Queer Space [ENG] | Masters Thesis

queer space

queer space

queer space Master‘s thesis Ricarda Oed Technische Hochschule Georg-Simon-Ohm Faculty of Architecture summer semester 2024

STATE OF RESEARCH The current state of research in the field of Queer spaces and Queer-inclusive planning reflects a growing interest in creating and maintaining safe, inclusive urban and interior spaces for Queer individuals.

Studies indicate that Queer spaces, such as gay and lesbian neighborhoods or Queer community centers, play a crucial role in the social life and identity affirmation of Queers. These places provide not only protection from discrimination but also spaces for social interaction and community building. Previous research suggests that the visibility and availability of such spaces must be supported through urban planning outlines and arch-political decisions to address the needs of the Queer community. A central concept is "Queer-inclusive planning," which includes planning approaches that promote diversity and ensure that public and private spaces are designed inclusively.

Current approaches emphasize the importance of participatory planning processes in which Queer individuals actively participate in the design and decision-making of urban development projects. Despite recent progress in some cities, challenges remain in establishing Queer spaces and protecting them from political setbacks. Future research focuses on innovative planning strategies to ensure sustainable integration and support of Queer spaces. This study contributes to this body of research.

PREFACE

everyone equally and unconditionally. With this thesis, I aim to take another step in that direction.

When thinking about the Queer community, many people first picture extraordinary individuals: drag queens and kings, extravagant outfits, glitter, and rainbows. However, as soon as one delves deeper into this world, they realize it is exactly that—but also so much more.

Additionally, I would like to point out that potential gender or linguistic errors may occur in this work that unintentionally exclude or categorize individuals. This study was created with the best intentions not to discriminate, discredit, or offend anyone. Should such errors appear, I ask for understanding and apologize for such.

The term "Queer" often obscures the fact that it pertains to people—people one likely encounters in everyday life. Rarely do we ask about someone's sexuality or gender; we assume a heterosexual cis-person or get lost in lookism. Most people would be surprised by how many Queer individuals they have already met or have in their immediate environment.

"Queer" is used as an umbrella term for all labels within the LGBT*QIA+ community. Individuals with non-cisgender identities or/and non-heterosexual orientations can, but are not required, to identify with this term. It merely serves as a neutral (or at least less evaluating) way to refer to an individual or entire community.

However, this also means that the Queer community is generalized under this term, and thus within this study as well. Just as feminism can never encompass all women*, it is not possible here to represent the voice of all Queer individuals. Lesbians, gays, bisexuals, trans*, Queer, inter*, asexual, and many others all have their own lived realities and needs.

This study does not intend to overlook or devalue any of these concerns.

To keep within the time constraints and facilitate the examination of a largely under-researched topic in Germany, this study focuses on general consensus and fundamental issues.

The goal and hope of this study are to highlight a research gap and address it by combining architectural expertise with social and socio-political issues while linking it to feminist research. Urban, and particularly public, space should be a place accessible to 1 Roig, Zykunov and Horch; Unlearn Patriarchy 2 (2024, page 52)

Furthermore, it is relevant to mention that I am a white person who is often read as a heterosexual cis-woman. Although I experience marginalization and discrimination as a woman, I am still aware of the significant privileges I hold, throughout this study.

"As soon as you are in a position of power, you should strive to hear the voices of those who remain invisible."1

9. Results

TABLE OF CONTENT

Queer Requirements Conclusion Afterword

1. Introduction Glossary Introduction Queer History

S. 17 S. 21 S. 25

2. Queer and the City Action Plan Queer Queer Spaces

S. 31 S. 35

3. Built Environment Building Development Analysis Location Old Town Transit The South Vegetation Analysis Sun Path Analysis Mobility Analysis Spatial Analysis

S. 43 S. 47 S. 51 S. 55 S. 59 S. 63 S. 65 S. 67 S. 69

4. Design and Usage Queer-friendly Spaces Usage and Program Ground Floor Case Study Labeling as an Individual

S. 83 S. 89 S. 111 S. 119 S. 127

5. Inclusive Sanitary Solutions Toilets in Interior Spaces Toilets in Public Spaces

S. 141 S. 151

6. Identification and Identity Flags Symbols in Public Space Magnus Hirschfeld and Others

S. 161 S. 167 S. 173

7. Insecurities Spaces of fear Discrimination

S. 183 S. 197

8. Visibility Participation

S. 209

S. 223 S. 237 S. 239

10. Appendix Queer Space survey Index of Drawings Index of Images Source List Declaration

S. 243 S. 255 S. 261 S. 265 S. 273

INTRODUCTION

„Look out 'cause here I come and I'm marching on to the beat I drum I'm not scared to be seen I make no apologies, this is me“ This is me - Keala Settle

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1. INTRODUCTION

GLOSSARY *Asterisk The asterisk or star symbol following terms represents both terminological and identity-based diversity. This symbol serves as a placeholder for inclusion and offers a reading beyond the binary gender system. In German writing style, it is used to ensure equality between male and female descriptions. In the following, this will also be retained in English to indicate diversity.

Ableism / Disablism Ableism is the structural discrimination that constructs non-/disability or dis-/ableisation.

Individuals who are not disabled in a society are considered ableised.2

Binary A binary approach to gender assumes that only two genders exist: male and female. Any form of tolerance toward deviation from this norm continues to be framed within these two categories (e.g., asking a lesbian couple who the 'man' in the relationship is).

Heteronormativity This term describes the societal value system that considers heterosexual relationships as the norm. It refers to the assumption that a romantic and/or sexual relationship between a man and a woman is the standard. Therefore a bisexual couple can also be labelled as hetero.3

Cis / Cisgender A cisgender woman or man is someone who identifies with the gender they were assigned at birth. The use of the term "cis" rejects the notion that "normal" is an appropriate descriptor. It challenges the binary gender system and the labeling of trans* individuals as "not normal”.

Drag It refers to a particularly extravagant and glamorous form of self-expression. It is often associated with cross-dressing and gendered clothing styles. The representation of masculinity is referred to as DragKing or Kinging, while femininity is labeled as DragQueen or Queening.

FLINTA* In Queer and feminist spaces, this acronym stands for Female, Lesbians, Inter*, Non-binary, Trans*, and Agender individuals. It explicitly excludes cisgender men. The asterisk symbolizes the inclusion of people who do not fit into predefined categories.

Lookism / lookist Lookism refers to discrimination based on physical appearance. This includes stereotyping, stigmatization, and even violence due to traits such as body shape, clothing, societal beauty ideals, or deviations from the norm.

LGBT*QIA+ This abbreviation represents the terms Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender*, Queer, Intersexual, Asexual.

The plus symbol includes all other sexual orientations and gender identities, while the asterisk further expands this inclusivity.

Passing In the context of gender, passing refers to how an individual is perceived in relation to their gender identity. For example, a person assigned female at birth but (wants to be) perceived as male has a "male passing”

PoC / BiPoC (Black Indigenous) People of Color is a self-designation for people or groups who experience racism. The actual skin color is not the focal point; rather, the term reclaims and redefines previously derogatory attributions. It serves to unite all racialized and oppressed communities. 4

2 AG Feministisch Sprachhandeln der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin; n.d. http://feministisch-sprachhandeln.org 3 ibid.

4 Der Begriff People of Color oder Person of Color (POC); n.d. https://www.gra.ch

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Queer

Transition

The term is not only used as an umbrella term for all identities, the Queer community or generally for bodies, identities and sexualities that deviate from hegemonic norms, but rather as a political statement that opposes various forms of discrimination and oppression. For a long time, it was a curse word, especially towards gay men. In the meantime, Queer people have appropriated the term in a positive way. Queer therefore not only describes a gender or sexual orientation, but also includes a critique of the binary and heteronormative system.5 People with non-cis gender identities or non-heterosexual orientations do not have to identify with the term Queer or the Queer community, but it does create an umbrella term that describes a group of people in a non-discriminatory and value-free way without labeling them.

In the following work, the term Queer, in the usage of the author, is capitalized exclusively in order to give the Queer community visibility, prominence and respect.

Transition describes a broad range of changes in gender identity or the gender assigned at birth (for example, a person who was assigned the female gender at birth but identifies with the male gender and decides to transition from “woman to man”).

Sex / Gender Biological sex is based on observable and measurable factors such as chromosomes, hormones, and reproductive organs (e.g., vulva, ovaries, estrogen, and XX chromosomes for female; testes, penis, testosterone, and XY chromosomes for male). However, intersex individuals exist, whose biological characteristics do not fit within binary classifications.

Social gender, on the other hand, is culturally defined through appearance, behavior, and social roles (e.g., distinguishing between "men's and women's" sections in toys, clothing, books, and movies). This assignment follows biological sex.

trans* The term trans* is used as an umbrella term encompassing various identities, such as transgender, transsexual, trans-ident, and others. It describes a spectrum of gender transitions (e.g., transitioning from female to male).

5 Queer; 04.01.2024 https://queer-lexikon.net

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White The term white or whiteness is not about a designation of the social construct of “race”, but about a social position in a racist and hierarchical order. This differentiation serves to represent different experiences and privileges.

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INTRODUCTION The Queer-capital of Germany is undoubtedly Berlin—particularly the Schöneberg Regenbogenkiez (= rainbow district). In the early 1920s, this district was considered the place-to-be for the Queer community. Numerous nightclubs, bars, and scene clubs catered specifically to an audience outside the heteronormative spectrum. The epicenter of this world was the drag cabaret "Eldorado" on Motzstraße,6 a venue that hosted notable figures such as Magnus Hirschfeld, Marlene Dietrich, and Charlie Chaplin.7 The establishment featured a slogan above its entrance reading, "Hier ist’s richtig" (=”here it’s right”), a message that adorned the public space until around 1933. However, with the Nazi regime’s rise to power and the subsequent persecution of homosexuals, this era came to an abrupt end.8 Though "Eldorado" remained closed, Berlin continued to attract Queer individuals from around the world, even after World War II and into the present day. The recent documentary "Queer Exile Berlin" portrays the lives of six Queer individuals who found personal fulfillment and a refuge in Germany’s capital.9 The film showcases the experiences of Haidar, a dancer from Syria who fled persecution, drag performer Gloria Viagra from Prenzlauer Berg, Eunice from Portugal who has just begun transitioning, Jean-Ulrich, an artist from New York, Mischa from Russia with Armenian roots, and Monika, an activist with ties to both Berlin and Szczecin, Poland.

The film puts faces and stories to the vibrant colors, extravagant outfits, and non-normative expressions of Queer existence. It brings together different realities on one screen, unified by their shared hopes and

goals: a life of peace, freedom, and tolerance.

However, the documentary also sheds light on the challenges and realities behind these aspirations.

Social acceptance and openness remain prerequisites for the life these individuals seek. All the protagonists have personally experienced exclusion and discrimination.10 These experiences are not isolated cases. Already in 2022, the reported number of attacks against Queer individuals continued to rise. A total of 1,400 criminal offenses were classified as violence against Queer individuals in Germany, with the real number likely much higher.11 According to data from the Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) and the Federal Ministry of the Interior, in 2023, there were 1,499 recorded cases related to sexual orientation and 854 cases concerning gender-related diversity, reflecting a 49% increase in incidents against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and Queer individuals and a 105% increase in attacks on trans*, intersex, and non-binary people.12 While these figures refer to Germany, a privileged and relatively open-minded country, there are countries in which Queers are in a far worse situation, even to the point of being in mortal danger.

Also in Germany such figures are not limited to Berlin but are part of a nationwide trend. A 2023 study titled "How are you? The Living Situation of LSBTIQA Youth and Young Adults in Bavaria" (german footnote) surveyed 1,710 participants who were asked to name places where they had experienced discrimination. The most commonly cited locations were "at school" (55.7%) and "in public spaces" (52.5%).13 The safety and well-being of approximately nine million Queer individuals in Germany thus remain closely tied to their social environment.14 The documentary also highlights the broader social movements shaping Berlin’s Queer scene, which has undergone significant transformations. An increasing

6 Queeres Schöneberg; 07.05.2024 https://www.tip-berlin.de 7 Im Eldorado tanzte Berlin auf dem Vulkan. BZ; 03.07.2023 https://www.bz-berlin.de 8 Ibid.

9 Queer Exile Berlin; 2023 https://www.3001-kino.de 10 Queere Exile Berlin [Movie] 2023 11 Queerfeindliche Gewalt; n.d. https://www.lsvd.de 12 Vorstellung der Fallzahlen zur Politisch motivierten Kriminalität; 2023 https://www.bka.de 13„How are you?" 2023 [Studie] Bayerischer Jugendring (eds.).

14 Queer History Month; 20.06.2024 https://www.uni-wh.de

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number of gender and sexual identities, as well as romantic orientations have emerged and become recognized, each with specific needs and demands on the built environment and their fellow citizens.

Calls for visibility, participation, safety, and influence in decision-making are at the forefront of this discourse.15 Germany has several well-known Queer districts, including Schöneberg in Berlin, the Gärtnerplatz and Glockenbachviertel in Munich, the Bermuda Triangle in Cologne, and Lange Reihe in Hamburg’s St. Georg district. These neighborhoods were neither planned nor provided by urban developers— they were (re)claimed by Queer individuals and others who deviated from heteronormative standards, who settled there and made these spaces their own.

There are still no established urban planning guidelines for Queer spaces. While feminist urban planning has gained traction, addressing issues such as spaces of fear, public restrooms, traffic rules, and corporate interests, specific urban planning approaches for Queer inclusion remain underdeveloped.16 Urban planning continues to reflect dominant social norms and prevailing narratives, often failing to consider the needs of marginalized groups. Public space remains a androcentric and white-dominated field. As Roig, Zykunov, and Horch argue in Unlearn Patriarchy, "Decisions regarding what is planned in public space today and which projects are deemed relevant and implemented remain dominated by white, cis, ablebodied men"17. While feminist spatial research has already expanded the scope of urban planning considerations, architecture can also be utilized to represent broader diversity and to give space to marginalized, discredited, and contested individuals. Swiss journalist and architect Leonie Charlotte Wagner asserts that "Architecture must challenge patriarchal structures, recognize and dismantle systems of oppression, and perceive the urban planning process itself as a demonstration of power over marginalized groups".18 Under the framework of "Queer-inclusive planning," urban researcher Rogerio de Jesus Pereira Lopes from Portugal describes contemporary urban

15 Forderungen, Ziele und Programm des Lesben- und Schwulenverbandes.; n.d. https://www.lsvd.de 16 Was eine feministische Stadtplanung bedeuten kann; n.d. https://www.nrwjusos.de 17 Roig, Zykunov und Horch; Unlearn Patriarchy 2 (2024, Page 43) 18 Leonie Charlotte Wagner; 2020; Queer: Archithese, Investigative Architektur (Page 58) 19 Rogerio de Jesus Pereira Lopes; 2017; Sub\Urban, Queer inclusive planning (Page 252)

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planning as a process that "must address the needs of diverse individuals" and acknowledges that "since urban planning reflects existing societal norms, it solidifies and reinforces the marginalization of those whose lived realities contradict normative assumptions“.19 Public spaces represent some of the highest discrimination risks for Queer individuals. Given that the needs and conditions of gender and sexual minorities remain largely unformulated in current urban planning, a Queer-feminist-inclusive approach must be pursued—one that uncovers and integrates the suppressed demands of Queer individuals within public space.

This study explores the spatial needs of Queer individuals in the public realm and examines the research question: "To what extent can risks of discrimination against Queer individuals in urban public spaces be identified and categorized, and what architectural and urban planning requirements emerge from them?".

To answer this, the study is based on literature reviews, an empirical study, quantitative survey, and (expert) interviews. The following chapters provide an in-depth analysis, using a selected case study as an example. The observations are supplemented by literature, survey results, and interviews, culminating in a catalog of urban planning requirements for Queerinclusive-planning.

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QUEER HISTORY The Queer history of Germany has been shaped by shifting societal and political conditions since the early 1900s, significantly impacting the rights and lives of LGBT*QIA+ individuals.

After World War I and the establishment of the Weimar Republic (1918-1933), the acceptance and visibility of Queer individuals saw initial progress.20 The Magnus Hirschfeld Foundation, founded by genderresearcher Magnus Hirschfeld, advocated for homosexual rights and operated the Institute for Sexual Science, established in 1919. This institute was a center for sexual and gender research, activism, and provided medical and psychological assistance for Queer individuals.21 However, the situation dramatically worsened with the Nazi takeover in 1933. Homosexuals were persecuted, with many deported to concentration camps.22 Paragraph §175 of the German Penal Code, which criminalized homosexual acts between men, was intensified and rigorously enforced: “Unnatural fornication between males or between humans and animals is to be punished by imprisonment; loss of civil rights may also be imposed.”23 Tens of thousands of men were arrested, and an estimated 10,000 to 15,000 died in the camps.24 §175 specifically targeted homosexual men, while lesbian women, though labeled "asocial," were often de-

emed "mentally disturbed" and thus still considered useful for labor or reproduction.25 After World War II, §175 remained in effect. In West Germany, it continued to be strictly enforced through the 1950s and 1960s, whereas in East Germany (GDR), persecution decreased in the 1950s, and the paragraph was significantly restricted in 1968.

It was not until 1969 that the Federal Republic of Germany first reformed the law, lowering the minimum age for sexual acts between men to 21. In 1973, this age was reduced to 18, and the paragraph was finally abolished in 1994.26 The Christopher Street Day (CSD) originates from the Stonewall Riots on June 28, 1969, in New York City’s Christopher Street. These uprisings, sparked by police raids at the Stonewall Bar, marked a turning point in the fight for LGBT*QIA+ rights and led to annual pride demonstrations that persist to this day.27 By the early 1980s, CSD had reached Germany, with the first major demonstration taking place in Berlin in 1979. Since then, it has grown into one of Germany’s most important events for the LGBT*QIA+ movement, lived out in numerous cities each year to advocate for equality, acceptance, and Queer rights.28 The reunification of Germany in 1990 aligned the legal situations of East and West Germany. The 1990s saw increasing societal acceptance of LGBT*QIA+ individuals. In 2001, Germany introduced registered partnerships for same-sex couples, which were later replaced by full marriage equality in 2017.29

20 Beachy, R.; Das andere Berlin (2015) 21 Bundesstiftung Magnus Hirschfeld; 22.11.2023 https://mh-stiftung.de 22 Grau, G. & Schoppmann, C; Homosexualität in der NS-Zeit (1993) 23 Paragraph 175; n.d. https://www.antidiskriminierungsstelle.de; [author’s translation from German] 24 Homosexuelle; 23.06.2021 https://www.bpb.de 25 Lesben im Nationalsozialismus; n.d. https://www.siegessaeule.de 26 VStudies, A. Q.; Verqueerte Verhältnisse (2009) 27 Die Geschichte der Christopher Street Days; n.d. https://www.regenbogenportal.de 28 Gammerl, B.; Queer: Eine deutsche Geschichte vom Kaiserreich bis heute (2023) 29 Alle Gesetze zur Lebenspartnerschaft und gleichgeschlechtlichen Ehe; n.d. https://www.lsvd.de

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Despite these advances, the World Health Organization (WHO) classified homosexuality as a disease until 1993.30 Similarly, trans* identities were listed as “gender identity disorders” under the mental and behavioral disorders category until 2018.31 Even as late as 2021, intersex children were subjected to nonconsensual gender-normalizing surgeries at birth.32 Currently, Queer rights in Germany are protected, and societal support has significantly improved. The “Self-Determination Act” (= Selbstbestimmungsgesetz) , passed on April 12, 2024, marks a major milestone, particularly for trans* individuals.33 The development of rights and conditions always depends on political and societal influences.

30 WHO und Homosexualität; n.d. https://schwulengeschichte.ch 31 WHO wertet Trans* nicht mehr; 19.06.2018 https://www.aidshilfe.de 32 Geschlechtsangleichende Operation an Kindern; 26.03.2021 https://www.aerzteblatt.de 33 Gesetz über die Selbstbestimmung; 04.12.2024 https://www.bmfsfj.de

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QUEER AND THE CITY

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2. QUEER AND THE CITY

ACTION PLAN QUEER Queer action plans at the state level in Germany are strategic frameworks developed by governments to improve the rights and living conditions of the LGBT*QIA+ community. These plans, which have been implemented in several federal states for years, cover areas such as education, healthcare, legal equality, labor, and social participation to combat discrimination and ensure equal opportunities.34 The importance of these action plans lies in their role in driving structural change and increasing social acceptance of Queer people. They offer concrete recommendations for action and measures that help to combat discrimination and create an inclusive environment in which all people can live equally, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity.35 Bavaria remains the only German federal state without an official action plan. In response, the Lesbian and Gay Association of Bavaria (LSVD Bayern) published a civil society action plan on sexual, romantic, and gender diversity and submitted it to the Bavarian state government.36 Recently, the Bavarian Ministry of Family, Labor, and Social Affairs launched the website Bavarian Action Plan Queer, which provides a participation platform as well as information and events surrounding the planned official action plan for Bavaria.37 On February 24, 2022, the city of Nuremberg became the first municipality in Bavaria to adopt its own Queer action plan, titled 'Queer Nuremberg’. The city stated in its publication ‚Nuremberg goes Queer’ that "We have realized that the perspectives of lesbians, gays, bisexuals, trans*, and inter* persons have not been adequately considered. We wanted to change that."38

Since 2013 Nuremberg has engaged with various aspects of Queer inclusion and had already introduced initial services and programs. At the request of the SPD’s (political party) city council, initiated by Dr. Ulrich Blaschke, the administration was commissioned to develop the Queer Nuremberg Action Plan in a cross-departmental process.39 Christine Burmann, the author of the action plan and Commissioner for Discrimination Issues and the Concerns of Lesbians, Gays, Bi*, Trans*, and Inter* Persons at the Nuremberg Human Rights Office, described the goals of the first action plan as follows: 1. Raising awareness of the challenges and experiences of the Queer community and integrating them into municipal planning 2. Strengthening the community structures in Nuremberg 3. Actively advocating for protection against all forms of discrimination Regarding the approach, Christine Burmann explained that a coordination group consisting of representatives from relevant municipal departments was formed. Subsequently, a participatory process was initiated, including digital engagement with the community, and expert input from organizations, politics, and networks was gathered. The responsible offices then formulated measures based on this data and incorporated them into the action plan with specific timelines.

