Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance (GAA) Programme - Final Report by Plan International Nederland

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance Programme Final report Client: Plan Nederland Rotterdam, 30 August 2016

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance Programme

Final report

Client: Plan Nederland

Anja Willemsen Alessandra Cancedda Lydeke Schakel Dafina Dimitrova

Rotterdam, 30 August 2016

About Ecorys

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Table of contents

Introduction

Context and baseline study Ethiopia

2.1

2.2

2.3

2.4

2.5

2.6 2.7

2.8 3

Overall information 2.1.1 Socio-economic profile

2.1.2 Gender equality achievements

2.1.3 Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE

Child marriage

2.2.1 Prevalence

2.2.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Female genital mutilation

2.3.1 Prevalence

2.3.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Trafficking

2.4.1 Prevalence

2.4.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Commercial sexual exploitation of children

2.5.1 Prevalence

2.5.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Key stakeholders involved in GBV

Decent work and employment opportunities for girls and young women

2.7.1 Prevalence

2.7.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Key stakeholders involved in EE

Draft context and baseline study Ghana

3.1

Overall information 3.1.1 Socio-economic profile

1.1

Gender equality achievements

3.1.2 Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE 3.2

3.3

3.4

3.5 3.6

3.7 4

Child marriage

3.2.1 Prevalence

3.2.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children

3.3.1 Prevalence

3.3.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Sexual violence and abuse

3.4.1 Prevalence

3.4.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Key stakeholders involved in GBV

Access to TVET and decent employment opportunities for girls and young women

3.6.1 Prevalence

3.6.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Key stakeholders involved in EE

Context and baseline study Kenya

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

4.1

4.2

4.3

4.4

4.1.2 Gender equality achievements

4.1.3 Main governance issues of GBV and EE

Child marriages

4.2.1 Prevalence

4.2.2 Key drivers

Child trafficking

4.3.1 Prevalence

4.3.2 Key drivers

Commercial sexual exploitation of children

4.4.1 Prevalence

4.4.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Key stakeholders involved in GBV

Employability and skills development of girls and young women

4.6.1 Prevalence

4.6.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Key stakeholders involved in EE

Context and baseline study Liberia

5.1

5.3

5.4 5.5

5.6

5.7

Overall information 5.1.1 Socio-economic profile

5.1.2 Gender equality achievements

5.1.3 Main governance and power issues in the area of GBV and EE

Sexual violence and abuse

5.2.1 Prevalence

5.2.2 Key drivers

Child marriage

5.3.1 Prevalence

5.3.2 Key drivers

Key stakeholders involved in GBV

Access to post primary education

5.5.1 Prevalence

5.5.2 Key drivers

Access to TVET and job creation for young women

5.6.1 Prevalence

5.6.2 Key drivers

Key stakeholders involved in economic empowerment

Context and baseline study Sierra Leone

6.1

6.2

4.1.1 Socio-economic profile

4.6

5.2

4.5

4.7 5

Overall information

Overall information 6.1.1 Socio-economic profile

6.1.2 Gender equality achievements

6.1.3 Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE

Child marriage

6.2.1 Prevalence

6.2.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

6.3

6.4

6.5 6.6

6.7

6.8 7

Female genital mutilation

6.3.1 Prevalence

6.3.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Sexual violence and abuse

6.4.1 Prevalence

6.4.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

Key stakeholders involved in GBV

Access to post primary education

100

6.6.1 Prevalence

100

6.6.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

101

Access to TVET and job creation for young women 6.7.1 Prevalence

102

6.7.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

103

Key stakeholders involved in EE

104

Context and baseline study Uganda

107

7.1

107

7.2

7.3

7.4

Overall information 7.1.1 Socio-economic profile

107

7.1.2 Gender equality achievements

107

7.1.3 Main governance issues GBV and EE

108

Child marriages

109

7.2.1 Prevalence

109

7.2.2 Key drivers

110

Child trafficking

111

7.3.1 Prevalence

111

7.3.2 Key drivers

112

Commercial sexual exploitation of children

113

7.4.1 Prevalence

113

7.4.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme

114

7.5

Key stakeholders involved in GBV

115

7.6

Decent work/Entrepreneurship

121

7.6.1 Prevalence 7.7 8

102

121

Key stakeholders involved in EE

124

Context study Regional programme Africa

129

8.1

129

8.2

Introduction 8.1.1 Institutions, declarations and policies at the continental and regional level

129

8.1.2 Key challenges

131

Child trafficking and migration & Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children

