His father died in 1888 and the family moved to South Jordan. A t the age of twelve, Mortensen began herding sheep for Thomas Blake. He worked for Blake for six years, receiving food and clothing for his family and herd lambs with which he established his own herd at the age of eighteen. He married Christina Maren Hemmingsen in 1901 and they established their home in South Jordan. They were the par ents of eleven children: Russell Christian, Vera Christine, G rant Harry, Reed, Ruth (Vosburgh/Cleveland), Roland, Rachel (Perry), Gladys (Banhauer), Ivan, Paul Kenneth, and Leola (Dowd). Mortensen remained in the sheep business and engaged in farming. He served a mission to Denmark from 1905 to 1907. Upon his return, he hired Carl Madsen to build an eight-room brick home on the 90-acre parcel of ground that he had purchased in 1904 on the north end of Riverton. He sold his sheep business in 1908 and invested in the Jordan Valley Bank. He purchased the Commercial Building in about 1909. In 1913, he be came a partner with William L. Parry in the Riverton Implement and Vehicle Company.87 Mortensen’s wife, Christina, died in 1918 and eighteen months later in 1920, Mortensen died from influenza. Both were buried in South Jordan. The ten orphaned children remained in the family home provided for by money from the estate and cared for by a cousin, Carrie Bjork, for about six years. W hen Vera was old enough, it was decided that she could shoul der the responsibility of being the “substitute” parent. For some of her younger brothers and sisters, she was the only “mother” they ever knew. Vera never married and died in 1978. Th e children grew up helping with all the work on the family farm.88 GRAN T H a r r y M o r t e n s e n was bom in South Jordan in 1905, a son of Christian and

Christina Mortensen. Orphaned with nine other brothers and sisters when a teenager, he ran the family farm after he finished school. He served a Mormon mission to South Africa from 1926 to 1928. He married Mary Amanda Sabey in 1931 at which time he gave up run ning the family farm. They were the parents of four children: Grant Alan, Marian (Newbold), Ida Christine, and Lowell Paul. G rant established a chicken business and worked in the mine at Lark. After working in the mines for quite a few years, a doctor sug gested that he find other work. He began working in the County Agent’s Office with mi grant farm workers. During the war, he purchased a farm on 2700 W est which he operated until 1964- He also operated a sand and gravel business. During his retirement, Grant be came proficient at raising gladiolus which he exhibited. He died in 1969 and Mary moved from the family home to Idaho Falls in 1972. PAUL K e n n e t h M o r t e n s e n was bom in 1916 in Riverton, a son of Christian and Christina

Mortensen. In 1939, he and his brother Ivan (called Chris) opened an implement and hard ware store. Chris died in 1940 and Paul purchased Chris’s share of the business. In 1940, he changed the product line, switching to furniture and appliances. During the war, appliances

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became scarce so he did construction work and operated a mine. In 1947, he built a new store building (1 6 7 0 W . 12600 S .). In that same year, he married Thelm a C hloe Larsen. They were the parents of two daughters: Carol (Sieverts) and Joan (Penrod). Paul ran his successful furniture store until 1973. A public spirited man, Paul was heavily involved in community life. He served as a member of the Jordan District School Board from 1965 to 1968. He was the mayor of Riverton from 1974 to 1978. A t the time of his death in 1985, he was serving as city treasurer. Thelm a died in 1989. R o l a n d M o r t e n s e n , a son of Christian and Christina Mortensen, was bom in Riverton in

1911. He was orphaned at the age of seven. He married Iris W arr in 1936. They were par ents of four children: Charlene, Roland Lynn, Chris, and Randy. Roland owned and oper ated the first meat locker plant in Riverton. It was located next to David Bills’ old store. He sold this plant and built a service station across the street on 126 0 0 South. H e died in 1955 and was buried in South Jordan. W ith the youngest child only two years old, Iris found it necessary to sell their home and business in Riverton. CHARLES F r e d e r ic k M y e r s , son of Jacob and A n n a Myers, was bom in Riverton in 1885.

W hile a youth, he learned to milk cows, drive a team of horses on the harrow, plow, and herd sheep. In 1906, he married Annie May Butterfield, daughter of Zachariah and Crilla Maria Butterfield. Their first home was located on the southwest co m er of Myers Lane and Redwood Road (1 1 8 1 2 So. 1700 W .). They then moved to a farm in South Jordan that they leased from Frank Mortensen. Later, Jacob Myers gave them a building lot west of his or chard on Myers Lane. They moved their two-room house from M ortensen’s farm to this new location, later adding a two-room addition to it (2 2 8 5 W . 11 8 0 0 S .). H e raised sheep for a few years, but after selling his herd, he leased farms, hauled produce to Bingham, and hauled milk to the processing plant in Riverton. During the Depression, he underwent a gall blad der operation which left him very weakened and unable to perform strenuous physical labor. As a result, they lost their home and had to move to Salt Lake City. U nder the advice of a physician, he moved to California for his health. He leased and operated a service station, retiring at the age of seventy. He died in 1966 and A nnie May died in 1967 and both were buried in Riverton. They were the parents of nine children: Crilla Aldura (Egbert), Tressa Margaret (W ebster), Elden Vernon, Charles W hitney, W ayne Zachariah, Sheldon J, Lova Bell (Thulin), Leola May, and C hloe Lame. J a c o b M y e r s was bom in 1847 in Denmark. His family were converts to the Mormon

Church, Jacob joining in 1859. In 1862, they sold their farm in Denmark and emigrated to U tah. Soon after their arrival, the family took up land to farm in South Cottonwood (301 W . 6 4 0 0 S .). Jacob helped his father on the farm, worked as a night herder of oxen and mules, and on a railroad construction job in W yoming. In the late 1860s, he bought a gro cery store in Salt Lake City which he owned and operated for three years. He traded the store for a farm in South Cottonwood and a year thereafter sold his store for a new wagon, harness and team of horses. In 1876, he married a Danish acquaintance, A nna Margaretha Johansen Flemming, a widow with two children. A t the time of his marriage, he was em ployed at the Germania Smelter where he worked until 1880. A t that time, he homesteaded a tract of 160 acres in Riverton. He did this in partnership with a Mr. M cCormick, but eventually he farmed only his half of the eighty acres. They maintained their home in South Cottonwood for a few years until Jacob constructed a rough cellar home with a pitched roof just above the ground on the Riverton farm. He soon replaced this structure with a log house and then later with a more substantial brick home. His farm was situated on a rough piece of ground which was marked by hollows and washes. It was located east of the Big Canal on the south side of the lane (11800 So.) which later was given the name Myers Lane.89 W hen the U tah and Salt Lake Canal was completed, it solved the problem of water runoff and washouts and he was slowly able to fill in and level the hollows. He planted two large fruit orchards— on the north and south sides of his home. In 1887, Jacob became a U.S. citi zen, at that time changing the spelling of his name from “Meyer” to “Myers.” Jacob adopted the two children by A nn a’s previous marriage and they were the parents of twelve children:

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Laura Margaret (adopted), Hyrum Peter (adopted), John Louis, Lionell Lafayette, Annie (Garside), Clara Sophia Elenora (Hibbard), Lillie Mary Hannah (Boyakin), Charles Frederick, Alfred Jacob, Florence Elizabeth (Stokes), Wilford Jacob, Nellie Carrie (Richey/Payne), Mamie Margaret (W ard), and Urban Golden. In 1912, A nna died of can cer and was buried in Riverton. A son, Wilford, remembers that his father worked as a field man for the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company. “He sampled beets to figure out what content of the beets was sugar. W hen they get up to a certain point of sugar then they give 'em the order to dig.”90 In 1916, Jacob married a Swedish widow, Helga Adamson. He bought a home on State Street in Murray and moved there with his new wife and her son. In 1918, he was fatally struck by a car while walking by the roadside. He was buried in Riverton. LlONELL L a f a y e t t e M y e r s was bom in Cottonwood, Utah, in 1879. One year after his birth, his father, Jacob Myers, moved the family to Riverton. W hen Lionell was eleven years old, he hired out to herd sheep, principally working in Wyoming. In accepting sheep for pay, he amassed a sizeable herd. He left his herd when called to serve a mission in the South. W hile on his mission, he met Estella Holley, who he afterwards married in 1910. She didn’t want to live in Wyoming so he sold his sheep herd and bought a 120-acre farm in Riverton. It was located on Myers Lane (1 1 8 0 0 South), most of it on the north side. He began by rais ing tomatoes, alfalfa, grain, and some potatoes. His young wife passed away in a runaway horse accident while returning from the LDS General Conference in 1913. In 1915, he mar ried Blanche Holley. He was a director of the Riverton Farms Dairy, Riverton Livestock Company, and a director and organizer of the Riverton Canning Company. As with numer ous others, he suffered financially when the market for feeder cattle dropped. He was man ager of the Riverton Livestock Feed Mill, which was forced to discontinue operation. His forceful preaching style in Church tended to scare young children. Margaret Park Petersen said that the minute that he would get up in church to bear his testimony, her “palms would start to sweat.” She said, “One time he was talking so loud, he blew out his false teeth. Never missed a stride, he just put 'em back in and went right on talking.”91 Blanche died in 1961 and Lionell passed away the next year at the age of 82. WlLFORD J a c o b M y e r s was bom in Riverton in 1890, a son of Jacob and Annie M. Myers.

W h en he was fourteen, he got a job working in the Midvale smelter. He did yard clean-up work there, working a twelve-hour shift six days a week. He rode there in a horse-drawn cart, working there until he was about eighteen years old. As a teenager, he was a pitcher on the Riverton baseball team that played against other town teams. He worked as a sheep herder prior to serving a mission in Michigan from 1911 to 1913. He married Edna Mary Lloyd in 1915. They had seven children: Newell Lloyd, Gwena Joyce, Mildred Ethel (Larsen), Merlin Gilbert, Ellis Wilford, Helen (Gardner), and Allan Jacob. He farmed and later engaged in various mining ventures. He was the first bishop of the Riverton 2nd Ward, called in 1927. During the Depression, he played a major part in securing permission to cut firewood for those in need from the trees in Butterfield Canyon. He died in 1985 and was buried in Riverton. H a n s N e il s o n was bom in Sweden in 1831. He married Kjerstina Anderson and they were

the parents of seven children, only three of whom lived to adulthood. In 1877, the Neilsons were converted by Mormon missionaries. They sold their home and emigrated to America, settling on a 37-acre farm in Riverton on the Lower Road (1 3 0 0 W .).92 Hans never learned to speak English, but his wife did. In 1889, they moved to Franklin, Idaho. Hans died there in 1907 and Kjerstina died in Greenville (North Logan), Utah, in 1913. Both are buried in Franklin. N e il s “H” N e il s o n was bom in Sweden in 1864- He received the middle initial “H” from a

Sunday School teacher in Sweden to distinguish him from all the other Neils Neilson’s in the class and retained it throughout his life. His father was Hans Neilson, an early settler of Riverton. The Neilsons settled in Riverton in the mid-1870s. In 1887, Neils married Sarah A nn Cartwright, who came from England to Riverton in 1885. She and her family had

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joined the Mormon Church in England. She emigrated to Am erica without her family and spent two years working and saving to help bring the rest of her family to U tah . Neils and Sarah A nn only had the first of their fourteen children in Riverton, moving to Idaho in 1888. W hile in Riverton, they resided in a log granary with a dirt roof and plank floor. It was situated in the river bottoms. Altogether, Neils and Sarah moved twenty-six times during their married life. Sarah passed away in 1932 and Neils in 1944; both are buried in Lewiston, U tah, the town where they died. PHILLIP N e l l was b o m in Germany in 1838. He emigrated to A m erica and married Clara Rozilla Nokes in Illinois in 1863. They joined the Mormon C hurch while living in Minnesota in 1876. Thereafter, they moved to U tah , settling in Riverton, building their home on the west side of the Lower Road (1 3 0 0 W .) in the vicinity of the church/schoolhouse. They apparently first built a log home and then (about 1880) built an adobe brick house south of the log home. Phillip and Clara raised a large family: H enrietta Melissa (Bills), Laura Maria (Rishton/Peterson), Rufus Henry, Maud Janett (Bates), Oscar Vernon, Flora Emeline (Fisher), Susan May (Kone/Ruple), Reuben Phillip, Maria Bate (Silcox), Gertrude Harriet (H ansen), Clara Rozilla (M aynard), Franklin W illiam, and N ina Myrtle. Phillip died in 1896 and Clara in 1938. W h en Clara died, her obituary reported that she had 215 living descendants. Both were buried in Riverton. WILLIAM H e n r y N e w m a n , S r . was bom in England in 1838. He married Maria Hunt in

1862 and they were the parents of ten children. After joining the LDS Church in England, one of their children, W illiam Henry Jr., emigrated to A m erica with his Newman grandpar ents. The rest of the family cam e later and settled in Herriman where the last of their chil dren was bom (1 8 8 6 ). Th e names of their children were: Sarah A n n (Butterfield), Annie Harriet, William Henry, Heber Thomas, Vilate Sophia (Butterfield), A lbert Charles, Franklin James, Joseph Albert, Fredrick Henry, and Herbert John. T h e Newmans moved to Riverton about 1891. William Newman is remembered by old timers as one of the town’s memorable characters. Owen Hamilton recalled an unforgettable incident: “W e were haul ing hay in the field on hay racks and. . . . we went over to the Morgan road and made the turn and Bill Newman, Sr. cam e across the road with his pants hanging on one side and the suspender on the other. He always put up one suspender, no hat on, his hair sticking in the air. He was nice to talk to though, but he stopped us and we talked to him for awhile. Bud Bills had the shotgun in his hand and we always had black powder shells, so we got talking and Bill rolled a cigarette and put it in his mouth. Bud Bills said, ‘I ought to shoot that out of your mouth.’ He said, ‘G o ahead.’ A nd bang! He did it so quick, but having that black pow der and all the shells, you shoot and then ran forward to see if you hit what you shot at. All Bill had left hanging in his mouth was the stub of the cigarette. His face, from this black powder, was really black.”93 Newman died in 1916 in Riverton. h o m a s N ic h o l s was bom in England in 1867. W hen he was nine years old, he went to work in the spinning works to help his mother in the support of the family as his father had died. He left England when he was 17, arriving in U tah in 1884. He hoped to earn money to send for the rest of his family in England. He worked for a short while in Franklin, Idaho, but only received produce for pay. After explaining his situation to some men from Herriman who he met in Salt Lake, he went to Herriman and hired out. W hile working for various men in Herriman, he was able to earn sufficient to send for his mother, brothers and sisters. W hile boarding and working for William H. Freeman for two years (1 8 8 5 —1887), he courted their oldest daughter, N ancy Jane. Tom and N ancy married in 1889. In the mid1890s, they bought a farm at the south end of Riverton (13601 S. 1700 W .) where they raised their family, which eventually numbered four children: Sara Sophia, Mary Jane (H all), Minnie Adeline (A llen), and Edward H. They also adopted a little girl, Fay (Raddon). They raised fruit and vegetables which they transported to sell in Lark and Herriman. He served an LDS Church mission to England from 1898 to 1900. He was a founding vice president and director of the Jordan Valley Bank. He operated a confectionery store from 1923 until it was destroyed by a fire in about 1926. N ancy passed away in 1928. In

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1932, he married an Australian, Julia May Nash. She died in 1936 and in 1938 he married Jemima L. Page, who lived until 1952. Tom died in 1954. JENS N ie l s e n was bom in Denmark in 1837. He married Mathilda Kristine Marie Bach and

they had six children: Andrew, Niels, Mary (Butterfield), Anthony, Nettie, and Minnie. Jens and Mathilda joined the Mormon Church in 1878 and brought their family to Utah in 1880, initially settling in Mill Creek. They moved to Riverton in 1882, buying and farming 80-acres of ground in the late 1880s. Jens also built a few homes in Riverton. Mathilda died in 1920 and her husband in 1922. ie l se n was bom in Denmark in 1881. He married Evelyn (Eva) Pearl Walker in 1910. They moved to an adobe house on a 49-acre farm on the top of old “Tithing Yard Hill.” He engaged in farming and mining. They lived in the old adobe home until 1913, when Eva prevailed upon her husband to move to Salt Lake City. To her dismay, Eva began missing the country life and told her husband that if he would move her back to the farm, she promised to never complain again. They returned to the little adobe house on their farm. In 1925 they hired Alvin E. Miller to remodel their home (1140 W . 12400 S .).9'* They reared twelve children. Niels passed away in 1955 in Idaho and Eva died in 1959 in Midvale.

N lELS J e n se n N

CHARLES M o r m o n N o k e s was bom in Iowa in 1853. He spent his boyhood days on the frontiers of Minnesota and became an experienced woodsman. He joined the Mormon Church in 1876 and emigrated to U tah. In 1879, he married Caroline Matilda Hamilton, a daughter of James L. and Mary A nn Hamilton in 1879. She was an aunt of Tom and Reuben Hamilton. Prior to marrying Caroline, he had been engaged to her sister, Charlotte. Each time he would set a date for their wedding, Charlotte would change it. She kept putting him off. The girls’ mother, Mary A nn, said to him, “Now Charles, if I were you, I would marry Caroline just to spite her [Charlotte].”95 Charles took the mother’s advice and married Caroline. According to Viola Nokes Dowdy, a daughter, Charlotte was incensed. Charlotte then married a well-to-do Riverton sheep man, George Francis Beckstead. They moved into a home directly across the street from the Nokes’ farm. Viola Nokes Dowdy claims that when Charlotte couldn’t get her father, Charles, mad or jealous, they sold the home and moved to Provo. Shortly after marrying Caroline, he homesteaded some land fronting on Redwood Road, making improvements on the land as early as 1881, while his family was liv ing in Mill Creek. He served an LDS Church mission to N orth Carolina and Virginia from 1882 to 1884. Upon returning, he moved his family to Riverton. He also took a plural wife in 1885, Sarah Elizabeth Shores, who he had met in North Carolina. He was arrested on September 29, 1888, on a charge of unlawful cohabitation.96 His daughter, Viola Nokes Dowdy, claimed that her father, unlike the other polygamists in Riverton, didn’t go into hiding and gave himself up because he wasn’t ashamed of being a polygamist.97 On October 18, 1888, he appeared before Third District Court Judge Elliot Sandford. In answer to a question posed by the court, he admitted that he knew he was breaking the law when he married his second wife. His attorney told the court that he was a poor man and would be unable to pay any fine imposed on him.98 Nonetheless, at the age of 35, he was sentenced to prison for 85 days and a fine of $ 150 was imposed.99 W hile in prison, other polygamist pris oners taught him the art of making bathrobes out of tied cloth knots. He made a bathrobe for each of his wives. He tried to get an early release on a writ of habeas corpus, which was denied.100 In lieu of paying the $ 1 5 0 fine, he served an extra thirty days in prison, having served a total of 115 days.101 Nokes was father of seventeen children by his two wives, eleven of whom were bom after he served his prison sentence. His children by his first wife were: Mary Caroline (Bendixen), Matilda Ellen (Pixton), Charles Mormon, James Robert, Benjamin Hamilton, and Harold Templeton. They lived in a handsome Victorian Eclectic style brick home (13211 So. 1700 W .). His children by his second wife included William Franklin, John Nephi, Elizabeth Virginia, Ethel Mercey (Sullivan), Horace Sylvester, Anna Laura (Anderson), Mahonri Moriancumer, Viola May (Levorsen/Dowdy), Seth Conrad, Harriet Irene (Padley), and Charles Stanley. This family lived on the brow of a small rise on Redwood Road north of the family orchard (13083 So. 1700 W .). The family operated a

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molasses mill behind this house. Th e principal means of income for the families was derived from honey and fruit growing. In fact, Nokes became a fruit inspector for the county. Soon after the death of his first wife, he moved in 1926 from Riverton to Salt Lake City. He died there in 1932. He is remembered for having donated the land for the cemetery and planting the grove of shade trees north of the dome church. P e d e r O l s e n was bom in Denmark in 1815. He married Dorthea Pedersen in 1844. They were Mormon converts; he in 1865 and she in 1857. A ll their ten children were bom in Denmark. They emigrated to Am erica (prob. 18 7 0 ) and moved to Riverton in the early 1870s (prob. 1872). They located on the Lower Road near the boundary with South Jordan. He was a farmer on a small scale in his first few years of settlement. In 1873, he had a cow (valued at $ 3 0 ), some horses, and a wagon.102 Peder apparently died prior to 1880 as Dorthea is listed as being single in the 1880 U .S . census. Dorthea died in 1910. EDWARD O r g il l was bom in England in 1849. Shortly after losing an arm and badly crip pling a leg in a mill accident, he emigrated to A m erica, arriving in U tah in 1868. He settled initially in Draper, earning a living as a school teacher. In 1876, he married one of his stu dents, Mary A n n Farmer. After their marriage, they resided two years in Herriman, there after settling in Riverton. For many years, Orgill taught school and led the ward choir. Despite his physical handicap, he employed his skills as a stone cutter and mason in helping build the Salt Lake Temple. He enjoyed calling dances at the Riverton Amusement Hall and umpired and managed local baseball teams. He served as a mail carrier for twenty-two years. He was the father of twelve children, passing away at the age of seventy-six in 1926. GwYNNE P a g e was bom in 1885 in Scofield, U tah, a son of Thomas P. and Harriet Page.