The “(...) first and only Bavarian municipality to publish its own action plan for the needs of lesbians, gays, bisexuals, trans* and intersex people.”40 The plan was modeled after similar initiatives in cities such as Hamburg, Cologne, Berlin, and Bielefeld. Christine Burmann noted, "Bavaria is the only German state

34 Welche Bundesländer haben Aktionspläne gegen LSBTIQ*-Feindlichkeit?; n.d. https://www.lsvd.de 35 Bundesregierung; 2021; Aktionsplan der Bundesregierung für Akzeptanz und Schutz sexueller und geschlechtlicher Vielfalt 36 LSVD Bayern e.V.; 2023 Zivilgesellschaftlicher Maßnahmenkatalog 37 Aktionsplan QUEER Bayern; n.d. https://aktionsplan-queer.bayern 38 Nuremberg goes queer; 04.05.2024 https://www.nuernberg.de 39 Burmann, Christine, written interview, 16.05.2024 40 Stadt Nuremberg; 2022, Page 5; Aktionsplan Queeres Nuremberg

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without an official action plan at the state level, which underscores the need for municipal action"41. Burmann, who is also responsible for monitoring the implementation of the action plan, highlighted that Nuremberg is part of a nationwide network of municipal LSBTIQ* offices, where expertise and best practices are exchanged.42

"Public space is an incredibly important area—it belongs equally to all of us as members of an urban society. As a city administration, we strive to make public space livable and accessible for everyone. (…)

The diversity of our city is reflected in public space, and it is here that democratic negotiations must take place."47

The action plan includes projects and initiatives in areas such as children and families, living with disabilities, migration and integration, discrimination prevention, visibility, and others.43 More than two years after the publication of the action plan, Christine Burmann was asked about measurable successes.

Her response was clear: yes. The initial action points have been successfully implemented. There are now Queer youth afternoons, a Queer visiting service for the elderly, training opportunities for municipal employees, the rainbow zebra stripe has been integrated into the cityscape and a participation format for a rainbow house is currently in the process. These and other topics have already been recorded as successes.44

While the public space has yet to be explicitly included as an action point in the plan, the importance of the topic is increasingly recognized. However, whether urban space is merely seen as fragmented areas for small-scale interventions or as a space for transformative urban planning remains an open question.

While the public space was noted in the action plan, it was not a core focus. The action plan acknowledged a rise in experiences of violence, both in private and public spaces. The report stated: "A particularly high potential for discrimination exists in public space."45 Christine Burmann explained that in 2021, public space was not a priority concern in the city’s Queer initiatives. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, urban space had taken a backseat in discussions.

Instead, the first phase of the action plan focused on sensitizing municipal staff, making public services more accessible to Queer individuals, strengthening local Queer community structures, and taking a clear public stance against discrimination.46 However, she noted that in future versions of the action plan, the issue of public safety will receive greater attention.

41 Stadt Nuremberg; 2022, Page 6; Aktionsplan Queeres Nuremberg 42 Burmann, Christine, written interview 43 Nuremberg goes queer; 04.05.2024 https://www.nuernberg.de 44 Burmann, Christine, written interview 45 cf. lbid. Page 7 46 Burmann, Christine, written interview 47 lbid.

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QUEER SPACES You can find Queer bars, gay clubs or travesty venues in most major cities. Places where the community meets, gets to know each other and feels comfortable. Many other cultural venues are now also claiming to be “Queer-friendly” through flags, advertising or their website. However, Queer people cannot depend on whether places are Queer-friendly or designed for them in their everyday lives. For example, clubs and bars usually have divisions such as FLINTA*-only or gay bars. Not every space is welcoming to LGBT*QIA+, and Queer Spaces as described in this paper, refer to the spaces that should become an urban planning matter of course for inclusion. They demand that a person can leave a gay bar and continue to feel a sense of belonging in the public street space.

“The daily realities of people aged 70 and over, disabled or Queer people, BiPoC and women are given too little consideration.”48 writes Karin Hartmann, architect and author. She describes how the city was not built for the target groups in particular and causes extra work, detours and additional time.

This results in exhaustion and a lack of energy. The existing urban structures cannot include anyone if the spaces are only designed for one group of people.

The initial situation would require us to first define non-Queer Spaces. Dr. Esto Mader, Head of the Gender Sociology Unit, questioned this during her own dissertation: “Non-queer spaces are understood in this work as heteronormative, i.e. when heteronormativity is not criticized in the space (...). Non-queer spaces are characterized by the invisibility of queer lifestyles and heteronormativity is lived unquestioned in them.”49 To follow this logic, Queer Spaces must stand outside the heteronormative and binary-tolerant environment. The Canadian architect Eloise Choquette emphasizes this: “A queered space represents a subversion of the norm, a conscious act of resistan-

ce and a break in the fabric of society.”50 However, any act or progress in the direction of upheaval requires spatial demands, which have so far been insufficiently discussed. According to Karin Hartmann, in order to deal with the realities of life, minorities must be integrated into planning concepts and, by extension, a heteronormative approach must be questioned. However, there is no procedure for this. Urban planning requirements of Queer people have not yet been sufficiently scrutinized and have not yet been recorded and tested. In this regard, Leslie Kern, author and geographer with a focus on urban, social and feminist movements, has called for “an approach to analysis that allows us to understand the sexual and gender norms that operate in systems of oppression and how these norms maintain power relations.

In addition, this reading attempts to destabilize the norms, for example by questioning binary orders, digging up other pasts and fighting against normalization itself.”51 Thus, the social construct of space is conditioned by the built environment and demands that the production of this is already questioned in the approach and processed through a socio-critical analysis.

Queer architecture and Queer Spaces must challenge and break through patriarchal structures, recognize and decimate systems of oppression in the very act of design and perceive the process of urban planning as a demonstration of power over marginalized groups. In order to do this, they must first be recognized, defined and assigned, as Leslie Kern describes through her demand for access.

48 Roig, Zykunov und Horch; Unlearn Patriarchy 2 (2024, Page 44) 49 Mader, E; Queere Räume (2023, Page 70) 50 Eloise Choquette; 2020; Queer: Archithese; Queering Architecture (Page 6) 51 Kern, L.; Gentrifizierung lässt sich nicht aufhalten und andere Lügen (2023, Page 213)

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BUILT ENVIRONMENT

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Germany

Bavaria

Map

GSEducationalVersion

GSEducationalVersion

83.8 Mio.

Population

13.08 Mio.

0-5

0-5

65 +

%

Queerfacts

25 %

10. Place GSEducationalVersion

40 - 59

30

9 Mio.

10 %

21 - 24

60 - 64

15 %

15 - 20

25 - 39

approx. number of Queer People

6 - 14

%

25 %

40 - 59

65 +

30

10 %

60 - 64

15 %

Age Groups

6 - 14

15 - 20

21 - 24 25 - 39

981.000

94 %

GSEducationalVersion

In the Rainbow Ranking of all 49 European countries, Germany has risen to 10th place with 66 per cent

of queer young people in Bavaria have experienced discrimination, according to a study.

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Districts

Nuremberg

GSEducationalVersion

GSEducationalVersion

GSEducationalVersion

155.974

544.414

10 - 17

30

1998

45-64

25 %

15.000

64 - 74

%

25 - 39 40 - 44

10 %

The city of Nuremberg was the first Bavarian municipality to draw up an action plan for the interests of lesbians, gays, bisexuals, trans* and intersex people.

18 - 24

15 %

GSEducationalVersion

45-64

10 - 17

%

#1

25 %

50.000

64 - 74

75 +

30

25 - 39 40 - 44

10 %

18 - 24

15 %

%

25 %

30

10 %

45-64

0-9

75 +

10 - 17

15 %

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26.270

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The first Nuremberg CSD took place in 1998, back then still under the name LesBiSchwules Straßenfest. Since then, the event has taken place in the two weeks following Pride Weeks.

With over 11,000 participants, the highlight of Nuremberg‘s Christoper Street Day 2023 took place under the motto ‘Queer Action Plan Bavaria Now’.

Galgenhof

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das PARADIES is the second oldest travesty theatre in Germany after Hamburg and one of the oldest private theatres in the city.

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Queer children‘s opera in Nuremberg. In the end, the prince doesn‘t marry Cinderella, but his boyfriend: at the Nuremberg State Theatre with Wiebke Hetmanek‘s opera ‘The Prince Charming’

Magnus-Hirschfeld-Platz in Nuremberg at Sterntor has been the local memorial to the homosexual victims of the Nazi regime since 2013.

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BUILDING DEVELOPMENT ANALYSIS A building development analysis of the neighborhoods mentioned is presented here. This analyses the building structure, including the type and density of the buildings. This is illustrated in the form of a figure-ground plan, a representation of the building heights and an overview of the block development.

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LOCATION For the following master’s thesis, three specific streets in Nuremberg were selected as examples to analyze the identified aspects within the direct urban environment and to provide exemplary evidence of the results.

The first is Vordere Sterngasse in the St. Lorenz district in the city center, which will be referred to simply as "Old Town" throughout this study. The second street is Tafelhofstraße in the Tafelhof district, which will be referred to as "Transit" in the course of this work—an explanation for this designation will follow later. Additionally, Karl-Bröger-Straße in the Galgenhof district was chosen, which is located behind the main train station, beyond the railway tracks, thus belonging to Nuremberg’s southern district. This area will be referred to as "The South" in the following sections.

These areas were selected because they present an extremely diverse image of the city within a compact urban space and provide a strong contrast in various aspects. The architectural and urban planning conditions differ significantly over short distances, offering a broad spectrum of insights.

This selection provides an opportunity to gain an overview of the analysis points and examine to what extent they are site-specific or how the surrounding environment influences them. The present study explores these individual observation points in all sections and presents the findings in the following discussion.

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VORDERE STERNGASSE

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OLD TOWN Nuremberg's Old Town presents a diverse architectural and urban landscape that reflects the city's long history. The Old Town is characterized by its medieval structures and buildings, which, despite the destruction during World War II, were largely rebuilt. At the heart of the Old Town is the Kaiserburg, a landmark of the city built in the 11th century and expanded and remodeled over the centuries. It dominates the cityscape and gives the Old Town its characteristic historical flair.52

residential and commercial spaces, the park area in the castle moat, and various square formations. This area ends at Hallplatz, where residential spaces become scarcer, and commercial areas dominate, leading into the main part of Nuremberg’s city center. In this area, not only comparability but also the innercity analysis of the topic is particularly interesting.

The streets are often narrow and winding, paved with cobblestones, evoking a medieval atmosphere.53 Half-timbered houses from the 15th and 16th centuries, such as the Albrecht Dürer House, are as defining for the cityscape as the monumental Gothic churches, including St. Lorenz Church and the Womans Church (Frauenkirche) at the central market square.54 The urban development concept of the Old Town integrates these historical elements harmoniously with more contemporary buildings and uses. The post-war reconstruction aimed to preserve the historical heritage while incorporating some modern architectural elements to complement the cityscape and meet the demands of a contemporary city.55 The St. Lorenz district is defined by a mix of retail stores, tourist attractions, bars, and restaurants.56 It has a population of approximately 5,070 residents, with an average age of 40 years. In 2021, 187 people in this area were unemployed. The current rent index for Nuremberg's Old Town-St. Lorenz shows an average rent of €12.03 per square meter.57 For my project, Vordere Sterngasse represents the inner-city aspect of Nuremberg. There is a mix of 52 Ihr Museum in Nuremberg; n.d. https://www.gnm.de 53 Sehenswürdigkeiten in Nuremberg; n.d. https://www.nuernberg.de 54 Albrecht-Dürer-Haus; n.d. https://tourismus.nuernberg.de 55 Museenblog Nuremberg; n.d. https://museenblog-nuernberg.de 56 Stadtteile in Nuremberg; 22.05.2024 https://www.thehomelike.com 57 Altstadt-St. Lorenz; n.d. https://www.immoportal.com

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TRANSIT The Tafelhof district in Nuremberg is a diverse and centrally located neighborhood that plays an important role in the city’s urban structure.58 t is characterized by a mix of historical and contemporary buildings. The district contains many buildings from the Gründerzeit era, distinguished by their elaborate facades and spacious layouts. These structures reflect the architectural movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, contributing to the district’s historical charm. Additionally, numerous post-war buildings from the 1950s and 1960s can be found, which are more functionally designed and follow the architectural principles of modernism.59 A notable example of contemporary architecture in Tafelhof is the Tafelhof Palais, a 15-story hotel and office complex at the site of the former main post office, designed by Swiss architect Max Dudler.60

pedestrian routes primarily pass through underpasses, both above and below ground Tafelhof has approximately 1,330 residents with an average age of 45 years. In 2021, 125 people were recorded as unemployed. In 2024, the average rental price in the Tafelhof district was €11.23 per square meter.63 From an analytical perspective, Tafelhofstraße is particularly relevant due to its function as a connecting space. It consists predominantly of commercial areas that receive less attention. Due to its role as a transition axis between the Old Town and the South City, as well as the distinction between the commercial zone of Tafelhof and the more remote residential areas of the district, this area will be referred to as "Transit" in the following sections.

The tension of this place as a non-place64 offers interesting comparability while also presenting unique analytical points, particularly in terms of the pedestrian connections, which pass through two underpasses.

From an urbanist perspective, Tafelhof is of great significance due to its central location and proximity to the main train station. The district serves as an important link between the city center and the southern districts. Major traffic arteries such as Frauentorgraben and Bahnhofstraße connect Tafelhof directly with the rest of the city and are characterized by bustling commercial activity.61 Tafelhof has a high density of office and commercial buildings, highlighting the economic importance of the district. The proximity to the main train station makes the district a crucial transportation hub, serving both commuters and business travelers.62 Many neighborhoods are connected through Tafelhof, particularly the South City and the Old Town. The main

58 Stadtarchiv; n.d.-c https://www.nuernberg.de 59 Die bayerischen Denkmäler online; n.d.-b https://www.blfd.bayern.de 60 Tafelhof Palais; n.d. https://alpha-projektpartner.de 61 Südliche Stadtmitte von Nuremberg; n.d. http://www.nuernberg-aha.de 62 lbid.

63 Mietspiegel Tafelhof; 2024 n.d. https://www.immobilienscout24.de 64 Definiert durch Marc Augé: Nicht-Orte sind insbesondere mono-funktional genutzte Flächen im urbanen und suburbanen Raum

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THE SOUTH The Galgenhof district and Nuremberg’s southern city is characterized by a diverse architectural and urban structure that includes both historical and modern elements.65 Galgenhof is a traditionally densely populated district located south of the main train station. Architecturally, the district is defined by a mix of Wilhelminian style buildings, residential complexes, and retail properties. Most buildings date from the late 19th and early 20th centuries, reflecting the urban growth process Nuremberg experienced during industrialization.66

district shows an average rent of €10.51 per square meter.70 The South itself is a demographically interesting area within Nuremberg. Its cultural and individual diversity, both in terms of people and built structures, provides a rich field for analysis. For the comparability of key aspects, Karl-Bröger-Straße, with its combination of residential and commercial areas, public spaces, and parks, was particularly well suited. It is an almost selfsufficient area, connected to the rest of the city only through the transit zone. Nevertheless, it incorporates many aspects and backgrounds related to the Queer scene.

The South, which includes Galgenhof, is a dynamic and multicultural neighborhood. The district encompasses a wide range of architectural styles, from historic buildings and post-war constructions to contemporary residential and retail structures. The South is known for its cultural diversity and numerous ethnic shops, restaurants, and social institutions.67 A defining architectural feature of The South is its post-war buildings, which were built after the destruction of World War II. These structures are primarily functional in design and reflect the architectural movement of the 1950s and 1960s.68 In urban planning terms, The South is of great significance due to its strong connections to public transportation and proximity to the main train station. Major traffic axes such as Landgrabenstraße, Wölkernstraße, and Allersberger Straße serve as central connecting routes, linking different parts of the district with the rest of the city.69 The population of Galgenhof is approximately 19,870 residents, with an average age of 50 years.

In 2021, 930 people in this area were unemployed.

The current rent index for Nuremberg’s Galgenhof 65 Stadtarchiv; n.d. https://www.nuernberg.de 66 Stadtplanungsamt; n.d. https://www.nuernberg.de 67 der südpunkt; n.d. https://www.nuernberg.de 68 Informationen für Denkmaleigentümer; n.d. https://www.blfd.bayern.de 69 Verkehrsplanung Nuremberg; n.d. https://www.nuernberg.de 70 Galgenhof. (n.d.-b). www.immoportal.com. https://www.immoportal.com/mietspiegel/nuernberg/galgenhof

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Bepflanzung Begrünung leichte Begrünung

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VEGETATION ANALYSIS The analysis shown is an examination and evaluation of the existing green spaces and vegetation within an urban area. It includes parks, gardens, street trees, green areas, and other planted spaces. In Nuremberg, the degree of surface sealing is 58.95%.

However, a large proportion of this is taken up by the moat. Additional main greenery is provided by planter boxes and urban trees.

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SUN PATH ANALYSIS A sun path analysis examines how sunlight falls on buildings and open spaces in an urban area over the course of a day and throughout the year. In already developed urban areas, it can reveal denser building patterns and the effects of building heights. This allows for an assessment of the residential and living quality of the surroundings, even retrospectively. By analyzing sunlight exposure, the illumination of buildings and open spaces is evaluated to ensure that important areas such as living spaces, parks, and squares receive sufficient natural light. This analysis helps to identify negative impacts such as excessive shading and to incorporate these findings into the course of the work. The date analyzed in this case is July 10, 2024.

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traffic traffic junction tram line metro line public transport junction long-distance rail cycle path Partial cycle path

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MOBILITY ANALYSIS This study of the transport system within an urban area aims to identify the efficiency, capacity and impact of different forms of transportation. It includes cars, trams, underground, public transport in general, longdistance transport and cycle paths. Clear conurbations can be identified in the area of the main railway station and in the main transport axes in all four cardinal directions, originating from the station. In addition, the long-distance railway lines form a strong separation between the lower area of The South and the upper rest of the city.

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SPATIAL ANALYSIS The spatial analysis presented is an examination of the utilization and distribution of space within the area. It aims to document and analyse the existing use in order to gain a better understanding of the urban structure and dynamics. Four terrain sections were created. In each case through the individual sections of Old Town, Transit, the South and the entire site. This allows the distribution of the area to be compared and shows the volumes of individual points.

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4. DESIGN AND USAGE

QUEER-FRIENDLY After determining how Queer Spaces are defined, the question remains of how they can be identified. The Christopher Street Day Nuremberg e. V. association (hereinafter referred to as the CSD association) has published an LGBT*QIA+ Community Guide as a PDF on its website, making it available free of charge.

The guide lists bars, entertainment venues, community spaces, services, shops, healthcare providers, legal assistance, and housing support.71 This guide facilitates selection, particularly for tourists or newcomers.

An excerpt from this list is provided as an example.

However, this guide does not fully reflect the entire cityscape, and not all spaces can be universally verified for their Queer-friendliness.

In the Queer Space survey72, created for this master’s thesis, participants were asked, "Are you aware of Queer-friendly places in Nuremberg? (e.g., bars, restaurants, parks …)." Of the 147 respondents, 78.9% answered yes.

The follow-up question, "How do you recognize Queer-friendly places?" was open-ended, and the responses included:73 #3

Posters, advertisements, rainbows Cis woman, bisexual, 20-29, student

#45

Clear signage through signs, awareness teams, queer offerings

#121

Explicit queer events, social meeting places for queers, queer symbols, queer aesthetics, "safe space" rules Genderfluid, pansexual, 50-59, employed

#129

Stickers, all-gender restrooms, friendly audience, anti-discrimination policy Non-binary, homosexual, 40-49, self-employed

#145

The rainbow flag, often placed on windows or doors Trans* man, heterosexual, 20-29, student

Christine Burmann was informed about the survey’s findings: many responses described Queer-friendly spaces as being primarily recognized through symbols, the internet, or word-of-mouth. When asked what additional identification methods she considered useful, she replied that symbols, labels, or official certifications are beneficial, as well as public statements by venue operators in support of diversity, both analog and digital. Participation in community events such as Pride, Hair for Care, AIDS-Help, and support for community initiatives are essential. A clear approach to handling discriminatory incidents is also helpful, according to Christine Burmann.74 For now, it can be concluded that Queer-friendly spaces are recognized through their clientele, symbols, safety, and external presentation. These and other assessments served as guiding principles during the development of this study.

Cis woman, homosexual, 30-39, employed

#51

Mostly through communication /external appearance, clear labels, language in online presence, etc. Onlineauftritt, usw.

Cis woman, pansexual, 30-39, employed

#106

Symbols, clientele, self-representation on social media Cis man, homosexual, 30-39, employed

71 CSD Nuremberg; 2022; LSBITQ*-Community GUIDE 2022 72 Queer Space Umfrage; April 2024; Online Befragung 73 cf. lbid.

74 Burmann, Christine, written interview

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Bar 59 Johannesgasse 59 90402 Nürnberg

Pigalle Schlagerbar Pfeiffergasse 2a 90402 Nürnberg

Restaurant Estragon Jakobstraße 19 90402 Nürnberg

Café Frida Kahlo Bar-Café-Restaurant Pleydenwurffstraße 1 90408 Nürnberg

Berts Bar Wiesenstraße 85 90459 Nürnberg

Savoy Bar Bogenstraße 45 90459 Nürnberg

Café Burgblick Bucher Straße 3 90419 Nürnberg

Literaturhaus Luitpoldstraße 6 90402 Nürnberg

Einfachso Klaragasse 26 90402 Nürnberg

Café Cartoon An der Sparkasse 6 90402 Nürnberg

Café Herrlich Nonnengasse 12 90402 Nürnberg

Gasthaus Pegnitztal Deutschherrnstr. 31 90429 Nürnberg

La Bas Hallplatz 31 90402 Nürnberg

Caffé Fatal Jagdstraße 16 90419 Nürnberg

Salon Regina Fürther Straße 64 90429 Nürnberg

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Paradies Cabaret Bogenstraße 26 90459 Nürnberg

Casablanca Brosamerstraße 12 90459 Nürnberg

Rote Bühne Vordere Kramergasse 11 90478 Nürnberg

Zeit und Raum Wespennest 2 90403 Nürnberg

Fliederlich Sandstraße 1 90443 Nürnberg

Herzblutfriseure Schottengasse 11 90402 Nürnberg

Greenbox Vordere Sterngasse 24 90402 Nürnberg

Vom Fass Königstraße 25-27 90402 Nürnberg

Chocolat Josephsplatz 26/28 90403 Nürnberg

Dr. Stefan Thürmer Königstraße 23 90402 Nürnberg

Ludwigs Apotheke Fürther Straße 39 90429 Nürnberg

Lyra Apotheke Brückenstraße 22 90419 Nürnberg

RA Bierhoff/Moser-Nees Josephsplatz 1 90403 Nünrberg

Sontowski & Partner Sebastianstraße 32 91058 Erlangen

wbg Nürnberg Glogauer Straße 70 90473 Nürnberg

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USAGE AND PROGRAM The use of public space extends from the ground-floor zone to the playground in the nearby park. However, beyond this, it is ultimately a matter of usage that shapes the urban space. A playground must be used by children to serve its function, just as a restaurant must be visited to remain viable. Likewise, it is important to consider who public space is intended for and who ultimately uses it.