132

8.2.1 Relevant institutions, declarations and policies at the continental and regional level132 8.2.2 Key challenges 8.3

133

The position of young women in the agricultural sector

134

8.3.1 Relevant institutions, declarations and policies at the continental level and regional level 134 8.3.2 Main challenge 9

135

Context and baseline study Bangladesh

137

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

9.1

9.2

9.3

9.4 9.5

Overall information

137

9.1.1 Socio-economic profile

137

9.1.2 Gender equality achievements

137

9.1.3 Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE

138

Child marriages

139

9.2.1 Prevalence

139

9.2.2 Key drivers

140

Child trafficking

142

9.3.1 Prevalence

142

9.3.2 Key drivers

142

Key stakeholders involved in GBV

144

Decent Work

147

9.5.1 Prevalence Equal pay

147

9.5.2 Key drivers Equal pay

149

9.5.3 Prevalence of Sexual harassment at the workplace

150

9.5.4 Key drivers Sexual harassment at the work place

151

9.5.5 Key Stakeholders involved in EE

152

10 Context and baseline study India 10.1 Overall information

155 155

10.1.1

Socio-economic profile

155

10.1.2

Gender equality achievements

156

10.1.3

Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE

157

10.2 Child marriages

159

10.2.1

Prevalence

159

10.2.2

Key drivers

160

10.3 Child trafficking

162

10.3.1

Prevalence

162

10.3.2

Key drivers

163

10.4 Key stakeholders involved in GBV

165

10.5 Access to secondary education, Job Oriented Vocational Training and employment of vulnerable girls

168

10.5.1

Prevalence

168

10.5.2

Key drivers

169

10.5.3

Stakeholders

171

11 Context and baseline study Nepal 11.1 Overall information

175

11.1.1

Socio-economic profile

175

11.1.2

Gender equality achievements

175

11.1.3

Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE

176

11.2 Child marriages

178

11.2.1

Prevalence

178

11.2.2

Key drivers

179

11.3 Sexual violence and abuse

175

181

11.3.1

Prevalence

181

11.3.2

Key drivers

182

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

11.4 Main stakeholders involved in Gender Based Violence

184

11.5 Access to post-primary education and TVET

187

11.5.1

Prevalence

187

11.5.2

Key drivers

188

11.6 Access to decent work and female entrepreneurship

189

11.6.1

Prevalence

189

11.6.2

Key drivers

190

11.7 Stakeholders involved in EE

193

12 Context and baseline study Philippines

195

12.1 Overall information

195

12.1.1

Socio-economic profile

195

12.1.2

Gender equality achievements

196

12.1.3

Main governance and power issues in the area of GBV and EE

196

12.2 Commercial sexual exploitation of children

197

12.2.1

Prevalence

197

12.2.2

Key drivers

198

12.3 Child trafficking

200

12.3.1

Prevalence

200

12.3.2

Key drivers

200

12.4 Key stakeholders involved in GBV

201

12.5 Child labour

204

12.5.1

Prevalence

204

12.5.2

Key drivers

205

12.6 Key Stakeholders involved in EE

206

13 Context study Regional programme Asia

209

13.1.1

Institutions, declarations and policies at the continental and regional level

209

13.1.2

Key challenges

211

13.2 Child Marriage

211

13.2.1

Institutions, declarations and policies at the continental and regional level

211

13.2.2

Key challenges

212

13.3 Commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC) & child trafficking

213

13.3.1

Institutions, declarations and policies at the continental and regional level

213

13.3.2

Key challenges

214

13.4 (Opportunities for) decent work

215

13.4.1

Institutions, declarations and policies at the continental and regional level

215

13.4.2

Key challenges

216

Annexes

217

Annex I ToR

219

Annex II Expert panel Questionnaire

231

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Introduction

The Girls Advocacy Alliance has contracted Ecorys Netherlands to carry out the Baseline study of the Girls Advocacy Programme. The Girls Advocacy (GA) Programme was set up in 2015 by the Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) - an initiative of Plan Nederland, Defence for Children, ECPAT Nederland and Terre des Hommes Nederland. The GA Programme will have a duration of five years and is funded by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The GA Programme aims to build the capacity of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) -in selected lower- and lower middle-income countries- to effectively advocate and influence policy making related to equal rights for girls and young women, inclusive economic growth, and the elimination of Gender Based Violence (GBV). The main envisaged impact of the programme is that girls and young women in the selected participating countries are free from all forms of GBV and are economically empowered. The GA Programme will be implemented in ten countries in Africa and Asia, with a focus on several specific themes in each country, and a few overarching themes for each of the two regions. The key purpose, as stated in the Terms of Reference (ToR), of the present baseline study is to provide: 1. an information base against which to monitor and assess the programme’s progress and effectiveness (at the level of the individual country programmes and at the overall programme level) and the degree and quality of change during its implementation (accountability purpose) 2. both qualitative and quantitative information that can be used to further refine the programme design (learning purpose) In addition, and more specifically, key objectives at the outcome and impact level are: Impact level: 

map and assess per country the prevalence of the selected themes, and thoroughly assess the status of the impact indicators in 2016



create a selection per country of case stories of girls’ and young women’s perceptions on current GBV and Economic Empowerment (EE levels as a starting point for tracer studies to be conducted over the course of the programme