His family moved to Riverton in 1891. After serving a church mission in the South (1 9 0 6 —1908), he returned and married Mary Jensen in 1910. They were the parents of six children: Joyce, Bernice, Gwen (Shulsen), W aldo, Don, and Lajuana (A d elt). He served as manager of the Page-Hansen Company for ten years. Riverton M otor, initially a Ford dealer ship, was established in 1920 by a trio of investors including Page. He bought out Orrin Berrett and Clyde Terry and by 1922 was the sole owner. He was president of this prosperous local business until his death in 1962. A ctive in business affairs, he served as a director of the Jordan Valley Bank and of the Sandy-Midvale and Riverton branch of the W alker Bank. He was a director of the U tah Apartm ent House Association for twelve years, partner in the Page-Berrett Realtors Company, and owner of the Page Apartments. In public affairs, he was a member of the Salt Lake County Commission from 1940 to 1946. Page served as a presi dent of the Salt Lake County Library Board, a director in the Jordan School District (1 9 3 6 -1 9 4 0 ), president of the Riverton Lions Club, and president of the Riverton Old Folks Com m ittee. Having been instrumental in pushing the “Deer Creek W ater Project,” Page was a charter director in the Salt Lake County W ater Conservancy District. He served as president of the Riverton Town Board from 1950 to 1954. In 1992, he was inducted into the Riverton Hall of Honor. h o m a s P h il l ip s P a g e was bom in 1850 in England. In 1871, he joined the Mormon Church and emigrated to U tah in 1872. Previously experienced in clerical work, he had to get accustomed to working in the mines, the railroad, and other manual labor jobs. In 1873, he married Emma Harms and they were the parents of five children: A nna, David, Emily, Phoebe (Sleater), and Alice (Sleater). Page worked for a time as an agent of the Bingham C anon and Camp Floyd Railway. He bought a small tract of land in-Union, and by dint of working at the smelters, teaching school, and other jobs, he made a rather scant living. W hile maintaining his home in Union, he homesteaded 80 acres of unirrigated land in Riverton. During the years 1880 and 1881, he worked on the U tah and Salt Lake Canal. He and Emma divorced and in 1882, he married Harriet Elizabeth Frankland and the following year they moved to Scofield where he managed stores and boardinghouses for the Union Pacific Railway at their coal mines. They lived there for seven years, thereafter moving to Riverton. Thomas and Harriet were the parents of eleven children: Thomas Independence,

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Gwynne, Harriet (Freeman), Pauline (Nielsen), Maud (Butterfield), Marchell (Wiberg), Marmaduke, Roland, Gwalter, Meredith, and Leici (W hetm an). In 1891, he opened a small mercantile establishment which progressively developed into the largest mercantile store outside Salt Lake City in the county. Much of the credit is due him for promoting the instal lation of a pumping plant on the Jordan River which effectively ended the drought and brought water into the dry canals in the early 1900s. He was a world traveler, having crossed the A tlantic O cean twelve times and circumnavigated the globe. He served several missions for the Mormon Church, principally in the Mediterranean. W hile laboring on a mission in Turkey in the early 1900s, he established a factory for the manufacture of Turkish rugs and developed trade relations for their sale in U tah and elsewhere. Many in Riverton fondly re member visiting his store on the day after Christmas to get a present. All the presents that hadn’t been sold before Christmas were put around the big Christmas tree in the store and the children drew numbers which corresponded to the presents surrounding the tree. Maurine Steadman Page recalled that, when she was three, she drew the number for a big doll. Her mother “put it up on the dresser and I couldn’t play with it but I could step on a chair and look at it.”103 He was elected to two terms in the state house of representatives, serv ing in his second term as chairman of the committee on revenue and taxation. A n interest ing description of his physical appearance was listed on a visa which allowed him to travel in Germany in 1 9 0 0 .104 A t the time, he was 49 years old, 5 feet 8 inches tall, high forehead, blue eyes, pointed nose, moustache, round chin, grayish hair, dark complexion, and round face. Ed Beckstead recalled that T . P. Page was hard of hearing and that he used to stutter. Beckstead remembered an embarrassing moment in the old domed church: “Reub Hamilton was sitting on the chair by him [Page]. As he [Hamilton] put his arm around, he knocked old man Page’s wig off. ‘Aaah aaah, B-B-B-Brother H am ilton!,’ [said Page]. He knocked his wig right off. He was a good old guy, too.”105 After twenty years as store manager, he retired in 1913, succeeded by John Hansen, Jr., but retaining the position of president of the institu tion.106 Thomas P. Page died in 1933 and Harriet in 1945 and both were buried in Riverton. JOSEPH P a r k was bom in England in 1881. W hen he was nine years old, he emigrated to

America with his family. They settled in a mining town in Michigan. Some of his brothers decided to travel west in search of better employment. They settled in Lark. W ith their com bined earnings, they were able to send for the rest of the family, including Joe. He was 19 when he arrived in Lark in 1900. In 1904, he married Lucy Emeline Bills, a daughter of George Wellington and Lucy Eudora Merrill Bills. She had been bom in Bluffdale in 1883 and had attended school in the old Riverton four-room school. Lucy was a Mormon and Joe was Episcopalian. They had nine children: Henry Wellington, Joseph Archie, Earl LeRoy, Myrtle Lucy, John Raymond, Florence Leone, LaVar, Beth (Bone), and Margaret (Petersen). Shortly after their marriage, they moved from Lark to Riverton. In 1910, they bought an acre of land from David Bills on which they planned to build their home. In 1913, they began building their home (12437 So. 1700 W est). Joe worked as a miner and millworker. In 1918, he suffered a serious accident while working in the old Lark mill. He was hospitalized for eight months. He also was a partner with his father-in-law in a general merchandise store which they started in 1905. He worked as a butcher in that venture. They started business in a small room on the north side of the Commercial Building, but shortly expanded to occupy almost the entire ground floor. They carried a full line of groceries, dry goods, shoes, glass ware, flour and grain, and all kinds of fresh and cured meats. A description of their business in an illustrated gazetteer noted that they were “hustlers who believe in going after business and not waiting for it to come” to them .107 He worked for the county and also was postmaster in Riverton from 1934 to 1936. He was active in politics, community affairs, and managed local baseball teams for many years. He died in 1936 and Lucy died in 1952. RACHEL M o r t e n s e n P e r r y was bom in Riverton in 1912, a daughter of Christian and Christina Mortensen. After high school, she attended LDS Business College for a year. She then worked for Sweet Candy Co. for a year before the Depression. She went to California and got a job with her sister Gladys and brother Paul in a cannery. W hile there, she met and married Edward Mendonca Perry in 1936. They worked together remodeling, renting, and

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selling property. They returned to live in Riverton in 1943. They continued for awhile with rental properties in Salt Lake, but decided to focus their energies on building homes and apartments in Riverton. They raised two children: Michael and Vera Lynne (Petersen). Ed died in 1976. Rachel was active in helping organize the Riverton Senior Citizens. CHRISTIAN P e t e r s e n was bom in 1853 in Denmark. He was a son of Peder and Dorthea

Olsen and came with his parents to Am erica about 1870. They were one of the early fami lies to settle in Riverton. He married Rasmena Juliann Mary Pedersen in 1876. They were the parents of fifteen children: Dora Caroline (Butterfield), Christian Oscar, Anders LeRoy, Peter, John, V em on, Angus, Mabel Ruth (A ylett), Minnie (Beckstead), A nnie Petrea (Spencer), Clothield (Young), Louie G race, Veda Augusta (H ansen), Milo Moyle, and Lillie. Five of their children died in infancy. In the m id-1880s, Petersen was elected consta ble of the Riverton Precinct. In 1893, he was one of the incorporators of the Riverton Commercial Company; a minor stockholder in the corporation which built the Commercial Building. Prior to the turn of the century, he was in the m eat business and engaged in farm ing. He moved to Midway in W asatch County about 1900. His wife, Minnie, died there in 1901. He returned to Riverton in 1902 and married Rosa Bell W right in 1908. A t the time of his death in 1913, he was the manager of a cleaning company. A t that time he was living in Salt Lake City. H e was instantly killed by being struck by a moving steel crane at Garfield.108 He was buried in Riverton, as were his wives. EDGAR R a y P e t e r s e n was bom in Riverton on June 1, 1886, a son of Ole and Ella Brown

Petersen. He helped tend cows and plant and raise the crops on the family farm on the west side of the Lower Road (1 3 0 0 W .) at about 12000 South. In his teens, he hired out to work in sheep camps. In 1907, he married M artha V. Smith, a farm girl from Draper. After mak ing their first home in Draper, they settled for brief periods of time at Salt Lake City, Magna, Garfield, Roy, and Sunset. For most of their early married years, Ray worked for the U tah Copper Company. For health reasons, he left their employ in 1913 and took up farming. In 1921, he took his family back to Riverton, working again for U tah Copper and living for a few months in John Hansen’s old home which was just north of his parents’ place. They moved into a small home on a 30-acre farm on the “Flat,” on the edge of Riverton and South Jordan, 11400 South and Pole Line Road (2 7 0 0 W .). Although most of the Petersen children attended school in South Jordan, the family’s church records were retained in the Riverton W ard. In 1934, they moved back to live in the old adobe home on the Lower Road in which Ray had spent his childhood. His parents had made this home available to them by moving across the street into the old Fergus Lord home (1 2 0 3 1 S. 1300 W .). O ne of their children, Allan Ole, died in the tragic train-bus accident in 1938. W ith money obtained in the settlement offered by the railroad, they built a new home on the east side of the Lower Road (11971 S. 1300 W .). Ray and Martha had seven children: Ray Dean, Nelda Vilate (Richardson), Mary Afton (G reen), R ex Edgar, A llan Ole, Willis Lauritz, and Robert Virgil. Ray became seriously ill from the dust and pollutants produced at the smelter, passing away in 1951. Martha lived to be 9 0 years old, passing away in 1974. JOSEPH M e l v in P e t e r s e n was bom in Riverton in 1888, the son of James and Mary Sophia

Simonsen Petersen, Mormon converts from Denmark. He was bom in a little two-room house on the edge of a ravine on the site where another house is presently situated (1 1 8 6 9 S. 1700 W .). This ravine carried flood and waste waters which formed in a pond below the home. He helped with the farm work on his father’s 80-acre farm while growing up. In 1905, at the age of seventeen, he left home to work at the Midvale smelter. W hile working there, he boarded at the McSporran boarding house. Th e McSporran’s had several daughters who waited on the boarding house tables and worked in the kitchen. Melvin was attracted to one of the daughters, Christina May “Teenie” and after a two-year courtship, they married in 1907. After their marriage, they lived at the boarding house while Teenie waited tables and Mel worked at the smelter. In 1908, Mel got a job at the Yampa smelter so they moved to Bingham. In 1910, Mel was injured in a fiery accident at the smelter. After his recovery, he was offered his choice of jobs if he promised not to sue the company. He chose to run a crane

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at the Magna smelter, so they moved to Salt Lake. He worked at Magna until 1912 after which he returned to Riverton to take up farming. They lived for five years in the old family home as his parents had moved to a new home which they had built in South Jordan. Mel had received a 7-acre parcel as a gift from his father at the very south end of the homestead. They contracted with Alvin Miller to build a home for them on this lot. They lived in this home (12183 S. 1700 W .) for the remainder of their lives. They raised six children: Vera Leona (Heugly), Gladys Teenie (Steadman), A rch Melvin, Roy Clifton, Donald Boyd, and Elaine (M ann). In addition to his own land (to which he added additional acreage), he man aged the 240-acre Rufus K. Hardy farm from 1928 to 1954. He served as president of the Salt Lake County Farm Bureau from 1946 to 1956. He was a supervisor of the W est Salt Lake Soil Conservation District for twelve years. He served two 4-year terms as justice of the peace in Riverton and was road supervisor of the Riverton area for seven years. After the re-incorpora tion of the town in 1948, Mel was appointed as one of the trustees on the town board. Mel passed away in 1964 and Teenie in 1967, both buried in the South Jordan cemetery. l e P e t e r s e n was bom in Denmark in 1846. His parents, Peder and Dorthea Olsen, were early Mormon converts who brought their family to U tah in the early 1870s. They moved to Riverton about 1872. Ole married Ella Brown, a Kentucky-born Mormon convert in 1884They lived in Riverton for the duration of their lives. Their first home was a log cabin on the west side of the Lower Road (approx. 12000 S. 1300 W .). They later built an adobe brick home. They farmed and raised livestock on the acreage surrounding their home. They were the parents of seven children: Ole Thomas, Edgar Ray, Dorthea Fanny (Rasmussen), Caroline Agnes (W illiams), Ella (Swenson), Peter Earl, and Frona Winifred (Taylor). In his later years, Ole became blind. Don Petersen, a grand nephew, recalled that Ole “had to have a line from the back door of his house to go out into the yard. H e’d take ahold of that line and follow it to wherever he wanted to go.”109 Ole died in 1933 and Ella in 1 939.110 Both were buried in Riverton.

R e x E d g a r P e t e r s e n was bom in Roy, U tah, in 1915. He graduated from Jordan High

School in 1933 and married Ramona Mason, a daughter of William and Maida Mason, in 1938. They were parents of two sons: Dennis and Dick. Rex worked for the U tah Copper Company for forty years, from 1935 until 1975. W lLLIS L a u r it z P e t e r s e n was bom in 1920 in Sunset, Utah. In 1921, his parents, Edgar Ray

and Martha Petersen, moved their family to Riverton. In 1922, they moved to South Jordan. He served a mission in the N orth Central States for the Mormon Church, working mostly with Sioux Indians. In 1942, he married Margarett Park, a daughter of Joseph and Lucy Park. Willis served with the Marines in the South Pacific during World W ar II. They were the par ents of five children: Willis Lauritz, Jr., Leslee, Allan D., Kristine, and Dean Brian. Willis was a general building contractor. He contracted and built the Riverton Town Hall (12877 So. 1700 W .), completed in 1956. He served as a bishop of the Riverton 2nd Ward, served on the Planning and Zoning Commission, and was a city councilman from 1970 to 1972. il l ia m “L u t e ” P e t e r s o n was bom in 1880 in South Jordan. During his youth, he herded sheep. He married Margaret Crump and they were the parents of four children: Alda, Mary Arvilla (Bennett), Velma (O rr), and Louis William. Margaret died in 1913 and about a year later, he married Grace Vawdry. They moved from Bluffdale to Riverton in 1914, building a brick Prairie-Style bungalow (13191 So. 1700 W .) in 1921. They had a 5-acre apple orchard and were in the poultry business. They were the parents of six children: W allace Gayle, Gladys (Murray), Ivie (Brady), Louis Boyd, Kenneth Crapo, and Afton Bruce. Lute also worked as a butcher and cattle buyer for Dave Bills. In 1930, they built a new brick home on Redwood Road (1 2940 South). In 1938, Lute started a meat and grocery store in the Page Building. In 1939, he bought the old domed church, which was demolished and Peterson’s Market was constructed on that property. They later also sold appliances and furniture. They also built a building south of the market in which they established a confec tionery. O n the second floor, Grace operated the Smart Shop and Apron Factory businesses.

LOUIS W

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Lute and G race moved to Sandy in 1947, establishing several businesses in that community. Their son, Bruce, took over the market in Riverton in 1952. Lute died in 1962 and Grace died ten years later. M a r t h a S il c o c k P ix t o n was bom in Tooele in 1852, the daughter of Nicholas Thomas and Jane Silcock, early Riverton pioneers. She wrote of her early life in Riverton that she “knew nothing but pioneer life and underwent privation in connection with my parents and brothers and sisters. . . . My education was very limited in book learning, but rich in the school of experiance.”111 In 1869, she married Robert Pixton, Sr. A plural wife, she moved with him to Leeds in Southern U tah where she resided for 14 years. She was the mother of five children: Alm a, Nellie, Seth Silcock, Jane (Bowers), and Olive (Eardley). Robert Pixton died in 1881 and M artha returned to Riverton with her children in 1883. She was active in church affairs, serving as the second president of the Riverton Primary (1 8 8 5 -1 8 9 6 ) and Relief Society treasurer ( 1 8 8 3 -1 8 9 7 ). Prior to leaving Riverton to move to Salt Lake City in 1897, she shared some parting thoughts with the women in the ward. Undoubtedly reflecting on her own trials, she remarked that “the battle was not to the swift but to those that endured to the end.” Such a public expression was difficult for her, previ ously having attested that “she would rather listen than talk [because] she had been rather backward in learning to talk.”112 In 1916, she passed away after a long illness and was buried in Salt Lake City. S e t h S il c o c k P ix t o n was bom in 1875 in Leeds, U tah, the son of Robert Pixton and Martha Silcock. In 1883, after Robert Pixton’s death, M artha took her three living children back to Riverton. After finishing his studies in the comm on schools, Seth attended Brigham Young Academy and graduated from Latter-day Saints’ College in Salt Lake C ity in 1894He married Ellen W eaver in 1897. After filling a mission to G reat Britain from 1899 to 1901, he bought an interest in T . P. Page’s store, it then being known as the Page-Pixton Store. He lived in Riverton until 1904, when he moved to Salt Lake City to serve a two-year term as chief tax assessor and collector for Salt Lake County. He returned to Riverton in 1906, taking a position as cashier of the Jordan Valley Bank, which position he held for fif teen years. Until 1909, he concurrently managed the bank and served as postmaster. He was instrumental in bringing culinary water, electricity, and telephone service to Riverton. He served on the Jordan School District board of education for eight years, six of them as its president. During W orld W ar I, he served on the Selective Service Board. In 1921, he was appointed State Bank Commissioner, at which time he moved from Riverton to Salt Lake City. He died in 1956. E d w a r d R a y was bom in England in 1863 (or 1866). He joined the Mormon Church in

1882 and emigrated to Am erica in 1883. He proceeded to U tah in 1885 where he worked as a watchmaker in Salt Lake City. He married Julia Amanda Ostler of South Jordan in 1887. They were the parents of nine children, six of whom died in infancy. H e moved to Riverton in about 1888, purchasing a 5-acre plot of ground south of the school/meetinghouse (ap proximately 1200 W . 13300 S .). They moved to Salt Lake City in 1890. His wife passed away at their home in Midvale in 1951. In 1953, Ray married Susan Neeley Dunkley. He passed away in 1957 at age 9 4 and was buried in South Jordan. is h t o n , a farmer, was bom in England on January 4, 1834. He emigrated to U tah in 1852. His wife, Mary A nn, bore 14 children in communities in W eber County and at Am erican Fork before the family moved to Riverton in 1884- Edward Rishton engaged in farming on 4 0 acres on the west side of Redwood Road in the vicinity of “Dry Creek” (ap proximately 13100 S o .).113 Mary A nn died in Riverton in 1901 and Edward Rishton died in Sandy, U tah in 1916.