When speaking about public space in its entirety— streets, squares, shops, cafés—it cannot be regarded as a "neutral space". The built environment is designed to be more advantageous for some individuals than for others, and on a subconscious level, it signals which group holds power. Urban and spatial researcher Nina Schuster presents public space as a continuous display of heterosexual desire and same-sex couple norms. Gendered behavior is classified here as normal and appropriate, appearing performative, constructed, and reproduced.75 Connecting to feminist, activist and architect Leslie Kanes Weisman, who stated as early as the 1980s: "The built environment is largely the creation of white, masculine subjectivity. It is neither value-free nor inclusively human."76 In a later contribution, she elaborated that buildings, neighborhoods, and cities are cultural artifacts that symbolically define each member’s place in society.

Although the built environment shapes everyday experiences and cultural backgrounds, it is often perceived as a neutral backdrop. However, the spatial arrangements of buildings and communities are neither neutral nor value-free; they reflect and reinforce gender, racial, and class relations within society. These structures are shaped by social, political, and economic forces, which manifest in their design, construction processes, and patterns of use. She further states: "The built environment contributes to the power of

some groups over others and to the perpetuation of human inequality.”77 One of Henri Lefebvre’s most widely recognized theories is his division of space. The sociologist, philosopher, and urban theorist categorized space into three levels: Perceived Space, Conceived Space, and Lived Space.78 Dr. Esto Mader, researcher in sociology and gender studies with a focus on gender relations, Queer theory and diversity, also referenced Lefebvre in their PhD titled “Queere Räume in Berlin” (= Queer Spaces in Berlin) and described: "All three dimensions are interconnected and mutually dependent: Bodies occupy space and move within it, producing it, and at the same time, a particular perception of space is created, which can be interpreted or understood in different ways.“79 Lefebvre argues that space is not simply a neutral physical container but is socially produced. It is the result of social relationships and practices, and its design reflects power structures and societal processes. He demonstrates how social space influences and reflects power dynamics. Space is a medium through which power is exercised, and controlling space means controlling the social relationships that take place within it.80 Usage is often designed for specific target groups, which, by this classification, also results in the exclusion of others. Building upon this idea, the Usage Analysis documents the registered program of all public spaces in the selected locations. A specially developed legend categorizes these spaces based on their two-gendered characteristics, distinguishing between places and spaces, which are classified based on name, advertising, description, or offerings indicates whom they are intended for. In addition to the architectural program, this study also examines the perceived space, which includes external appearance, clientele, image, interior design, and the impression conveyed by the built environment.81 The here used divisions into "feminine" and "masculine"

75 Schuster, N.; Andere Räume: soziale Praktiken der Raumproduktion von Drag Kings und Transgender (2010) 76 Kanes Weisman, L.; Making room: Women and Architecture. Heresies Collective. (1981, Page 6) 77 Kramarae, C. & Spender; International Encyclopedia of Women: Global Women’s Issues and Knowledge (2004, Page 86) 78 Lefebvre, H.; The Production of Space (1992, Page 33) 79 Mader, E; Queere Räume (2023, Page 60) 80 cf. lbid. Page 26 81 Datenerhebung: Queer Space Umfrage, Interviews, Analyse vor Ort

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does not always refer to a binary gender categorization but to attributes typically associated with individuals. The category "fem/masc" includes feminine and masculine classifications closely tied to the binary gender model. "Diverse" is understood here as an undefined, gender-neutral space, though this does not mean that varying attributions within this space do not experience differing privileges. Spaces are categorized as such when they are not explicitly targeted at any gender group, do not drastically favor or disadvantage any particular classification, or openly advertise Queer-friendliness.

For example, the "Body Attack Premium Store”, a shop listed under the category of sports and nutrition, is classified as "fem/masc" based on its advertising and branding. The store's marketing clearly addresses two genders (male and female), depicting a distinct division of roles in promotional materials. Despite this dual marketing approach, such spaces are generally perceived as masculine due to their visual presentation. Leslie Kanes Weisman previously identified strength training and its associated environment as being assigned to the masculine (binary) gender.82 Similarly, the nightclub "Die Bombe" does not explicitly define a target audience through its name, website, advertising, or offerings. However, it has never promoted Queer events or actively marketed itself as Queer-friendly, leading to its classification as "fem/ masc." It is notable that nightclubs without awareness teams, those not recognized as Queer Spaces, or those that do not provide temporary safe spaces through events such as FLINTA*-only nights tend to be male- and masculinity-dominated. Such venues are often perceived as spaces of fear. In an interview with Michaela Regus, a scholar of book studies, history, and German studies who also leads the "Queer through Nuremberg" tour for Geschichte für Alle e. V. (= History for Everybody), she stated: "If homophobic or transphobic attacks happen, it’s usually in mixed clubs—can we call them that? Well, mixed clubs, meaning clubs where mostly straight people go". She

also noted from personal experience that the atmosphere at lesbian or Queer events is different. When asked to describe the difference, she stated that these events felt much more peaceful: "People party, of course, people drink—sometimes too much—gay men have sex on the dance floor, but I have never seen fights at these events. In 20 years, I have never experienced violence at such gatherings. But in 'normal' clubs? Always. Often. Most of the time. Let’s say most of the time. Yes, I think it’s because of the alcohol and simply the composition of the crowd.“83 It is important to note that in her interview, Michaela Regus used the term "normal" to describe a heteronormative and binary-dominated space. This internalized terminology exemplifies Leslie Kanes Weisman's theories, as previously discussed. Consequently, "Die Bombe" was categorized as a space perceived to primarily aimed at a masculine audience. “You know how it feels when spaces and places do not take you into account," stated a participant in the Queer Space-survey.84 The simplest solution to this issue would be to create more spaces specifically for Queer individuals. If there were more FLINTA*-only clubs and more gay and lesbian bars, everyone could have a place where they feel comfortable and safe. However, this approach merely shifts the problem rather than solving it and would result in a significant financially viable challenge. The study "Sexual Orientation and Labor Market Discrimination" from 1995 by American economist M. V. Lee Badgette uses empirical data analysis from surveys and administrative datasets, comparing LGBT*QIA+ individuals with heterosexual individuals of similar socioeconomic backgrounds. The study combines qualitative research, narratives, personal experiences, and existing literature to demonstrate that members of the LGBT*QIA+ community tend to have lower incomes due to workplace discrimination based on sexual orientation.85 This was also confirmed by the 2020 study "Queeres Leben in

82 Weisman, L.; Discrimination by Design: A Feminist Critique of the Man-made Environment (1994) 83 lbid.

84 Queer Space Umfrage; April 2024; Online Befragung (Teilnehmer 1, Cis-Mann, Homosexuell, 20-29 Jahre, Angestellt) 85 Elmslie, B. & Tebaldi, E.; Sexual Orientation and Labor Market Discrimination (2007)

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Bayern” (=Queer Life in Bavaria), which states that 55% of respondents had experienced verbal abuse or insults in their workplace.86 The gender pay gap further exacerbates the issue.87 Lesbian bars or clubs face lower chances of survival due to the double (sexuality and gender) marginalization that results in lower household incomes for lesbian couples compared to other target groups. Michaela Regus, in connection with the "Queer Nuremberg" action plan, criticized the fact that tax advantages or startup support for lesbian and trans* women in the Nuremberg and surrounded regions were not included as action points. She stated, that while there is no space for lesbians and trans* individuals, there is also no support available if they wish to establish such spaces.88 It is important to note that in all these discussions, the aspect of BIPoC and racial classification has not yet been considered.

Powerful stakeholders (e.g., the state, capitalists) shape and utilize space to secure and reproduce their power. Marginalized groups, including Queer individuals, are rarely integrated into large-scale spatial constructs, as they are perceived as minorities who cannot exert a positive influence on power structures.

Positioning oneself as Queer-friendly—when this does happen—either has negative consequences for a business or is exploited through pink-washing. This reinforces the arguments of Leslie Kanes Weisman and M. V. Lee Badgette while also emphasizing Lefebvre’s theories on the capitalist production of space.

Lefebvre describes how space is produced according to market principles and profitability. Capitalist urban planning and architecture serve capital accumulation and reflect economic interests. Consequently, Lefebvre argues that this must lead to the exclusion of marginalized populations.89 This analysis demonstrates that space is not a passive element but actively shapes and reproduces social power structures.

Space is both a product and a medium of social pro-

cesses, making it central to power, politics, and social justice.

The book "Mapping Desire" explores diverse perspectives on sexuality. In the chapter "Creating Urban Social Space," Tamara Rothenberg presents her study on lesbian communities under the title "And She Told Two Friends". This study identifies and describes various spatial and planning requirements to create more inclusive and supportive spaces for lesbian women. Visibility and safety emerge as central aspects. Meeting places or venues that aim to welcome Queer individuals should be clearly identifiable, visible, and accessible. The integration of symbols and artworks that represent and celebrate lesbian and Queer identities can contribute positively to a sense of belonging. Guidelines and mechanisms should be established to address and reduce cases of discrimination. The aspects mentioned above can facilitate integration within community-oriented spaces (such as cafés), but also through events designed specifically for Queer individuals. Rothenberg discusses the realization of these spaces through functionality, design, and symbolism to promote a sense of belonging and community.90 These aspects can be equally defined in outdoor spaces. The Celtisplatz playground serves as an example of gender role prioritization in public space.

Sporting or physical activity needs in public areas, which are accommodated through play and sports facilities, typically prioritize the preferences of masculine cis men.91 This was already documented in 1994

by Dr. Clara Greed, former professor of inclusive urban planning and active researcher and writer, in her book "Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities“ Climbing structures, skateparks, table tennis, and zip lines—these and other recreational activities largely appeal to boys and men. The realization that boys* and girls*, women* and men* use public space and its infrastructure differently has been acknowledged for some time, but it has only received the

86 Wagner, A. & Oldmeier, K.; 2020; Queeres Leben in Bayern 2020 87 Definition: Gender Pay Gap refers to the gender-based wage disparity, or the difference in average earnings between men and women 88 Regus, Michaela, personal interview, Nuremberg, 14.05.2024 89 Lefebvre, H.; The Production of Space (1992, Page 349) 90 Tamara Rothenberg; And She Told Two Friends -Mapping Desire: Geog Sexuality (2003) 91 Greed, C. H.; Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (2003)

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necessary attention in recent years. This presents an opportunity to question what requirements exist for other gender identities beyond the binary understanding. Professor Eric Anderson, an American sociologist and sexologist, emphasizes the necessity of recognizing the specific desires and needs of marginalized groups, such as Queer individuals. He describes how Queer people often prefer more inclusive, less competitive, and more diverse sports opportunities.

These aim to include participants regardless of gender identity, sexual orientation, physical abilities, or other social identities.92 In particular, sports groups that focus on fun, health, and community rather than competition and performance are favored. In addition to activities like jogging and walking, yoga, Pilates, and dance are also included. However, sports facilities in public spaces are usually designed for individual use, thus eliminating the social component.

Groups and associations, including those for Queer individuals, often meet in private or commercial spaces or at prominent urban locations. There is a need to connect the social components of community with architectural possibilities to ensure inclusion.

While social-political transformation depends on the evolution of broader aspects, architecture can already exert influence. If architecture perceives built space as a participatory tool, capitalist spaces can be adapted at their core until the structural problem undergoes transformation. Lefebvre argues that space should also be understood as a site of resistance, a form of social movement to challenge dominant power structures and create alternative spatial concepts.93

92 Anderson, E.; Inclusive masculinity: The Changing Nature of Masculinities (2010) 93 Lefebvre, H.; The Production of Space. Wiley-Blackwell (1992, Page 395)

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Consumption

A ‘consumption space’ is a place where the consumption of goods and / or services takes place. This can be the case in shops, restaurants, cafés or cinemas, for example. Simply put, money has to be spent here.

Consumption

Consumption Consumption-free

Assignment (advertised) feminin

masculin

fem/masc

divers

fem/masc

divers

Assignment (felt) Consumption

feminin

masculin

Consumption Consumption Access Consumption Consumption-free

Whereas a ‘consumption-free space’ is a place where consumption does not have to / cannot take place or is simply not necessary. These spaces are usually intended for recreation, community or public purposes, such as parks, libraries, public squares and some cultural facilities. Here, the focus is often not on consumption, but on spending time and using the space. To summarise: No money can or needs to be spent here.

Consumption Consumption-free easy mid difficult

Consumption (advertised) Consumption-free Assignment

Assignment (advertised) Day Assignment (advertised)

Assignment feminin

feminin masculin all mo.-sa. feminin masculin Assignment (felt)

masculin

fem/masc individual divers weekend fem/masc divers

fem/masc

divers

feminin

fem/masc

divers

Assignment (felt) Time Assignment (felt) masculin

feminin day feminin Access

masculin night masculin

inclusive easy

limited mid

exclusive difficult

Safety Day Day all

mo.-sa.

weekend

Participation Access easy mid Access easy Day

all safe all

Time

Time Time

day

mid

mo.-sa. limited mo.-sa.

fem/masc both fem/masc difficult difficult

weekend unsafe weekend

night

both

Participation day night

both

limited inclusive Participation

exclusive

Safety inclusive

limited

exclusive

safe

limited

unsafe

safe

limited

unsafe

day

night

Safety Safety safe

limited

limited

individual

Feminine and masculine categorisations are defined under ‘fem/masc’, which are strongly associated with the binary gender image. ‘Diverse’ is understood here as an undefined and unassigned space, but this does not mean that different attributions cannot enjoy more or less privileges in this space.

individual

individual

both

Participation Participation

inclusive

divers

divers

Here, a distinction is made between places and spaces, which are characterised by naming, advertising, description or offer to demonstrate who they are aimed at - and the perceived space, which has been formed by the external effect, the audience, image, furnishings or built space, where ‘feminine’ and ‘masculine’ do not always refer to a heteronormative gender division, but to characteristics that are attributed to people.

exclusive

unsafe

An ‘exclusive space’ is only accessible to a specific group, based on criteria such as membership or social status, and excludes others to provide privacy or security where appropriate. An ‘inclusive space’, on the other hand, is open to all, promotes diversity, participation and breaks down barriers so that everyone can participate regardless of background or characteristics. This can have the consequence of making oneself vulnerable and having to live openness.

‘Limited’ is used here to describe situational participation.

This can arise from the audience, the time of day or from the individual.

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feminin

All premises and locations were categorised by time of day and day of the week in terms of their accessibility. With regard to the ‘times of day’, access can be either only during the day, only at night or around the clock.

With regard to the ‘days of the week’, access can be granted daily, only during the week (Monday to Saturday), only at weekends (Friday, Saturday and Sunday) or on specific, varying days. This subdivision may have a relevant impact on other aspects.

Access easy

Day all

Time day

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Safety

Whether a space is safe or unsafe for queer people ultimately depends on many factors. This can depend on the assignment of gender roles, the time of day or participation. But personal experiences, known fears or people on site can also have an influence.

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inclusive

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Time night

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individua

both

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Safety limited

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Participation

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A ‘safe’ place can only be understood to mean a lower likelihood of attack and discrimination - not outright exclusion.

(See page 183 - Spaces of fear). An ‘unsafe’ place does not necessarily mean that attacks or discrimination are guaranteed to occur here, but the potential is high. In the case of ‘limited’ places, this depends on variable factors such as the time of day or the audience.

Consumption Consumption Consumption-free

Assignment (advertised) feminin

masculin

fem/masc

divers

fem/masc

divers

Assignment (felt) feminin

Accessibility can be defined in terms of structural aspects relating to barrier-free access, but also in terms of whether entrances are blocked or whether it is necessary to ring the bell or identify oneself. Finding the entrance door can also play a role here. This can be more ‘difficult’ due to a backyard entrance.

In addition, architectural gestures can often ‘simplify’ the consideration of which rooms are accessible to the public and which are not.

masculin

Access

Access easy

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difficult

mo.-sa.

weekend

night

both

Day all

individual

Time day

Participation inclusive

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exclusive

Safety safe

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unsafe

Katholische Stadtkirche Nürnberg | Community

Ultracomix | Comic Store

Body Attack Premium Store | Sport Supplements

Green Box | Parfumery

Magnus-Hirschfeld-Platz | Platz

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Happy Nails | Nail Studio

Consumption Consumption Consumption-free

Assignment (advertised) feminin

Die Bombe | Club

masculin

fem/masc

divers

masculin

fem/masc

divers

mid

difficult

mo.-sa.

weekend

night

both

Assignment (felt) feminin

Access easy

Day all

individual

Time day

Participation inclusive

limited

exclusive

limited

unsafe

Safety safe

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Jobcenter Nürnberg| Authority

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Scandic | Hotel

Consumption Consumption Consumption-free

Assignment (advertised) feminin

masculin

fem/masc

divers

masculin

fem/masc

divers

mid

difficult

mo.-sa.

weekend

night

both

Assignment (felt) feminin

Access easy

Tafelhofstraße | Street

Day all

individual

Time day

Participation inclusive

limited

exclusive

limited

unsafe

Safety safe

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Karl-Bröger-Tunnel | Tunnel

Südstadtpark | Park

Celtispark | Playground

Paradies | Revue Theater

One Way Sportsbar | Bar

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Karl-Bröger-Haus | Office

Sparkasse Nürnberg | Bank

Consumption Consumption Consumption-free

Assignment (advertised) feminin

masculin

fem/masc

divers

masculin

fem/masc

divers

mid

difficult

mo.-sa.

weekend

night

both

Assignment (felt) feminin

Access

Flamingo | Hairdresser

easy

Day all

individual

Time day

Participation inclusive

limited

exclusive

limited

unsafe

Safety safe

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Radio Eck am Aufseßplatz Electrical shop Reinhard Schimmer GmbH Coin shop Hairstylistin Sarah Hairdresser Loco Chicken Restaurant

Atlantic Meistereck Hotel Haarsalon Flamingo Hairdresser Paradies Revue Theater Saya Fahrräder Bicycle shop Schönweiß Ulrich Lawyer Zamzam supermarket Supermarket

Pizzeria Grande Pizza

One Way Sportsbar Bar realbau Construction company AWO Bezirksverband Organisation

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ipation Participation

Day

Access

Safety

Daytime

Felt

Advertised

Consumption

Sparkasse Nürnberg Bank

Participation

Day

Access

Safety

Daytime

Felt

Advertised

Consumption

Karl-Bröger-Haus Office SPD Nürnberg Political party Juso Nürnberg Youth organisation Bezirksjugendwerk Organisation

Pizzeria Bella Pizza Ertel's Backstube Bakery Humanistisches Haus Day care centre Sabel-Akademie Private School Sabel Wirtschaftsschule Business school Osteria Del Centro Restaurant

Restaurant Tafelhof Restaurant

Sheraton Carlton 5-Star-Hotel

Scandic Central Hotel Berufsinformationszentrum Authority Jobcenter Nürnberg Authority

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IT-Systemhaus Federal authority Amt für Existenzsicherung Social welfare office Rengarenk Restaurant

Etyok Third Wave Kebab Fast Food Die Bome Club Globar Universit Support University HappyNails Nail Studio Zahnärzte am Sterntor Dentist Kurzdauer Apartments Guest room Starlight 1 Karaoke Bar Cullmann Tattoo & Piercing Tattoo Studio Mam-Mam Burger Restaurant Green Box Parfumery Reisebüro am Sterntor Travel agency

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Participation

Day

Access

Safety

Daytime

Felt

Advertised

Consumption

Agentur für Arbeit Authority

Participation

Day

Access

Safety

Daytime

Felt

Advertised

Consumption

Kaschemme Restaurant Inzider Greenpoint Cannabis shop TX SELECT Women's fashion store SRC Steuerberatung Tax Consultancy TX SPORTS Skateshop

bXs NUE Bar x Lounge Bar

XOCO Café Café

Ni Hao Restaurant Body Attack Premium Store Sport Supplements Suppen-Bäck Restaurant WonderWaffel Café / Restaurant

EuroShop Discounter Color Fashion Clothing shop High Time Metal and Head Tobacco shop The Phone Factory Repair shop

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Andreas Ziegner Receivership Grüne Erde-Store Furniture shop LeBar Restaurant Sleepin Emergency sleeping centre Katholische Stadtkirche Community Weltladen Fenster zur Welt Community Shop KEB Stadtbildungswerk e.V. Educational institution Café Fenster zur Stadt Café Karl-Bröger-Straße Street Karl-Bröger-Platz Square Südstadtpark Square Celtispark Playground Karl-Bröger-Tunnel Tunnel Tafelhofstraße Street

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Participation

Day

Access

Safety

Daytime

Felt

Advertised

Consumption

Ultracomix GmbH Comic Store

Paticipation

Day

Acess

Safety

Daytime

Felt

Advertised

Consumption

Parkplatz Carlton Hotel Hotel Frauentorgraben Durchgang Tunnel Frauentorgraben Street Grasergasse Street Magnus-Hirschfeld-Platz Square Frauentormauer Park | Moat Vordere Sterngasse Street

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GROUND FLOOR In this series of images, all entrance situations of the public ground floor zones of the selected processing area are photographed and depicted. This visual record serves to underpin the analysis carried out and to illustrate the spatial and functional characteristics of the entrance areas in detail. The photographs provide an insight into the design, utilisation and condition of the entrances, which enables the different situations to be evaluated and compared.

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CASE STUDY The following section focuses on selected case studies from the previous analysis. These utilizations were specifically selected in order to describe specific decisions and analysis results in more detail. The indepth examination of these examples is intended to illustrate the analysis processes, the underlying decision-making principles and the resulting findings. This enables a deeper understanding of the aspects analysed and supports the validation of the conclusions reached.

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Die Bombe | Diskothek

Happy Nails

In this case, money must be paid for the requested service.

Nail Studio

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In today‘s society, nail salons continue to be labelled as feminine places. Here too, women and women‘s hands are advertised in the shop window and the price list does not differentiate according to gender - however, in a strongly feminised space, it would at least be necessary to indicate that all genders and identities are welcome here. In this way, people who do not identify with the female gender or femininity may be excluded.

Happy Nails | Nagelstudio

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The façade design only allows a view of over 2 metres above the foiling. It is therefore not possible to get an overview in advance. However, this offers customers a space in which they can feel unobserved. The need for an overview in advance is also reduced by the fact that the audience in this room can be assessed by outdoor advertising. There is only one toilet, which is fully equipped and only labelled as toilet. Despite the exclusive space, the nail salon ‘Happy Nails’ is seen as a safe place.