Outcome level: 

map and assess per country, region and theme, the political context including the existence of legal frameworks and the extent of implementation



map and assess per country, region and theme, the social-cultural context



map and assess per country, region and theme, the role of the GAA principle target stakeholders



define the current status per quantitative outcome indicator

In the next chapter, we will provide a detailed description of the methodology and the challenges faced. In the subsequent chapters the context and baseline studies for the different country and regional programmes are presented.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Methodology and Approach

1.1

Introduction This section includes an elaborate description of the methodological approach as designed in the inception phase of the study and the experiences and limitations encountered during its implementation.

1.2

Data collection The baseline of the impact and outcome indicators, as presented in the GAA results framework, was established through desk study and primary data collection in the target countries. As a first step, an elaborate template was developed for the country and regional context and baseline analyses. Two pilot missions were undertaken -to Ethiopia and Nepal- at the beginning of June to test the approach and case study research methodology. Based on these first experiences the case study research guidelines were finalised and detailed topic lists per theme were developed to assist local experts in data collection. These templates ensured a comparable output per country and region and allow for the analyses to be easily updated during the mid-term and final evaluation. Data collection, which took place between April 11th and September 5th 2016, has included both secondary and primary data. The secondary data collected included literature on the specific themes and political and socio-economic country contexts, existing context- and stakeholder analyses developed by the Alliance and its partners, and statistics on countries’ social, economic and human development level as well as on the prevalence of the identified themes for the respective countries/regions. Primary data was collected through the following instruments: 

(Skype) interviews with key informants: (e.g. our local researchers, alliance staff, key alliance partners, subject experts) were, furthermore, conducted to validate and complement the findings of the desk study.



Case study research, including girls and young women panel and men panel: was used to obtain and complement baseline data at the impact level. The panel discussions (Focus Group Discussions (FGDs)) also complemented the country context study with insights at the micro level. The case study research (two studies per programme country) focused on girls’ and young women’s perceptions on the identified GBV and/or Economic Empowerment (EE) themes, prevalence of the theme as well as the causes and main drivers and obstacles in addressing the specific themes. In addition, FGDs with boys and men were conducted to collect information on their perceptions concerning the impact indicators and themes, as well as information on their understanding of the key drivers and obstacles for achieving the envisaged results. The panels involved stakeholders from communities that will be targeted by the Alliance and its partners. A detailed format (including a topic list) and guidelines for the case studies were developed to ensure that the research can be updated in a consistent manner in the longer term. For the mid-term and final evaluation, the case stories can, for example, form the starting point for tracer studies at the micro level and provide relevant inputs for testing the Theory of Change assumptions.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

ď&#x201A;ˇ

Expert panels: We established an expert panel (6-8 members) per country consisting of the content specialist(s) of the Netherlands Embassy and resource persons from the academia, government, international organisations and civil society. Both the Netherlands embassy and GAA country staff were requested to assist in identifying suitable resource persons for the panel. The panel was asked to fill out an online survey to yield expert data at impact and outcome level. We developed tailored surveys per theme focusing on the prevalence, obstacles and factors facilitating improvement, awareness, policy and practical commitment of stakeholders in general and attitudes and behaviours of the identified key stakeholders. These surveys were, furthermore, adapted to the specific country context and Theory of Change (see Annex II for an example survey) . Where necessary, the collected information was validated and complemented with additional information collected through follow-up skype-calls with the expert panel members. For the mid-term and final evaluation, the expert panel and surveys can be used to monitor and evaluate the progress realised overtime.

Consolidation and analysis of data and verification During the data collection and analysis phase, all collected data was validated and triangulated to arrive at reliable context and baseline data at impact and outcome level.