Edw ard R

ELMER A l v in S e a l was bom in Riverton in 1894, a son of Franklin E. Seal and Mary Ellen

Bills. In 1913, he married Margaret Kathleen “Kay” W alker. They lived in Lark where he worked at th e mine. They were the parents of two children: Elma Mary (Johnson) and Deno Elmer. In about 1920, they purchased and moved to live on a farm in the southwest section

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of Riverton. In addition to farming, he raised pigs and turkeys and later served as president and director of the U tah Poultry Association. A ctive in developing water resources, he served as a president of the Provo Reservoir W ater Users Canal, Weber River W ater Users Association, and was instrumental in advancing the building of the Deer Creek Reservoir. After W orld W ar II, they moved into a home on Redwood Road (11797 South). W hen the boundaries changed and his home was adjudged to be in South Jordan, he wanted to be back in Riverton so he built a home further south on Redwood Road (11945 South). He served as a president of the Riverton Lions Club and as a president of the Riverton Town Board from 1954 to 1958. During his term in office, the town hall was built and major improvements were made in the park. Kay passed away in 1955 and Elmer remarried in 1956 (to Melba Peterson). Elmer died in 1973. FRANKLIN E d w a r d S e a l was bom in England in 1856, the son of Henry Seal, Sr. and

Elizabeth W headon. His mother died when he was two years old. He was sent to live with his mother’s sister, returning after the space of a few years to his father’s home upon his re marriage. He was taken out of school in the third grade to work in a factory to contribute to the family’s welfare. In 1876 at the age of 19, he worked for his passage to America aboard a Mormon emigrant ship. Upon arriving in U tah, he obtained employment weaving cloth at a factory in W est Jordan. After a short time in the factory, he accepted an offer from William Andrew Bills to herd sheep. He saved his earnings and sent for his half-brother, Henry Seal, Jr. W hile working for Bills, he became acquainted with one of his daughters, Mary Ellen Bills. In 1882, they married. Their first home was in South Jordan situated on 10 acres of land. In 1884, they traded their home and land for a one-room adobe house on a 35-acre parcel of land in Riverton. They had to clear the land of sagebrush before it could be culti vated. He built up a prosperous meat and vegetable trade in Bingham. He served an LDS Church mission to England from 1899 to 1901. Although he had arranged his affairs, the drought which occurred in his absence caused his family to subsist in straightened circum stances. Upon his return, he reestablished his successful farming and food trade to support his large family. W hen the family had grown to number five children, they built a threeroom house directly south of the adobe house. W ith the birth of even more children, they built a large brick home (1 3679 S. 1700 W .). They were the parents of twelve children: Lottie Elizabeth (Christensen), Mabel Lavinia (Bowen), Franklin Edward, Horace Martin, C linton Album, Elmer Alvin, Clothield Filean (Mackay), Mary Ellen (Beckstead), Leslie Carl, Viola Pearl (Bodell), Vivian Arvilla (Dawson), and Tressa Bem ice (Davies). After the children married and left home, they sold the farm and home and moved into a smaller brick home built by Alvin Miller (13009 S. 1700 W .). F. E., as he was commonly known, died in 1937 and Mary Ellen passed away in 1952. HENRY S e a l , J r . was bom in 1863 in England. His parents were Mormon converts and he grew up with a desire to emigrate to America to live in U tah where the Mormons were gath ering. His half-brother, Franklin Edward Seal, had worked his way over on a ship. After ar riving in America, F.E. was able to find work and saved enough money to send for Henry to come over in 1880. Together they worked and saved money to bring the rest of the family over in 1884- Henry bought a 19 1/2-acre farm in Riverton. He raised beets, hay, and pota toes and hired out to herd sheep. He married Fannie Louise McGuire in 1891. They had four children. Fannie passed away in 1943. He retired from farming in 1956, moving in that year from Riverton to Midvale. Henry lived to be 101 years old, reputedly the longest-lived per son buried in the Riverton Cemetery. He had moved to Salt Lake in 1962 and died in 1963. HENRY S e a l , S r . was bom in England in 1820. He married Elizabeth Wheadon. She died in

1858 after bearing four children: Emma, William, Franklin Edward, and Moroni. In 1860, he married Mary A nn Henley. She bore three children: Eliza A nn (M cCleery), Henry, Jr., and James Henry. He worked for thirty years in England in a tannery and for a short time at a brewery prior to emigrating to U tah in 1884. Henry, Jr. bought a small farm with a oneroom log house on it directly north of his own house. He hoped that his father would be able to make a living on the farm. Having worked in factories all his life, Henry, Sr. was illequipped to begin farming at such an advanced age without the help of any farm machinery

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and became discouraged. In 1888, he and Mary A n n accompanied their recently married daughter, Eliza, to a farm in W hitney, Idaho. In 1890, they returned to live in Riverton in part of the old Mose Densley home. Henry, Sr. and Mary A n n continued to enjoy their cup of tea, thin slices of bread and cheese. Henry, Sr. died in 1900 and Mary A n n in 1906. A l m a D e m a r q u is S il c o c k was bom in 1864 at Grantsville, U tah, the only child of Alma

H eath and Mary A n n Hudson Silcock. W h en Alm a D. was only three months old, his father was accidentally shot and killed. His m other then had to go to work and A lm a D. was sent to Riverton to be raised by his grandparents, N .T . and Jane Silcock. After about two years, his mother remarried a widower (Charles McMurry) who had several children. So Alm a D. lived with his grandparents until he married. W h en Alma D. was twelve, his mother wanted him to be sealed to her and McMurry in the Salt Lake Temple, but he declined because he wanted to retain the Silcock name. In 1884, he married Maria Rishton, the daughter of Edward and Mary A n n Slater Rishton. Edward Rishton and N .T . Silcock helped build a house for the young couple. In addition to farming and raising sheep, Alma D. was elected constable in Riverton, serving in 1895 and 1 8 9 9 .114 W ith the size of his herd outgrowing his land in Riverton, he decided to move to Rigby, Idaho in 1903. They lived out the rest of their lives in Idaho, Maria passing away in 1937 and Alm a D. in 1953. AUSTIN S t e p h e n SlLCOX was bom in 1896, a son of Thomas and A nnie Ostler Silcock.

Although his right side was crippled, he worked with his brothers on the farm. In 1919, he married Edith Ellen Steadman. They first lived in a two-room building on his father’s farm. In about 1922, they bought a home in Garfield and moved it to Riverton. During the 1920s, Austin worked in the W est Jordan sugar factory and on the water wagon for Salt Lake County. He also raised chickens to help support his family, eventually numbering nine chil dren. Edith died in 1962 and Austin in 1975. ic h o l a s T h o m a s S il c o c k was bom in England in 1819. He and his brother and sisters lived with the H eath family after the death of their parents. In 1841 he married the H eath’s eldest daughter, Jane, who was bom in 1826. Both were converts to the Mormon Church. In 1842, N .T . left his family to emigrate to the Mormon gathering place in Nauvoo, Illinois. A year later, he sent for Jane and their young child to join him. Being a carpenter, N .T . was engaged with other craftsmen in doing the finishing work on the Nauvoo Temple. In 1846, they were driven out of Nauvoo with their fellow religionists. During the intervening years before they were able to emigrate to U tah in 1850, Jane was in poor health and two of their children were buried. Except for a few months in 1852, they lived in Salt Lake until 1856. W hile there, N .T . took a plural wife, Harriet Bebbington, who was beyond child-bearing age at the time of this marriage. In 1852, they were sent with a company to found a settlement at Tooele. A canyon south of Tooele bears the name “Silcock Canyon,” so named because N .T . was the first to haul timber from the canyon. They lived in Tooele from March through O ctober, before returning to Salt Lake. In 1856, they removed to Tooele and thence to Grantsville in 1858. N .T . was the presiding elder during the seven years of their residence in that pioneer settlement. In 1865, they bought a quarter section of land in Riverton to which they moved. They can be counted among the earliest settlers of Riverton and are especially so remembered for living here until their deaths and having a large poster ity. N .T . was the first presiding elder of Riverton and Jane was the first Relief Society presi dent. In the early years, Jane and Caroline Hanson would walk to the Point of the Mountain for diversion. Jane bore sixteen children, twelve of whom lived to adulthood: Alma, Elizabeth Jane, Barbara A nn, Thomas, Martha (Pixton ), Esther (Draper), Rosena (Dansie), Almira (Henderson), Sarah (Bowlden), Paulina (Dansie), John W alter, N ina Etta (Dansie), Nicholas Henry, William Hulme, and Samuel Ephraim. Harriet (or Auntie Bebb), N .T .’s plural wife, passed away in 1893. Jane died in 1902 and N .T . passed away in 1906.

S id n e y S il c o x was bom in England in 1878. His mother was Annie Ostler who brought he

and his brother Ernest along with others in the Ostler family to U tah in 1886. His mother married.Thomas Silcock in 1887. He and his brother were adopted by Thomas. Sid helped

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his father clear sagebrush, level ground, and put in fencing. He had a good beginning educa tion in England and continued his schooling in Riverton. In 1900, he married Rye Nell. They went to Idaho for about a year, then returned to live at Lark, Utah. After a brief time, they made their home in Riverton. Sid found work at various jobs: clearing land, threshing hay and grain, sewing sacks of sugar at the W est Jordan Utah-Idaho Sugar plant, shearing sheep, etc. He helped in laying the wood pipe for the Riverton Pipe Line Company. He died in 1954. h o m a s S il c o c k was bom in 1849 in St. Louis, Missouri, just months prior to the trek of his parents across the plains to U tah. One of his boyhood chores was to herd cows. There were times when, being without shoes, he only had gunny sacks to wrap around his feet for protection. In addition to working on his father’s farm, he also hired out to other farmers. In 1887 at the age of 36, he married Annie Ostler. The Ostler family had been converted to the Mormon Church in England in 1886 by James Tempest of Riverton. Annie’s widowed mother used money from the sale of some property to finance the passage of all her children and their wives and husbands to come to U tah. Upon their arrival in U tah, Tempest housed them at his house until each was able to find more permanent Situations. Thomas met Annie while she was working for his father. Annie was 31 years old and had two children of her own when she came from England. Thomas adopted these two boys (Sidney and Ernest) and five others were bom to this couple: Wilford Thomas, William O. Henry, Austin Stephen, Annie Violet, and Amanda Jane (Johnson). Thomas held various jobs: night watchman in the Page-Pixton Store, church custodian, and worked for the D&.RG Railroad. He died in 1924, having lived in Riverton for 59 years. Annie lived with her son William for more than 25 years, passing away in 1945.

h o m a s S il c o c k was bom in Riverton in 1888, a son of Thomas and Annie Ostler Silcock. Nicknamed “Penny,” his earliest memory involved his mother’s baby chicks. For some unknown reason, he cut off their heads, put them in a neat pile, and then called his mother to see his odd accomplishment. As he grew, he learned that it was wiser to not claim credit for pranks. W hile a youngster, he showed an aptitude for mechanical and elec trical gadgets, once constructing a working steam engine out of honey cans. After complet ing the 3rd or 4th grade, he quit school to help his crippled father with the farm work. W hen he was about 14, he went to work in the Page-Hansen Store. A t age 18, he got a job in Lark, eventually becoming a machinist specializing in mine machinery. He married Florence Clements Bills in 1912. They moved to Lark, where they lived for six years. They then moved to a primitive wood home on the “Flats.” During the next several years, he had several jobs that took him out of town, often with Thomas B. Lloyd or Daniel C . Coy. For seven years, he was a foreman at a potash plant at Salduro, fifteen miles east of Wendover. In 1927, he returned to Riverton and purchased the Heber Crane home on the Lower Road (1 3 3 6 0 S. 1300 W .). He and Thomas B. Lloyd began a general repair business called the “Fixit Shop.” The business eventually went broke. Between 1928 and 1930, the family lived in Tooele, while Wilford worked in a nearby mine. After returning to Riverton at the begin ning of the Depression, Wilford eked out a living by dint of hard work and creativity. A t one time, he even tried growing frogs “for profit” in a slough in his backyard. W hen the Jordan Valley Bank went broke, Wilford and Flossie lost all their savings. They started raising chickens and selling eggs to the U tah Poultry. Because of his back problems, he became in terested in the chiropractic field and enrolled in a home-study course. He passed the exami nation and obtained a license to practice, but because of worsening health never did. Wilford and Flossie had two daughters: Edna Mildred (McGaffey) and Utahna Marie (Palmer). In 1946, they traded their home in Riverton for a home in Salt Lake. Wilford died in 1951 and Flossie in 1955, both being buried in Murray.

WlLFORD T

WILLIAM H u l m e S il c o c k , a farmer, was bom in Riverton in 1869, son of Nicholas Thomas

and Jane Silcock. He married Margaret Jane Dansie in 1893. They were the parents of six children: Margaret Lillie (Schricker), William Clarence, Doris Irene (Searles/Stephan/ Riding), Alda Lucille (Dooley), Charles Barnard, and Jessie Leanore (Gamble/Lack/

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Thurgood). Margaret died in 1940 and W illiam died in 1950 and they were buried in Salt Lake City. WILLIAM O . S il c o x was bom in 1891 in Riverton, a son of Thomas and Annie Ostler

Silcock. He went to school through the fourth grade, at the age of 11, staying home to help his crippled father on the farm. In 1917, he married A nna Cascutti, whose family had moved to a home (1 4 7 0 W . 13200 S.) in Riverton when she was fifteen. Her father had moved his family here to be closer to his work in the mines. After W ill and Annie married, they lived in a room in the Silcock home, then in some rooms in the Heber Crane home (1 3 0 0 W .), then returned to the Silcock home to care for W ill’s mother. In 1920, they bought a home (13408 S. 1300 W .) where they lived until 1953. W ill and Annie had five children: Thomas, Leona, Wilma, Melvin, and Owen (Pete). W ill’s parents lived with them in the last years of their lives, his mother living with them for 25 years. W hile caring for her in-laws, A nna also did the washing and ironing for her mother and brothers. W ill worked the farm and at his moth er’s death, it was left to he and his brother Austin. William sold his half to Austin. W ill be came the sexton for the Riverton Cemetery in 1928, working in that position for 42 years.115 In 1953, they moved to the old Cascutti home (1 4 7 0 W . 13200 S.) to be closer to the ceme tery. He often said that he lived on “Easy Street” explaining that a lot of people next to his home were sure taking it easy. He died in 1979 from the effects of blood poisoning. JESSE M o r o n i S m it h was bom in 1858 in Salt Lake City, the son of Elias and Am y J. Smith.

A t the age of fifteen, he began life for himself, doing teaming and freighting. In 1877, he contracted to work on a large segment of the U tah and Salt Lake Canal. Initially, he estab lished and lived in a camp on the canal, but in late 1878, he and his work crew moved into a shanty on his father’s farm in Riverton. W hile living there, he also helped his father with the farm work. In 1880, he married H arriet (H attie) Emily Smith of Kaysville. O n the day of Jesse’s marriage, his father recorded in his journal that “Jesse M. has been a little wild during the last year.”116 However, he noted with pleasure that his son had resolved “to do right” and had covenanted to do so by being rebaptized the day before his marriage. He and Hattie never had any children and they lived in Salt Lake City after their marriage. Jesse worked on his father’s city and Riverton farms and orchards, moving to live on the Riverton 40-acre farm (located north of Charles Mormon Nokes) on M arch 5, 1885. Although n ot in good health, Hattie moved to the farm, too. In the fall of 1885, they moved into a new house on the property that Jesse had built. In 1886, Jesse’s father recorded in his journal that “Jesse M. has done much work and made much improvement in the Riverton Farm and other land be longing to me, as well as on his own farm, forty acres, most of which is sown with wheat.”117 In 1890, he sold his farm and home in Riverton and moved to Layton where he bought a 90acre improved farm. He was successful in farming and sheep raising, becoming one of the largest sheep owners in the region. He served as president of the U tah W ool Growers’ Association for several years and also as president of the Pacific Northwest W ool Growers’ Association. In 1904 he took a plural wife, Priscilla Sm ith, a woman twenty years his junior. Eight children were bom to Jesse and Priscilla, the last being bom in 1918. A grandson re membered Jesse as a “big, heavy man” who was”omery in his later years. He had a temper.”118 Jesse died in 1937 and was buried in Layton. h r is t ia n B o l l e r u p S o r e n s o n was bom in Denmark in 1881. In 1888, his family moved to Norway. W hen he was sixteen, he preceded his family in coming to the United States. By 1902, the rest of his family had emigrated to the United States. They initially set tled in Manti. In 1907, he married Agnes Carlson in the M anti Temple. They remained in U tah for a number of years where Sorenson worked variously in a cem ent factory and herd ing sheep. T o fulfill his dreams of becoming a.doctor, they moved to Los Angeles where he enrolled in the Pacific Medical College. T o support his family while a medical student, he delivered newspapers and loaded and unloaded freight onto trains at night. His wife worked in private homes as a cook to help out financially. In 1916, after completing his medical training, they returned to U tah, establishing a practice in Midvale. In 1922, he moved to Riverton, where he set up a practice. He was the fourth resident doctor in Riverton.119 His

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eldest child, Eva May, recalls that he was a very dedicated doctor, being “always so busy [that] we seldom saw him.” She remembered that “he was dignified and formal, which would scare some people, even his kids at times, but he never raised his voice in anger.”120 S.C.B. and Agnes were the parents of four children: Eva May (Crump), Jacob Toccoy, Vernon, and Juanita. Their home was on Redwood Road (1 2918 South). Agnes died in 1931. In 1933, Dr. Sorenson married a nurse, Ethel McDonald, who shared his life until his death in 1975. In 1940, his son Toccoy, a surgeon and physician, shared the medical practice with his fa ther in Riverton, later moving to Draper and setting up a practice there. Toccoy married Marjorie Densley, a Riverton school teacher, in 1936. S.C .B. retired from practice in 1968. He loved to read, listen to classical music, walk for exercise, and go fishing with his neigh bors, the Hamiltons— not so much to fish, but to eat the fish that they caught and to be in the beautiful mountains. JOHN S p e n c e r , a farmer and sheepman, was bom in England in 1844- His family were some

of the early settlers in the river bottoms. In a pamphlet detailing these early settlers, it is noted that “old man [Robert] Spencer” settled in the vicinity of Bluffdale. This was John Spencer’s father and according to this pamphlet, “John still remained on the home after his father’s death.”121 John married Hannah McCleery in 1873. He is listed as a property holder in the Riverton tax assessment records in 1881 (25 acres) and again in 1883 (8 0 acres). Although his connection with Riverton is tenuous, there is some evidence that he may have lived in Riverton for a time in the mid-1880s. On a family genealogy record, one of his eleven children is listed as having been bom in Riverton. In 1883, another of his children was blessed by Orrin Porter Miller in the Riverton Branch meetinghouse.122 He died in 1910 and his wife in 1941 and both were buried in Bluffdale. JAMES S t e a d m a n was bom in 1870 in Mill Creek, Utah. He grew up on a farm under very

strict discipline from his father, not being allowed to attend school or to play with other children. His mother taught him to read and write. He filled an LDS mission to New Zealand and Australia from 1896 to 1899. W hen he returned, he worked as a hired hand for John R. Winder, a member of the First Presidency of the Mormon Church, on his farm in Mill Creek. W hile working there, he quietly courted one of W inder’s daughters, Mary A nn (known as Minnie or M in). W hen he asked W inder for his daughter’s hanc] in marriage, W inder replied, “W ell, does Mary A nn know?”123 Many were surprised when the impending marriage was announced. Mary A nn was thirty-five years old when they married in December 1900. They moved to Riverton in 1901, living in a small dwelling on Jacob Myers’ farm. W inder bought a home (13518 S. 1700 W .) and parcel of land in the southern part of Riverton for them. He also bought them some cows and horses to get a start in farm ing the land. The home had originally been built in about 1903 by Josiah Draper. It was a cross-wing plan in the Greek Revival style and has been placed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1992. Steadman made some additions to the home to house his growing family in 1906 and 1915. There were five children: James Rex (Jay), Maurine (Page), John Edward, Elizabeth (Bills), and Aileen Gertrude (Nielson/Speights). In 1920, they sold the home to V em Morgan and moved closer to the center of Riverton (1 2 6 9 4 S. 1700 W .). Steadman was a naturally quiet man of a retiring disposition. He occasionally attended Mormon church meetings, but if called upon to speak or pray, such actions caused him to stay away for years. He was an excellent farmer, raised bees and extracted honey, and was adept at repairing clocks and watches. He died in 1937 and Mary A nn died in 1943. Both were buried in Draper.124 ZENAS HENRY S t o n e was bom in Union, Utah, in 1879. He married Alice Tapp and they

moved to Riverton in 1920. Her first husband, David Philip Stone, died in the 1918 flu epi demic leaving her with five children to raise, but soon thereafter she married Zenas. W hen they moved to Riverton, they bought Franklin E. Seal’s farm and home (13 6 7 9 S. 1700 W .). A t one time, they received an award for having the best appearing farm in Salt Lake County. They reared six children in this home: Lavetta (Hamilton), Gerald, Pearl, Ruby, Lloyd, and Fay (Stradley). Zenas died in 1947.

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e m p e s t was bom in 1847 in England, a son of Henry and Mary Kirkham Tempest. His father and he were converts to the Mormon Church and they emigrated to America in I8 6 0 .125 They eventually settled in Herriman where James’ father supported polygamous households. W hile a teenager, he left home and fought in the Black Hawk Indian W ar (1 8 6 5 -6 8 ). In 1868, he married Matilda Case, a woman who was twelve years older than he was. Their union was childless. In 1878, he became a polygamist, marrying Jamima Maria Vincent. They were the parents of two children, both of whom were bom in Herriman: Matilda Virginia (Jacklin) and Mary (Ellsworth). After Lars Jensen’s death, his heirs sold five acres of their quarter section in 1883 to James Tempest. James was 3 6 years old at the time. It seems most likely that Tempest lived on the property in a log cabin while he had his twostory Greek Revival house built.126 He engaged the services of a local builder, Jens Nielsen, to construct the house for him .127 Tempest lived in this house (1 3 5 7 0 S. 1700 W .) for 3 4 years. His plural wife, Jamima, passed away in 1885 and Matilda died in 1903. Several months after Matilda’s passing, he remarried. This marriage is somewhat rare, even in the con text of the polygamous mores of pioneer U tah. T o explain, one of the plural wives that James’ father, Henry, married was Mary A n n Rebecca Giles. They married in 1874, he at the age of fifty and she at age nineteen, a disparity of almost thirty years between their ages. They had nine or ten children before Henry passed away in 1890. In 1903, when she was forty-eight and James was fifty-five, they married: a unique situation of a son marrying his stepmother, the widowed plural wife of his father.128 In his 70th year (1 9 1 7 ), he was killed in consequence of injuries that he received in falling from a tree that he was pruning on his property.

J am es T

h o r n e was bom in England in 1827. He joined the Mormon Church in 1851 and emigrated to U tah in 1877. In England, he worked as a timber estim ator.129 He moved to Riverton about 1884, settling on 5 -1 0 acres of land southeast of the cemetery. He lived in Riverton until about 1903, thence moving to Salt Lake City. He died in 1913 in his 86th year and was buried in Riverton. He was the father of eight children by two wives. His son William Heber, who married Bertha Adelia Beckstead in 1898, lived in R iverton longer than any of his father’s other children, moving to Herriman in about 1913.