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Accessibility is easy. The area in front of the entrance door is separated from the public space by a threshold and is therefore not barrier-free. The main entrance is easy to find, but is not covered with coloured foil like the rest of the façade, but is mirrored and not transparent. It is therefore difficult to recognise whether the shop is open, closed, crowded, empty or safe.

Die Bombe | Diskothek

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The nail salon has an exclusive feel. Especially because the service offered is a cosmetic treatment and therefore a luxury good. Furthermore, the advertising, website, price list and interior/exterior design demonstrate that a feminine target group is being addressed.

Die Bombe | Diskothek

Die Bombe

Money must be paid here for the entry, wardrobe, drinks and tips.

Club

Die Bombe | Diskothek

The club advertises without gender preference or bias. The prices also do not vary according to gender or other aspects. As in most clubs, it is predominantly men who are represented here. The space is perceived as masculine and male-dominated.

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Die Bombe | Diskothek

Club operations start at 11 pm. For many people, this already means insecurity due to darkness, lack of visibility, being (un)observed and the transformation of rooms into spaces of fear. Leaving the club at a later time increases these aspects.

Die Bombe | Diskothek

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Die Bombe | Diskothek

To gain access, it is necessary to present yourself to the security staff at the entrance and identify yourself. This form of labelling is already a hurdle for many people. For example, for trans* people or other people who visually distinguish themselves from a socially normative gender image (see Labelling).

Since the club ‘die Bombe’ does not recognise queer people, there is no certainty of being welcome or tolerated. What‘s more, the club is in the basement and can only be reached by stairs.

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As the club is located in the basement of the building, there is no opportunity to get an overview in advance - for example through windows. Furthermore, the location of the clubs reduces escape options in dangerous situations. The toilets are divided into women‘s and men‘s WCs and are labelled. Here it is once again necessary to label yourself and make a potentially unfavourable decision.

ie Bombe | Diskothek

Partying, consuming and moving through the night is associated with privileges that are not granted to everyone. In addition, the venue does not profess to be queer-friendly or advertise its inclusive appearance to the outside world.

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One Way Sportsbar | Bar

One Way Sportsbar

Money must be invested here for the consumption of food and drinks, and possibly tips.

Bar

One Way Sportsbar | Bar

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Accessibility is easy. The barrierfree entrance is not subject to further checks and is easy to find. There are no labelling or identification requirements (possibly later depending on the order). However, when the door is closed, the entrance appears very exclusive and private due to the panelling. On warm days, the main entrance is open during opening hours.

One Way Sportsbar | Bar

One Way Sportsbar | Bar

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The bar does not give any impression of the interior in adOne Sportsbar | Bar vance. The fully glazed front hasWay been covered with translucent film and offers no view whatsoever. The north façade has no openings whatsoever. The toilets are divided into women‘s and men‘s toilets and are marked accordingly.

Once again, you are required to label yourself and make a potentially unfavourable decision. Alcohol is also served and heavily consumed. The recessed entrance offers potential risks. The lack of visibility into the entrance niche can also lead to dangerous situations at night and makes the façade even more opaque.

The bar is open both during the day and at night. For many people, this can mean insecurity due to darkness, lack of visibility, being (un) observed and the transformation of rooms into spaces of fear. Leaving the bar at night increases these aspects.

Due to its masculine external appearance and the very specific field of interest that is served here - but also because of the exclusionary façade design with foiled glass this place appears very exclusive.

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One Way Sportsbar | Bar

This place does not advertise with any gender-specific elements, texts or figures. Furthermore, neither the prices nor the entrance have been divided into gender roles or set in different ratios. However, this is a clearly masculine space without the need to mention it. The main visitors to this bar are read male, as in other sports bars. The interior design is described as ‘furnished for men’.

n

One Way Sportsbar | Bar

Paradies

Money must be invested here for the cloakroom, the consumption of food and drink, any tips and the admission ticket. The cloakroom is voluntary.

Revue Theater

Paradies | Revue Theater GSEducationalVersion

Accessibility was rated as medium, as the ‘Paradise’ is only accessible on the advertised show dates and has no other opening hours. In addition, a pre-purchased ticket is required for access and, due to the popularity of the theatre, these are usually sold out very early. The theatre is also not barrier-free.

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One Way Sportsbar | Bar

The shows usually start at 7pm and go on until 11pm/00am. For many people, this can mean insecurity due to darkness, lack of visibility, being (un)observed and the transformation of rooms into spaces of fear. Leaving the theatre at night increases these aspects.

Paradies | Revue Theater

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Paradies | Revue Theater

The ‘Paradies’ presents itself as inclusive right through to the exterior and even advertises diversity on the façade. The website also points out that the show is suitable for all people and age groups. The reviews speak of a queer-friendly venue and recommend it accordingly.

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The façade does not allow any insight into the interior due to the lack of windows. A ticket must be purchased in advance. A spontaneous visit is generally not possible - this provides security for people inside. The toilets are divided into women‘s and men‘s WCs and are clearly labelled.

Here you are required to label yourself and make a potentially unfavourable decision. Alcohol is also served and heavily consumed. Ultimately, the ‘Paradies’ is a queerfriendly place due to its effect, the care and attention, the advertising, external impact and inclusive appearance.

Paradies | Revue Theater

The theatre promotes diversity and does not focus on gender or orientation. Admission and prices inside the theatre do not vary according to gender; it is clearly marked that everyone is welcome and there was no dominant gender during the show; the audience was very diverse in terms of gender identity and sexuality.

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[ Fig. 102 ]

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LABELING AS AN INDIVIDUAL In April 2020, Peer Jongeling published the booklet "Hattest du eigentlich schon die Operation?" (="Have You Had the Surgery Yet?"). It humorously and directly introduces the topic of being trans*. The booklet contains numerous stories based on real events and experiences. One such story follows Lilly, a trans* woman, who goes shopping. First, a child makes lookist remarks that makes her very uncomfortable. Then, as she tries on clothes from the women's section, none of them seem to fit her body shape properly. At the checkout, she is asked for her card, and the cashier immediately notices that the name on her bank card is a male name. This requires an extensive explanation, a public confession of her trans* identity to a stranger, and the presentation of several other identification cards before the situation is resolved. Nevertheless, Lilly leaves the store beaming with joy—because, for the first time, she was not misgendered.94 Misgendering refers to addressing someone with a gender that does not correspond to their actual gender identity, whether mistakenly or disrespectfully.

Trans*, inter*, and non-binary people are particularly affected by this. Dr. Esto Mader describes this in drastic terms: "I speak of misidentifications when the hegemonic discourse does not provide a subject position for an individual, creating a socio-ontological threat to their existence. This socio-ontological threat is often linked to the danger of becoming a victim of psychological and physical violence. If the self-positioning does not align with external positioning in a way that calls the subject’s very existence into question, I refer to this as a misidentification."95 Individuals in public spaces hold the power to misgender others when their perception does not align with a person's self-identification (here, only identifiable moments are considered—discriminatory incidents on the street by passersby, etc., are not included, though they are equally existent and relevant).

To avoid misidentification and its potential psychological consequences, the LGBT*QIA+ community uses the term "doing gender”. This describes a gendered performance, an (often forced) act of conforming to societal expectations of gender to conceal one’s own identity.96 The equivalent of doing gender regarding sexual or romantic orientation is called "straight acting”. This concept primarily refers to the behavior, rather than the appearance, of gay and lesbian individuals. It involves adjusting behavior, voice, and demeanor to appear straight. This behavioral modification may grant certain privileges from heterosexual or cisgender individuals but simultaneously suppresses one’s own personality and identity. Such actions are not limited to hair salon visits but extend to negotiations where moral suitability is questioned based on gender, sexual, or romantic identity—preventing exclusion due to lookist or societal biases (e.g., in family law and child custody cases).

The concept of straight acting was frequently mentioned in the Queer Space-survey:97 #31

Within queer spaces or certain events, displaying my relationships is not a problem.

I don’t have to worry about anyone seeing that I am in a same-sex relationship. But as soon as you leave these spaces, reality hits you in the face. Holding hands or even kissing in public? Only if my skin is thick enough that day to handle sexualization or other harassment. It’s like living in two different worlds.

Cis woman, pansexual, 30-39, employed

Just as it is a challenge to be labeled as a heterosexual cisgender person when this does not apply, and thus to be forced repeatedly to have a coming out, the privileges that come with such an external appearance also entail the risk of misidentification and a restricted ability to fully express one's actual identity. This demonstrates that even cis men can experience disadvantages in expressing their identity under

94 Jongeling, P.; Hattest du eigentlich schon die Operation? (2020) 95 Mader, E; Queere Räume (2023, Page 42) 96 West, C. & Zimmerman, D. H.; Doing gender. Gender & Society (1987) 97 Queer Space Umfrage; April 2024; Online Befragung

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patriarchal structures. One person in the Queer Space-survey describes this as follows:98 #48

I identify as a cis man, which means that in most cases, I benefit from the cis-male-do minated society as long as I fulfill the role.

Cis man, homosexual, 30-39, self-employed

The analysis of labeling as an individual exemplifies, using the selected street sections, how often one must label oneself there, which can lead to misgendering and discrimination. Additionally, distinctions are made between labels: "towards myself" means that a categorizing decision must be made, which one may not yet be ready for or may not want to make at all; "towards others," meaning at least one other person is involved; or "towards the public," meaning a large number of people would become aware of it.

An example of this is the "TX Sports" store in Vordere Sterngasse - Old Town. Upon entering the store, one is immediately assigned a gender or gender role.

However, this is exacerbated by the fact that the store has outsourced its women’s section to a separate store two buildings down the same street. The store "TX Sports Women" thus demands even more explicitly that one "labels oneself towards the public" and deals with the gendered consequences. Other stores that organize their interior spaces through different sections, such as the retail clothing store "Color Fashion", also requirse at least labeling "towards another person," if not also "towards the public." The division into women’s and men’s section, where clothing is exclusively categorized based on socially assigned gender roles (skirts for women, suits for men), not only provides space for discrimination, misgendering, and lookism but also reinforces potential personal doubts and the lack of a sense of belonging. The survey participant further describes: #48

I experience discrimination in public spaces through dismissive looks or openly spoken insults. This happens more frequently in clothing stores when I shop in the "wrong" department.

Cis man, homosexual, 30-39, self-employed

In the Old Town area, 34 instances were recorded where labeling was necessary. In the Transit area, 13 situations were documented. Particularly at government offices such as the employment office, data is stored for a long period. Thus, even after a name change, the old name remains in the system and is known. Additionally, a photo may be required or a new one must be taken. For individuals undergoing transition, for example, this means a great challenge and severe emotional strain due to the captured state of an uncompleted, or not yet begun, transition.

In South City, it was necessary to label oneself 15 times. This is particularly the case during hairdresser visits, where the categorization also results in a price difference, raising the question of necessity and justification, especially for non-binary individuals.

In total, across the three streets analyzed in this study, labeling was required at least 62 times.99 Many components belong to the social aspects of coexistence. These can be economic, political, or social in nature. However, the use and function of a space arise from architectural considerations are definable and plannable elements. Both in interior and exterior spaces, the needs of Queer individuals can be addressed. These include aspects of visibility, safety, and symbolism, which in turn require the promotion of integration, community, and belonging. Thus, visibility and labeling are not in opposition to one another.

In the planning of usage, the reduction of labeling potential must be considered. The outsourcing of retail section or the categorization within a store must be rethought more inclusively or designed with blurred borders. For example, neutral or label-free stores could be introduced to dismantle the gendered association of objects.

In the planning of sports and activity areas in public spaces, a Queer-friendly environment could be created by incorporating inclusive, less competition-oriented, and more diverse zones. By integrating exercise mats, steppers, meeting/start points for clubs, and community programs, a supportive and integrative environment could be established in which Queer

98 Queer Space Umfrage; April 2024; Online Befragung 99 Datenerhebung durch räumliche Analysen vor Ort, Befragung der Nutzungen und der Queer Space Umfrage

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individuals feel more included, safer, and more visible. These aspects would also incorporate Queerfriendly action points. Additional aspects will be discussed further in the course of this study.

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Data such as old name and possibly an identification document with additional data, e.g. (incorrect) gender, are required here In the shop, you are asked by sections / divisions to assign yourself to a gender and its ascribed role model

The current name, even if outdated, is required when the contract is concluded

Name (even if outdated) and gender to be filled in - in addition, you will be asked if you are taking any medication

Here you have to register with (old) name, (wrong) gender and health card with (outdated) picture or not yet updated data - in addition, it is necessary to indicate regularly taken medication.

A current, possibly old, name is required for an assignment

When entering the shop, it is necessary, or happens independently, to identify with the advertised gender and the assigned gender rol

Access is only possible with an ID document and any outdated data contained on it

The current name, even if outdated, is required when the contract is concluded By choosing a shop with a strong ascription, you are already labelling yourself with a gender and its assigned role model

It is necessary to show an ID document before entering the club, even if it shows your old name, the wrong gender or an outdated photo

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By choosing this shop, you already identify with the shop‘s label, gender and the role model ascribed to you For re-entry/entry it is necessary to submit the birth certificate (with all names and outdated gender) In order to be assigned to a dormitory, you must specify a gender and submit to it and its consequences Data such as a possibly old name and possibly an identification document with additional outdated data are requested here Even entering the room requires an assignment to a gender and an assigned gender role

e er role A current (or outdated) name is required here in the event of a contract

towards myself towards individuals publicly 133

Not only is it necessary to identify yourself to the authorities despite your old name, wrong gender and/or outdated photo, but outdated data is usually stored for years and is still known

To register, a document with (old) name, (wrong) gender and (outdated) photo is required

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Authorities request personal data such as name, gender and photo and also store them

To book a room, at least a name is required, even if outdated, but possibly also an identification document with (incorrect) gender and (outdated) photo

To book a room, at least a name is required, even if outdated, but possibly also an identification document with (incorrect) gender and (outdated) photo

towards myself towards individuals publicly 135

At least the (old) name from an identification document is required for registration

When concluding a contract, at least one name is required, even if it is already out of date

It is necessary to enter a name when purchasing the ticket A name is required to book an appointment the service is usually charged according to gender

At least one recognised name is required for reservations

To open an account, as with every visit, an identification document with (old) name, (wrong) gender and possibly (outdated) photo is required

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When making an appointment, at least however, you have to assign yourself to at the latest, as the service is already di women‘s haircuts’ according to price

Here a document with (old) name and (wrong) gender is required; in addition, one is automatically forced into gender roles (mother/father)

To register, it is necessary to enter at least one name from an ID document, even if it is no longer current

least a name is required self to a gender on arrival dy divided into ‘men‘s and ice

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An experience that was told to me during an interview: a work colleague started a conversation in a larger group.

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„Who looks after all your dogs, your husband?“

„Nah, I‘m married to a woman.“

„Okey, but what about men?“

„There is nothing with men.“

„Don‘t you fancy men?“

„No, I‘m not into men.“

A couple walks past - Read as man and woman.

„Wouldn‘t that be for you?“

„Eberhart, would this man be something for you?“

„Huh, I‘m not into men!“

„Yes, Eberhart, me neither!“

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5. INCLUSIVE SANITARY SOLUTIONS

TOILETS IN INTERIOR SPACE At the Georg-Simon-Ohm Technical University in Nuremberg, in the Faculty of Architecture, a men's restroom on the 3rd floor of the BB building on campus was converted into an all-gender restroom. The remodeling involved changing the signage with the corresponding restroom symbols and renaming the room. Similarly, in the university’s new library building, a women's restroom was replaced by an allgender restroom. Here too, a change in signage was implemented. Two restrooms were relabeled with the core idea of creating an inclusive environment.

The definition of how a restroom in public interior spaces should be designed is documented in Ernst Neufert's Architects' Data, which outlines the planning principles for men’s and women’s restrooms, including the requirement for an anteroom, the number of toilets needed based on frequency of use, spatial requirements, and provisions for disabled-accessible toilets.

In addition to partitioned toilet cubicles, men's restrooms must include a predefined number of urinals, separated by privacy screens of correct height and spacing.

The standard equipment includes a toilet brush and toilet paper holder. Women's restrooms additionally require coat hooks, hygiene bag dispensers, and sanitary waste bins. However, all-gender restrooms are not yet explicitly defined in these guidelines and have not been included in planning standards.100 Queer and gender-inclusive planning cannot be achieved merely by changing signage when binary restroom designs are covered in approximately 10– 20 pages of restroom guidelines and planning instructions.

fixtures, and handwashing stations."101 The Federal Institute for Occupational Safety and Health elaborates on this regulation in relation to unisex restrooms: "So far, there are no regulatory requirements for 'unisex restrooms' in workplaces. The Workplace Ordinance (ArbStättV) requires that restrooms for men and women be provided separately or that separate usage be ensured. These requirements are specified in Technical Rule ASR A4.1 'Sanitary Rooms.' If timeseparated usage of restrooms can be ensured, separate facilities for men and women are not necessarily required. This regulation primarily applies to small businesses and aligns with the need for gender-neutral ('unisex') restrooms. Thus, 'unisex restrooms' are generally permitted, and in the aforementioned exceptional cases (small businesses), they may be the sole solution. In all other cases, 'unisex restrooms' may be provided in addition to the minimum number of restrooms required for male and female employees, as specified in ASR A4.1 Table 2."102 It remains evident that there is still no legal obligation to provide unisex, gender-neutral, or all-gender restrooms, even though since December 2018, German law has allowed the classification of "diverse" in birth registries alongside "male" and "female". The discrimination of a legally recognized minority is reflected in current planning regulations only as an emergency alternative or an optional addition.103

The Workplace Ordinance (Germany specific) states: "The employer must provide toilet facilities. Restroom facilities must be provided separately for men and women - separate usage must be ensured. Restrooms must have lockable doors, a sufficient number of toilet 100 Neufert, E.; Bauentwurfslehre (2014) 101 ArbStttV; n.d. https://www.gesetze-im-internet.de 102 Sind „Unisex-Toiletten“ zulässig?; n.d. https://www.baua.de 103 Personenstandsgesetz; n.d. https://www.gesetze-im-internet.de

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In 2020, the student representatives and the Queer Department at Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München drew up a concept for gender-equitable toilets at the university. This speaks of the long-term goal of breaking down binary gender boundaries and opening up the existing toilet facilities to all people regardless of their gender identity. The toilets are therefore planned to be divided into three sections: women*, men* and gender-neutral.104 The Christopher Street Day Nuremberg e.V. association also agrees: “Especially for non-binary people and people in transition, toilets, which are usually intended for either men or women, pose a major challenge. Genderneutral toilets should be created here.”105

lity Studies Program at York University, Sheila L. Cavanagh, wrote in her book “Bathrooms and Beyond” that creating gender-inclusive restrooms is not just about accommodating a certain minority, but also about challenging and changing the structures of exclusion and discrimination that are embedded in our built environment.106

In the case of the toilet in the BB building at Nuremberg University, a men's toilet was used. From a planning perspective, these have no need for a hygiene waste garbage can, hygiene bags or clothes hooks.

In institutional areas or state buildings, it is a requirement that a hygiene garbage can with bags is provided in a men's cubicle and that a sticker on the door indicates this. However, it is not possible for an allgender toilet to meet the needs of all genders if it is based on the lowest level of facilities and already excludes a binary gender. Sanitary garbage cans and bags are intended in particular for the disposal of menstrual products.

However, in addition to cis women, other identities can also count as menstruating persons (whereas cis women are not automatically menstruating persons).

Trans* people who are transitioning from female to male, for example, can continue to menstruate for a long time after starting to take hormones (e.g. synthetic testosterone). In addition, trans* people can identify with a masculine gender even without hormonal or surgical measures, which does not make them any less menstruating. Non-binary or inter* people, as well as many others, also fall into the category of people who need a hygiene garbage can. Renaming a men's toilet without rescheduling actually creates greater barriers than it removes. Psychotherapist and professor of sociology and former chair of the Sexua-

104 Queerreferat & Queerreferat der Studierendenvertretung; 2020 Geschlechtergerechte Toiletten im universitären Kontext. LMU München. (Page 2) 105 Brauwer, Bastian, written interview, 05.07.2024 106 Cavanagh, S. L.; Queering bathrooms (2010)

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Sara Ahmed, a scholar with a focus on feminist, Queer, citrical race theory and postcolonialism, also supports this thesis from a social perspective in her book “Queer Phenomenology” with the statement that spatial configurations are not just backdrops for our lives, but are actively involved in the production and reinforcement of gender norms.107 Everyday spaces such as toilets in particular have the power (as defined by Lefebvre) to either reinforce binary gender norms or allow for diversity and change. This can be illustrated by the example of the clothes hook. In women's toilets, these should be installed at an ergonomic height and in sufficient numbers per toilet cubicle and washbasin. The material and attachment must be sturdy enough to withstand the weight of clothing and bags. In men's toilets, these are optional.108 This standard is based on the assumption that a masculine assignment or male identification precludes carrying a bag. LMU described clear guidelines on this in the category of equipment for a gender-appropriate toilet: “In all toilet cubicles and rooms, regardless of the exact target group, waste garbage cans (including bin liners) should be available for menstruating persons, for example.”109 Regardless of the rules of gendered dress codes, heterosexual cis men can also be in possession of a (hand) bag.

When a men's restroom is renamed an all-gender restroom, these may be missing completely. This means the systematic exclusion of all genders during the attempt of achieving the opposite.

In both the BB building and the library, people who feel more comfortable in an all-gender toilet have to change floors to use the neutral toilet. In the former ladies' toilet in the library, all the facilities are available apart from a coat hook. However, the use of a women's toilet creates a Queer and gender-inclusive environment.