J ohn R uten bury T

s h e r was bom in M ontana in 1913. H e married LaV on Lloyd and they were parents of four children: Burton George, Shirley La Von (W isner), Arlene Josephine (Johansen), and Elsie Elaine (Beckstead). They lived in Herriman and he worked in the Lark Mine for many years. In the m id-1930s, they moved to Riverton. He served as watermaster in Riverton for ten years. He served terms as Town Board president and mayor from 1962 to 1970. During his terms, significant improvements were made to the water system and park. He died in 1981.

GEORGE J o s e p h U

a r r served as mayor of Riverton from 1990 to 1994- He and his wife, M yma, are the parents of nine children. They have lived in Riverton since 1969. Prior to his election as mayor he served on the city council and was the city treasurer from 1986 to 1989. His prin cipal occupation has been as a rehabilitation counselor, but he has also worked as a saddlemaker, meat inspector, small mine operator, and cattle rancher.

J a m es W

F r e d W il l ia m W e b b was bom in England in 1856. He married Emma C . Bates in 1876 and they settled in Riverton in 1878. They became the parents of eleven children. W ebb and Edward Orgill organized separate choirs in the Riverton W ard. In 1914, W ebb’s choir won a silver cup with the names of all the choir members engraved on it. T h e cup was prominently displayed in the old domed church until the time of its demolition.150 He was also associated for several years with Orgill, and later with Charles Millard, in managing the Riverton Opera House. He played second fiddle in the string band. In 1904, W ebb opened a harness and shoe shop in the north end of the Comm ercial Building. He died in 1944. il f o r d W e b b , a farmer, was bom in 1856. After marrying Ruth Jacklin, they lived in American Fork for several years. They moved to Riverton about 1890, buying a farm from Ed Orgill. In addition to trying to establish a farm, W ebb worked in the Lehi sugar factory in winter and also for Dan Densley. The existing adobe house on the property had just two

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rooms and a pantry. Alvin Miller later built on an addition. Wilford died in 1915 and Ruth in 1934; both were buried in Riverton. h r is t ia n F r e d e r ic k E v e r d in u s W e e n ig and his wife Elizabeth (“Betsy”) were Dutch con verts to the Mormon Church. W ith money which he had earned as a soldier in the Dutch military, he was able to pay for the immigration of his parents, two younger brothers, and a younger sister to U tah. They settled for a short time in Riverton. The elder W eenig was a piano and organ tuner by trade and had a difficult time making the occupational transition to farming. Although Fred and Betsy had planned to come to U tah in 1902, their plans were deferred when Fred received a call to serve a mission in his native land. W hile Fred served his mission, Betsy left Holland and came to U tah, finding work with a family in Ogden. Fred completed his mission and came to U tah in 1905. They lived in Salt Lake City for the next three years, Fred finding work as a laborer in construction. After a brief hiatus with a veg etable farming venture in Moapa Valley, Nevada, they returned to U tah in 1910, living temporarily with Fred’s parents in Riverton. Fred accepted an offer to work on Thomas P. Page’s farm and soon began work as a clerk in the Page-Hansen Store. The family moved into the apartments south of the store that later became quarters for the Morrison Merrill Lumber Company. In 1912, Fred and Betsy began building a home (12805 S. 1700 W .) a block south of the store. W h en Morrison Merrill Company decided to set up a business in Riverton, Fred was recommended and accepted the offer to be its first manager. Fred passed away in 1921 from complications suffered in a freak accident one year earlier in the lumber yard. Betsy was left with seven children to raise, all under the age of 15, her youngest being only a few months old. Betsy found work as a cleaning lady in the school and the bank to help support her family. The resourcefulness and cooperation of her children and the heart felt helping hand of people in the community enabled the family to grow up one by one, marry, and find their niche in life. In 1940, Betsy moved from Riverton to Ogden to be near her adult children. She passed away in 1964 at the age of 85.

h e e l e r was bom in Iowa in 1866. According to information in Mormon C hurch records, he came to Riverton in 1888, but moved to Herriman in 1897 when he married Charlotte Lemenia Dansie. He died in 1935 in Idaho, where he had^ moved to in 1900 to farm.

JOHN L e m m o n s W

LOWELL D. W

h it e served as mayor of Riverton from 1978 to 1982. Although he won the election by a landslide vote, conflict and controversy prevailed during his term of office. Highly educated with a Ph.D. from the University of Cincinnati, he was employed as an in dustrial hygienist. After his stormy term in public office, Lowell and N an W hite moved from Riverton. A t this date (1 9 9 4 ), they live in Holladay, U tah and W hite serves as a member of the State Radiation Control Board.

Notes 1. According to Wilford Myers, Beckstead lived in a large house on that comer. Louis and Lionel Myers herded sheep for Beckstead on the ground surrounding his home. Myers recalled that Beckstead “was quite a promoter. He liked to talk. He liked to get in the lime light.” Wilford Myers, interview conducted by Mel Bashore, January 26, 1985. From 1900 to 1902, Beckstead held title to and quite probably lived in the house built by his brother, William W arren Beckstead (13024 So. 1700 W .), according to Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), p. 16 and to research performed by C . Ray Varley in 1988. 2. Our Pioneer Heritage, comp, by Kate B. Carter, vol. 13 (Salt Lake City: Daughters of U tah Pioneers, 1970) p. 417. 3. T ax Assessment Rolls (1 8 8 4 ), Riverton Precinct, Salt Lake County, Utah State Archives.

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4. This home is commonly referred to as the A .T . Butterfield home today. Butterfield moved into this home in 1906 and lived in it for many years, so the home is more familiarly associated with him by those now living. He also affixed his initials onto the uppermost part of the facade of the spectacular turreted bam that was located southwest of the house. According to Joseph E. Morgan, the bam was there at least as late as 1965, sometime after which it was razed to allow access into a subdivision. Research done on this home in 1988 by C . Ray Varley, an architectural history consultant, disclosed the construction origins of the home. “Beckstead H om e,” Intensive Level Survey (1 9 8 8 ). 5. Bills was arrested at his home in South Jordan on April 2, 1887. Th e raid was con ducted by fifteen to twenty deputy U .S . Marshalls who were returning from the previous day’s raid in Herriman. “A South Jordan Raid,” Deseret News SemUweekly, April 5, 1887. Bills pled guilty at his trial on September 20, 1887. W h en the judge asked if it was his inten tion to obey the law in the future, Bills testily replied, “N o sir, it is not.” “Today’s Prosecutions,” Deseret News Semi'weekly, September 23, 1887. Although he was sentenced to six months, he served just five months and paid $ 1 5 4 .4 0 in fines and court costs. Andrew Jenson, comp., Church Chronology (Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1914) p. 146. The Riverton Historical Society has a copy of the U tah Territory Third District Court papers and files including arrest warrant, memorandum of court costs, grand jury indictment, and writ of execution. United States vs. A lexander Bills, U tah Territory Third District Court, Case N o. 200. Original on file in Archives Branch, Federal Records C enter, Denver, Colorado. 6. George and Alexander Bills bought out the store buildings and merchandise of Thomas P. Page, prior to Page’s leaving on a mission to Turkey. Deseret Evening News, December 7, 1899. 7. Bills was still living in South Jordan in 1893. A newspaper article reported that a case against him “on the charge of permitting the carcasses of sheep about his premises” in South Jordan was dismissed. “Case Dismissed,” Deseret News Semi'weekly, June 16, 1893. 8. He sold his merchansise business to the Seth Pixton Company. “R iverton,” Deseret

Evening News, March 6, 1902. 9. Th e divorce of Emily B. and Alexander Bills is a m atter of public record having been filed in the Third District Court on September 25, 1901. They had six children, ages three through sixteen. Emily testified that they became engaged in a dispute on August 30, 1900 in Bluffdale and that Alexander used “very abusive and boisterous language” toward her. During the argument, he hit her and continued on succeeding days to use “abusive lan guage towards her and threatened to injure her.” They were separated for seven months with Emily continuing to live with her children. Th e court document states that Alexander was “an able-bodied man, and is conducting a mercantile business at Riverton . . . and has inter ests in sheep.” Th e divorce was granted with Emily keeping the children, $25 per month al imony, and the 6 3/4 acres of property and the house. Emily B. Bills vs. Alexander Bills, Case #4122, Third District Court, Salt Lake County, U tah State Archives. Although we were unable to locate a file on a divorce for Rachel and Alexander Bills in the district court, Rachel’s daughter-in-law Marie Densley Bills said that Alexander Bills divorced both of his wives. Alexander Bills took his son Cyrus “out of school when he was only in the 4th grade out to the sheep herd to take care of two or three herds of sheep while he went courting.” Marie Densley Bills, interviewed by U tahna Frantz, August 13, 1986. 10. Understandably, there are feelings among descendants of Alexander Bills. The au thors didn’t speak with any descendants of Bills’ first family, but a grandson, Vere Dansie, mentioned that family descendants of R achel’s family struggled to survive. He mentioned that Rachel was “dirt poor” and tried to support her family by taking in wash and having some of the children live with relatives. O ne of those children was Blanche Densley, who wrote an earlier published history of Riverton. Blanche mentioned in the preface to her

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book that her mother’s home in Bluffdale burned down in 1905. Blanche referred to her mother as a “widow” at the time, scarred by a husband who “set” her aside to fend for herself. Rachel moved her family to a little home in “Nell town” (east of Redwood Road on 13400 South). They lived here until 1908 at which time they moved to Salt Lake City. Rachel’s oldest boy, Cyrus, herded sheep for his father and sent his $25 monthly salary home to help his mother. In her senior years, Rachel lived in a little house next to her daughter Blanche until her passing. H attie’s children didn’t learn that their father had two other wives and families until after his death. Vere Thomas Dansie, telephone conversation with Mel Bashore, November 28, 1992. 11. Under the direction of Brigham Young, all northern U tah settlements were evacu ated under the threat of an approaching federal army, the U tah Expedition in 1858, under the command of Albert Sidney Johnston. For further information, see Richard D. Poll, “The Move South,” BYU Studies 29:4 (Fall 1989) 6 5 -8 8 . 12. A descriptive account of mob threats which he experienced in Kentucky is recorded in a letter he wrote which was published in Juvenile Instructor 15 (November, 15, 1880) 2 6 1 -6 2 . 13. Marjorie B. Smith, comp., “Life Sketch of Joseph S. Black.” 14- For explanation about the ownership of this property, see footnote in Isaac Freeman’s biographical sketch. 15. Charles H. and James Blake vs. Old Jordan and Galena Mining Company, Case N o. 1885, Third District Court, Salt Lake County, U tah State Archives. 16. During a visit to Riverton, he spoke in the Riverton W ard meeting house and said “he was pleased to associate again with his old neighbors.” Riverton Ward, General Minutes, February 28, 1915, original book in possession of Lankford Lloyd. 17. Riverton W ard, Sunday School, Minutes, May 8, 1881, LDS Church A rchives. 18. The location of Bowlden’s home appears on [Joseph E. Morgan], Map (ca. 1910) a blueprint of which is in the collection of the Riverton Historical Society. The later copy of this map, ca. 1970, notes that a small stream with “water always running” bordered north of his home. This flowing water attracted “many big ducks.” 19. A n intensive level architectural survey was undertaken on this home in 1988 by C . Ray Varley, an historical architectural consultant, at the request of the Riverton City Historical Society. 20. Copies of his certificates of election are in the collection of the Riverton Historical Society. These election papers certify that he was neither a bigamist or a polyga mist, a necessary requirement to hold office at that time in the U tah Territory. Originals in U tah Territorial Election Papers, U tah State Archives. 21. Riverton W ard, Young Men’s Mutual Improvement Association, Minutes, November 5, 1899, LDS Church Archives. 22. Information from Clarence J. “Mike” Crane, telephone conversation with Mel Bashore, January 18, 1993. 23. He is listed with other Riverton businessmen in volumes 3 and 4 of the Utah State

Gazetteer and Business Directory. 24. This home and farm were placed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1976.

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25. Information from autobiographical sketch of A lice Faye Dansie M artin and tele phone conversation with W illa Conkle, January 20, 1992. 26. See the life sketch of Alexander Bills for further information about the Rachel Bills’ family. 27. Blanche Densley, Excerpts From the History o f Riverton & Lives o f Some o f Its People, 2nd edition, introduction. 28. Daniel Densley, Jr., Diary, LDS Church Archives. 29. W . Melvin Densley, telephone interview with Mel Bashore, April 8, 1992. 30. Marie Densley Bills, a daughter of Daniel Densley, had a simple explanation for the reason why her father became a polygamist. T h e reason she gave was that he “was quite well-to-do, so he married two other women.” Marie Densley Bills, interviewed by Evelyn B. Dreyer, November 24, 1986. 31. Viola Nokes Dowdy, interview with Mel Bashore, Salt Lake City, September 18, 1986. 32. Vere Thomas Densley, telephone interview with Mel Bashore, April 2, 1992. 33. O n June 24, 1891, the Mormon Church First Presidency defined sexual cohabita tion with pre-Manifesto wives as being contrary to the Manifesto and the rules of the Church. See D. Michael Quinn, “LDS Church Authority and New Plural Marriages, 1 8 9 0 -1 9 0 4 ,” Dialogue 18 (Spring 1985) p. 49. It’s interesting to note that Daniel Densley had eighteen children by his plural wives after this ruling. However, he was not alone as most polygamists continued to cohabit, including several in Riverton. Ibid., pp. 51 ,6 1 . 34- Information in this life sketch principally comes from an interview conducted by Laurel Bills with Lovell and Mildred Densley, August 3 1, 1986. 35. Information obtained from Zilnorah Draper Barnett, “Life sketches of George H. Draper and Eliza Alice W est, 1939,” LDS C hurch Archives. A daughter of George Henry Draper wrote: “I have heard my Father talk about Riverton many times. He loved the people in that area.” Ella May Draper Smedley, letter, ca. May 1985. 36. In February 1887, Joseph moved his plural wife, Mary, back to Riverton. She had tired of living in Castle Dale and yearned to return with her children to live near her par ents. She supported herself by sewing and money that Joseph could send her. A t Mary’s in sistence, they were divorced in 1891. 37. Thomas P. Page used to say that Joseph Draper moved so frequently that his chick ens could tell when Draper was getting the urge to move and they would start preparing to move before he did. Meredith Page, interviewed by Mel Bashore, February 9, 1985. The comment about Joseph Draper’s pioneering spirit and much of the information in this bio graphical sketch was taken from Esther Silcock Draper, “Life of Joseph and Esther Silcock Draper,” (1 9 2 8 ), in Lois Hodgkinson, Papers. In a brief note accompanying these papers, Lois Hodgkinson, a granddaughter of Joseph and Esther Draper, recalls her mother telling her how much Esther hated having to move, but Joseph “was always wanting to move to some other place.” He had the spirit of wanderlust. 38. In 1992, this home was placed on the National Register of Historic Places. Although additions were made to it in 1906 and 1915, it remains the best example of crosswing type of home in Riverton. A rchitectural and historical research on this hom e was con ducted by C. Ray Varley in 1991 at the request of the Riverton Historical Society. 39. Crilla Myers Egbert, “Short History of Crilla Myers Egbert.”

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40. Information about “the tinker” was found in several sources in the collection of the Riverton City Historical Society. They include: (1 ) Marie Densley Bills, interviewed by Evelyn B. Dreyer, Riverton, U tah, November 24, 1986; (2 ) Elias C. Butterfield, “Riverton Business-Past and Present,” videotape; (3) Elias C . Butterfield, “People of Riverton,” record ing, January 1990; and (4 ) Margaret Parks Petersen, “Childhood Memories,” Riverton City Historical Society Lecture, September 15, 1988. 41. He was mission president when Wilford Myers served in the Northern States Mission. Myers recalled that “he could really use language. He spoke from his mouth like he was turning a tap on.” Wilford Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 26, 1985. 42. A n entry in the membership record of the Riverton W ard indicates that Thomas B. and Katherine Fisher may have moved to Riverton in 1877. However, their names do not appear on the 1880 census record or on any of the tax assessment lists for Riverton up to and through 1890. 43. The exterior of this two-room circa 1900 home is no longer visible, but is the structure around which a most unusual addition/remodeling was undertaken in 1940/41 by Earl L. Maynard. A farmer, with but limited building experience, Maynard built a contem porary home in the International Style, using Fisher’s old two-room house as the structural core of his new home. Buildings and residences in this style are rare in U tah and are primar ily found in urban areas. It is most surprising to find a home in this architectural style in a rural community. Because of its uniqueness, the Riverton Historical Society contracted with C . Ray Varley in 1991 to undertake an architectural and historical study of this home. 44- There is some confusion about the identity of the builder of this large brick bam and owner of the land prior to Isaac Freeman. In a 2-page document entitled “The Freeman Home” written by Mary Freeman, based on information supplied by Weldon Freeman, a “Charles Beckstead” is recognized as the bam-builder and prior landowner. However, a “Charles Beckstead” does not appear in a search of early church, land, or tax records for Riverton. In the context of other comments made in this document, it is apparent that “Charles Beckstead” is being confused with George Francis Beckstead. In the, absence of a title search of the property, no definite prior ownership can be claimed. However, it is the measured opinion of the authors that Charles Henry Blake was the prior owner of this farm ground and the probable builder of the bam. He married a Beckstead, possibly explaining the welding of the name “Charles” and “Beckstead” in the Freeman family recollections. More substantial information points to Blake being the owner of this ground before Isaac Freeman. Ren Howard and Wilford Myers recognized it as being a Blake farm before Freeman bought it. Wilford Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 26, 1985; and map reconstruction of Riverton, ca. 1910, by Ren Howard. Joseph E. Morgan’s large hand-drawn map (ca. 1910) notes that the “big white brick bam [was] built [in] 1878” on land that was owned by Charles Blake. Additional corroboration is also found in Joseph E. Morgan’s “History” (manuscript), p. 6. He writes that Charles Blake was the owner of the “big white brick bam two story” building. 45. The bam and home, located at 12226 S. 1300 W ., were demolished in the late 1970s and early 1980s to make room for a subdivision. 46. “Gardiner Quick But N ot a Slick Campaigner,” Deseret News, July 9, 1988. 47. Gilbert may have settled in Riverton before N .T. Silcock. Gilbert appears on the tax assessment rolls for the W est Jordan Precinct in 1865 and Silcock doesn’t appear until 1866. 48. Minnie Heath, conversation with Mel Bashore, Salt Lake City, September 10, 1983. 49. Relief Society, Minutes, Riverton Ward, LDS Church Archives, November 4, 1897 and August 6, 1903.

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50. Riverton W ard, General Minutes, January 30, 1910, original book in possession of Lankford Lloyd. 51. T h e home where they lived is probably the adobe brick home located at 13765 So. 1300 W est. It was originally owned by Samuel Green and built previous to 1890. 52. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), p. 8. 53. Nicholas Thomas Silcock, Journal * 6 ( 1 8 9 1 -1 9 0 4 ), pp. 1 2 -1 3 , LDS Church Archives. 54. Probate Records, Estates and Guardianship, Book G l, pp. 3 9 9 —408, Salt Lake County, District Court, Family History Library. 55. Norma H. Madsen, autobiographical sketch, p. [1]. 56. “Th e Life Story of Owen Seth H am ilton,” p. 7. 57. “Polygamy Lecture Program,” Riverton Historical Society, M arch 16, 1989. 58. Hardy bought out Dr. George Ferguson’s practice. “Political Rallies; O ther News Items,” Deseret Evening News, O ctober 18, 1912. Ferguson had been the first doctor to live in Riverton, beginning practice in about 1909 or 1910. 59. A t this time, membership in the Relief Society was not general. Only those women who desired to be members and paid their dues were accorded membership in the or ganization. This may explain why officers in the organization were nominated and elected by the members, rather than being called by a bishop to a position. Th e minutes state: “Officers were chosen by members of the Relief Society by Popular V ote and were unani mously sustained.” Riverton W ard, General Minutes, June 28, 1914, original book in posses sion of Langford Lloyd. 60. Lorenzo M. Howard, interview with Mel Bashore, M arch 9, 1985. 61. Lorenzo M. Howard, interview with Mel Bashore, M arch 2, 1985. 62. His obituary states that he cam e to U tah “barefooted” in 1856, which reference is also supported by a note in a commercial biographical compilation. See Deseret Evening News, September 18, 1906 and Frank Esshom, Pioneers and Prominent Men o f Utah (Salt Lake City: U tah Pioneers Book Publishing Company, 1913) p. 944- A later newspaper arti cle reporting a Howard family reunion mentions that he came to U tah in 1855, which year may be more likely, even though the source of documentation is much later than the two earlier sources. See Ute Sentinel, June 18, 1937. A copy of this article is in the Riverton Newspaper Clipping Scrapbook, compiled by Mel Bashore and available in the Salt Lake County Library, Riverton Branch. T he 1855 date of his emigration is supported by evidence in the LDS Church Archives. A “Samuel Howard” is listed as having been a member of the 1855 Moses Thurston pioneer company according to information in Journal History, September 28, 1855, p. 4, LDS Church Archives. Additional evidence that he emigrated in 1855 comes from the note in Esshom’s Pioneers and Prominent Men which states that he trav eled with the Helm family. The reference in Journal History lists the family of Abraham Helm as being members of the Moses Thurston company in 1855 and there is no record of a Helm family traveling in a Mormon company in any year other than 1855. 63. See June 14, 1870 and November 4, 1870 entries in Salt Lake County, Court Minutes, Book B ( 1 8 5 7 -1 8 7 4 ), U tah State Archives. 64. Ute Sentinel, June 18, 1937. The log cabin was on that site until about 1984, at which time it was removed. Information about this log cabin comes from an interview that Mel Bashore conducted with Lorenzo M. Howard, M arch 9, 1985.