However, there are also disadvantages in terms of use. The waiting times in front of the toilet, which is still used by women*, have increased as a result. On average, women* take longer to use the toilet than men*. There are often fewer toilet facilities for women than for men in public buildings or event venues, which is also influenced by urinals. While these can be found in every “men's” toilet, gender-neutral urinals have so far found little social acceptance. These would significantly reduce waiting times and offer more flexible options for different needs. The duration of use is a particularly important factor, as women* need more time on average, often due to menstruation or clothing. The toilet infrastructure can also play a role. For example, the provision of neutral urinals would be a relief for women* in particular. The aforementioned professor Clara Green also deals with this topic in one of her books and argues that different user groups have different needs, especially in terms of gender, which need to be met.110 This is confirmed by the LMU guidelines for gender-equitable toilets in a university context: “In general, we are against redesignating toilet areas for people with physical disabilities as gender-neutral toilet areas, as this would significantly limit the toilet capacity for this group of people and would be associated with stigmatization of people who do not locate themselves within the cis/heteronormative conceptual framework.”111 In public discourse, the safe space argument is often used on this topic, which states that people who cannot be assigned to a binary gender can enter the safe spaces of women*, for example. Conservative media report luridly about the safe space as a danger zone112, referring to women and girls in the binary system. LMU also questions the other side here. The conceptual framework should also be a safe space for trans*, inter* and non-binary people, for example, as well as for women* and men*.113 A marginalized group that has to deal with exclusion, hostility and discrimination should also be given the right to a

107 Ahmed, S.; Queer phenomenology (2006) 108 Neufert, E. (2014). Bauentwurfslehre; Springer Vieweg.

109 109 Queerreferat & Queerreferat der Studierendenvertretung; 2020 Geschlechtergerechte Toiletten im universitären Kontext. LMU München. (Page 3) 110 Greed, C. & World Toilet Organisation; 2003; Inclusive urban design 111 Queerreferat & Queerreferat der Studierendenvertretung; 2020 Geschlechtergerechte Toiletten im universitären Kontext. LMU München. (Page 2) 112 Unisex-Toiletten; 30.09.2022; https://jungefreiheit.de 113 Queerreferat & Queerreferat der Studierendenvertretung; 2020 Geschlechtergerechte Toiletten im universitären Kontext. LMU München. (Page 4)

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place of retreat. It should be noted at this point that the safety aspects of people with disabilities receive no attention in public discourse and the media, even though disabled toilets in particular are generally planned and signposted in a gender-neutral way. In toilets that are only relabeled as gender-neutral toilets by means of signs, the open design of the urinals poses a safety and visibility risk, increases shame and offers strong potential for discrimination. Urinals should be separated in every assignment and under every label.

In the selected processing area of Altstadt, Transit and Südstadt, it was not possible to check every toilet in the interior. However, even the toilet in the Paradies Cabaret, the second-oldest travesty theater in Germany, is binary divided. Many uses also have to deal with structural requirements and specifications such as those of the workplace guidelines and do not have the possibility or the legal basis to initiate a change.

In the Queer Space-survey associated with this work, 92 responses mentioned toilets, some of which were gender-neutral or unisex: #141

There is no suitable toilet for people who are in transition (me M2F). You get stupid looks in both. There is no toilet for people regardless of their appearance.

Trans* woman, gay, 50-59, pensioner

What is considered a consensus in sociology, psychology, biology/medicine - a scientific field - must also be reflected in the built environment through architecture in order to establish itself in society. The elimination of prejudices and gender bias is essential for living together as equals. Social participation and an inclusive society cannot be measured and changed in signs alone. Planning tools can ensure the participation of minorities, as long as we are prepared to question the known methods.

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TOILETS IN PUBLIC SPACE This concept can also be applied to public outdoor spaces. In December 2023, the city of Nuremberg published a revised edition of its brochure on public toilets in the city center. As shown in the corresponding map, these facilities are categorized into three types: advertising column toilets (hollow pillar, covered with advertising), standalone built restrooms, and subway station facilities.

The brochure includes accessibility information, cost, gender designation (if applicable), and opening hours. An accompanying table categorizes these toilets based on changing tables, diverse/all-gender options, and overall amenities. Only four out of 16 public toilets are not open 24/7. Their closing times are listed in the brochure. The ratio of toilets to the area of the city center suggests that in some locations, no nearby restroom is available, or existing facilities may already be closed. There is no specific nationwide regulation regarding the number of public restrooms required in Germany. Instead, the quantity is usually determined based on expected usage frequency and surrounding facilities. Factors considered include pedestrian traffic, accessibility, hygiene, safety, and additional required features, such as changing tables, depending on the environment. However, the general consensus on public restrooms is that there are far too few available: #3

There are no or hardly any public toilets in parks or in the city in general.

Cis woman, bisexual, 20-29, student

This statement is one of 92 survey responses addressing public restrooms.114 Architect and author Katrin Hartmann, in her book Unlearn Patriarchy 2, explains in the chapter Unlearn Architecture that the ability of women* and other individuals to spend extended time in public spaces is influenced by the availability of public restrooms. Women* may require them more

frequently and for longer periods, for example, due to menstruation or cramps. Additionally, women* often perform necessary caregiving duties, such as accompanying children or elderly individuals to the toilet. Therefore, the availability of numerous public restrooms is essential.115 A similar issue arose in Amsterdam, where a student was fined €90 for public urination, a ruling later upheld in court. However, the underlying issue was that none of the 35 public toilets in the vicinity were accessible to her. This led to a protest movement where women* urinated in urinals or on sidewalks, ultimately resulting in a €4 million investment by the city of Amsterdam in new public restrooms.116 Seven out of the 16 public restrooms in Nuremberg’s city center are free to use. These include two restrooms designed for individuals with complex disabilities, all subway station facilities, and one standalone restroom near the city fortress wall. The remaining public toilets charge €0.50, though this price can vary depending on whether the payment machine includes a change function. The advertising column toilets, which blend into Nuremberg’s cityscape, do not currently provide change. However, they accept coins up to a value of €2. The word free was mentioned eight times in the Queer Space-survey in relation to restrooms, reinforcing the argument that such basic human needs should be accessible without financial barriers.117 In an era of Apple Pay, Google Pay, debit, and credit cards, carrying cash—especially in the correct amount—is becoming increasingly uncommon.

Only two of the 16 toilets are equipped with changing tables, and in both cases, they are only accessible in women’s* restrooms. The lack of changing facilities in public spaces is self-explanatory, especially given the number of total restrooms. Reforming these deficiencies is essential. Leslie Kanes Weisman critiques this issue, stating: "Public spaces rarely provide

114 Queer Space Umfrage; April 2024; Online Befragung 115 Roig, Zykunov und Horch; Unlearn Patriarchy 2 (2024, Page 34) 116 Süddeutsche; 15.04.2024; Amsterdam erhöht Toiletten-Angebot nach Protest von Frauen 117 Queer Space Umfrage; April 2024; Online Befragung

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areas where infants can be nursed or changed—implying that mothers and children should stay at home where they belong."118 At this point, she assumes the majority of caregiving duties still fall to women*. Due to patriarchal structures that have systematically shaped the built environment, Queer-feminist approaches such as the redistribution of childcare and caregiving responsibilities are hindered. The lack of facilities for single fathers, trans* men, gay couples, and others to care for children in public spaces prevents equality, both within heteronormative structures and diverse communities. Inclusive planning must ensure that changing tables are not exclusively located in women’s* restrooms. This issue applies to both indoor and outdoor restrooms.

requiring 6.1 minutes to reach. In South City, measurements were taken from the first building line. The further restroom in the southern district, located in the Aufseßplatz subway station, is not included in the city’s restroom flyer and is inaccessible from the other measurement points. Consequently, reaching a restroom in this area requires a walking distance of 655 meters and 8.7 minutes. No public toilets were found around Celtispark or Frauentorgraben. These calculations were made assuming no children, disabilities, mobility impairments, or additional burdens. Based on usage frequency guidelines, significantly more restrooms should be installed, particularly in the Old Town and South City/Celtispark areas.120

All public toilets are marked with male and female symbols.119 Only the two restrooms designed for individuals with complex disabilities do not have gendered signage and are instead labeled as gender-neutral. A later chapter in this thesis will address symbolism and signage in greater depth.

Eight out of the 16 public restrooms are fully equipped. The criteria for full restroom amenities, as outlined in the chapter on Toilets in Interior Spaces, include coat hooks, hygiene bins, and sanitary disposal bags. None of the advertising column toilets provide comprehensive facilities. Especially in outdoor public spaces, it is crucial to include washbasins or water sources in each stall. Although this would increase costs, it would significantly improve hygiene, particularly for menstruating individuals.

A distance map illustrates the number of public restrooms in the studied areas and calculates walking distances from various starting points. In the Old Town, two restrooms are accessible, starting from the Vordere Sterngasse. Depending on the exact starting location, one restroom can be reached within a minimum of 2.2 minutes and 167 meters, while the farthest requires a 4.7-minute walk covering 350 meters in straight line. From the rear section of the Transit area, the nearest restroom is 460 meters away,

118 Rendell, J., Penner, B.,et. al.; Gender space architecture (2000) 119 The asterisk has been intentionally omitted here, as the symbolism is based on social and binary gender 120 Data obtained by calculation at 4.5 km/h general walking speed and 2.5 km/h with limitation

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167 m travelling distance 125 m aerial line 2.2 min minutes on foot 4.0 min with impairment

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Advertising Column Toilets „Advertising column toilets have a heated cubicle and are equipped with coat hooks, washbasins, mirrors, paper dispensers and waste bins. As in the other facilities, use of the toilet costs 50 cents. After each use, the toilets are automatically cleaned with biodegradable cleaning agents and disinfectants. This process takes 55 seconds. The toilet consumes 15 litres of water per use. The advertising pillar toilets installed so far at Josephsplatz, Königstraße, Kornmarkt, Maxtor, Karl-GrillenbergerStraße, Färbergasse, Innere Laufer Platz and Prinzregentenufer have been very well received by the public.“

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The necessity of accessible, public, and easily available restrooms is indisputable, whether indoors or outdoors. Queer and feminist planning approaches already address these requirements. It is an essential demand that benefits not only Queer individuals but also women* and men*. For these needs to be met, long-term solutions beyond temporary adaptations must be pursued. For example, gender-neutral restrooms could be legally recognized as a third category in interior spaces. Allocating a larger share of facilities to such restrooms would help dismantle social barriers and reduce the compulsion to categorize gender. Additionally, this approach would significantly decrease wait times and shorten walking distances, as individuals could use the nearest restroom regardless of gender designation. Incorporating changing tables in these spaces would ensure inclusive accessibility and support shared caregiving responsibilities, including same-sex couples. All restrooms should be fully equipped with coat hooks, brushes, paper dispensers, hygiene bins, and sanitary bags. If financially and spatially feasible, individual water dispensers should also be installed. At events and festivals, gender-neutral urinals must be introduced and established in public spaces. Safety can be improved by designing floor-to-ceiling partitions for stalls and urinals alike, replacing existing partial dividers in men's restrooms. Expanding the number of accessible, barrier-free, gender-neutral, and free restrooms in public spaces is both a matter of dignity and social equality.

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IDENTIFICATION AND IDENTITY

Agender [ Fig. 106 ]

Aromantic [ Fig. 107 ]

Asexual [ Fig. 108 ]

Bisexual [ Fig. 109 ]

Inclusive Pride [ Fig. 110 ]

Demiboy [ Fig. 111 ]

Demigirl [ Fig. 112 ]

Demisexual [ Fig. 113 ]

Genderfluid [ Fig. 114 ]

Genderqueer 1[ Fig. 115 ]

Genderqueer 2 [ Fig. 116 ]

Hetero-Ally [ Fig. 117 ]

Inter*sexual [ Fig. 118 ]

Lesbian [ Fig. 119 ]

Neutrois [ Fig. 120 ]

Gay [ Fig. 121 ]

Nonbinary [ Fig. 122 ]

Pansexual [ Fig. 123 ]

Polyamore 1 [ Fig. 124 ]

Polyamore 2 [ Fig. 125 ]

Polysexual [ Fig. 126 ]

Queer female [ Fig. 127 ]

Rainbow Pride [ Fig. 128 ]

Trans* [ Fig. 129 ]

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6. IDENTIFICATION AND IDENTITY

FLAGS Flags hold diverse and profound meanings. They symbolize national identity, carry cultural and historical significance, convey political and military messages, serve communication and signaling purposes, and represent identity, unity, and expression. In 1978, artist and activist Gilbert Baker designed the first recognized LGBT*QIA+ Pride flag. He was commissioned by Harvey Milk, a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, who was the first openly gay man elected to public office in California. The task was to create a symbol that could inspire and empower the LGBT*QIA+ community. Until that time, the pink triangle, originally a Nazi symbol used to mark homosexual individuals, had been repurposed to stand for pride and self-determination. Now, a new visual identity for the Queer community was to be created, one that originated solely from joy and positivity.

Gilbert Baker chose the colors of the rainbow for his design, as they have always represented hope.121 Each color was assigned a specific meaning: •Pink •Red •Orange •Yellow •Green •Turquoise •Blue •Purple

= = = = = = = =

Sexuality Life Healing Sunlight Nature Art Harmony Community

The first Pride flag was hand-sewn by Baker and a team of volunteers and was first presented at the Gay Freedom Day Parade in San Francisco in 1978. For mass production, turquoise and pink were later removed from the rainbow, leaving only six stripes, which became the most widely recognized symbol of the modern LGBT*QIA+ movement.

In 2018, the “Progress Pride Flag” was designed by artist Daniel Quasar as a sign of further development.

This flag acknowledges the ongoing struggles of the Queer community for inclusion and equality, representing Queer people of different racial backgrounds as well as the trans* community. Each of the new colors carries a specific meaning. White, pink, and light blue were taken from the transgender flag. Black and brown represent racial diversity, with black also paying tribute to those living with HIV/AIDS and those who have lost their lives to the disease. The arrow shape symbolizes continuous progress, signifying that the fight for equality and advancement is ongoing.122 Today, most sexual, romantic, and gender identities have their own flags, which are displayed at Pride events, demonstrations, and protests to express identity and visibility. Rogerio Lopes writes: "The visibility of queer identity and queer life in urban space is another claim to space that holds special significance for the emancipation of gender and sexual minorities.

Compared to the majority, society and its historical achievements, queers receive little attention in the urban environment."123 The demonstration of belonging and visibility in public space is a significant expression of participation, something that minorities, especially Queer individuals, are often denied in everyday life due to underrepresentation and exclusion. Thus, it not only fosters a sense of connection but also serves as a critique of a heteronormative and binary system. Public space reflects civil society and stands as a symbol of freedom of expression. Every Pride flag is displayed boldly in vibrant, joyful colors to promote visibility and solidarity The term "flag" was mentioned over 22 times in the Queer Space-survey, primarily in the context of Queer-friendly spaces:124

121 Geschichte der Pride Flag; 23.06.2023; https://www.fr.de 122 Flaggenlexikon; 25.06.2024; https://csd-deutschland.de 123 Rogerio de Jesus Pereira Lopes; 2017; Sub\Urban, Queer inclusive planning (Page 249) 124 Queer Space Umfrage; April 2024; Online Befragung

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#102

One of the first things that stands out is the rainbow flag, often placed on windows or doors (sometimes just a small sticker, but still visible).

Trans* man, heterosexual, 20-29, student

However, the Pride flag is now also used for other purposes. Every June, during Pride Month, corporations, cultural institutions, businesses, and public figures display the rainbow flag to express solidarity with the Queer community. In most cases, particularly when this visibility is limited to just one month, it is an example of so called pinkwashing125, —also referred to as rainbow washing. This strategy involves temporary association with the Queer community to market certain products, individuals, organizations, or entire cities, presenting them as progressive and tolerant.

This marketing tactic targets a broader consumer base but is also used to enhance public image or distract from previous scandals126 Michaela Regus criticizes such actions, referring to symbolic gestures like a rainbow crosswalk or a painted bench at MagnusHirschfeld-Platz that provide no tangible support for the community. She expresses the feeling that these efforts are often just attempts by political parties, cities, or federal states to appear inclusive.127 Pinkwashing also fosters distrust and increases skepticism about the authenticity of inclusive values and marketing strategies. Later in her interview, Regus shares her concerns that people may forget the real-life struggles behind these flags, admitting that even she sometimes finds them frustrating and understands why others feel the same way.128 The representation of flags and their association with the visibility of LGBT*QIA+ identities in public or advertising spaces can be a great asset to the community. Statements in favor of an inclusive and open environment are at the heart of the movement, as well as the key message of demonstrations and political demands. However, criticism and opposition must still be expected. Overuse and misrepresentation can negatively impact attitudes toward Queers. Therefore,

125 whitewashing meaning to cover up or gloss over wrongdoing; pink symbolizing LGBTQ+ 126 «Rainbow Washing»; 17.06.2021; https://www.watson.ch 127 Regus, Michaela, personal interview, Nuremberg, 14.05.2024 128 Regus, Michaela, personal interview, Memory protocol, Nuremberg, 14.05.2024

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it is crucial to differentiate between genuine visibility efforts and marketing strategies that exploit Queer identity. For this reason, urban planning measures should be guided by the concept of appropriation and should avoid commercial interests and politically motivated actions that are not initiated by Queer organizations, businesses, or individuals from within the community.

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SYMBOLS IN PUBLIC SPACE A majority society manifests itself in public space, and this is also reflected in the symbols that surround us.

These symbols predominantly depict a binary gender system, and neutral representations are rarely found.

Although the "little man"-traffic symbol, which is most commonly seen, could be interpreted as gender-neutral since it does not exhibit any explicitly masculine features, it has been assigned a binary gender by being labeled as "male" and paired with a binary female counterpart distinguished by a dress.

Former Vienna City Councilor for Women's Affairs, Sonja Wehsely, attempted in 2006 to redesign traffic signs, plaques, and traffic lights to ensure the visible representation of women* in public space. She justified this initiative as necessary, stating: "Images shape our perception of the world; therefore, public visual language should also reflect everyday reality."129 The heteronormative stigmatization of these depictions and the associated understanding of women* may no longer be appropriate today, yet even the core idea has seen little further development since 2006.

As a result, the signs from the times of Sonja Wehsely did not change until this day.

Traffic signs alone hold significant discriminatory potential, as they primarily represent binary identities— man and woman. Consequently, the symbol for women is still often portrayed in its traditional gender role: with a child or a stroller. These representations reinforce outdated ways of thinking, not only making the inclusion of marginalized groups, such as the Queer community more difficult, but also hindering more recent representations and the progressive discourse surrounding women*.

In the Queer Space-survey, signs, symbols, and icons were mentioned more than 37 times. Many respondents indicated that they use these to identify Queer-

friendly or Queer-unfriendly spaces, seeing them as an expression of identity:130 #71

They also explicitly host queer events. They serve as social meeting places for queers.

They distribute queer symbols throughout the space, incorporate queer aesthetics, and enforce „safe space" rules uncompromisingly rather than just posting them as statements Genderfluid, pansexual, 50-59, employed

#17

Experiential factors, restroom signage.

Cis woman, bisexual, 20-29, student

Symbols that have long been established in outdoor spaces function in the same way in indoor environments. Particularly, restroom pictograms have become so ingrained that no additional labeling is needed. Over time, these icons have appeared in numerous variations, from full depictions of people to geometric forms like triangles. One of the earliest recorded introductions of these pictograms dates back to 1924 in Vienna, where they were implemented to guide visitors through a museum.131 Labels such as "changing table" or “restroom for the disabled" are perceived and displayed as gender-neutral. Newly introduced is the "diverse" icon, which combines half of the male symbol with half of the female symbol.

The Klo:lektiv, a collective dedicated to integrating restroom discourse more strongly into public and academic debates, advises against the use of gendered symbols on restroom doors. To dismantle prejudices, categorizations, and heteronormative systems, they propose using symbols that indicate the function of the space behind the door instead.132 This would mean that, similar to the changing table icon, a restroom door could be marked with a toilet symbol, while another might include both a toilet and a urinal symbol.

The design and architecture firm Gensler, headquartered in San Francisco, conducted a survey on asso-

129 Erste Schilder wechselten das Geschlecht; n.d. https://wiev1.orf.at 130 Queer Space Umfrage; April 2024; Online Befragung 131 Woher kommen Toilettenpiktogramme?; n.d.; https://www.sanitino.de 132 klo:lektiv; n.d.; https://klolektiv.org

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ciations with restroom pictograms. The results showed that most people responded positively to a symbol that depicted only a toilet, while the lowest approval was given to depictions of gendered figurines.133 Especially in a diverse environment, such as those inhabited by the Queer community, there is no necessity to uphold binary structures. Inclusion begins with dismantling barriers that demonstratively shape public space. Facilities like restrooms can be recognized in various ways—through signage such as "00," "Toilet", or explanatory symbols depicting available amenities—without relying on anthropomorphic pictograms or pre-labeling spaces based on gender, as seen with the gender-neutral advertising column toilet in Nuremberg.

133 Designing an Inclusive, Effective All-Gender Restroom Symbol; 30.10.2018; https://www.gensler.com

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MAGNUS HIRSCHFELD AND OTHERS He was not modest when it came to emphasizing the impact of his work, as evident from a 1922 article in the Berlin gay magazine “Die Freundschaft”. Magnus Hirschfeld had convinced the Berlin criminal police that homosexuality was not an "acquired vice" but "indestructible." The officers then realized that it was easier to control homosexual people if they were granted certain freedoms. 134 Magnus Hirschfeld, born in May 1868 in Poland, founded the Institute for Sexual Science in Berlin in 1919. As a medical doctor and recognized expert on sexuality, and with the support of the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee (WhK, Germany) founded in 1897, Hirschfeld significantly contributed to the emergence of a vibrant homosexual subculture.135 In modern terms, Magnus Hirschfeld was a gay man who fully supported the concept of diversity. He laid the foundation for today’s Queer theory, which argues that, in addition to biological sex, other identities exist, leading to a spectrum of diversity. Even though his medical-biological categorization ultimately proved insufficient, it was he who initiated this development.

Beyond his scientific work, Hirschfeld was also a significant sexual reformer. The WhK, which he cofounded, advocated for the decriminalization of homosexuality. The primary goal was the abolition of Paragraph 175 of the German Reich Criminal Code (RStGB), which criminalized sexual acts between men. Despite several petitions, the request for its abolition never reached the Reichstag before the Nazis came to power. With the destruction of his institute by the Nazis, Hirschfeld’s career came to an end. He went into exile, where he passed away on his 67th birthday in 1935.

On November 30, 2013, the Nuremberg Cultural Committee unanimously decided to establish a memorial at the Sterntor to commemorate the gay and lesbian victims of the Nazi regime. This memorial expanded the “Gedenkmeile” (Memorial Mile) along Frauentorgraben, which also includes the Street of Human Rights and the healthcare property, where the Industrial and Cultural Association was located before World War II.136 The memorial’s location at the Sterntor has historical significance, as a public restroom there served as a well-known meeting place for homosexual men in the 1930s and 1940s. Across from it was a hostel predominantly used by the Hitler Youth to observe and denounce homosexual men. One documented case is that of Johann Fluhrer, who was persecuted in 1931 due to denunciations and was ultimately executed in Munich-Stadelheim in 1944.137 Given the 40 known Nazi victims from Nuremberg and the estimated 12,000 to 15,000 homosexuals who were murdered and/or castrated in concentration camps, the importance of a memorial site is undeniable. The actual number of victims is likely even higher.

In July 2019, the square was ceremonially named Magnus Hirschfeld Square. Around 100 guests from the community attended the event. The square includes a commemorative stele for the homosexual victims of the Nazi regime and Paragraph 175, a memorial garden, a commemorative sphere, and a laterdonated rainbow bench. A member of the Hirschfeld family sent their thanks.138 The organizing association adapted the CSD parade route since the square’s inauguration to include it.

Since then, most rallies, events, wreath-laying ceremonies, and memorial services have taken place at Magnus Hirschfeld Platz.139

134 Magnus Hirschfeld; 06.03.2024; https://mh-stiftung.de 135 135 Magnus Hirschfeld; 06.03.2024; https://mh-stiftung.de 136 Gedenkstätte ; n.d.; https://www.gaycon.de 137 Queer durch Nuremberg; Stadtführung Geschichte für Alle e.V., 20.03.2024 138 lbid.

139 Gedenkort; n.d.; https://www.gaycon.de

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However, opposition remains. To date, the square and its memorial elements have been vandalized four times through graffiti and violent destruction. Michaela Regus comments on this site, which is one of the central stops on the “Queer through Nuremberg” tours by “Geschichte für Alle e. V.” (engl.: History for Everyone Organisation): "Education at such labeled places is simply insufficient, and then the question arises: How should education at such places or sites even take place?"140 In Nuremberg, the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee had a big following, that met in the “Silhouette” association. The antisemitic and homophobic propaganda of Der Stürmer (=weekly German tabloid-format newspaper published from 1923 to the end of World War II) contributed to Hirschfeld’s exile from 1932 onward. Despite Magnus Hirschfeld’s exceptional significance as a pioneer in sexual science, there are only a few streets named after him in Germany, such as Magnus-Hirschfeld-Ufer in Berlin since 2008 and Magnus-Hirschfeld-Weg in Magdeburg since 2015.141 On average, 91% of streets and squares named after individuals are dedicated to men. Even in Berlin, the percentage remains at 87.6%. In Fürth, over 200 names are dedicated to men from recent history, while only about 20 honor women. Additionally, very few People of Color are represented. Michaela Regus highlights the issue: "This doesn’t only affect our community. I think it’s very white, very unexamined, very male-dominated." She emphasizes that there is a significant need for action, particularly in street naming.142 In the list of surrounding street names in the study area, some misattributions can also be found. For example, Klaragasse is not named after a woman named Klara, but after a monastery, and names based solely on surnames, like Celtis, obscure the fact that they were dedicated to men. However, even

140 Regus, Michaela, personal interview, Nuremberg, 14.05.2024 141 Neuer Magnus-Hirschfeld-Platz; n.d.; https://www.queer.de 142 Regus, Michaela, personal interview, Nuremberg, 14.05.2024 143 Fifty years after the Stonewall Riots; 27.06.2019; https://parislightsup.com 144 Stadtforschung und Statistik für Nuremberg und Fürth; n.d.-d; https://www.nuernberg.de

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when full names are used, a lack of reflection can persist. In 2021, the municipal council in Allersberg, Germany named a street in a new development area after a former mayor—who was also an SA member.

To this day, the city of Allersberg has upheld this naming decision A case from Paris suggests a shift in perspective. As a tribute to the Stonewall Riots, several places and streets in Paris were renamed in honor of local and international Queer figures, including transgender writer Ovida Delect, Holocaust survivor Pierre Seel, and politician and activist Harvey Milk.143 In Nuremberg, Magnus Hirschfeld Platz is the only public square named after a Queer person. The city of Nuremberg has a total of 67 public squares serving various functions and uses, including four major memorial sites from the Nazi era. For any Queer-related function, event, or occasion, Magnus Hirschfeld Platz remains the sole dedicated location.144 A drastic renaming of streets and squares in the near future is difficult to achieve. The bureaucratic and systematic change of such a large number would be more confusing than sustainable. However, we can take a more reflective and, according to Michaela Regus, more considered approach to renaming. Likewise, past namings can be reviewed and names of dishonorable, discriminatory or disgraceful people can be renamed so that SA men are not given a public platform and legitimacy. Future new construction projects that require street or square names can be more diverse accordingly. Alternatively, schools, parks, bus stops, cultural sites or memorials can also bear the names of women* and Queers.

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(1) Lesbian Sphere (2) Information Pillar (3) Rainbow Bench (4) Gays Flowerbed 177

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Right next to the flower bed and stele commemorating the gay victims of the Nazi regime is a memorial to the lesbian victims. Co-financed by a Rote Bühne fundraiser, it was handmade by Bastian from the CSD association and bears the inscription: ‘In memory of the lesbian women who were persecuted under National Socialism under the pretext of prostitution, asociality and criminality.’

The memorial stele for the homosexual victims of National Socialism and Section 175 in the Federal Republic of Germany at Nuremberg‘s Sterntor. This consists of a memorial pillar around three metres high, which was designed by local artist Christof Popp and reports on two sides about the situation of homosexuals during the Nazi era with its around 50,000 victims, as well as providing information about site-specific references to the topic.

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The rainbow bench has been standing on Nuremberg‘s Magnus Hirschfeld Square since spring 2020 and underlines the colourful diversity of the city at the community memorial with memorial bed, memorial stele and memorial ball. It is now used by locals and enthusiastic tourists for sitting breaks, meetings and discussions.

A flower bed with a memorial stone in the shape of a triangle to commemorate the Pink Triangle, which was used to mark homosexual prisoners in concentration camps.

Initially, an attempt was made to depict the triangle in flowers. In addition, the stonemason Bastian Brauwer donated a memorial plaque with an inscription, where wreaths of flowers can now be laid.

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Peter-Henlein-Straße

Celtisstraße | Celtispark

‘Peter Henlein, born around 1480, died 14 November 1542, was a precision mechanic in Nuremberg and was the first to produce box-shaped pocket watches in 1510.’ This is written on an inscription plaque in the Walhalla, which King Ludwig I had erected to honour those men and women of ‘Teutonic tongue’ who had achieved great things. Peter Henlein was one of them.

Konrad Celtis was the first German to be crowned a poet

by Emperor Frederick III in Nuremberg in 1487. Stayed in Italy, taught at the University of Krakow. Later professor in Ingolstadt, rector of the cathedral school in Regensburg.

Appointed professor of poetry at the University of Vienna

by Emperor Maximilian I in 1497.

Siebenkeesstraße Johann Christian Siebenkees was the son of the merchant Christian Stefan Siebenkees. Grammar school in Nuremberg. From 1770 studied law in Altdorf, from 1773 in Göttingen. 1776 Professor of Law at the University of Altdorf. 1777 doctorate. 1779 Full professor of natural, international, constitutional and feudal law in Altdorf, 1795 First professor of canon law there. After the dissolution of Altdorf University, professor of literary history and head librarian at the Bavarian State University in Landshut from 1809. Significant contributions, especially to German legal history. Member of the Nuremberg Poets‘ Union of the “Pegnesian Order of Flowers”.

Helene-Grünberg-Park Helene Grünberg completed an apprenticeship as a tailor and then worked as a costume tailor. 1896-1905 active in the Women‘s and Girls‘ Education Association and the Tailors’ Association in Berlin. In 1905, she was the first woman to be appointed labour secretary at the labour secretariat in Nuremberg. 1906 Founder and first chairwoman of the Association for Servants, Washerwomen and Cleaners in Nuremberg, 1910 chairwoman of the branch of the Domestic Workers‘ Association. Officer for political issues. Member of the SPD Central Control Commission in 1912/13 and 1919-22. Member of the Weimar National Assembly in 1919. Important representative of the trade union and social democratic women‘s movement.

Frauentormauer The name comes from the Frauentor gate at the eastern end of the Frauentor wall, formerly one of the four main gates into the city. The Frauentor, in turn, was named after St Clare‘s convent behind it.

Frauentorgraben The Frauentor was named after the Clarissan monastery of St Clare. The gate allowed people to leave the city in the direction of Regensburg and other towns to the southeast. As payments to the gatekeeper are documented from 1386, the construction of the gate must have been completed in this year at the latest.

Luitpoldstraße Prince Luitpold was the third son of the Bavarian King Ludwig I and was born in 1821. He took over the regency for his nephew, the fairytale King Ludwig II, in 1886 when the latter was incapacitated due to his extravagance.

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Hallplatz Built between 1498 and 1502 and measuring 84 metres long, 20 metres wide and 29 metres high, the Mauthalle is the most imposing building on Hallplatz in Nuremberg.

Like the Unschlitthaus and the Kaiserstallung, the former imperial salt and grain store was built by the architect Hans Beheim. In times of crisis, the Mauthalle and eleven other granaries ensured supplies for the citizens.

Endterstraße After his apprenticeship as a printer and bookseller abroad, in 1612 he joined his father‘s business, brought himself to Nuremberg and set up three printing works.

Despite the hardships of the Thirty Years‘ War, the company flourished under him to such an extent that it outstripped the Wittenberg and Leipzig printers and was able to compete with the Dutch.

Klaragasse

Vordere | Hintere Sterngasse

St Clare‘s Convent is a former convent of the Poor Clares in Nuremberg in the diocese of Bamberg. It was founded in the first half of the 13th century by Magdalene nuns and existed until the Reformation. In 1525, the convent was forbidden to accept novices and was dissolved in 1596 with the death of the last nun.

The Sterntor is a gateway through the Nuremberg city wall and a pedestrian entrance to the southern part of Nuremberg‘s Old Town. In 1869, the new gate was broken through the Frauentor wall and named after the nearby Sterngasse. The tower of the neighbouring Blausternwerk was demolished in 1871 and later rebuilt at a reduced height.

Magnus-Hirschfeld-Platz In 1897, the physician and Prussian medical councillor Dr Magnus Hirschfeld founded the ‘Scientific-Humanitarian Committee’, the world‘s first organisation for the civil rights of homosexuals. Its main aim was the decriminalisation of homosexuality in Germany and the abolition of the notorious Homosexuality Paragraph 175. Hirschfeld succeeded in winning over many public figures to this cause. Petitions to the Reichstag and scientifically based educational and public relations work on homosexuality were intended to bring about a change in social awareness. His motto was ‘Per scientiam ad justitiam’ (‘Through science to justice’).

Grasersgasse Grasersgasse in Nuremberg was named after the Gras family, who lived there in the Middle Ages. Originally, the street was called ‘Grasergasse’ or ‘Grasergäßlein’, which can be traced back to the name of the family. Grasersgasse is one of the historic streets in Nuremberg‘s Old Town and thus reflects a piece of the city‘s history.

Paradiesstraße PARADIES is the second oldest travesty theatre in Germany after Hamburg and one of the oldest private theatres in the city. They offer a monthly changing programme with artists from all over the world.

Karl-Bröger-Straße Growing up in close circumstances, Karl attended secondary school for a few years, trained as an apprentice businessman, failed and was then mostly employed as a construction labourer. After his military service, he became a writer and worked as an editor for the Fränkische Tagespost from 1912. In 1914 he went into action and was seriously wounded in the same year. He found Karl Marx and socialism early on. This gave the idea of community a special significance, which is why a world piety of pantheistic-mystical colouring with a humanitarian touch emerged.

Bogen-, Sand-, Eilgut- und Tafelhofstraße The streets mentioned were named according to type, material or direct use.

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7. INSECURITIES

SPACES OF FEAR Spaces of fear are subjectively perceived areas that become threatening due to the absence of securityrelevant features. A place is considered such when factors like poor visibility, inadequate lighting, lack of escape routes, or signs of neglect prevail. Variable influences such as time of day, crowd density, and mode of movement also play significant role. Social factors can also contribute to insecurity, such as antisocial or deviant behavior, including alcohol consumption and its effects. Additionally, self-assessment in terms of strength or vulnerability is also an important factor, shaped by individual attributes like age, gender, origin, social capital, or previous victim experiences.145 The spaces of fear analysis examines areas identified as particularly unsafe within the study region. A legend was developed to recognize and measure these zones, assessing safety perceptions based on general Queer community consensus. The data was collected through the Queer Space-survey, interviews, direct qualitative inquiries, and literature sources. The legend includes analysis points such as people movement, unsafe times of day, lighting, spatial layout, demographic composition, visibility, and escape routes.

Particularly critical areas include Magnus-HirschfeldPlatz, Frauentorgraben, the Old Town underpass, most of the Transit area, as well as the underpass and Celtispark in The South. The people movement analysis clearly shows that individuals take detours to avoid potential dangers in public spaces. This is notably evident in the Old Town underpass leading to Transit, which is particularly avoided in the evening and at night in favor of better-lit main streets. "I actively try to avoid underpasses. However, this is not because I am a lesbian, but because I am a woman.

Additionally, I now avoid places where I know there is potential danger. It’s a kind of self-censorship. But

that applies to all of us", describes Michaela Regus regarding her lived reality.146 Leslie Kern also emphasizes that (Queer) women* must constantly develop strategies to protect themselves in spaces, significantly limiting their freedom of movement and their right to the city.147 Regus' perspective is not unique—41.8% of respondents in the Queer Space-survey identified underpasses as spaces of fear. This figure is surpassed only by busy streets (44.9%) and public squares (42.9%). Some provided additional explanations:148 #3

Mainly due to fear in the dark, the fee ling of being followed (parks, underpasses, etc.).

Cis woman, bisexual, 20-29, student

#41

Underpasses are quite narrow, you can’t really avoid people, and if it’s dark and there aren’t many people around, I feel uneasy.

Cis-Mann, Bisexuell, 20-29, Studierend

Darkness and confined spaces are frequently mentioned concerns beyond just underpasses. This often pertains to street spaces, particularly in The South, where parked cars dominate the streetscape, as well as inadequately lit parks and public squares.

Christine Burmann reviewed this information and provided an assessment, noting that the city of Nuremberg follows some feminist urban planning principles.

Measures include lighting concepts, more open spatial designs, increased municipal security presence, and, in some areas, higher police visibility149 Beyond the desire to be seen and noticed by security services in case of an emergency, there is also the opposite need—to remain unseen. This not only relates to straight acting or doing gender but also to the ability to retreat and become invisible in the face of potential danger.

145 Kern, L. (2021). Feminist City: Claiming Space in a Man-Made World. Verso Books.

146 Regus, Michaela, personal interview, Nuremberg, 14.05.2024, siehe Anhang 147 Kern, L. (2021). Feminist City: Claiming Space in a Man-Made World. Verso Books.

148 Queer Space Umfrage Nuremberg. (April 2024). Google Docs. https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1alrDFxg0y52uycIzXgh3KWe0fxJJSTlG4-xLOyYiRqo/edit 149 Burmann, Christine, written interview, 16.05.2024, siehe Anhang

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#44

Most often, it was the feeling of having no retreat option, lacking a sense of security, and experiencing little acceptance for my own identity.

retreat from these public spaces, are effectively displaced, and thus no longer exist as a social group within them?"152

Cis man, homosexual, 20-29, employed

Queer Spaces of fear differ only slightly from those identified in feminist research. They are shaped by unawareness, (in)visibility, and individual experience within that context. A continuously oppressed minority, often subjected to hostility, suppression, and helplessness—such as Queer people—projects strong emotions and personal experiences onto spaces.

Therefore, it is essential to apply already recognized tools from feminist urban planning and expand them through Queer-inclusive planning. Lighting sources and installations should be implemented in high-risk areas, streets, pathways, and parks. Space allocation should be increased, potentially removing parked cars from narrow streets to create more pedestrian space and reduce zones of potential fear. Visibility fields are influenced by lighting conditions; in cases where they are not, installations using reflections at underpasses and their entrances/exits can enhance visibility. Escape possibilities are largely dependent on the available space and can be addressed accordingly.

Rogerio Lopes describes the retreat space as a safety factor in his essay on Queer-inclusive planning: "Fenced-off areas, such as hedges, offer transgender individuals protection from demeaning looks or other forms of discrimination. However, hedges are often trimmed in spaces of fear to enhance the general sense of security.“150 This contradiction is also evident in the analysis. Spatial conditions that are assessed as potential dangers can simultaneously serve as cover and retreat once those dangers are eliminated. Key factors include lighting and the dominant demographic composition of a space. A retreat space is only perceived as such when there are sufficient light sources to assess the surroundings (also dependent on visibility and escape routes).

In predominantly male-dominated spaces, the feeling of safety decreases again. Besides the privileges enjoyed by this group, individual perception also plays a role. Individuals—primarily men—who are perceived as stronger, faster, or taller are more likely to be seen as potential threats. "Of course, dominant behavior by male youth in public space cannot be completely prevented through design solutions—it remains a societal responsibility to stop excusing and thus enabling such behavior, but instead to actively limit it," writes Katrin Hartmann.151 This does not mean restricting anyone’s personal freedom but rather advocating for the integration of all and the rejection of discrimination and dominance behavior in public spaces. She continues: "Ultimately, public spaces are also spaces of democracy, where we live, where we meet, where we develop—and in these spaces, we negotiate our society. But what does it say about our society when entire social groups are excluded from these spaces, when they have to fear for their safety,

150 Rogerio de Jesus Pereira Lopes; 2017; Sub\Urban, Queer inclusive planning (Page 248) 151 Roig, Zykunov und Horch; Unlearn Patriarchy 2 (2024, Page 37) 152 cf. lbid. S.41

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Spaces of fear present architectural and urban planning challenges that must be addressed to create inclusive environments without fear barriers. While these spatial issues are influenced by societal factors, planning methods can help identify and minimize trigger points, making public spaces safer for all.

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Die Bereiche, welche in „sicherer“ und „unsicher“ unterteilt sind, beziehen sich auf den allgemeinen Konsens von queeren Personen. Dies hat zur Folge, dass Einzelpersonen ggf. ein anderes Empfinden in Teil-/ Bereichen haben. Die Folgepunkte haben die Definition der Bereiche beeinflusst. Der Begriff „sicherer“ wird anstelle von „sicher“ verwendet, nachdem ein Bereich im öffentlichen Raum gefahr-armer, jedoch nicht vollständig gefahrlos und somit sicher sein kann.

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Das Sicherheitsgefühl bezeichnet das subjektive Empfinden eines Individuums, sich vor Gefahren, Bedrohungen oder Risiken geschützt zu fühlen. Es ist ein Zustand des inneren Friedens und der Gelassenheit, der darauf basiert, dass eine Person davon überzeugt ist und sie vor potenziellen Schäden oder Angriffen geschützt ist. Das Sicherheitsgefühl ist individuell unterschiedlich und kann durch persönliche Erfahrungen, kulturelle Hintergründe und aktuelle Ereignisse beeinflusst werden.

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Die Tageszeit bedingt sich mit dem Sicherheitsgefühl und ist somit auch eine subjektive Empfindung. Die Analyse bezieht sich auf den allgemeinen Konsens von queeren Personen. Dies hat zur Folge, dass Einzelpersonen ggf. ein anderes Empfinden in Teil-/ Bereichen haben.

Eine Unterteilung hängt von weiteren Faktoren ab. Eine Unsicherheit bei „Tag“ hängt meist von einer Personenzuordnung und Platz ab. Bei „Nacht“ ist diese meist abhängig von Personenzuordnung und Belichtung. Im Falle „Beides“ somit die Wechselwirkung. Die weiteren Punkte haben jedoch in ihrer Gesamtheit Auswirkungen auf den Aspekt der Tageszeit.

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People Movement basiert auf Beobachtungen von Laufrouten, die Befragung einzelner queerer Personen zu diesen und der Einbringung persönlicher Erfahrungen und Einschätzungen.

Hierbei wurden beispielsweise Personen verfolgt und beobachtet, an welchen Stellen sie einen Umweg tätigen oder die getätigte „Route“ wurde queeren Personen gezeigt und befragt, ob und wie sie diese „angepasst“ hätten und welche daraus resultierend „ungenutzt“ blieb. Dazu wurden auch eigene Annahmen getroffen und diese von weiteren Personen bestätigen oder korrigieren lassen.

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Belichtung definiert das künstliche Licht in diesem Bereich. An „dunkel“ gekennzeichneten Orten sind keine direkten Lichtquellen vorhanden. Bei „Licht“ ist unzureichendes direktes Licht vorhanden. Durch „viel Licht“ werden Orte markiert, die ausreichendes direktes Licht bieten.

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Der Aspekt Platz bezieht sich auf die ausgewiesene Fläche des Individuums gegenüber anderen Individuen, Gefahresituationen wie auch uneinsehbaren Bereichen. Dies kann sich auf die Gehwegbreite beziehen und definieren, wie viel Platz übrig ist, um einer anderen Person auszuweichen oder wie nah ich an einem Auto oder einer Fassade vorbei muss.

Bereiche sind dann als „ausreichend“ markiert, wenn meine Umgebung es zulässt, auf Hindernisse oder Situationen flächig zu reagieren bzw. auszuweichen. Ein Bereich ist „zu eng“, wenn kein Handlungsspielraum gelassen wird.

Diese Analyse ist aus architektonischer Perspektive sowie bereits aufgestellten. Kenntnissen von Angsträumen und dem Konsens queerer Personen aufgestellt.

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Das Sichtfeld steht in starker Abhängigkeit mit dem Aspekt Platz, aber auch Belichtung. Hierbei werden Situationen wie Straßenecken, Begrünung, Gebäudeversprünge, Einfahrten, Eingänge und weitere Bereiche verzeichnet. Während „uneinsehbare“ Situationen das Sicherheitsgefühl negativ und „einsehbare“ das Gefühl eher positiv beeinflussen, gibt es auch uneinsehbare Stellen, an welchen man sich tendenziell eher „geschützt“ fühlt. Dies kann beispielsweise durch eine uneinsehbare, jedoch stark belichtete Fläche mit ausreichend Platz erreicht werden. Die Unterteilung bedingt sich mit den Erkenntnissen des Aspekts Platz und Belichtung.

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Großteils beziehen sich feminin und maskulin nicht immer auf eine heteronormative Geschlechteraufteilung, sondern auf Eigenschaften, welchen Personen zugesprochen werden. Divers wird hier als undefinierter und uneingenommener Raum begriffen, was jedoch nicht bedeutet, dass verschiedene Zuschreibungen an diesem Ort nicht mehr oder weniger Privilegien genießen könnten.

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Die Personenzuordnung zeigt auf, welche Personengruppen sich an einem Ort überwiegend aufhalten und diesen dominieren. Diese Analyse bezieht sich eher auf die Außenwirkung als auf Gender/Geschlecht - trotzdem mussten für diese Analyse Personen gelesen / gelabelt werden.

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DISCRIMINATION "Is Luisa here?"—This is the question that is meant to provide protection and security. The Women’s Emergency Helpline in Münster, Germany launched this initiative for women in the nightlife scene who want to remove themselves from uncomfortable situations. By asking this question to staff members, women* can receive immediate and discreet assistance. This initiative was introduced to give women* a sense of security, but it is accessible to all individuals.