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65. Riverton W ard, General Minute Book, September 12, 1906, original book in pos session of Lankford Lloyd. 66. Lorenzo M. Howard, interview with Mel Bashore, March 2, 1985. 67. Autobiographical sketch written by Reba Jardine. 68. “Salt Lake County,” Historical Record 6:Nos. 9 - 1 2 (December 1887) p. 301. 69. Nicholas Thomas Silcock, Journal #3, April 22, 1883, LDS Church Archives. 70. Riverton W ard, Sunday School, Minutes, March 21, 1886, p. 228, LDS Church Archives. 71. Ibid., July 10, 1887, LDS Church Archives. 72. “Autobiography of Gilbert Lloyd,” p. 16. 73. Elvin Lovendahl, telephone conversation with Mel Bashore, February 8, 1992. 74- Mention of his name to people who remember him usually brings recollections of two facets of his character: his testimony-bearing and automobile driving traits. A t Church testimony meetings, he would often be prompted by what he had read in the previous evening’s Deseret News Church Section to bear a prolonged testimony. In reference to his dri ving, Beth Park Bone recalled that “he used to come flying out of his driveway.” W hen ap proaching his driveway while driving on Redwood Road, drivers had to be extra alert. He did get in an accident one time in front of his home. Apparently he was pulling into his dri veway and failed to signal. After the accident, he was remembered to have said, “I thought everybody knew I lived here.” Beth Park Bone, “Childhood Memories,” Riverton City Historical Society Lecture, September 15, 1988. 75. “Childhood Memories Lecture Program,” Riverton Historical Society, September 15, 1988. 76. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), p. 15. 77. An Enduring Legacy, vol. 3 (Salt Lake City: Daughters of U tah Pioneers, 1980) p. 74. 78. M. Fay Larsen, a grand-daughter of Charles E. Miller, said that he wanted to take a plural wife, but his wife fervently objected. Conversation with Mel Bashore, Riverton, Utah, March 16, 1989. Miller’s actions are reminiscent of a few verses in a popular song of the pe riod: Some men have got a dozen wives, and others have a score; And the man that’s got but one wife is a looking out for more. “Tittery-Irie-Aye” in Richard E. Lingenfelter, Richard A. Dwyer, and David Cohen, comps, and eds., Songs o f the American West (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1968) p. 256. 79. In 1882, his father bequeathed 80 acres to him in a provision of his will. Probate Records, U tah District Court (Salt Lake County), Book K-L (1881—1883), p. 592, Family History Library, Salt Lake City, Film 42567480. This home was razed on June 14, 1991, to allow construction of a gas/convenience store on the site. In 1989, the Riverton Historical Society contracted with C. Ray Varley to perform an historical and architectural investigation of this early Riverton home. In his re port, Varley noted that the home had some “unique” features, was in good condition, and re garded it as “potentially eligible” for nomination to the National Register of Historic Places. 81. Copies of his certificates of election for various years from as early as 1880 to 1897 are in the U tah State Archives, copies of which are in the holdings of the Riverton Historical Society.

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82. Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (manuscript), pp. 3 - 4 . David and Orrin were halfbrothers (in polygamy) and the exchange of homes was made in accordance with a provision in their father’s will, David inheriting the “Homestead property” in Mill Creek. Probate Records, U tah District Court (Salt Lake County), Book K-L (1 8 8 1 -1 8 8 3 ), Family History Library, Salt Lake City, Film 4 2 5 6 2 4 , p. 591. 83. Orrin Porter Miller, Journal, p. 5. 84. Probate Records, U tah District Court (Salt Lake C ounty), Book K-L (1 8 8 1 -1 8 8 3 ), Family History Library, Salt Lake City, Film 4 2 5 6 2 4 , p. 592. 85. Information for writing this life sketch was obtained from: “Lives of Our Leaders. The Presiding Bishopric-Orrin Porter Miller,” Juvenile Instructor 3 6 :2 3 (December 1, 1901) pp. 7 0 5 -6 ; Deseret Evening News, July 8, 1918; and a life sketch written by his son Austin P. Miller. 86. Information for this life sketch is principally based on a biographical sketch of her parents by Laree Sonderegger. Credit must be given to Joseph Morgan for preserving much of the geographic and material culture of early Riverton. His hand-drawn map and notes on the early homes and buildings are invaluable historical resources. 87. “Riverton N otes,” Deseret Evening News, O ctober 27, 1913. 88. Information for this life sketch cam e principally from Stories and Histories of Christian Mortensen and His Children, comp, by Rachel M. Perry (1 9 8 7 ) pp. 1—10. 89. Wilford Myers, a son, declared that his father and older brothers “built the road.” Prior to that, it had just been a “wagon trail.” Wilford J. Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 26, 1985. Joseph E. G reen recorded that Myers Lane was “merely a trail through sage brush.” Joseph E. Green, [typescript history], p. 6, in John M cCorm ick, Papers. 90. Wilford Myers, interview with Mel Bashore, January 12, 1985. 9 1. “Childhood Memories Lecture Program,” Riverton Historical Society, September 15, 1988. 92. A n entry for an “H. Neilson” appears in the 1876 tax records for the W est Jordan Precinct. Salt Lake County, T ax Records, Family History Library. He was assessed for a cow and land and improvements valued at $ 1 2 5 . The tax assessor normally undertook his assess ment work in November, so it is difficult to explain the Neilson entry in the tax records prior to the year family records document him arriving in Am erica. Family genealogical re search compiled by Dell R. Ellis confirms that the Neilsons were baptized on February 11, 1877. Dell R. Ellis, Papers. They emigrated to A m erica on the ship “W isconsin,” arriving in New York on July 7, 1877. Alm a Neilson, Papers. They arrived by rail in Salt Lake City a week later. This chronology of dates is puzzling. 93. “The Life Story of Owen Seth H am ilton,” p. 1. 94. Carma Nielsen Cutler, comp., “Th e House Mama and Papa Built.” 95. Viola Nokes Dowdy, interviewed by Mel Bashore, Salt Lake City, September 18, 1986. 96. U tah Territorial Case N o. 1684, National Archives-D enver Branch, Denver, Colorado. Copies of indictment, warrants, and other judicial papers in Charles Mormon Nokes’ case also in collection of Riverton Historical Society. 97. Viola Nokes Dowdy, interviewed by Mel Bashore, Salt Lake City, Utah, September 18, 1986.

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98. Salt Lake Tribune, October 19, 1888. 99. U tah State Prison, Admission Records, List of Prisoners (1 8 7 5 -1 8 8 9 ), p. 219, U tah State Archives. 100. In order to appear presentable before the judge, he had to borrow a pair of pants from fellow prisoner George Brown Bailey. In a letter to his family, Bailey wrote, “I came very close to the City this last week, that is my pants went there twice with Bro. Chas. Nokes on a writ.” George Brown Bailey, Letter, February 2, 1889. Original inpossession of Gary E. Stay, copy in files of Riverton Historical Society. 101. Journal History, February 9, 1889, p. 3, LDS Church Archives. 102. W est Jordan Precinct, Salt Lake County, U tah, T ax Records, 1873, Family History Library. 103. Maurine Page, interview with Mel Bashore, February 9, 1985. 104- Thomas Phillips Page, Scrapbook, LDS Church Archives. 105. Edward Beckstead, interview with Mel Bashore, April 6, 1985. 106. “Riverton Is Growing, Triplets Are Named,” Deseret Evening News, June 5, 1913. 107. Southern Salt Lake County Gazetteer (Murray, U tah: American Eagle, 1907) p. 40. 108. Salt Lake Telegram, August 26, 1913. 109. Donald B. Petersen, interview with Mel Bashore, April 9, 1986. 110. A n interesting family group record in the Family History Library in Salt Lake City lists some uncommon physical measurements for Ella Brown Petersen including her height, weight, and “chest size.” Copy in the Riverton Historical Society files. 111. Genealogical Surveys of L.D.S. Members (Collected by the Genealogical Society of U tah, 1 9 2 4 -1 9 2 9 ), Vol. 24:99, Family History Library, Salt Lake City. 112. Relief Society, Minutes, Riverton W ard, August 5, 1897 and April 3, 1890, LDS Church Archives. 113. Joseph E. Morgan bought this place in 1919. Morgan comments on the well and adobe-brick home that were on this farm in his account of the homes in Riverton and the corresponding map. See Joseph E. Morgan, “History” (typescript), p. 5. 114- A copy of his certificate of election in 1895 is in the collection of the Riverton Historical Society. 115. The Historical Society has one of the red leather-bound sexton’s books kept by W illiam Silcox. It was donated by his widow, Anna. 116. Elias Smith, Elias Smith’s Journal, comp, by Sarah C. Thomas, vol. 3, February 19, 1880. 117. Ibid., May 8, 1886. 118. Lowell Smith Steed, telephone conversation with Mel Bashore, March 26, 1992. 119. George Fergusson practiced medicine from about 1 9 0 9 -1 0 to about 1912. Oscar Roi Hardy, Riverton’s second doctor, practiced in Riverton from about 1912 to about 1920. C . C . Jensen practiced in Riverton from about 1920 and for a short time after the arrival of Soren C . B. Sorenson in 1922.

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120. Biographical sketch of S.C .B . Sorenson by Eva May Crump in R iverton Historical Society collection. 121. “History of W est Jordan,” p. 12, pamphlet in Salt Lake County Library, South Jordan Branch. 122. Orrin Porter Miller, Journal, August 19, 1883, p. 15. 123. Maurine Steadman Page, interview with Mel Bashore, February 9, 1985. 124- This biographical sketch was principally based on a life sketch written by Beth Steadman Bills and telephone interviews by Mel Bashore with Elizabeth Bills, September 27, 1989, and James R. (Jay) Steadman, September 28, 1989. 125. His obituary in the Deseret Evening News (August 4 , 1 9 1 7 ) states that “he came to U tah in Captain Robertson’s handcart company in 1 850.” In reality, he cam e in 1860 in Daniel Robinson’s company as handcarts didn’t com e into use as an emigration transporta tion vehicle until the m id-1850s. James’ mother, for whatever reason [possibly because she didn’t join the Mormon Church], remained behind in England, dying there in 1881. James’ younger brother, John, also emigrated to U tah with his father in 1860. 126. T h e log house that he lived in while his house was being constructed still resides on the property (1 9 9 2 ). It is located approximately 4 0 feet from the west side of the house and is currently being used as a garage. There are two theories about the origin of this log structure. O ne local “legend” states that it was first built in Herriman and relocated to this site by Tempest in 1883 or 1884- T he other “belief’ is that it was built on this site in 1880 or 1881 by Tempest, before he had actually purchased the land on which he had intentions of building his home. 127. In 1991, the Riverton Historical Society contracted with C . Ray Varley to perform the necessary work to attempt to have this home placed on the N ational Register of Historic Places. The owner of the home, Clifton Densley, gave permission to undertake this research and nomination submission. U pon evaluation, Roger Roper of the U tah State Historical Society, advised that the house had undergone too many interior and exterior changes to be accepted for National Register designation. For this reason, the Riverton Historical Society did not pursue the nomination, but Roper did note that the home was “an important build ing in the community and worthy of local” recognition. It is unique in that it is the only two-story Greek Revival building in Riverton. “Evaluation Sheet, N ational Register N omination, U tah Office of Preservation,” in James Tem pest Home, N ational Register Nomination. 128. Biographical clarification about the marriages of James Tempest was obtained in phone conversations of Mel Bashore with Carol E. Hickenlooper, M arch 12, 1992 and March 14, 1992. 129. A nne H. Cannon, letter, June 20, 1985. 130. Recorded in the sacrament meeting minutes: “Thom as M. Hamilton in an address to the people of Riverton W ard how the Riverton Choir in a Singing C ontest W ith Union W ard had won a Trophy in the Jordan Stake in the form of a Silver Loving Cup the Same W as on Exhibition.” Riverton W ard, General Minutes, April 19, 1914, original book in pos session of Langford Lloyd.

Appendix 1 Joseph E. M organ Histories

Introductory N ote: The following two documents have been included in the appendix of this book because they appear to be companion documents to the two hand-drawn maps of early Riverton. Blueprint copies of these historical maps were found with other city maps by the city engineer and given to the Riverton Historical Society on July 31, 1990. Textual clues on the maps suggest that Joseph E. Morgan was likely the cartographer. Some of the bi ographical information on the maps corresponds with biographical information in Morgan’s typescript and manuscript histories. In her history (2nd ed., p. 7 8), Blanche Densley wrote that “in his later life [Morgan] wrote a partial history and made three large maps of Riverton.” W e only have two maps and believe that there was a separation of about sixty years in their drawing. The printed map (32.5 x 27.5) appears to have been drawn first, pos sibly about 1910-11. The map with cursive writing (28.5 x 2 8 .5 ) likely could have been drawn about 1970. Morgan may have redrawn the map at that time when hc'was writing his manuscript entitled “A Beginning of Some History of Riverton’s Homes.” Although there is repetitive information in Morgan’s documents, unique observations in each warrants tran scribing both of these documents here. The 8-page typescript document is transcribed first. It is untitled. The 24-page manuscript document entitled “A Beginning of Some History of Riverton’s Homes” follows. These two documents were among papers which John M cCormick collected while researching the history of Riverton for the U tah State Historical Society in the 1970s. There is nothing in his notes (on file with the Historical Society) to indicate who has the original of these documents or where he obtained them. In transcribing the documents, emphasis was placed on readability and clarity. Original spelling has generally been preserved except for proper nouns and place names or when misspellings blurred the sense or readability of the text. Some abbreviations were spelled out and paragraph divisions were made to improve readability. Punctuation has been standardized and equal signs in the text were replaced with periods. Ampersands have been replaced. The addition of any clarifying material has been enclosed with brackets. Material that was difficult to read or decipher is indicated with a bracketed question mark [?].

[History] by Joseph E . Morgan The first ones coming here in about 1865 made their homes on the west side of the hill that was sloping east into the Jordan River bottom. Here was a good range for sheep and cat tle, hogs, chickens, geese, ducks, and horses. A trail was made to each place going through sage brush, greese wood, and tamarack, over little ridges down into little hallows to the last one up the river bank. 399

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The first thing to do was. to get water up above so they put a damn across the river some distance up above South, then dug a small canal along the bank till it went above what is now 13th W est or Lower Road which was the first surveyed in this end of the valley. This canal went north to Senior John Hansen’s farm. This was done by two horses pulling a small scraper, some one loading, and driver guiding them out of the canal and dumping it on the bank. This place is where Mr. John Hansen Jr. lived, he to be principal of Riverton School District N o. 4 4 for many years. In about 1865 the South Jordan C anal was dug. It was done the same way as the other little one was. About now the little Lower Road had been cleared of some of the brush, and leveled so ones down on the hillside started to build along its sides. O ne of the first things was to get a church house. It was built on the east side of the road a little north of where 132 South is now. O ne room at first made of adobes from the earth there, then another and they burned them to brick. T h e first [room] made on the west side where they entered, the other [room] on the east side, and the long way north and south making a T shape. It was used for church, school, dances, shows, weddings, etc., in about 1875. It still stands today and is the Don C oy’s house. Now there was three trails from the river bank road cam e up to the Lower Road. Robert Dansie on the north side of the church house. A little farther north Mr. Silcox. Then a little south of the church house where 132 South crosses 13th W est or Lower Road. Edward M. Morgan owned the co m er on the northeast. He had cleared the sage bmsh and planted sugar cane, so in this clearing people went over with wagons or whatever they had to go down to the River bank road where a family of Mr. Tim othy Gilbert lived. So my Dad took the front hounds of the wagon and with a team of horses and drug it back and forth till all the bmsh was down with the grade of the road in 1884- T hen he put rocks on the west of his property on the east side of road. He went to the mountain on the south side to get the rocks, and this place to be Gordon S. Bills, 2nd bishop and his oldest daughter of this family to be the organist of this ward for many years. H er name was Carrie Green. Going north on 13th W est to Draper Road, go east to hill on south side, this hillside sloping into the Jordan River bottom where the first tithing yard was. It had weighing scales, office, chicken coops, feeding places for sheep and cattle, hog pens, cellars for vegetables, and a big granary for storing wheat. The one in charge, or caretaker was Freeman R. Lloyd who lived above U tah and Salt Lake Canal on Herriman and Pole Line Road. He to be the operator of the big sage bmsh machine to clear the bmsh when it was to be made to blossom as the rose, from a wild wilderness of black tailed jack rabbits, wild cats, coyotes, on land, and then sage hens, crows, magpies, the blue jays, and snow birds, these dominated the air. On north side of the road, opposite the tithing yard, at the bottom of the hill, an adobe mill on west side of Beckstead ditch. This stream of water was taken out of the Jordan River, flowed north to m n the first flour mill in the south end of the county. It was dug by the ones of its name and like the others by team and horses. East of this at crossing of the Jordan River was a ford. I helped fill barrels with water in the drought years of 1899—1901. This was on a wagon drawn by two horses. T h e water was used for animals and house use. Now go west up this lane to Lower Road on west side, a big white brick bam and yard for storing hay and feeding animals. Charlie Blake owned this property. He built this bam in about 1883 and it is there today. G o south on lower road on west side a good baseball dia mond in cow pasture. G o west up Herriman Road on north side the first bishop, O. P. Miller. A ford here across South Jordan Canal, called Miller’s Ford. He gave Riverton it’s name. Back east to Lower Road, now south on west side of road a sheep raiser with corrals and barns, Charles Dansie. G o south, west side of road a Civil W ar veteran built a log house obtaining logs from W est Mountain. Later he built another house from adobes on same side, just a little ways from the other one. He made the adobes, put them in a kiln and burned them to bricks and built his house. This was Philip Nell. It is still there now. Continuing south to Cemetery Road, go west to South Jordan Canal, no bridge, so traffic had to go on east side of canal with a ford at Charles Dansie’s. T hen across the canal then on west side back to Cemetery Road. Go west and on south side was a baseball diamond on T h o m ’s

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place. On north side of road here is the Riverton Cemetery. Go west up the road on the south side is a large water wheel, which is on an irrigation ditch, with wooden cups as water went down it filled them. As the wheel turned it emptied the water into a tin trough to his garden. It could be heard groaning under its load a half mile away. A little south of this, a little blacksmith shop. Just a little west on the same side, a milk cooler where milk was gathered in 10 gallon cans by wagons, pulled by two horses, with dri ver Joseph G. Green. Going back east to Lower Road, go south, and on east side of road a big hallow with little stream of water flowing to the Jordan River. O n north side of the hallow, a mail car rier, a school teacher, and baseball manager for many years, lived with his large family. His name Ed. Orgill. O n the south of this hallow, a ford across the South Jordan Canal where road crosses into Wilford W ebb’s place, called W ebb’s Ford. Now, on south still on Lower Road, on east side the choir leader, F. W . Webb, lived for many years. On south where road crosses South Jordan Canal a ford, Green’s Ford. This place had a church helper in the early pioneer times going from place to place far up next to mountains in a small buggy drawn by two horses, as sisting with the ill ones, this was Mrs. Green (Grandma Green to everyone). My first know ing of this family in 1897, getting permission to hunt ducks on his property. Going west up to 17th W est, Redwood Road, which was then only a trail through the sagebrush. O n southwest com er was a frame store owned by Louis Peterson. I carried butter and eggs to it in 1898-1900, from Morgan Road, which is now 134th South. The frame house on the northwest com er was moved from George F. Beckstead. I saw it when they was moving it as they crossed Dry Creek, I thought for sure it was tipping over. It was pulled by 8 horses, with long leashes on wagon wheels. Go north on Redwood Road to 134th South, go east a Civil W ar veteran made adobes, put them in kiln, burned them to brick, built the house, and it still stands today. G o east on north side of road, a big pond of water up against South Jordan Canal. Ideal for swimming and rowing rafts in summer, in winter for ice skating. Big fires at night, for many winters. East of this a swimming place in South Jordan Canal, for the whole community. On northeast com er of this pond, an adobe mill. Going back west to Redwood Road and Morgan [Road], northwest com er a skating pond, with the water coming in from irrigation ditch. W as good for many winters, and skaters came from near and far. Also had bonfires here. Go west on Morgan Road, up next to the U tah and Salt Lake Canal, a brick kiln with many burning at a time. Many of the bricks from this kiln were used to build houses in Riverton, and other towns. Across the road on south side, next to the Canal bank, was a sheep shearing and sepa rating corral, for many years, around 1900. Across the canal on the south side of the road, was a baseball diamond. Big games were played there like Draper vs. the Red Gales, the two outstanding teams in the entire county. I played here from 1900 to 1904. Go west up 134th about two miles; people went up with two horses hitched to a wagon, sythed blue grass, pitched it on, hauled it down for animal feed. This they did during the drought years, 1901 and 1 9 0 2 .1 helped with this. G o south next to mountains, a sheep shearing and separating corral, at the mouth of Rock Hallow. I played on wool sacks in 1900 to 1903. Back on Redwood Road, north to 132 South (Cemetery Road), on northeast com er was a big prune orchard, which was owned by Mr. Charles Nokes but let the neighborhood children help themselves freely at any time to all they wanted. Dry Creek is located on the Ed Rishton, Ed Butterfield place, north of Cemetery Road, it heads south of Fort Herriman. W hen the Utah, Salt Lake Canal came through, the county dammed it off and made a large ditch south over to Rose Creek, which came down from Rose Canyon. W here Dry Creek crossed Redwood Road, at the above mentioned places they had to put two teams (four horses) on to pull one wagon up the north side. This 1 saw them do. On this place was a dug well in 1880. This well was bricked from the top of the water in the bottom of the well, clear to the ground level. The well had a frame square top,