In the United States, a similar concept exists with the "Angel Shot"—a drink order that signals a request for help. The bartender may also ask whether the drink should be given to a particular person, indicating that this individual poses a threat.153 In recent years, awareness teams have become common at events and demonstrations, such as Pride parades. These are specialized groups that focus on raising awareness and promoting sensitivity regarding social justice, inclusion, and safety. Their main tasks include preventing and addressing discriminatory behavior, harassment, and violence. They offer support to affected individuals and work to create a respectful and welcoming atmosphere. Awareness teams enforce behavioral guidelines and encourage active engagement with diversity, equality, and respectful interaction.

Behavioral guidelines primarily refer to anti-discrimination policies. These policies are regulatory frameworks implemented by organizations, businesses, or institutions to prevent and combat discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, religion, disability, age, sexual or romantic orientation, and other characteristics. They establish clear procedures for identifying, reporting, and addressing discrimination. The goal is to foster an inclusive and respectful environment where all individuals enjoy equal opportunities, rights, freedoms, and privileges. Anti-discrimination policies typically include awareness training, education initia-

tives, and sanctions to ensure that discrimination is not tolerated. This was also mentioned in the Queer Space-survey: #86

Stickers, all-gender restrooms, friendly audience, anti-discrimination policy.

Non-binary, homosexual, 40-49, self-employed

This respondent describes how they identify Queerfriendly spaces.154 The task of awareness teams is then to implement these anti-discrimination policies.

Christine Burmann noted that in 2023, an awareness concept was developed for the municipal cultural sector and piloted with selected cultural institutions.

Efforts are now being made to integrate awareness teams into municipal events and establishments, including large-scale events, and to promote existing initiatives like “Is Luisa here?”.155 The Queer Nuremberg Action Plan explicitly states that there is a high potential for discrimination in public spaces: "Here, trans and gender-diverse individuals primarily report experiencing insults, threats, or, in the worst case, even violence. Even something as simple as holding hands on a bus between a samesex couple can become a serious threat." The data collection from the Queer Space-survey also illustrates areas where discrimination occurs, mapped along the examined streets. As previously mentioned, the locations with the highest reports of discrimination are busy streets (44.9%), public squares (42.9%), and underpasses (41.8%). The lowest reported locations include tattoo and piercing studios (2%), as well as bakeries and perfume shops (3.1%).156 Justifications and personal experiences from areas with risk of discrimination provide guidance for necessary actions. Many respondents highlighted the need for free public restrooms, access to retreat spaces, a reduction of labeling requirements, and the elimination of spaces of fear. These insights summarize the key action points already discussed, including the issues of restrooms, signage, and spaces of fear.

153 Getränke-Code soll Frauen in Bedrängnis helfen; 17.01.2017; https://kurier.at 154 Queer Space Umfrage; April 2024; Online Befragung 155 Burmann, Christine, written interview, 16.05.2024 156 König, M. Page 7, (2022c). Aktionsplan Queeres Nuremberg. In Aktionsplan Queeres Nuremberg [Report].

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Have you ever felt restricted / marginalised / uncomfortable or discriminated against in the city of Nuremberg / in urban spaces?

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Queer individuals undeniably face discrimination in public spaces, often restricting their agency and safety. While discrimination by individuals cannot be prevented through architectural measures, awareness teams can play a crucial role by ensuring presence, providing support, and responding quickly to incidents. Public spaces could already incorporate designated areas for awareness teams, such as office spaces or marked locations, depending on the size of the venue. On a smaller scale, visibility markers could indicate the presence of such teams. In addition, a comprehensive anti-discrimination policy could establish clear guidelines and protection mechanisms to prevent, combat, and sanction discrimination.

Through these measures, safer, more inclusive, and more respectful spaces for Queer individuals can be created. Moving forward, discussions should consider integrating awareness teams into urban public spaces and planning on-site support centers. These spaces could serve as safe zones or protection spaces, offering an alternative level of support beyond law enforcement or security personnel.

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# 47 „Whenever these spaces are designed/furnished in a cis het normative way. They have an exclusionary effect and are so for many people. “ Cis-woman, pansexual, 30-39 years old

#87 „Mostly it was the feeling of not having a place to retreat, lack of security, little acceptance“ Cis-man, gay, 20-29 years old

#52 „I feel very out of place in fashion shops because I don‘t dress fashionably, and kiosks often have a familiar atmosphere where I feel like an intruder as an outsider. I avoid many of the places listed, which is why I have no (negative) experiences there (bars, discos, sex shops, perfumeries, etc.)“ Cis-man, Asexual, 20-29 years old

#91 „I experience discrimination in public spaces through derogatory looks or openly spoken insults.

More often in clothes shops when I‘m not shopping in the ‘right’ department.“ Cis-man, gay, 30-39 years old

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#5 „Free, public toilets for non-cis men are more difficult to find/access. When menstruating, there are rarely rooms with a washbasin, for example.“ Cis-woman, bisexual, 20-29 years old

#87 „Toilets are a good example, despite being a cis man I feel uncomfortable in public men‘s toilets (including clubs, restaurants, etc). Gyms make me uncomfortable.“ Cis-man, gay, 20-29 years old

#129 „The fact that the all-gender toilets are rare, that the memorial sculptures commemorating the persecution of queer people were destroyed is shocking and the fact that this place is so remote and that queer-phobic people often gather and hang out there makes this place unpleasant for me. I would like to see a visible place that is not isolated and remote, but is embedded in the city centre.“ Non-binary, gay, 40-49 years old

#114 „There are hardly any gender-neutral toilets or FLINTA* toilets for clubbing situations.“ Genderfluid, pansexual, 50-59 years old

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#49 „Rooms that are too cramped with poor air quality, angled, no exits; underground railway in general - such urban spaces always cause me to panic from time to time“ Cis-woman, pansexual, 30-39 years old

#141 „There is no suitable toilet for people who are in transition (me M2F). You get stupid looks in both. There is no toilet for people regardless of their appearance.“ Trans* woman, gay, 50-59 years old

#57 „Well, subways are relatively narrow, you can‘t really avoid anyone and when it‘s dark and there aren‘t really many people there and the two groups I mentioned appear, then I sometimes feel uncomfortable“ Cis-man, bisexual, 20-29 years old

#149 „There are often only men‘s and women‘s toilets, no neutral toilets.“ Trans*-masculine / non-binary, asexual / biamorous, under 20 years old

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#51 „I myself am cis but have many friends who are trans or non-binary and therefore realise how often, for example, non-binary people are not taken into consideration, e.g. there are often only men‘s or women‘s toilets, changing rooms etc. Even going to the same toilet with my friend who is a trans* woman as with other friends is not a matter of course because she has to be afraid of discrimination in both toilets. Visits to swimming pools, public saunas etc. are also difficult with my non-binary/trans* friends“ Cis woman, queer, 20-29 years old #103 „Subways, uninviting places like the moat at the opera house“ Cis-man, pansexual, 20-29 years old

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#136 „A lot of them! Hardly any place has genderneutral toilets. You also feel like you‘re being misgendered everywhere.“ Non-binary, queer, 20-29 years old

#146 „Toilets, gendered products in any kind of shop, calls with Mrs/Mr and salutation in letters (these are also sometimes handed in to neighbours who previously knew nothing about the transidentity), poor lighting at night in e.g. parks, very little explicitly queer offer e.g. also parties/bars and therefore little savespace for e.g. dating“ Trans* man, pansexual, 20-29 years old

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#99 „I‘ve never had any extreme experiences in this regard. It‘s more these internalised behaviours that you typically have (in my opinion) as a homosexual person... no holding hands on the underground, in certain parts of town at night or when you‘re walking past a large group of men.

You would feel uncomfortable in such moments."

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#3 „Often on the way home, I plan the route for my safety (i.e. I avoid parks, dark places, etc.)"

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#52 „I feel uncomfortable in run-down or extremely luxurious neighbourhoods because I don‘t feel like I belong."

Cis-man, asexual, 20-29 years old #3 „Especially through fear in the dark, the feeling of being followed (parks, subways, etc.)

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#98 „There are areas and places where I wouldn‘t hold hands with my boyfriend (Aufseßplatz, in the underground at night, pubs...)."

Cis-man, gay, 30-39 years old #48 „Central station (harassment etc.), underground, suburban railway, partly in parks" Cis-woman, pansexual, 20-29 years old

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#47 „Rooms/places/situations are always not adapted to my quality of life if there is no awareness concept, including an awareness team. I don‘t know a single female person in my environment who hasn‘t experienced assaults of any kind. This creates enormous insecurity. Places/spaces/situations can do a lot to make these people feel safe. I also avoid dark, unlit streets or corners. I‘d rather take the illuminated diversions. How can it be that so many bad experiences are made on public transport?

Camera surveillance probably doesn‘t help to make these spaces safer for women."

Cis-man, pansexual, 20-29 years old

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8. VISIBILITY

PARTICIPATION At the end of the approximately four-hour drag show at the event loaction Paradies, the drag queen Sarah Barelly, who hosted the evening, said: "If everyone out there treated each other as tolerantly as we do in here, the world would be a much better place." The evening’s performers then joined together in a performance of “This is Me” by Keala Settle.157 Several Queer events took place during the course of this master’s thesis, which were documented: On April 26, 2024, a wreath-laying ceremony was held at Magnus-Hirschfeld-Platz in remembrance of the homosexual victims of the Nazi era. One of the main speakers was Elisabeth Ries, the Commissioner for Youth, Family, and Social Affairs. She emphasized that the visibility now present at this event and in public space is very positive, whereas in the past, it would have ended deadly for all of us. She referred to the Queer Nuremberg Action Plan as "the current starting point" and concluded her speech with the words: "If visibility means danger (…), then the goal has not yet been reached." Before Elisabeth Ries and the event organizers laid the wreath, a participant quoted the political drag queen Uschi Unsinn: "Visibility creates safety."158 On Wednesday, May 15, 2024, students gathered at Weißer Turm in Nuremberg to protest against the gender language ban. On April 1, a decision was made that gender-inclusive language symbols (Asterik*) could no longer be used in official documents in Bavarian authorities, schools, and universities. Around 150 demonstrators assembled in the city of Nuremberg alone to oppose this ruling.159 Several police vehicles and Franken Fernsehen (TV) accompanied the demonstration from the city center to Wöhrder See, where the event concluded with speeches and

performances. During the march, slogans such as "My language, my choice, raise your voice!", "Include instead of exclude—dismantle the patriarchy!", and "Let’s gender, let’s make noise, let’s tone down Söder!" were chanted.160 On May 17, 2024, the International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia, Interphobia, and Transphobia (IDAHOBIT) took place. In the afternoon, the Queer community made its presence known in the pedestrian zone at Tugendbrunnen, with contributions from parents of Queer children, Schulpro / Fliederlich, and the drag queen Spektra Black. A short prayer was then held at Lorenzkirche by Pastor Thomas Zeitler and Pastor Silvia Jühne.161 From Lorenzkirche, a demonstration moved through Königstraße to the main train station and the rainbow crosswalk located there. At this location, Mayor Markus König addressed the crowd: "Fears must be alleviated—through dialogue, encounters, and public visibility." The demonstration then continued through the train station and ended at Magnus-HirschfeldPlatz, where speeches were given by Peter Daniel Forster (President of the District Council), Anil Altun (SPD Party Chairman), Rebecca Lenhard (Green Party Nuremberg), Kathrin Flach-Gomez (State Spokesperson for Die Linke Party), a representative from CSD Germany, and others. This event also concluded with the words of Uschi Unsinn: "Visibility creates safety."162 All events, Queer visibility efforts, and routes, including the upcoming CSD, were captured in the participation overview map.

Participation is crucial for marginalized groups, as it forms the foundation for social justice and equality.

When minorities actively participate in social, economic, and political life, they gain the opportunity to express their needs and perspectives. This not only promotes self-determination and dignity but also

157 Travestie Cabaret Paradies; 10.05.2024, persönlicher Erfahrungsbericht 158 Kranzniederlegung; 24.04.2024, persönlicher Erfahrungsbericht 159 „Genderverbot“ im Freistaat Bayern; 08.04.2024; https://www.gew-bayern.de 160 Demonstration gegen das Genderverbot; 15.05.2024, persönlicher Erfahrungsbericht 161 IDAHOBIT; n.d.; https://www.gaycon.de 162 IDAHOBIT; 17.05.2024, persönlicher Erfahrungsbericht

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contributes to a more diverse and equitable society.

Furthermore, active inclusion helps dismantle prejudices, strengthen inclusivity, and develop solutions for societal challenges. Participation thus creates the basis for a community in which all people enjoy equal opportunities and rights. However, Esto Mader describes the requirements of recognition: "Only through achieving recognition—which implies striving for normativity—does an individual gain subject status and become able to participate in society (as a subject)."163 While societal aspects can only be steered through planning rather than being controlled, cities play a crucial role as spaces for Queer activism and representation, providing a means to gain recognition.

Every year in June, Pride Month is celebrated internationally, originating from the Stonewall Riots. It is now commemorated through memorial events and celebrations advocating for equality and acceptance. This includes parades, workshops, events, parties, and other activities, culminating in larger cities with the Christopher Street Day (CSD). Events such as Dyke Marches or the Transgenialer CSD in Berlin demonstrate that Queer individuals assert their right of space and challenge heteronormative structures.164 The Christopher Street Day Nuremberg 2024 will take place on Saturday, August 3. Michaela Regus described the significance of this event: "We are grateful to those who fought for this before us, because it means so much that we get space in the city, that streets are closed, and that police are available to protect us."165 The CSD holds profound significance beyond mere celebrations—it symbolizes the fight for equality, acceptance, and participation. Visibility and recognition send a powerful message against discrimination and exclusion. The parades create extensive public awareness and foster understanding. Many also use this occasion to remember Queer history and acknowledge the progress made by the LGBT*QIA+ movement. The event strengthens solidarity and community, offering a platform for networking, exchanging ideas, and demonstrating visibility. The support

from a large collective is a privilege rarely experienced in everyday life. For the most part, the CSD should be regarded as a political demonstration, drawing attention to ongoing injustices and demanding changes such as equality, anti-discrimination laws, and protection against violence and attacks.

Karin Hartmann emphasizes: "Public spaces fulfill a deep social need when intensely used: to be part of a community, to observe each other, to smile at one another, to interact if one wishes."166 The CSD route in Nuremberg has changed only minimally over the years. This year, in 2024, it runs from the starting point on Prinzregentenufer via Rathenauplatz behind the Lorenzkirche, past the main railway station, along Magnus-Hirschfeld-Platz to the finale at Kornmarkt. The main concentration of the parade is therefore in the north and city centre. With regard to multicultural aspects, a strongly varying age and economic spectrum as well as the Queer-historical significance, the southern city centre could potentially be included as a route. This connection would potentially integrate the south of Nuremberg more into a city and event concept and make it less of a self-sufficient area. Celtisplatz, which forms the upper part of The South processing area, has not been used for festivities to date and, with its entry via the main station subway and exit via the Tafelhof tunnel, offers a continuous route that could again cross MagnusHirschfeld-Platz and end at Kornmarkt. This approach would acquire another part of the city, which would also increase attention and visibility in this area.

Participation and visibility can be expressed in many ways. In the corresponding analysis, signs of appropriation and participation were analysed in the selected areas and divided into the categories ‘permanent’, ‘long-term’ and ‘temporary’. The first step was to look for signs of the Queer community in this public area and record how long-lasting they are.

For example, the ‘Green Box’ perfumery is marked by a Pride flag on the door and is listed as a Queerfriendly location in the CSD association's guide. As a

163 Mader, E; Queere Räume (2023, Page 37) 164 Rogerio de Jesus Pereira Lopes; 2017; Sub\Urban, Queer inclusive planning (Page 253) 165 Regus, Michaela, personal interview, Nuremberg, 14.05.2024 166 Roig, Zykunov und Horch; Unlearn Patriarchy 2 (2024, Page 35)

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result, this form of appropriation is categorized as ‘long-term’.

In contrast, the memorial elements and signage on Magnus Hirschfeld Square are ‘permanent‘ and are therefore listed as such. Stickers and decals, as can be found in all streets, are categorized as ‘temporary’, as they can be removed at any time.

Nevertheless, they represent the appropriation of space in the public environment, the desire for participation and the desire for visibility.

Queer participation in public spaces is an essential step towards an inclusive and equal society. Events such as Christopher Street Day and others are powerful expressions of this claim. They create visibility, strengthen community and articulate political demands. Furthermore, the desire for space and recognition manifests itself in various forms of appropriation. Be it through placing stickers or through long-term and permanent labelling such as cabaret showcases. These visible and permanent signs help to anchor Queer identities in the urban fabric and promote a sense of belonging. Recognizing and supporting Queer participation in public spaces is not only a symbol of appreciation, but also a necessity for social justice. It challenges urban planning and policy to create and maintain spaces in which diversity can be lived and celebrated. Only in this way can the city become an inclusive place, regardless of gender identity and sexual or romantic orientation.Participation can be influenced and controlled in the architectural field.

This can be achieved not only through the paths and squares of festivities, but also by transporting Queer convictions and realities of life into the urban space beyond the rainbow flag. This could be, for example, through the advertising of Queer events or associations, images of Queer personalities or historical events or (re)naming and dedications.

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REQUIREMENTS The listed requirements pertain to architectural and urban planning implementation. They provide a solution-oriented summary of the topics discussed and are additionally illustrated in the selected street section.

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1. Events

2. Sports offer

Usage and Program

Usage and Program

Queer and FLINTA* programmes should be created regularly, especially in spaces that are perceived as masculine or dominated, in order to break down barriers and break down the labels of these places. In addition, spaces are thus partially appropriated and enable participation in public space.

For a more inclusive outdoor sports programme, steppers and mats can be integrated into the ground and starting and meeting points can be provided. This is already being done using the example of trampolines.sports programme

3. Remove label Usage and Program

For the reduction of labels, departments can be categorised in more fluid transitions or according to other subdivision rules (e.g. outerwear, jackets,...) and not according to gender. In addition, the labelling of ‘women‘s’ or ‘men‘s’ departments should be questioned. It should only be possible to categorise departments into their own usage areas for security reasons.

4. Diverse, Neutral, Unisex, All Inclusive Sanitary Solutions

If possible, a neutral toilet should be stipulated by law. Relabelling existing toilets is only feasible with structural measures or as a temporary solution. All toilets require complete equipment, consisting of coat hooks, brushes, paper dispensers, hygiene waste bins and hygiene bags.

These can also be installed in all cubicles at a later date. Water dispensers should be planned in individual cubicles, depending on financial and spatial possibilities. Urinals and pissoirs are to be equipped in a gender-neutral design. The integration of room-high and floor-to-ceiling partitions increases safety aspects, also in the case of urinals. Changing tables must be installed and made accessible in a neutral area (separate room or neutral toilet).

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5. Toilets in Public Spaces

6. Use of the Pride flag

Inclusive Sanitary Solutions

Identification and Identity

The number of free, gender-neutral and fully equipped public toilets in outdoor areas must be greatly increased. This should take the form of closed rooms with different areas, accessibility and baby changing facilities. The number of advertising pillar toilets should also be greatly increased and established in areas such as Transit, especially The South. To this end, they must be fully equipped and labelled with neutral symbols.

Only queer associations, companies, organisations or people from the queer community should be entitled to use the rainbow flag. This consequence would reduce pink-washing and make it easier for queer people to recognise queer-friendly places.

Peter-Henlein-Straße Klaragasse

Luitpoltstraße

Magnus-Hirschfeld-Platz

Milkstraße

7. Toilet symbols

8. Street and square names

Identification and Identity

Identification and Identity

Characterised symbols, especially for toilets, should be replaced by neutral explanations.

This would show on the sign what equipment is in the room and an individual decision on access can be made. In addition, a different terminology can be added to maintain or reinforce safety aspects (e.g. FLINTA* toilets).

Descriptive symbols have already established themselves in the same way as personal pictograms, which means that no rethinking is required in everyday life.

Existing street, square and other names should be checked for meaning and origin and renamed if necessary. Any new names and/or renames should be dedicated to FLINTA* and queers. This also applies to schools, parks, bus stops, cultural sites, memorials and others

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9. Dedication and utilisation

10. Inspection

Identification and Identity

Insecurities

Squares and event venues should be rededicated not only in terms of their names, but also in terms of their use in a queer-inclusive way in order to create further places of participation and appropriation, as well as use for queers and to equalise events.

The aspect of visibility is also emphasised from existing feminist planning approaches. Examples of the use of mirrors are shown, which ensure that unsafe corners or intersections become more visible. This principle is not only already used for the pedestrian route, but is already familiar and common practice in car traffic.

11. Lighting

12. Possibility to evade

Insecurities

Insecurities

Existing feminist planning approaches also emphasise the aspect of lighting. It is important to consider not only that more lighting is integrated into public spaces, but also how technical aspects are realised. A light source slightly above normal visibility with diffused light at short intervals reduces shadows and thus visibility, as well as the feeling of safety. In some less visible areas, the presence of a person can also be indicated at an early stage by the shadow cast factor.

Existing feminist planning approaches also emphasise the aspect of space requirements.

A more generous space offers potential for evasion in dangerous situations or moments of discomfort. In individual cases, the area of parked traffic would have to be appropriated for this purpose and allocated to the footpath.

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13. Team und Policy

14. Contact point

Insecurities

Insecurities

Events, cultural and catering establishments must provide evidence of an anti-discrimination policy and record implementation concepts in it. Depending on the size of the room or event, the presence of an awareness team is required.

In public indoor spaces, a space, area or signage should be advertised for an awareness team and staffed with a team and policy. This concept could be introduced into public spaces in the form of an assistance and advice centre as an additional instance to law enforcement and security personnel.

U U

U

U U

15. CSD Route

16. Advertising and representation

Visibility

Visibility

Using the selected area as an example, it would make sense to include The South in the CSD route to create an inclusive cityscape and attract more attention. This area is well connected by transit and enables integration through a short circuit.

Queer events, associations and organisations should be represented more in advertising and publicity in order to promote visibility, ease the threshold for information and accessibility and provide education. These should be financially supported and promoted where appropriate.

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[ Fig. 167 ] [ Fig. 168 ]

238

CONCLUSION Castro Street in San Francisco is an iconic symbol of the LGBT*QIA+ community and its history. This district, often referred to simply as “The Castro”, has developed into one of the most well-known and significant Queer neighborhoods worldwide since the 1970s. The Queer participation in Castro Street and its importance to the community is evident in various ways.

As early as the 1960s and 70s, the district was established as a Queer center. A pivotal moment in its development and expansion was the election of Harvey Milk—one of the first openly gay politicians in the U.S.—to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 1977.167 Milk played a crucial role in increasing the political and social visibility of the community. Castro Street is represented by many visible signs in public space: rainbow flags adorn numerous buildings and streetlights along the road, and many shops, cafés, bars, and restaurants are Queer-owned, specifically catering to LGBT*QIA+ individuals. These are not just economically viable businesses but also serve as social gathering points. In addition to regular events such as the Queer film festival, there are also parades, including the annual San Francisco Pride, which clearly expresses and reinforces the community’s sense of belonging. The Harvey Milk Plaza is a central site of remembrance and honor, featuring a commemorative plaque and other elements highlighting Milk’s activism and contributions to the movement.168 This is a safe space for Queer people of all identities and orientations. Queer culture and history are preserved and celebrated here, fostering a sense of community and serving as a symbol of rights and equality. Through visible markers of Queer participation, an inspiring example is set for Queer individuals worldwide.

feminist-inclusive approaches and asserting that urban planning has yet to fully address the needs of gender and sexual minorities, the research question— "To what extent can discrimination potential for Queer individuals in urban public space be identified, categorized, and what urban planning requirements result from this?"—was systematically examined. This question was explored within the selected study areas, analyzed through exemplary cases, and demonstrated with findings. The analysis and empirical study identified and explained aspects of discrimination against Queer individuals. Consequently, throughout this research, these aspects were categorized within the scope of architectural and urban planning actionability, ultimately leading to the formulation of requirements within a framework applicable to urban planning. The overarching results of this study emphasize visibility, participation, and safety for Queer individuals, which have been incorporated into the framework for planning measures.

Queer Spaces are both social and architectural constructs. Both are in constant interaction and depend on society and politics as much as on the feasibility of planning implementation. Architecture can both wage political battles and serve as a representation of them. Social opinions are carried into public space and contested there. A Queer-feminist approach to urban planning is not merely a matter of principle but contributes to improved quality of life, equality for social groups, and an enhanced built environment.

Fundamental standards, human desires and rights, dignity, and the common good should not be limited by sociopolitical boundaries but should instead be addressed collaboratively and across disciplines.

Each field of expertise should contribute to creating an inclusive and just environment for Queer individuals and all other people.

This master’s thesis pursued the goal of demonstrating the scope of possibilities within architecture.

Beyond Castro Street, public space remains one of the greatest sources of discrimination potential for Queer individuals. Using the methodology of Queer-

167 Milk [Film] 19.02.2019 168 Castro Community Benefit District; 30.06.2016; https://castrocbd.org

239

240

AFTERWORD Throughout this research, I have reflected on and learned a lot about my personal privileges. Through the survey, as well as at the events I attended, I witnessed significant discrimination, negative comments, and skepticism. This topic is deeply emotional—both for me and for many others. For this very reason, it was important to me to provide a professional and academic presentation of these aspects in order to enhance recognition, particularly in an educational context.

This work serves as an overview of discrimination potential and corresponding requirements. In order to cover a broad spectrum, some topics could only be addressed superficially or not at all. Issues such as gentrification, unpredictable discrimination through verbal harassment, moral suitability based on gender or sexuality were merely mentioned, safety aspects in restrooms were only partially addressed due to the highly polarized nature of opinions on the matter, traffic signs were not examined in depth, and political issues and differences within the Queer community, a comprehensive comparison of existing Queer Spaces and street layouts, cruising locations, and potentially much more were not explored in detail.

I would have liked to conduct interviews with the CSD Nuremberg association, the Fliederlich e.V. association, Nuremberg’s mayor Markus König, as well as other organizations and individuals. Unfortunately, due to time constraints, this was not feasible or would have exceeded the scope of this thesis.

As this is the English version of this Master's thesis, it should also be noted that English is not my native language and Master's theses tend not to be proofread. I would therefore like to apologize for any linguistic or spelling errors.

Finally, I would like to emphasize that working with the Queer community has been an immensely enriching experience.

241

242

243

APPENDIX

[ Fig. 170 ]

244

QUEER SPACE SURVEY A survey called ‘Queer Space’ was created for this work, which was and still is publicly accessible. It was disseminated via various channels: the server of the Faculty of Architecture, by individuals, the Künstlerhaus Nürnberg and the Instagram profile @QueerSpace.nbg, which is part of this work, and the content shared from it. In addition, stickers were placed throughout the city of Nuremberg to promote the topics of visibility and participation. Over 150 people took part in the survey at the time of submission. Offensive or discriminatory comments were excluded from participation to ensure the integrity of the data.

The aim of the survey was to collect in-depth data in order to create analyses and substantiate the resulting requirements. The survey will remain online and will be made available on Instagram.

245

Which label do you identify with?

Trans*-Woman

Trans*-Man 2 % Nonbinary

5 %

Cis-Man

9 %

37 %

Genderfluid 3 %

Other 10 %

Cis-Woman 34 %

Which sexuality do you feel you belong to?

Asexual Bisexual

17 %

3 %

Pansexual 12 %

Demisexual 1 %

Polysexual 1 %

Other 4 %

Homosexual

25 %

Heterosexual 37 %

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246

GSEd

Please state your age:

30-39 30 %

40-49 7 %

50-59 4 % 60 + 2 %

- 20 4 % 20-29 53 %

Which professional group/situation applies to you?

Employee

41 %

Self-employed 7 %

Civil servant 1 %

Pensioner 1 %

Unemployed 3 %

Other Student

8 %

39 %

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247

Are you aware of any queer-friendly places in Nuremberg (e.g. bars, clubs, restaurants, parks, ...)?

Yes 79%

No 21%

How do you recognise queer-friendly places? most common answers

Rainboy

Flag

30x

Persons

28x

Sticker

28x

Opennes

17x 9x

Are you aware of any queer-unfriendly places in Nuremberg (e.g. bars, clubs, restaurants, parks, ...)?

Yes 42%

No 58%

How do you recognise queer-unfriendly places? most common answers

Persons

Glances Man

10x

Symbols

6x 6x

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248

22x

Have you ever felt restricted / marginalised / uncomfortable or discriminated against in any of the following places? (multi)

RESTAURANT BAR CAFE PARK TRAFFIC ROAD PEDESTRIAN ROAD SQUARE FASHION STORE CLUB TATTOO / PIERCING KIOSK FAST FOOD SUPERMARKET TUNNEL HOTEL BAKERY SEXSHOP THEATRE DAY CARE OFFICE PARFUMERIE NAIL SALOON TRAVLE AGENCY LIBRARY MUSEUM SPORT STORE PARKING LOT PLAYGROUND HAIRDRESSER OTHER 10

20

30

40

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249

Please describe this situation: Select sample responses

•Especially through fear in the dark, the feeling of being followed (parks, subways, etc.) I have been harassed in clubs, including on the way to the toilet (away from the group) I have been unpleasantly approached in car parks or similar (when I was alone) or not noticed as a pedestrian on busy roads and almost run over when cars turn off, sometimes with drivers who then get angry with me •in general, whenever i hold hands with my partner, it's completely normal to get looks of disgust. unfortunately, this has developed in such a way that i rarely dare to hold hands in order to avoid such situations. a few years ago i met a woman in a club and we kissed on the dance floor in a typical hetero club in bamberg. a circle of men formed around us and cheered us on. at the central station in nuremberg, my girlfriend and i kissed once to say goodbye and some men shouted ‘disgusting’. in munich on the way to the csd, men shouted ‘you fucking faggots’ at us. and so on and so forth •Whenever these spaces are designed/furnished in a cis het normative way. They have an exclusionary effect and are so for many people.

•I feel very out of place in fashion shops because I don't dress fashionably, and kiosks often have a familiar atmosphere where I feel like an intruder as an outsider. I avoid many of the places listed, which is why I have no (negative) experiences there (bars, discos, sex shops, perfumeries, etc.)

•Well, subways are relatively narrow, you can't really avoid anyone and when it's dark and there aren't really many people there and the two groups I mentioned appear, then I sometimes feel uncomfortable •Mostly it was the feeling of not having a place to retreat to, a lack of security, little acceptance for oneself

•Again, a subjective feeling of safety, especially at night when large groups of drunk people come towards you •I experience discrimination in public spaces through derogatory looks or openly spoken insults.

More often in clothes shops when I'm not shopping in the ‘right’ department.

•For example, on the street; people walking towards me, where I already realised I'd rather hide my painted nails (as a ‘man’) •I think these are places where even people who are not homosexual feel uncomfortable. But I wouldn't kiss my husband at train stations, especially on a later journey home, because I would be afraid that some drunkards would cause stress.

•Derogatory remarks in subway stations/underpasses regarding queer-coded outfits, exclusion in bars.

•It’s like, ‘What’s that Kanak doing here?’ Or I don’t even know what it is—maybe my appearance or how I carry myself. I feel intensely watched.

Maybe it sounds silly to you, but those new-age eco and vintage types act like they’re better than others and respond very dismissively to people like me who dress ‘normally.’ They often pretend not to be superficial, but they are extremely superficial. I’m open to everyone, but I feel excluded there, like I’m not really welcome—as if they want to stay among themselves, and anyone who doesn’t give off that hipster vibe is seen as a potential threat. There’s this combative, confrontational energy I can really sense.

•Being stared at, people on the subway who come uncomfortably close right before getting off and mock my appearance—or immediately throw out queerphobic slurs. To me, the entire city center feels like an unwelcoming place: the subway and tram, the main station—especially around the UBahn—and the inner city, the pedestrian zones.

•Often public restrooms. In other situations, it’s the people themselves or the social limitations when it

250

comes to choosing clothes or hairstyles. Or the prejudices of others, especially during transition.

•Club restrooms are unfortunately very crowded, and men’s restrooms often have only a small number of stalls. So even if a urinal is available, you often have to wait uncomfortably long if you rely on a stall.

•Toilet signage and gender-specific interactions (e.g. forms of address, assumptions about preferences, etc.).

•Being looked up and down to determine whether I’m male or female—just to decide the price of my short haircut.

•To some extent, in all places shaped by binary structures like gendered restrooms, changing rooms, etc. And in public spaces like streets—because of verbal abuse.

•Being scanned from head to toe to figure out whether I’m male or female—just to determine the price of my short haircut.

251

Are there urban places in Nuremberg (…) in your daily life that are not adapted to your lived reality?

Select sample responses

•There are few or no public restrooms in the parks or in the city in general. There are also hardly any covered seating areas or places where people can meet in the city without being expected to consume something.

•Free public restrooms for people who are not cis men are harder to find or access. During menstruation, there are rarely spaces with, for example, a sink.

•Restrooms, public transportation, dark alleyways, language (gender bans?!?), treatment by doctors, hospitals, paramedics.

•Spaces, places, or situations are always misaligned with my quality of life when there is no awareness concept, including an awareness team. I don’t know a single female-perceived person in my circle who hasn’t experienced some form of assault. That creates a deep sense of insecurity.

Spaces and environments can play a crucial role in making these individuals feel safer. I also avoid dark, deserted streets or corners—I’d rather take the longer, well-lit route. Honestly, how is it that so many negative experiences happen specifically in public transportation? Apparently, surveillance cameras do little to make these spaces safer for people perceived as female.

•Cramped spaces with poor air quality, narrow layouts, no visible exits; the subway in general— urban environments like these repeatedly trigger panic in me.

•In some areas, the sidewalks are very pedestrianunfriendly—for example, car-centered infrastructure in the Nordostpark or absurd traffic light timings where an average person can’t make it across in one green phase and has to wait on the traffic island.

•Honestly, I find gender-separated restrooms fundamentally confusing—because I think, everyone 252

needs to pee, so why separate it? Why does it matter that I’m a guy just to use a stall next to other people? But to be fair, it’s not something that’s super important to me, and otherwise I don’t really experience spatial limitations related to my gender or sexuality.

•Restrooms are a good example—even as a cis man, I feel uncomfortable in public men’s restrooms (also in clubs, restaurants, etc.). Gyms make me feel uneasy too.

•I identify as a cis man, which means that in most cases, I benefit from a cis-male-dominated society—as long as I fulfill the expected role.

•I find it incredibly unfair that women always have to queue for the restroom, while men rarely do.

Other than that, it’s more the crowd that makes me feel uncomfortable.

•Places or spaces—not really, or at least I’m not aware of any. But there are situations where I wouldn’t dare to be openly gay. Subway rides, spending time at the main station, for example.

•All-gender restrooms are rare. The fact that memorial sculptures commemorating the persecution of queer people were destroyed is shocking—and that this place is so hidden away, with people who often seem queerphobic gathering and hanging out there, makes it deeply uncomfortable for me. I wish for a visible space that isn’t isolated, but instead embedded in the urban fabric and everyday city life.

•So far, all-gender restrooms are still rare. I was once approached in a public restroom by an older woman who questioned what I was doing there, and fortunately, a young mother who overheard the situation stood up for me.

•Restrooms, gendered products in all kinds of stores, being addressed as ‘Mr.’ or ‘Ms.’ and formal salutations in letters (which sometimes get delivered to neighbors who didn’t previously know about my trans identity), poor lighting at night in places like parks, and a general lack of explicitly

queer offerings—like parties or bars—resulting in very few safe spaces, especially for dating.

•So many! There are hardly any places with gender-neutral restrooms. And I feel like I get misgendered almost everywhere.

•Restaurants, public spaces, subway •Because of personal experiences or reports, you automatically start avoiding places, venues, or situations where you’ve faced discrimination.

•Yes, absolutely. There are hardly any gender-neutral restrooms, or FLINTA restrooms in club settings.

•Underpasses, and ‘non-places’ like the moat near the opera house

253

[ Fig. 171 ]

[ Fig. 172 ]

[ Fig. 173 ]

[ Fig. 174 ]

[ Fig. 175 ]

[ Fig. 176 ]

[ Fig. 177 ]

[ Fig. 178 ]

[ Fig. 179 ]

[ Fig. 180 ]

[ Fig. 181 ]

[ Fig. 182 ]

[ Fig. 183 ]

[ Fig. 184 ]

[ Fig. 185 ]

254

[ Fig. 186 ]

[ Fig. 187 ]

[ Fig. 188 ]

[ Fig. 189 ]

[ Fig. 190 ]

[ Fig. 191 ]

[ Fig. 192 ]

[ Fig. 193 ]

[ Fig. 194 ]

[ Fig. 195 ]

[ Fig. 196 ]

[ Fig. 197 ]

[ Fig. 198 ]

[ Fig. 199 ]

[ Fig. 200 ]

255

256

INDEX OF DRAWINGS Built Space

Page 41 - 43

Maps

-

Building Development Analysis

Page 44

Figure-Ground Plan

1_10000

Page 46

Storey heights

1_10000

Page 47

Block building

1_10000

Location

Page 48

Site plan

1_3500

Old Town

Page 52

Site plan

1_1000

Transit

Page 56

Site plan

1_1000

The South

Page 60

Site plan

1_1000

Vegetation Analysis

Page 64

Greenery plan

1_1500

Sun Path Analysis

Page 66

Position of the sun and incidence

1_3500

Mobility Analysis

Page 68

Transport utilisation plan

1_1500

Spatial Analysis

Page 70

Negative Figure-Ground Plan

1_1500

Page 72

Site plan

1_3500

Page 73

Site section (A, T, S)

1_750

Page 74

Site section

1_750

Page 75

Site section

1_750

Page 76

Site section

1_750

Page 77

Site section

1_750

Page 78

Site section

1_750

Page 79

Site section

1_750

Page 90

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Page 98 - 99

Usage Analysis A

1_1200

Page 100 - 101

Usage Analysis T

1_1200

Page 102 - 103

Usage Analysis S

1_1200

Page 104

Tabular Usage Analyses

-

Usage

257

Page 105

Tabular Usage Analyses

-

Page 106

Tabular Usage Analyses

-

Page 107

Tabular Usage Analyses

-

Page 108

Tabular Usage Analyses

-

Page 109

Tabular Usage Analyses

-

Ground floor

Page 112

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Case Study

Page 120

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Page 122

Elevation „Happy Nails“

1_100

Page 122

Axonometric - Overview

1_4500

Page 123

Elevation „die Bombe“

1_100

Page 123

Axonometric - Overview

1_4500

Page 124

Elevation „One Way Sportsbar“

1_100

Page 124

Axonometric - Overview

1_4500

Page 125

Elevation „Paradies"

1_100

Page 125

Axonometric - Overview

1_4500

Page 128

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Page 132 - 133

Label Analysis A

1_1000

Page 134 - 135

Label Analysis T

1_1000

Page 136 - 137

Label Analysis S

1_1000

Page 142

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Page 144

Floor plan of standard women's toilet

1_50

Page 144

Section of standard women's toilet

1_50

Page 146

Floor plan of standard men's toilet

1_50

Page 146

Section of standard men's toilet

1_50

Page 148

Detailed perspective - coat hook

-

Page 148

Detailed perspective - Hygiene bags

-

Page 148

Detailed perspective - Hygiene waste

-

Labeling as an Individual

Toilets in Interior Space

258

Toilets in Public Space

Page 152

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Page 154 - 155

Localisation - public toilets

1_5000

Page 156

Tabular toilet analysis

-

Page 158

Distance map

1_4000

Page 158

Advertisingpillar-toilet isometry

-

Symbols in Public Spaces

Page 168

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Magnus Hirschfeld and Others

Page 174

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Page 177

Outdoor facilities

1_300

Page 178 - 179

Perspective

1_50

Page 184

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Page 190 - 191

Spaces of Fear Analysis A

1_750

Page 192 - 193

Spaces of Fear Analysis T

1_750

Page 194 - 195

Spaces of Fear Analysis S

1_750

Page 198

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Page 200

Survey diagram

-

Page 202 - 203

Discrimination Analysis A

1_1000

Page 204 - 205

Discrimination Analysis T

1_1000

Page 206 - 207

Discrimination Analysis S

1_1000

Page 210

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Page 212

Site plan

1_4000

Page 214

Route map

-

Page 216 - 217

Participation Analysis A

1_1300

Page 218 - 219

Participation Analysis T

1_1300

Page 220 - 221

Participation Analysis S

1_1300

Page 224

Axonometric - Overview

1_3000

Page 226 - 227

Overall Spatial Perspective A - T

1_1200

Page 228 - 229

Overall Spatial Perspective T - S

1_1200

Spaces of Fear

Discrimination

Participation

Requirements

259

260

Page 230

Requirement - Event

1_50

Page 230

Requirement - sports programme

1_50

Page 231

Requirement - Remove label

1_50

Page 231

Requirement - Diverse, Neutral, Unisex, AllGender

1_50

Page 232

Requirement - toilets in public space

1_50

Page 232

Requirement - Use of the Pride flag

1_50

Page 233

Requirement - Toilet symbols

1_50

Page 233

Requirement - street and square names

1_50

Page 234

Requirement - Dedication and utilisation

1_50

Page 234

Request - visual inspection

1_50

Page 235

Requirement - Lighting

1_50

Page 235

Requirement - alternative routes

1_50

Page 236

Requirement - Team and Policy

1_50

Page 236

Request - Contact point

1_50

Page 237

Anforderung - CSD - Route

1_50

Page 237

Requirement - Advertising and representation

1_50

Page 246 - 247

Survey diagrams

-

Page 248 - 249

Survey diagrams

-

261

262

INDEX OF IMAGES Image

Page 10

Figure 1

Picture of raphi_rawr

Image

Page 14

Figure 2

Picture of raphi_rawr

Image

Page 30

Figure 3

Picture of raphi_rawr

Image

Page 38

Figure 4

Picture of raphi_rawr

Model image

Page 50

Figure 5

Private Picture

Model image

Page 51

Figure 6

Private Picture

Picture

Page 54

Figure 7

Private Picture

Picture

Page 55

Figure 8

Private Picture

Picture

Page 58

Figure 9

Private Picture

Picture

Page 59

Figure 10

Private Picture

Picture

Page 62

Figure 11

Private Picture

Picture

Page 63

Figure 12

Private Picture

Model image

Page 80

Figure 13

Private Picture

Model image

Page 81

Figure 14

Private Picture

Image

Page 82

Figure 15

Picture of raphi_rawr

Picture

Page 88

Figure 16

Private Picture

Picture

Page 110

Figure 17

Private Picture

Pictures

Page 114 - 119

Figure 18 - 101

Private Picture

Image

Page 126

Figure 102

Queere Exile Berlin Stil 5

Image

Page 140

Figure 103

Queere Exile Berlin Stil 3

Image

Page 150

Figure 104

CSD_NBG_2020

Image

Page 160

Figure 105

Picture of christianlue

Imageer

Page 162

Figure 106 - 129

CSD Deutschland

Image

Page 166

Figure 130

Queere Exile Berlin Stil 2

Pictures

Page 170

Figure 131 - 145

Private Picture

Image

Page 172

Figure 146

Picture of redemprez 263

264

Image

Page 182

Figure 147

Picture of jakaylatoney

Image

Page 196

Figure 148

Picture of slaiden

Image

Page 208

Figure 149

Picture of jbudomo

Pictures

Page 217, 219, 221

Figureen 150 - 164

Private Picture

Image

Page 222

Figure 165

Picture of sushilnash

Model image

Page 224

Figure 166

Private Picture

Model image

Page 238

Figure 167

Private Picture

Model image

Page 238

Figure 168

Private Picture

Image

Page 242

Figure 169

Picture of t_carnegie

Figure

Page 244

Figure 170

Private Illustration

Pictures

Page 254 - 255

Figure 171 - 200

Private Picturen

265

266

SOURCE LIST Please note: Contents are author's translation from German

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Greed, C. H. (2003). Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities. Routledge.

Jongeling, P. (2020). Hattest du eigentlich schon die Operation?

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Befragung Brauwer, Bastian, written interview, 05.07.2024 Burmann, Christine, written interview, 16.05.2024 Demonstration against the gender ban; 15.05.2024, personal experience report IDAHOBIT; 17.05.2024, personal experience report Kranzniederlegung; 24.04.2024, personal experience report Queer durch Nürnberg; Stadtführung Geschichte für Alle e.V., 20.03.2024, Guided tour Queer Space-Survey / Umfrage Nürnberg. (April 2024). Google Docs. https://docs.google.com/forms/d/ 1alrDFxg0y52uycIzXgh3KWe0fxJJSTlG4-xLOyYiRqo/edit Regus, Michaela, personal interview, memory protocol, Nuremberg, 14.05.2024 Regus, Michaela, personal interview, Nuremberg, 14.05.2024 Travestie Cabaret Paradies; 10.05.2024, personal experience report

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queer space

Ricarda Oed 2024