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with a pulley and a wheel. This.would let the old oaken bucket down with a rope, and draw it up full. Many cam e to drink, was used for many years. This to be my place in June 1919. O n north, on the east side of the road, a molasses mill, crushed liquid from sugar cane stock, by a horse pulling on an arm going round and round with cogs meshing together as stalks were put in. Th e liquid that was obtained went into a trough then into a boiling vat, from here it was let out to cool and put in cans as syrup. Across the road on the west side was a big red brick bam for all uses of animals, mainly sheep. It was built by George F. Beckstead, later sold to A . T . Butterfield. This bam still stands today. Now, on northeast side of road a water tank upon piles had a windmill on to draw water and this tank supplied water to four families and sheep corrals. O n north, east side of road down east through fields below South Jordan C anal a sheep shearing and separating yard with a dipping corral and vat. This was owned by Daniel E. Densley. I helped dip sheep in 1900. Now on north on Redwood Road the west side of road the first school house, four rooms, two up and two down made of white brick. Made adobes at place, put them in kiln, burnt them to brick, and then built the house. A ll labor was furnished free. O ne room at a time was finished. 1907 the building was completed. Some people only wanted two rooms built at first, but 1st bishop O. P. Miller said to build four rooms. Joseph G . G reen helped. This was in 1 8 9 3 .1 graduated in 1907 in the new south room up stairs. 8th Grade. N orth of this, same side of road, a big red dome church house four rooms downstairs and the chapel in the middle, big auditorium upstairs with windows all colored, entered by circular stairs on the east side. They got rocks for foundation on the north side of South Mountain next to Rock Hollow. Many wagons went in 1898 and I was with them and helped load the rocks on. Our baseball park was west of these buildings and grandstand equal to any in the south end of the county. O n north on the west side of the road was Page Hansen’s Store. N orth of this, same side of road, George W . Bills and Joseph Park Store. O n northwest side of road Bates C om er was a brick store and the first post office. Mail cam e from Sandy. People came and got their mail from here. W est of this a frame dance hall. Moved it to Bluffdale. I saw it moved in about 1898. This com er was later owned by Heber S. Crane, sheep raiser and owner. H e had many big bams. Across road on southeast com er of Redwood Road and Draper Road, county drilled a well with iron pipe and built a big wooden tank on piles, and had a windmill on to draw water, then drain it out in smaller troughs for all of the beasts to com e to drink, and people also came to fill cans and barrels. Often you had to wait your turn to get in with the cows as they were driven here in bunches from near and far. W h en we met here they would fight and bunt each other till they were knocking each other down, and it was a big problem to get your own separated from the bunches at the trough. I was there also with my cows. This was in the drought years of 1899, 1900 and 1901. During these years the U tah Lake was practically dry. Across from the water tank, on northeast com er a big mercantile store had four places of business downstairs: a grocery, a hardware, a harness shop, and a bank. Above was a big dance hall, which was the best in this end of the country. This hall was also used for stage shows, roller skating rink, church gatherings, and weddings. It was made of white brick, which came from the kiln on Morgan Road. It was at this kiln that Joseph P. Green worked and took script for pay, good only at Daniel E. Densley’s store. N orth from the dance hall to the end of Riverton, and west up Myer’s Lane, which was merely a trail through sage brush, was a big hay bam and a corral for sheep and cattle, owned by Lionel L. Myers. Across this lane was a sheep shearing, and separating corral on Bingham Creek. Th e owners were the sheep men of Riverton and South Jordan. Back on Redwood Road, on the south on the west side, was a sheep raiser with a big bam and corral owned by Zachariah Butterfield. Continuing south on the west side of the road was another cattle raiser, with bams and sheds. He had a big self-feeder thrashing machine (The Advance). Joseph P. Green was the measurer on the machine. This was owned by George H. Dansie.

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O n the com er of Redwood and Herriman roads, James Dansie had cattle yards and a self-feeder thrashing machine, which was among the first in the area. A little blacksmith shop, and a vegetable market were on this com er, which was run by Thomas Nichols. T he Indians would come down from the mountains on both the south and west, and would pitch their tents and teepee on the roads where the grass was good for their ponies to pasture on, while they came begging for food. They mainly asked for flour, sugar, salt and other things. One of the main places where the Indians camped, was the Morgan Road. They stayed there days at a time. This was in 1897 and on. Many times in the summer months I saw them there. The Indians made their home in the South Mountains, as there was a spring in nearly every hallow. W e could see them coming down whether they were on horse back or in little wagons, by the dust they made. The Morgan Road had big Carolina poplar trees on the south side from Redwood Road clear to the U tah and Salt Lake Canal. There was high canal willows on the north side. This made a grand place for birds of all kinds. Some of the people who had large bunches of cattle put them all together. They ranged in the South and W est Mountains. Joseph P. Green was the rider or herder. The Riverton firefighting system was the Bucket Brigade, handing from one to an other, and I helped with this. The lights consisted of coal oil lamps or the tallow dip lights. The fuel used was the sagebrush, oak and cedar trees. The Riverton pipeline came in 1908. W ooden 4 inch pipe was used, which was all layed in hand labor-the digging, laying and covering. I helped with this work. N ext to the mountain, south and east of Fort Herriman was a large group of quaken asp trees. Some scattering cedar trees here and there all over this vast wilderness. All the creeks coming from South and Oquirrh Mountains, on the west, washed deep creeks clear to the Jordan River, with sagebrush right to the banks edge. Here’s where the black-tailed jackrabbits, coyotes, foxes, wildcats and badgers, on the land, and in the air-the sagehen, magpies, the crows, the bluejays, brown thrush, snowbirds, and the killdeers. The Indian trails for roads, skeleton dugouts, caved-in dug wells, clearings in the sage brush where they had cut it for fuel and had tried to grow grain, was all there was to show that someone had been living there. Aside from the mentioned skating ponds, we had the two canals and we skated on them from head to end in the north end of the county and had many parties, with big bon fires at night. Fishing in the canals where we would take the wagons, go up the river with team of horses on the wagon and throw sticks of dynamite into pools. W e would get below on the bars and catch the fish as they floated by. The dynamite had busted their bladders and they floated by and we put them into sacks and put them in the wagon box, came home and the next day gave them to anyone who would come to get them. Now I want to talk about the hunting parties on the vast wilderness above the U tah and Salt Lake Canal with other communities. The losing town had to pay for the supper and the dance. The road going to Herriman is not where it is now. After crossing the canal it went north and here was a feeding lot for peddlers going to Bingham Canyon. It went west on the south side of a big creek. W e took hogs up to the hot springs. They are located in Bluffdale, west of U .S. 91. W hen the sage hens were flying in flocks, they made a shadow. In the drowth years we had to kill the grasshoppers to save what little crop the sun didn’t bum up. This baseball diamond on Lower Road or 13th W est was owned by Charles Miller.

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A Beginning of Some History of Riverton’s Homes by Joseph Morgan Some of the first settlers of Riverton was Tim othy Gilbert, Peter Garff, Lars Jensen, N . T . Silcock, Sam Green. A Mr. Grow lived with Peter Garff. Th e first dwellings used by the first settlers were dugouts. O ne of the first houses built in Riverton was Peter G arff s house which was made of rocks, logs and lumber; it was a built dugout. This house was situated a little east of the house where Isaac [?] now live. N orth of this place, Nicholas T . Silcox lived in a dugout and later he built a two or three rooms to this dugout. A n d south of this home Bro. Silcock built in his field on top of the hill, an adobe house which was a home for his 2nd wife known to everybody around as A ntie Beb. Just south of Peter G arff s home on the river bottom was Samuel G reen’s home on the river bottom was Samuel G reen’s home; the home that Joseph Green now lives in. But the house is a different house and south a little farther is where Tim othy Gilbert’s home was later became John Dansie’s home. A nd at present John Mitchell lives in this home. Above this home there was a ditch built to the river where water was taken out for the farms as far north as Bro. Silcock’s farm. He used this ditch for to irrigate irrogate just part of his. This ditch is still in use. He used water from Butterfield Canyon to irrogate his-some of his land as well as did other settlers use water that came down Butterfield Canyon. Lars Jensen, with Jederith Stokes help, he built the first house on flat which it was commonly known as the flat. This house was built on the place which now belongs to Mose Densley. Lars Jensen also dug the first well in Riverton. Bro. Samuel Howard first home was built down in his field by Hendrickson who cam e to Riverton from Salt Lake City and later moved to Draper. Bro. Howard [?] by the road. It too was a log house. This home now is owned by Knud Larson. Alexander Henderson built the house now occupied by Carl Wiberg. T h e house which Shorty Cardwell lives in was built by Christina Madsen Dansie. W h en she first lived there in Riverton there was a log house there. She later with her own money built this adobe dwelling. A family by the name of Stone lived in this log house before Mrs. Christina Dansie did. Riverton’s first church house was built in 1879 or the early part of 1880. Lars Jensen was the first presiding Elder in Riverton, he held this position untill he died. He died in the year April 23, 1883. T hen Orrin P. Miller took the position of presiding Elder. Orrin Miller’s first home was owned by his bro. David Miller. After the death of his father (Bishop Reuben Miller) there was an exchange in homes. David Miller leaving Riverton and his Bro. Orrin coming out and occupied the David Miller home. Th e house consisted of two adobe rooms. W h en Orrin moved there he added two more rooms to the home. Jesse Smith built an adobe house on the com er, the home now owned by John Hansen. Jesse Sm ith’s father owned this place. Th e house first on this place was a shanty called Judge Sm ith’s Shanty. W illiam Hamilton had a little house where Ed T ea lives. Charley Dansie bought from Hamilton. T h e house where Victoria Bills [lives] was the house that Peter Garff owned. Lars Jensen rented the house from Peter Garff the year 1868. Tim othy Gilbert lived in the house where John Dansie lived. Now John Mitchell lives [there]. T h e house Peter Garff live in was made of rocks, lumber and logs. It was half dugout. This house is all to m down. It was situated a little east of the Laurena Bills’ home. The ditch which furnished the water for irregation for some of Silcock’s farm. The ditch was taken out of river just above John Dansie’s home. Some of the water used for the farms was brought down from Butterfield Canyon. Bro. Nicholas T . Silcock built adobe house in his field. His first wife A ntie Beb Silcock lived in a dugout and adobe house up in the field. Lars Jensen built the first house up on flat now in Mose Densley’s place. He also dug the first well. Lars Jensen was a farmer and stockraiser. Jedjir [?] Stokes helped build this house of Lars Jensen. Robert Pixton was called to Dixie to colonize. He took his first wife Martha Silcock down there. A ll their children was bom down there. Samuel Howard’s house was first built east of where it now stands. Hendrickson first built the house. He moved out to Riverton from Salt Lake from Riverton. He moved over at Draper. Howard moved the house up to the road. Alexander Henderson built the house that Carl Wyberg now lives in. Christine Madson Dansie built built a one room log

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the adobe house east of Wiberg. There was a log house there before the adobe house was built. A family by the name of Stone lived in this log house before Christine Dansie lived there. The old meeting house was built in 1879 or the fore part of ‘80. Lars Jensen was the first presiding Elder of Riverton. He was president untill he died. He died in 1882. Orrin Miller took the position of Presiding Elder. The house that Orrin lived in was built by David Miller. Bishop Reuben Miller, the father, owned. He took up the land and when Reuben died there was a change made in the homes of David and Orrin. And Orrin came out here in Riverton to live. Orrin built the two rooms on the back. John Hansen’s folks came out about 1 years after Lars Jensen came out here. They too lived in a log house, two rooms. Jesse Smith built a dobe house on the com er where John Blake lived. Jesse was first counselor and Gordon S. Bills second. Jesse moved away and the Bishopric was reorganized with Orrin Miller Bishop. Gordon Bills first and Christian Peterson second, William Bowlden was sec. [?] on South (Mr. Timothy Gilbert). N ext Gordon S. Bills had two adobe houses. Farmer and dairy, 2nd Bishop. His daughter Carry 1st organist for the church. On South. William Dansie. Farmer and dairy; operated the big thrashing machine for his brother. Brick house, hod ever flowing4 k'tle-otroamo of water oecping from-South Jordon Conal for a big beautiful orchard. South, Mr. Samuel Green adobe house. Cattle. Joseph G. Green. Brick house. Dairy cows. W as rider for a group of cattle owners; they springed and summered in South and Oquirrah Mountains. W as a good and sincere worker at whatever he labored at. His wife was 1st organist of local church. Ho gave permission to m anyduck'huntero to hunt on hia property. I wao one o^ t-hem-wkh"my-fat'h'c r-Qnd-oldofBro. otarting in 1897. His mother was 1st assistant to Mrs. Silcock, 1st Relief Society President. They traveled far up to the Mts. on the south, ones living there in dugouts and west. Their mode of travel by two horses pulling a little topless buggy in the dark, only trails through sage brush at nights many times. Had two fords to make across South Jordan canal. Done thio helping the- onea ■needing-aaoiatanee; All country above where U tah and Salt Lake Canal now goes was a perfect wilderness. O n south to end of 138 So. a Mr. Bullock had a dugout on South bank of South Jordan Canal. Rock face on east. Mason. Start at nor[th] end 13 W est, Lower road, this 1st surveyed in south end of county, go south on East side of road. Alexander Henderson. Frame house. Farmer, cattle and bees. John Hansen, Sr.. Adobe house, farming. Here’s where 1st stream of water came too. A group of people went south up river, put a damn across it then dug a ditch with horses and slush scraper pulled by two horoco, a driver driving and one pressing and loading, going up out then dumping. It was dug high enough to go of whot wqo bo 12 Wcot and ending at the men tioned place. Others had vents and let water out for there place. This the place where John Hansen, Jr. lived and he to become principal of our school in 1900. My father talked with him in about 1880 when he was herding his father’s cattle. All this country then open with sage brush, high graao a t-the ground next to oouth way up to mountains on south and west. Many deep washes from the canyons clear to River. Go south, East side road. George F. Beckstead. Adobe house. Many sheep with flocks on desert. It was the Becksteads and Dansies that grew the bounteous crops on the River bot tom and ranged their sheep. I saw them when they were doing it, 1 8 9 7 .1 was with my father hunting ducks on the River. On south. Samuel H. Howard. Log and adobe house, Road builder and a good cummunity sports man. W hen Redwood Road extented South to BluffDale he told me he held the hand plow while a Mr. Smith drove the horses to break the ground and remove the sage brush. O n south. William Silcock (later Nicholas). Brick house, Sheep inspector. He inspected the herds. W as herding in the corrall at Faust Station, Rush Valley. He didn’t recognize me as I had five months of growth of whiskers on. He didn’t find anything wrong then I told him who I was. My, he sure had a good laugh. I had known him since 1897. It was 1913. He a good sports man. N ext, Thomas Silcock. Log and Brick house. Farmer.

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Now to 1st church House. W est end adobe, running east. East end brick, running north and south. Entrance at W est end. W as 1st school house, weddings, political rallies, shows, other entertainments. N orth of this, road goes down to the Robert Dansie adobe houses. Here where 3rd boy graduated from Dist. 44. South of this my father owned the property. H e had the com er and much more land broken up from sage and rabbit brush good a[nd] level so the ones going down East to the Gordon S. Bills adobe houses. They went over it. He went up to foot of South Mountain, got rocks with team and wagon, brought them down and placed them on west of his land and east of road so that stopped it. T h en he took the front hounds of a wagon and dmg it back and forth till there was a fairly good road and they traveled it. Tim othy Gilbert was there then. It is now 132[00] South. Joseph Nattress. Carpenter and good. Lived there on com er where Della Bills’ home, east of 132[00] South. Thomas Newman. Farmer and miner, built the red brick house where my father had his sugar cane planted and the place they were going over. O n South, east side of road. Knud Larsen. Adobe house, farmer, cows. O n South, William Biggs. Adobe house. Tinkerer. Harry Brown. Brick house. W orker, many talents. Edward Orgill. Adobe house. School teacher, mail carrier, Base Ball Manager and more. O n the hal low, south of their house was a small stream of water flowing year around. It went on its ever flowing coarse east down the bottom into River. They made little damns, made for ducks and geese, turkeys in pens and at large roaming the hillsides. South of canal on east side of road. Fred W . W ebb. Frame house. Shoe cobbler, harness and saddle salesman. First W ard choir leader. I was a member. N orth end, lower road, 13th W est, west side road, go south. Carl Madsen. Frame house. Carpenter. John W eaver. Brick house. Office worker. Charles Blake. Adobe house. Sheep owner and farmer, big white brick bam , two story, 1880. There now, 1970. Charles Miller. Brick and frame house with lawn and flowers. Farmer and dairy cows. A good Base Ball dia mond in cow pasture. His house was the first one along 13th W est about 1875. G o W est on Herriman road. A bro. Orrin P. Miller, north side below South Jordan Canal. Adobe house. Farmer and dairy cows. He was 1st Bishop in 1884. G ave the place its name. Ft. Herriman settled many years before, when people coming down would say down on the river, so he said we will call it Riverton. Here where no bridge across canal, had to ford, it was called Miller ford. Across road on south side go east down to 13th W est. Samuel H . Howard. Frame house on com er. James Blake. Adobe house. Farmer and dairy. G o on South. Charles Dansie. Adobe house with big sheds for sheep or cattle. 1st boy graduated 1902. A nd mason. South on west side road. Phillip Nell. Log house. Veteran of war. O n south west. John Holmberg. Brick house. Laborer. Phillip Nell. Brick house. He made adobes, put them into kiln, burned them into brick. Built his house, 1880. There now, 1960. O n south to 132nd South, west to South Jordan Canal on north, east side, made a trail on East bank to Charles Dansie’s place. A ford, so [ajcrossed canal a trail was made on W est bank to cemetary road, 132[00] South. Across road, go east on South side. Knud Larsen. Frame house. Dairy. O n South, W est side of 13th W est. W illiam H ackett. Log house. W orked with team of horses. Joseph H ackett. Log house. Laborer. Wilford W ebb. Adobe house. Farmer and team worker. A ford through South Jordan Canal called W ebb ford. N orth and west of this place a little on hill, William Bowlden. Log house. Painter and builder. O n south, Henry Seal. Brick house. Farmer. Ephraim Otteson. Brick house. Farmer. Mr. Jesse Beckstead told me he camped with his herd of sheep on a little hill west of where South Jordan Canal was dug. Had all that vast country to his own free of all charge, 1855.

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End of place, go north end of now Riverton, east side of Red W ood, 17th W est. James Petersen. Frame house. Bingham peddler. Here where stream of water flowed from canyon to Jordan River, a pond of water west of South Jordan Canal. Andrew Petersen. Frame house. Black Smith. Daniel E. Densley, Jr.. Corner on northeast of Redwood and Herriman Road, mercantile store, white brick, four spaces on floor for business, upstairs big dance hall. Largest and best in south end of Valley. Used for roller skating, picture shows, stage, wed dings, rallies and church doings. Across road on southeast com er, a wooden county water tank on piles five feet high, wooden stays around, wind mill to draw water from a six inch iron pipe that had been driven down to water in ground. W ater let out into small troughs for animals. Drought years, 1898-1900. Many came with cans or barrels for house use. They came with horses and cows from far and near. O n getting here cows would bunt each other down. It would be difficult to get them separated. I was there with ours. O n south, east side. Rose Hansen. Frame house. Helped with ill. Aaron Densley. Brick house. Sheep owner. Dan Densley. Three houses. Brick. East, down in field below South Jordan Canal. Shearing, separating, and branding coral and dipping vat for sheep. I helped with this in 1898 and on. John Lloyd. Frame house. Charles Nokes. Brick house. Honey Bees. Mollases mill. It was pulled by a horse. A long pole fas tened to cogs, it turned as horse went around. Sugar cane stalks was put into the hopper. It crushed them and the fluid was pressed out. It went into an iron trough into tank. Was boiled, let out to cool, then mollases. Now to 132[00] South, Cemetery Road, East side of road. John Long, frame house. Miner. Across road, W est side of South Jordan Canal. William Charles. Frame house. Carpenter and painter. Heber T h om . Adobe house. Sheep shearer. South, in field. Base Ball diamond. Th e second. Its west on south side [of] 132[00] South. John Christensen. Frame house. Laborer. Then John Malquist. Blacksmith Shop. W ater wheel had cups. It was over water ditch. As water passed by, filled cups made it turn. Each revolution emptied water into trough then onto his garden and trees. Community creamery milk was gathered by team of horses on wagon. A driver lifting ten gallon clins into it then off into the cooler where it was placed in big tank and held till it was used by consumer. Charles Nokes. Log house. Orchard of all varietes. From here, 2nd boy graduated, 1903. Parley Hamilton. Adobe house. Farmer. N orth east com er on 134[00] South. Go east, down north side road. Josiah Draper. Frame house. Laborer. Rachel Bills. Frame house. Worker. Fred S. Lloyd lived there next. Had a big thrashing machine. A plumber and herder. Thomas Fisher. Brick house. Sheep owner, Base Ball pitcher. Phillip Nell. Brick house. Made adobes. Put them into kiln, burned to brick. Built the house. There today, Jan. 1970. Veter[an] of Civil W ar, on firing line one year. East to where a little stream of water flowed nearly year around. It flowed to west bank of South Jordan Canal, then making a big reservoir. Us ones who liked to swim, float rafts, ride poles and all water activities surly had the times. W hen winter and cold weather was domi nating the atmospher, had big fires at night. Skaters of both sex[e]s came by wagon loads pulled by two horses, buggies pulled by one horse, carts pulled by a horse, on foot. Skated into the wee hours of the morning. Also had hockey games. W as many winters like this. I was there with both times. O n north side next to canal. A n adobe mill. W est of pond. Hans Jensen. Brick house. Cobbler. Used today, a bam for animals. 1970. Across the little stream of water, east. John Calhoon. Log house. Laborer. George Eastman, owner next. Dry farmer. Oscar Nell. Frame house. Honest worker. W as on south side of 134(00] South. W est of little stream of water that flowed into this pond.

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Now to 17th W est, Redwood Road, East side of. James Maynard. Adobe house, then brick. There today. Sheep owner. James Madsen. Frame house. Carpenter. Franklin E. Seal. Adobe house. Bingham Peddler and farmer. Charles Webb. Brick house. Farmer. O n west side of 17th W est, south side of 138th South. Louis Peterson’s Store. Frame. I car ried Butter and eggs there in 1898- 1900. And on from 134[00] South, Morgan Road, on west, south side of road, 138[00] South. Daniel Densley, Sr.. Brick house. Chickens and bees. David Kidd. Frame house. Chickens and cows. W as a Baseball pitcher for the red gales, a league team of the county. This team was chosen from south end, from River west. They had pretty red suits. Now go north to 114[00] South on Redwood Road, 17th W est, west side of road. U p west, Myers Lane, south side road. Adolf Dalstorm. Adobe house. Miner. Lionel L. Myers. Adobe house. Farmer, sheep raiser. Lane on south. John Rindlisbach. Frame house. Farmer. Across side. A aron Garside. Frame house. Sheep herder. Jacob Myers. Brick house. Farmer. East, south side, lane. Niels Madsen. Brick house. Farmer. Good, big, fat horses. South of his house on Bingham Creek. Sheep shearing and separating coral. I was told this by a great sheep owner. G o south on west side of 17th W est, Redwood Road. Ernie Gabrielson. Brick house. Farmer. Zach Butterfield. Adobe house. Sheep owner with many bams and corals. W est from 17th South, lane up in field. Chris Lovendahl. Frame house. Farmer and sheep herder. William Torklesen. Frame house. Had big, fat horses. George H. Dansie. Brick house. Dairy cows, thrashing machine. O ne of the biggest and best in this end of the valley. Owned much land, other big machines. Feed sheep, ranged them on his land to fatten. Had good information on bible. James Dansie. Brick house. Dairy cows and thrashing machine. This on northwest com er, 17th W est. A black smith shop. Vegetable market. G o west up Herriman Road, north side. John Parry. Frame house. Carpenter. This and all these to U tah and Salt Lake Canal. Across Fort Herriman Road to south side, east to Redwood Road. A frame dance hall, moved to Bluff Dale. A store. Brick, 1st Post office. Mail came from Sandy, people cam e here and got it. This is known as the Bates C om er, 1st owner. Then H. S. Crane. Adobe house. Owned many sheep herds on Desert and range in Idaho. South on west side. Page Hansen Store. Brick and frame. 2nd Chapel. Red brick. They came from kiln on the Morgan Road. It had a dome roof, big auditorium. U p stairs, winding up east side. Colored glass on windows. Five room[s] down with one in each com er, chapel in center. I was with the 1st wagons going up the foot of South M ountain to get rock for the foundation. They traveled the road that went to Simpson Springs, a Pony Express station. School house. W hite brick. Two rooms on bottom, two above. A ll labor, building was do nated free, built 1892. They made adobes from earth there. Put them into kiln, then burned to brick. Finished as population increased, finished in fall of 1905. This land was given by T. P. Page for school and chapel buildings. The big Base Ball diamond in park. It was located west of these buildings. T . P. Page house. Frame and brick. South of school house was an orchard. W aste water come down from it, stayed west of road where they had moved it up on road. Bull rushes and cat tails, thick and high in fall. W hen ripe the silk was dominating the air supreme. T h e fence next to this was 3 one by 6 inch boards nailed to post running length wise. W arren Beckstead. Brick house. Sheep owner. Then George F. Beckstead. He had herds on desert. Big red brick bam there now, 1965. His son [was the] sixth boy to graduate from Riverton, 1906. Chris Peterson. Frame house. Farmer. They moved it [house] to northwest com er, 138[00] South 17th W est. I saw them move it, pulled by 4 teams, eight horses. W h en going through Dry Creek wash I though for sure it was tipping over.

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Edward Rishton. Adobe house. Farmer. He had a dug well, put top on with 4 two by fours up right. Made a place on top of gabels. Put wheel in, then the old empty oaken buckets, one on each end. Let it down, come up full. W as tied by rope. W as bricked from top to waters edge. W ater always cold. Many come to partake of. This is where Dry Creek crossed 17th W est, wending its way to Jordan River. It was so steep on north side, had two 4-horse teams to pull it up, sheep camps and wagons and Bingham peddlers. I saw them doing it. This to be my place in June 1919. Reuben S. Hamilton. Brick house. Farmer and dairy cows. Thomas M. Hamilton. Brick house. Farmer and dairy cows. In 1897 on northwest com er of 17th W est, 134[00] South, open field owned by Parley Hamilton and Bros. In winter, water muskrats would come into field, freeze through ditch on north side of road, dig holes. A skating rink. Perhaps 100 at a time come from far and near in wagons pulled by two horses, buggies pulled by one horse, on foot. Had hockey. Had big bon fires. Skated nearly all night. It was below zero for many days at a time. W est, north side of road, next [to] U tah and Salt Lake Canal. A brick yard with four or five burning at once. Made the adobes right there from the land. Used dead trees from mountain on west and south to bum to brick. Then a chance to get coal. Go over to Oregon Short Line at Draper. Then to pay for it, script was used to pay the workers given by Dan Densley and good at his store on com er of Redwood and Herriman [Road], northeast. One time in summer about 1900 a flash flood hit in south hills and water came down. Filled the canal to overflowing along the east bank where they had a little vent to have some water come to mix the adobes. It washed out and bigger. It got so the people was putting poles down in front, brush or anything to try and stop it, a big stream going very swift. A neighbor slipped in and it took him through and he went end o[ve]r end with the stream about one hundred yards before the water flattened out and he could stand up. Hat and shoes gone but the rest of him O.K. Sam Beck. I saw him go in and come out. Across on trail road, south side east of U tah and Salt Lake Canal. A good sheep shearing and separating coral. I helped here, 1900. Thomas Harry N ott. Adobe houge. Farmer. Big raiser. Henry Black, Ed Walker, Sam Beck. Edward M. Morgan. Adobe house. Farmer and stock raiser. Always out of debt. Two of his boys graduated from Riverton School Dist. No. 4 4. One 1905, he the fifth boy. Other 1907, the seventh boy. This trail didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have all the sage brush stumps out. The wagons just bumped from one to other in holes between so we dug them up and leveled so we could have our produce down to the yard without it all bouncing off. A big row of Carolina poplars trees was on south side of road, very high. On north side, canal. Willers thick and high, nearly like a tunnel. All kind of pretty birds, big and little, was here singing from day light into day and then at evening nested. This place main gathering place for the Indians, here for many years. Camped in shade of trees. Put up their tents or tepees. Let their little ponies feed on the grass. Stay many days at a time while they came begging for flour, sugar, and everything in the line of food, but meat. Their homes up in South Mountains. W as a little stream of water in nearly every hallow. They come down on little wagons, had two little ponies pulling. W e could see them coming, a little trail of dust. They done this many years 1896 to 1903. W hen word came of a car load of coal at the Rail Road at Draper away they would go with team of horse wagon and get 3 0 0 or four hundred pounds, their alotment. South west side, 1700 West. Tim Beckstead. Brick house. Farmer. James Tempest. Brick house. Bingham peddler. William J. Densley. Brick house. Sheep owner with herd on desert. Jim Flinn. Log house. Sheep shearer. Niels Nielson. Frame house. Laborer. This on northÂ west com er of 17th W est, 138th South. This was the house I saw them move from the George F. Beckstead place nearly tipped over crossing Dry Creek. Go west on north side of 138th South. Jens Jensen. Brick house. N ext, Mose Densley. W ith herd of sheep on Desert. William N ott. Brick house. Farmer and pig raiser.

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W est on the side of first trail. Jens Jensen. Rock house. This a little north of his first that was made. Starting a small distance' north of where Ft. Herriman road went west. It was above the 17th W est and went where it was easiest to get across washes to pass by this rock house and wend its way south at east end of South M ountain, then through pass into Rush Valley over Lookout Pass into South end of Skull Valley and on between mountains to Simpson Springs Ponny Express station in 1860 with mail to Sacram ento, Calif. Now start at north end 114[00] South, west up Myers Lane above U tah and Salt Lake Canal. This all sage brush and small washes up n ext to red rock hills. A little south, a sheep owner with sheep on lambing ground and fall range, Samuel Butterfield. Here was many small cedar trees. A little south, a Mr. Lanskie with frame house. A dug well with cool water in it even in summer. Had a top with 2x4s as up right. A wheel with rope and oaken buckets tied to each end. Many the jack rabbit. G o over to Ft. Herriman road, above canal. A t this place a public parking ground where Bingham peddlers let their horses rest and water. Many sheep owners stoped here with camp or wagon, then go on to find their out fit. T h e road or trail was north on south bank of wash about two city blocks, till it got up to Pole Line trail. T h en a little trail went south to where Mr. Robert Swan’s two story frame house. Miner. Here where fourth boy graduated in 1904. A little south, Freeman R. Lloyd. Frame house. He was the operator of the big machine when the vast prairie land cleaned from its inheritence of sage brush and a few scattering cedars trees. Filled up washes, leveled the land, raked the brush in windrows then burned it up. I helped set the fires wind, wind done the rest. W as also the one who drilled the turkey red wheat, run thrashing machine when harvesting. Preceding doing all this he was care taker. First one to manage the tithing yard that was down on the hill sloping into Jordan River valley. W est up road, north side. W illiam Maynard. Dry farmer, Doug out house. Sheep shearer and foot racer. South over to 134th South, Morgan trail in sage brush above U tah and Salt Lake Canal north side. Edmund Millard. Log house. Carpenter. John Lloyd. Frame. Laborer. W est, south side of road. 1st Base Ball Diamond about 1890. Big Games Like Draper vs. Red Gales and many others. A good diamond. Smooth, level, soft and no rocks. I played here in 1900 and on. W h en U tah and Salt Lake Canal cam e through they put a dam across. Made a smal[l] ditch south over to Rose Creek so the water would go to the Jordan River. It was a little ways east of electric Pole line Road or cart trail in sage brush. Used by the one in charge of it. A few of us boys living on 17th W est and 134th South used the sling shot hurl rocks at duck and sage hens on wing, jack rabbits on run, game. T h en the bow and arrow to be after the same. W hen the 1st telephone line with live wires cam e through in 1898, flocks of sage hens flying after sun down into the wires. They would go crippling. W e would have the fun catching them. Many then. Perhaps a wing or wings broken. This was for several seasons. I was with. Some nights we got a dozen or more. Also duck hit wires. About this time, 1897 and on, coyotes in fields early in morning around hay stacks, bams, corals, trees, ditches. If a chicken got out in open it was gone. Lambs or sheep also, to be sure. Had to have rifle ready when some one would sound off a coyote in field in day time. This fall or winter all near by on foot, horse back with dogs after it. Up over U tah and Salt Lake Canal it went, all after one grey hound. But it was to[o] smart in sage brush and washes dodging till it got away. Above U tah and Salt Lake Canal on 134th South, Morgan Road, is where nearly all the hunters would come and unload to start the hunt. Reason, very little sage brush. They came from Draper, Crescent, South Jordan, Riverton on Herriman Road or Myers in wagons, buggies, carts, horse back and on foot. I guess a hundred or more at a time. W hen in action, covered nearly all this vast sage bmsh prairie land. This they done several times a winter. The losing place would pay for the dance and supper at the Dan Densley dance hall. Would get into the hundred of black tailed jack rabbits, many sage hens, some times a coyote or two. And all these hunters, many winters for so many years, not one acci

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dent. Some of my cousins and others from Mill Creek. Thanksgiving time, about 1897 and on, would come to Dads the day B. 4 and go home day after with carts pulled by one pony. W hen they went home, some times fifty black tailed jack rabbits, two dozen sage hens, and two or three coyote pelts. This the time we looked for. In the drought years, 1898 till 1902, our neighbors went west up 134[00] South about two miles on north side of road and scythed the blue grass. Put it on wagon with pitch fork. It was pulled by two horses. Brought it down for feed. I went along with twenty two rifle shooting sage hens and jack rabbits. W as real fun. South and East of Ft. Herriman a grove of quaken asp trees was growing right out in the middle of this vast sage brush land, about two miles. They were very beautiful and straight, 3 0 feet [?] stopped to see such [?]. Us neighbors on com er of 134th South, 17th W est. Lloyds and Morgans. Morgan Road. Had a line of coyote traps starting at west of Powers reservoir. This was on west side Pole line cart trail as it wend its way to go around east end of South Mountains. Going west at north side of South Mountains a short distance down in level or flat sage brush land. Then north to Rose Canyon creek a little above the mentiond quaken asp grove this creek a little south of 134th South, Morgan trail. W e had thirty sets, three in a set. Had them tied down with iron stakes driving through bate [bait] and then tying them to big sage brush stocks with wire. Always smoking traps, stakes and wire to take away steal or any other odor the varmint may detect. W e placed them along where my father had tied an old dead carcass to the back end of his wagon pulled by two horses. W ent to visit the line two or three times a week. W hen one was caught, we just killed it. Took the pelt used the carcass for the bate. Drove stake through it. This was good as they are canibals. The state paid two dollars and fifty cents bounty, hide around that much. W as a good hunting trip together with thrill of how many the catch. W e done this till country taken over by the dry farmers, 1905. A shearing and separating corail for sheep next to mountain at mouth of rock hollow was used from 1890 till used for other purposes. I was there with my uncles many times. In drought years our family would get up early in morning go to the field and drive [grasshoppers] [?] starting in middle of plot going around always out till the end. This drove many out. W hile doing this killing them, stepping on or hiting with sacks or boards, getting there early before leaving while on fence post or limbs of trees. They had eaten bare sunflower stocks, mustard, sweet clover. W e would crush them. They would eat a field of alfalfa if it was green. Nothing left but stearrts. W hen flying they were so thick, make a shadow. By name, iron clad. W e done this four years, 1898-1902. My father had planted a young orchard west of bam yard. W e made a ditch from one going down. Hawled dirt going south to top, to save water, not have to run it clear around field. W e hawled when our well was driven, 1901. W e hawled water from where water was in stagnant holes in Jordan River. N o runing water. Sage hens flying so thick make a shadow. People in dugouts, 1890. Gilbert, Freeman and John Lloyd, three bro[ther]s. William Slade, Thomas Dyer, Edward Findley, William Leak, George Eastman. Jan. 10th, 1935, I with three others in auto[mo]bile going east in middle of American Fork City. Cold, snow and ice, ruts four inches deep. Car started to go side ways. The driver held it. Then it took off north across west bound traffic over curb and gutter. Side walk got it stopped with in about six inches before crashing into drugstore. Passers going by helped us get it back into going order. Mar. 4, 1928. Going east down slope of Swagey [?] Flat a blizÂ zard, snow and cold. Snow was hitting on left side. Then it was hitting right south side. Was turned around and turned them so it was hitting on left. Kept on going till bottom didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t no where camp was. I went right into it. I thot I might [?] camped there in small. In drought years, 1899-1902, when U tah Lake was nearly dry, only a few feet deep in south end. W ind would drive it to north end. Sometimes about two feet of water come to the channel where it had its low place for runing out since time started. This is where they put the pumps in. Four small ones. W ind doing work. W ater there would draw as long as wind kept up. Soon as it stopped, pumps stopped. Pumps there now, east of where the first ones were installed. W ater went into Jordan River. Its first name (W estern Jordan). Flowed into Salt Lake County. My father brought us done before not one thing had been done about pumps. Just all natural as time had done it. W e went south out on lake bottom which was a

412

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dry hard pan. It was dryed into squares about eighteen inches with a big crack between each block. Could step across. W hen going on, we went far out south on bottom. Th e ones who had stayed at the place, some where about where pumps are now, could see small objects. T h e whirlwinds would take dust into air many feet, perhaps one hundred feet high. They were many going at once in different places all over the whole bottom. W h en they come into us, how we had to hang onto our hats and try to stay down. T h e coyotes crossing from one mountain to other both way and some deers. W h en water cam e back they put a mark called it Compromise Point between Salt Lake County and U tah County. W h en lake reached that mark, pull the gates and let her water go freely down Jordan River and its end run into G reat Salt Lake. The pumps stopped the flow, raised water level higher. It flooded their land which they used for crops and pasture. This point the same. T h e river had big streams in spring when thawing took over. Last through winter in wet years to get water into pumps better. They dug a small canal about three or four miles by team and scraper out in bottom of hard pan. South wind would fill this up and what it blowed with it. This lakeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s first name Timpan. W hen the spring thaw, wind would pile up ice james in piles on west side of lake many feet high in blocks six feet or square. More about one or two feet thick in fact all sizes. I have seen this in many places and years. Th e drought in 1930 and till 1938. Th e lake was as I have described it in the mentioned dates. In 1933, the government with one of its relief projects dug a canal on the west side of lake next to it from pumps to the Pelican Point. This a strip of land coming into lake from the hillside like its name. Two big pumps and they put them several feet below bottom of lake then dug a big canal south to where deepest place of water is about four miles. This was done by big bull dozers with scrapers. A road was made on east side of canal from top of pumps to river. I engineered this. It was done by team two horses and scrapers leveled it smooth and flat. Taken one hundred days. This helped some pumps drawing from water in channel and when wind was blowing, fill the canals then open weirs. Have about twenty minutes to share every ten days or two weeks. It was about enough to keep the grass growing along ditch banks. Like blocks of dry lake bed, same as the one before. I walked across to the G eneva Swimming resort on east side of lake bottom. W hirl winds in many places at once going many feet into air. Coyotes crossing both ways when the big machines were digging the canal on the bank. W here had to cut through was places of rocks and dry trees, brush showing that flash floods had been here then it would be plain earth. Grasshoppers was plenty, but not as bad as the other. No ice jams. After this, winters not so cold.

Appendix 2 Federal and S tate E lection Results, 1 8 8 0 -1 9 9 2 These are the voting results for Riverton for national and state offices. This election infor mation was obtained from voting tabulations preserved in the U tah State Archives and the Salt Lake County Clerk’s Office.

[Note: W inning candidate for office is identified with an asterisk.] K ey

(A ) (BN ) (C ) (D) (FL) (I) (L)

b b r e v ia t io n s

American Party Bryan National Party Communist Party Democratic Party Farmer Labor Party Independent Liberal Party

(P) (PP) (Pop) (Pro) (R) (S) (U )

1880

Utah Territorial Delegate *

George Q. Cannon (PP) Allen G. Campbell (L)

Progressive Party People’s Party Populist Party Prohibition Party Republican Party Socialist Party Union Party

Lafayette Holbrook (IR) William H. King (D)

30 0

37 64

1898

U.S. Congress 1894

Utah Territorial Delegate

Joseph L. Rawlins Frank J. Cannon Horatio L. G rant

33 21 0

B. H. Roberts (D) Alma Eldredge (R ) W arren Foster (Pop)

55 52 3

1900

U.S. Congress (special election) 1896 *

President *

W illiam McKinley (R ) 30 W illiam Jennings Bryan (D) 7

William H. King (D-PP) James T . Hammond (R) John H. Hamlin (S )

52 46 0

President U.S. Congress W arren Foster (PP)

6 413

William Jennings Bryan (D )65 William McKinley (R ) 98

A p p e n d ix 2

414

Eugene W . Chafin (Pro)

U.S. Congress

William H. King (D ) George Sutherland (R )

65 98

U.S. Congress *

Governor

James H . Moyle (D ) Heber M. W ells (R )

66 97

Joseph Howell (R ) Lyman R. Martineau (D ) Charles Crane (S ) Charles I. Douglas (B N )

157 17 8 5

Governor *

1902

U.S. Congress *

Joseph Howell (R ) William H. King (D ) Matthew Wilson (S )

80 56 0

W illiam Spry (R ) Jesse W . Knight (D ) V. R. Bohman (S ) John A . Street (B N )

140 36 8 4

1910

U.S. Congress 1904

President *

Theodore Roosevelt (R ) A lton B. Parker (D ) Eugene V. Debs (S ) Silas C . Swallow (Pro)

95 46 3 0

Joseph Howell (R ) Ferdinand Erickson (D ) James A . Sm ith A llen T . Sanford (A )

121 43 19 8

1912

President

U.S. Congress *

Joseph Howell (R ) Orlando W . Powers (D ) W . H. Schock (S ) Ogden Hiles (A )

93 48 3 0

W illiam Howard Taft (R ) Eugene V. Debs (S ) W oodrow W ilson (D ) Theodore Roosevelt (P ) Eugene Chafin (Pro)

91 13 66 46 0

Governor

U.S. Congress *

John C . Cutler (R ) James H. Moyle (D ) Joseph A . Kauffman (S ) William M. Ferry (A )

89 52 3 0

Joseph Howell (R ) William M. Knerr (S ) T . D. Johnson (D ) Stephen H. Love (P )

91 13 63 44

Governor

1906

U.S. Congress * *

Joseph Howell (R ) Orlando W . Powers (D ) Thomas W eir (A ) Homer P. Burt (S)

105 27 3 1

W illiam Spry (R ) Homer P. Burt (S ) John Franklin Tolton (D ) Nephi L. Morris (P )

87 15 66 48

1914 1908

U.S. Senate

President *

William Howard Taft (R ) 135 William Jennings Bryan (D )34 Eugene V. Debs (S ) 19

Reed Smoot (R ) James H. Moyle (D ) J. F. Parsons (S )

103 123 6

p pen d ix

U .S . Congress

U.S. Congress

E. O. Leatherwood (R ) James H. Mays (D -P) A . H. Kempton (S )

93 133 6

1916

Mathonihah Thomas (D) E. O. Leatherwood (R ) Charles T. Stoney (S ) Marvin P. Bales (FL)

115 181 5 7

Governor

President *

Woodrow Wilson (D ) Charles E. Hughes (R ) Allan L. Benson (S)

T . N . Taylor (D ) Charles R. Mabey (R ) E. G. Locke (S) George Crosby (FL)

163 82 15

151 94 15

U .S. Senate

111 186 5 7

U .S. Senate 1922 *

W illiam H. King (D ) George Sutherland (R ) Christian Poulson (S )

* U .S . Congress *

James H. Mays (D ) Charles R. Mabey (R ) Murray E. King (S)

151 94 15

Simon Bamberger (D ) Nephi L. Morris (R ) F. M. McHugh (S )

145 101 14

U .S . Congress 116 78 7

126 107 4

1924

James H. Mays (D ) W illiam Spry (R ) A . H. Kempton (S )

E. O. Leatherwood (R ) David C. Dunbar (D) E. G . Locke (S-FL)

President

1918

133 101 5

U .S. Congress

Governor *

Ernest Bamberger (R ) William H. King (D ) Charles T . Stoney (S-FL)

Calvin Coolidge (R ) 173 John W . Davis (D ) 83 Robert M. LaFollette (I-P) 61

U .S. Congress *

E. O. Leatherwood (R ) J. H. W aters (D )

168 133

Governor

1920

President

James M. C ox (D ) 116 W arren G. Harding (R ) 182 Eugene V. Debs (S) 5 Parley P. Christensen (FL) 5

Charles R. Mabey (R ) George H. Dem (D )

161 147

1926 U .S. Senate

U .S. Senate * *

Milton H. Welling (D) Reed Smoot (R ) A lex Bevan (S-FL)

111 186 10

Reed Smoot (R) Ashby Snow (D) Charles T . Stoney (S)

231 89 2

416

pp e n d ix

1934

17.S. Congress U.S. Senate *

E. O. Leatherwood (R ) 229 William R. W allace, Jr. (D ) 94 O tto E. Parsons (S ) 2

Don B. C olton (R ) W illiam H. King (D )

17.S.

235 219

Congress

1928

President * *

Herbert Hoover (R ) Alfred E. Sm ith (D ) N orman M. Thomas (S )

F. C . Loofbourow (R ) J. W . Robinson (D )

229 135 1

172 276

1936

President U.S. Senate

Ernest Bamberger (R ) William H. King (D ) Charles T . Stoney (S )

188 176 2

Alfred M. Landon (R ) 211 Franklin D. Roosevelt (D ) 272 W illiam Lemke (U ) 1

U.S. Congress U.S. Congress *

E. O. Leatherwood (R ) J. H. Paul (D ) Thomas F. Eynon (S )

222 143 1

* William H. W attis (R ) George H. Dem (D ) D. C . Dora (S )

216 263

Governor

Arthur V. W atkins (R ) J. W . Robinson (D )

178 185 1

Ray E. Dillman (R ) Henry D. Blood (D ) Harman W . Peery (P-I)

265 166 33

1938 17.S.

Congress

1932

President * *

Herbert C . Hoover (R ) 245 Franklin D. Roosevelt (D ) 216

17.S.

Senate

Reed Smoot (R ) Elbert D. Thomas (D )

253 245

U .S . Senate

* *

Dean F. Brayton (R ) J. W . Robinson (D )

Franklin S. Harris (R ) Elbert D. Thomas (D )

281 222

244 218 1940

U.S. Congress

F. C . Loofbourow (R ) J. W . Robinson (D )

President 254 215

Wendell L. W ilkie (R ) 260 Franklin D. Roosevelt (D ) 312 Earl Browder (C ) 1

Governor U.S. Senate *

W . W . Seegmiller (R ) Henry D. Blood (D )

281 195 *

Philo T . Farnsworth (R ) Abe Murdock (D )

257 320

A p pen d ix 2

417

U.S. Congress

A. Sherman Christenson (R )254 *

J. W . Robinson (D )

322

Governor

William A . Dawson (R ) Reva Beck Bosone (D )

Governor

Donald B. Colton (R ) Herbert B. Maw (D )

309 264

J. Bracken Lee (R ) Herbert B. Maw (D)

1942

417 239

1950

U.S. Congress

315 343

U.S. Senate

Reed E. Vetterli (R ) J. W . Robinson (D )

179 229

W allace F. Bennett (R ) Elbert D. Thomas (D)

326 322

U.S. Congress 1944

President * *

Ivy Baker Priest (R ) Reva Beck Bosone (D)

283 364

Thomas E. Dewey (R ) 271 Franklin D. Roosevelt (D ) 341 1952

President

U.S. Senate

Adam S. Bennion (R ) Elbert D. Thomas (D )

282 329

Quayle Cannon, Jr. (R ) J. W . Robinson (D )

277 333

Arthur V. Watkins (R)* W alter Granger (D )

383 379

U.S. Congress

Governor

Dwight D. Eisenhower (R ) 414 Adlai E. Stevenson (D) 360

U.S. Senate

U.S. Congress

J. Bracken Lee (R ) Herbert B. Maw (D)

330 279

William A . Dawson (R ) Reva Beck Bosone (D)

378 390

Governor 1946

U .S . Senate *

Arthur V. Watkins (R ) Abe Murdock (D)

J. Bracken Lee (R) Earl J. Glade (D)

411 356

310 234 1954

U.S. Congress

U .S. Congress *

W illiam A . Dawson (R ) J. W . Robinson (D )

305 236

William A . Dawson (R ) Reva Beck Bosone (D)

1956

1948

President

Thomas E. Dewey (R ) Harry S. Truman (D) Henry A . W allace (P)

409 314

340 317 8

Dwight D. Eisenhower (R) 529 Adlai E. Stevenson (D) 313

418

p p e n d ix

1964

U.S. Senate President *

W allace F. Bennett (R ) Alonzo F. Hopkin (D )

412 425 *

Barry M. Goldwater (R ) Lyndon B. Johnson (D )

347 678

U .S . Congress U .S . Senate *

William A . Dawson (R ) 469 Oscar W . M cConkie, Jr. (D )372 *

Ernest L. W ilkinson (R ) Frank E. Moss (D )

362 648

Governor U .S . Congress *

George D. Clyde (R ) L. C . Romney (D ) J. Bracken Lee (I)

315 318 205

Thomas G . Judd (R ) David S. King (D )

353 650

Governor 1958 U .S . Senate * *

Arthur V. W atkins (R ) Frank E. Moss (D ) J. Bracken Lee (I)

217 3 58 241

M itchell M elich (R ) Calvin L. Rampton (D )

318 691

1966 [results not available]

U .S . Congress

William A . Dawson (R ) David S. King (D )

315 4 89

1960

1970 [results not available]

President

Richard M. N ixon (R ) John F. Kennedy (D )

1968 [results not available]

4 34 475

1972

President U .S . Congress * *

Sherman P. Lloyd (R ) David S. King (D )

371 527

Governor *

Richard M. N ixon (R ) George M cG overn (D ) John Schmitz (A )

873 336 61

U .S . Congress

George D. Clyde (R ) William A . Barlocker (D )

492 4 10

1962

Sherman P. Lloyd (R ) W ayne Owens (D ) Bruce Bangerter (A )

495 767 15

Governor

U .S . Senate *

W allace F. Bennett (R ) David S. King (D )

377 447

Nicholas Strike (R ) Calvin L. Rampton (D )

U .S . Congress

334 943

1974 U .S . Senate

Sherman P. Lloyd (R ) Bruce S. Jenkins (D)

379 449

E. J. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Jakeâ&#x20AC;? G am (R )

548

A p p e n d ix 2

W ayne Owens (D) Bruce Bangerter (A )

456 109

U.S. Congress *

U.S. Congress

Stephen M. Harmson (R ) Allan T . Howe (D ) R obenJ. Schafer (A )

554 703 60

Dan Marriott (R ) Arthur Monson (D)

1946 639

Governor

Bob W right (R ) Scott M. Matheson (D) Lawrence Topham (A )

1268 1375 38

1976

President 1982 *

Gerald R. Ford (R ) Jimmy Carter (D ) Thomas J. Anderson (A )

1091 687 54

U.S. Senate *

Orrin G . H atch (R ) Ted Wilson (D)

1507 991

U.S. Senate U.S. Congress *

Orrin G. H atch (R ) Frank E. Moss (D ) George M. Batchelor (A )

985 843 22

Howard Nielson (R ) 1713 Henry A . “Hank” Huish (1)399

U.S. Congress 1984

Dan Marriott (R ) Allan T . Howe (D ) Daryl J. M cCarty (I)

1049 716 68

President *

Ronald W . Reagan (R ) W alter Mondale (D)

2422 657

Governor U.S. Congress *

Vernon B. Romney (R ) Scott M. Matheson (D )

889 911

Howard Nielson (R ) Bruce Baird (D)

2221 745

Governor

1978

U.S. Congress * *

Dan Marriott (R ) Edwin B. Firmage (D )

1019 490

Norm Bangerter (R) W ayne Owens (D )

1773 1324

1986

U.S. Senate

1980

President *

Ronald W . Reagan (R ) Jimmy Carter (D) John Anderson (I)

2103 488 51

E. J. “Jake” G am (R ) Dan Berman (D)

1967 656

1571 505

U .S. Congress *

U.S. Senate

E. J. “Jake” G am (R ) Craig Oliver (D)

Howard Nielson (R) Dale Gardiner (D)

1157 918

A p p e n d ix 2

420

1992

1988 President

President *

George Bush (R ) Michael Dukakis (D )

2515 941

U.S. Senate *

Orrin G. H atch (R ) Brian Moss (D )

2537 1068

Howard Nielson (R ) Robert Stringham (D )

2351 1111

Governor *

1241 1300 1085

1990

U.S. Congress

Karl Snow (R ) Bill O rton (D )

842 1267

Robert Bennett (R ) W ayne Owens (D )

2758 1827

U .S . Congress

Norm Bangerter (R ) Ted Wilson (D ) Merrill Cook (I)

2050 919 1560 217

U.S. Senate

U.S. Congress *

George Bush (R ) W illiam J. C linton (D ) Ross Perot (I) Bo Gritz (Pop)

Enid Greene (R ) Karen Shepherd (D )

2518 1803

Governor *

Mike Leavitt (R ) Stewart Hanson (D ) Merrill Cook (I)

1947 861 2007

Appendix 3 Town and City Officers, 1948-1994

Town Board Presidents and Mayors

Coy, Robert (1 9 7 6 -8 0 ) Dansie, George A. (1 9 6 8 -7 2 ) Densley, Claude (1 9 6 2 -7 0 ) Evans, Mont (1 9 8 3 -8 8 ) Freeman, William (1 9 5 8 -6 2 ) Hamilton, Eldred R. (1 948) Hamilton, Elmo W . (1 9 5 0 -5 4 ) Hamilton, Owen (1 9 5 4 —57) Hamilton, Vea Jean (1 9 9 2 —94) Helt, Robert L. (1 9 6 6 -7 0 ) Johnson, J. D. Gaylord (1 9 7 4 -7 8 ) Maynard, Angie (1 9 9 3 -9 4 ) Maynard, Ray (1984—8 8 ) * Morgan, Joseph E. (1 9 4 8 -5 0 ) Nell, Gale (1 9 5 6 -6 0 ) Newman, William P. (1974—75) Nichols, Mark (1 9 6 4 -6 8 ) Nichols, Maurine (1 9 7 2 -7 7 ) Ohmie (Deluca), Raquel (1 9 9 0 -9 1 ) Page, Harry E. (1 9 4 8 -5 0 ) Page, Meredith (1 9 4 8 ,1 9 5 4 -5 8 ) Page, Noel Blaine (1978—8 2 ) Petersen, Donald B. (1 9 6 2 -6 6 ) Petersen, J. Melvin (1948—50) Petersen, Miles (1968—70) Petersen, Willis L. (1 9 7 0 -7 2 ) Peterson, Bruce A . (1 9 7 0 -7 4 ) Peterson, Russell L. (1 9 8 2 -8 6 ,1 9 9 2 - ) Richards, Brent (1 9 9 0 -9 3 ) Schouten, Richard (1 9 7 2 -7 5 ) Seal, Elmer A. (1 9 5 3 -5 4 ) Seal, Frank E. (1 9 4 8 -5 0 ) Serassio, Darla (1 9 8 6 -9 0 ) Showell, George (1 9 7 9 —80) Silcox, Jack (1 9 7 5 -7 7 ) Speed, Thaddeus ( 1 9 9 2 - )

Butterfield, E. Leslie (1 9 4 8 -5 0 ) Gardiner, Dale F. (1 9 8 2 -9 0 ) Grover, Wendell (1 9 5 8 -6 2 ) Helt, Robert L. (1 9 7 0 -7 4 ) Lloyd, Sandra (1994—) Mortensen, Paul K. (1 9 7 4 -7 8 ) Orr, Arthur J. (1948) Page, Gwynne (1 9 5 0 -5 4 ) Seal, Elmer A . (1954—58) Usher, George J. (1 9 6 2 -7 0 ) W arr, James L. (1 9 9 0 -9 4 ) W hite, Lowell D. (1 9 7 8 -8 2 )

Town Board Trustees and Council Members Allinson, Bill (1 9 8 4 -8 8 ) Anderson, S. R. (19 4 8 ) Bastian, Ralph (1 9 5 7 -6 4 ) Beckstead, Dell (1 9 5 8 -6 2 ) Beckstead, Don L. (1 9 8 0 -8 4 ) Beckstead, Eldred (1954—58) Bell, David S. (1 9 7 5 -7 8 ) Bills, Floyd (1 9 7 6 -8 0 ) Brooks, Steve (1 9 8 0 -8 4 ,1 9 8 8 —9 2 ,1 9 9 4 - ) Brown, Douglas T . (1 9 6 0 -7 3 ) Butterfield, Almon L. (1948) Butterfield, Elias C . (1 9 5 4 -5 6 ) Butterfield, Joseph P. (1 9 5 0 -5 3 ) Cardwell, William H. (1952—54) Christensen, Ove L. (1978—82) Coleman, Keith (1992—) Collard, Curtis P. (1 9 8 0 -8 4 ) Cowdell, Robert (1 9 7 0 -7 7 )

421

422

Stringham, Marion J. (1 9 5 0 —54) Svedin, Wilson (1 9 8 8 -9 2 ) Swenson, Carolyn ( 1 9 9 4 - ) Thomson, Niels K. (1 9 5 0 —52) Tisher, Theron (1 9 7 2 —74)

W arr, James L. ( 1 9 8 2 -8 6 ) W ells, Jan ( 1 9 8 6 -9 0 ,1 9 9 1 -9 2 ) W ithers, Frank B. (1 9 7 6 —8 0 ) W right, Terry (1 9 8 8 -9 2 )

p p e n d ix

About the Authors

M e l v in L e e B a s h o r e was bom in Los Angeles, California in 1946, the son of Lee T . and

Doris Bashore. His family moved to Claremont, California in 1950, living in a small neighborhood surrounded by lemon groves. After graduating from Claremont High School in 1964, he attended the University of U tah, graduating with a degree in fine arts in 1968. W hile at the university, he joined the Mormon Church. In 1968, he married Karen Lindorff. They are the parents of five children: Sarah (Parrish), Paul Aaron, Adam William Chandler, William Christian, and David Lee. They lived several years in St. Louis, Missouri. W hile working as a teacher in the ghetto, he obtained a masters degree in education from the University of Missouri-St. Louis. They moved back to U tah in 1971 where Bashore worked as a teacher for a few years in Hunter. They first moved to Riverton in 1972, living on Myers Lane. Bashore took a year off from work to obtain a masters degree in library sci ence from BYU. Upon graduating in 1975, he was employed by the Mormon Church Historical Department. He is a Senior Librarian in the Church Library. They built a home in Riverton in 1976 (1633 W . 12100 S.) on land that was first homesteaded by James Peterson. He also worked for a dozen years as a drag race technical official at Bonneville Raceway. He has written several articles in scholarly journals and special interest magazines, has been a longtime columnist for the Mormon History Association Newsletter, an active member of the Professional Football Researchers Association, and an avid collector of vin tage sports autographs. He has been researching the history of Riverton since the late 1970s and is the principal co-author of this book. SC O TT C r u m p was bom in Newport, Rhode Island on August 11, 1952 to Cal and Gwen

Crump while his father was serving in the Navy. He moved to Copperton, U tah in 1954 when his father secured a teaching position at Bingham High School, a position he held for 36 years. He received his initial education at the Copperton Elementary, W est Jordan Junior High and Bingham High Schools. After graduating from Bingham High in 1970, he at tended the Church College of Hawaii (BYU Hawaii) for a year. He then left the country for two years to serve a mission for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Great Britain. Upon his return he resumed his studies at Brigham Young University graduating summa cum laude in 1976 with a bachelor of arts degree in history and political science. He continued his education at BYU earning a masters of education degree in educational ad ministration in 1980. After attending law school for a year in 1976—77, he decided to pursue a career in education. He completed his student teaching at Bingham High School in the fall of 1977 and was hired to teach at Union Junior High School in January 1978. He re turned to teach at Bingham High in fall 1978 where he has remained. He is currently teach ing Advanced Placement Political Science, Honors Sophomore World and American

423

424

bout th e

uth ors

History and the history of the Am erican W est. A t Bingham he has served as student govern ment advisor ( 1 9 8 1 -9 0 ), Sterling Scholar Advisor, A cadem ic Decathlon team coach and Pay Dirt Com m ittee Chairman. Professionally he was elected President of the U tah Council for the Social Studies in 1 9 8 8 -8 9 and is presently a member of the Jordan Education Association Political A ction Com m ittee and Associate Director of the U tah Association of Student Councils. He has received several professional awards including the U tah State Historical Society’s History Teacher of the Year (Richard Poll Award) in 1992, U tah State Legislature Educator of the Year (1 9 9 3 ), Bingham High School Sterling Scholar Most Inspirational Teacher of the Year (1 9 9 1 —9 2 ) and W h o ’s W h o Am ong A m erica’s Teachers. He moved to Riverton in 1982 and has been active in community and church affairs. He has been a member of the Riverton Board of Adjustments ( 1 9 8 3 -9 4 ) , is currently serving as President of the Riverton Historical Society, a Republican Voting Precinct and Legislative District Chairm an and a stake clerk in the R iverton Summerhill Stake. He was married on February 20, 1993 to Desiree DeFrehn and has one daughter, Cam i, who was bom on December 8, 1993.

block quote at bottom of page att ributed to Vivian Freeman Brown (not Evelyn Dreyer; she was misidentified on the oral intervi ew transcription by Utah State Historical Society)

Jean Ball should be Jean Madsen

Leonard Smock was Riverton's poli ce chief (not fire chief)

Gentle Gardener

fourth photo misidentified as "Fi rst Church Meeting House/School" in Riverton. This is the first Bluffdale school.

p- 117

p- 225

p* 294

p- 328

photo

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