1.3

Methodological challenges and solutions While carrying out the context and baseline studies, the team faced a series of methodological challenges. These have required creative solutions, but also will have a certain impact on the information available and the comprehensiveness and usefulness of the results of the present baseline study. Premature status of the programme The baseline study has been implemented in parallel to the development of the GAA country/regional programmes. Ideally the final Theory of Change (ToC) and country specific outcome indicators would have been available early in the data collection process to guide the study. Due to delays in programming, however, the final ToCs of most of the country programmes became available only at a very late stage. Finalisation of the outcome indicators at country level was further delayed due to hick ups in the contracting process of alliance partners. In these cases, we made suggestions for outcome indicators based on the overall GAA result framework and the specific ToC at country level to be able to collect relevant (expert) data at outcome level. The formulations were shared with the GAA country offices for approval. Availability of statistics and data collection at local level A substantial part of the available data at impact level is outdated (e.g based on data from 2011) and/or infrequently collected. This may also provide an indication of the future availability of data for relevant GAA impact indicators and the subsequent usefulness of the indicators for monitoring. To address this problem, we have included additional indicators that are relevant at the impact level next to the impact indicators identified by GAA. In addition, the expert survey was used to verify the collected impact data and to assess whether there have been any changes in the prevalence in recent years. In the country studies we have collected data at national level and to the extent possible also at the level of the target areas of the GAA alliance. Within the available time and budget it has not been possible to collect more detailed data at the local level. In the cases where it has not been possible to collect relevant data either at the regional/community level the Alliance should consider to use

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

the country surveys developed to request partners and other stakeholders to make a qualitative assessment of the situation in the specific regional area/community. Case study research The panels selected for the case study research were to involve (young) women/ men that preferably had not been directly involved in previous activities by the alliance or its partners to prevent any bias. In a number of the countries the GAA alliance/partners, however, preferred to involve the already existing panels from the Girl Power programme or other previous programmes. In these case studies we have very much focused the FGDs on the information of participants on the perceptions and experiences of other girls/ boys in the community. Actually the fact that the girls and boys panels were already aware of the different issues - they could for instance very well explain why they did not want to marry at an early age and what the negative consequences of child marriage wereâ&#x20AC;&#x201C; was an advantage. In fact these boys and girls were often more self assured and open, which made them useful informants on the present situation in their community, including causes, obstacles and positive developments. Expert panel The expert panels were to involve resource persons from different stakeholder groups (donors and international organizations, civil society, government, and academics) to get a balanced view of the different issues. The response to the survey in many countries has been considerable with a response rate of about 70%. The data collected was triangulated with the GAA survey and other data collected during stakeholder interviews/context study. In a number of countries, however the response for certain themes/ specific questions was considered not sufficient to allow for a credible and balanced assessment (e.g. scores were provided by only one respondent or only respondents from the same stakeholder group). In these cases we have made follow-up calls to non-responding experts or other stakeholders to obtain more responses and make sure that the scores for the outcome indicators were based on a credible and balanced assessment.

1.4

Use of instruments at mid-term and final evaluation stage The present baseline study provides an information base against which programme results can be monitored and assessed at mid-term and final evaluation stage. The context analysis per country will, in addition, provide valuable information about the current (baseline) position, power and influence and engagement of the key identified stakeholders the programme aims to influence to achieve agenda setting, policy change and practice change. The context analyses can, furthermore, be used as an input to guide the Outcome Mapping/Harvesting process and to test the relevance of the ToCs, including their underlying assumptions, in the long term. At mid-term and final evaluation stage an update of the context study, case study research and expert panels (tracer studies) can be used to evaluate the programme overtime, with the main difference being that for the FTE the focus will be more on producing an end line measurement of impact data (which can hopefully be facilitated by the availability of SDG data).

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Context and baseline study Ethiopia

2.1

Overall information

2.1.1 Socio-economic profile Ethiopia is the second most populous country in Africa, with an estimated population of almost 97 million (2014).1 The population is highly diverse and more than 80 different ethnic groups exist. Ethiopia has a very young population, with 45% of the population being children younger than 15 years and only 3.2% of the population being estimated to be older than 65 (2007).2 Ethiopia’s GNI per capita is $550 (2014) and around 30% of the population lives below the poverty line (2010).3 It is one of the largest recipients of donor aid in Africa.4 Agriculture is the backbone of the Ethiopian economy, accounting in 2013/14 for 40.2% of GDP and for 80% of total employment. Its share in total GDP is, however, declining. Ethiopia has experienced considerable economic growth for more than a decade, triggered by heavy investments in social and economic infrastructure (with real GDP growth being more than 10%).5 This growth has, however, not been evenly distributed throughout the country and has benefitted only certain socio-economic groups.6 Despite the strong economic growth, Ethiopia still ranks on place 174 out of 188 on the Human Development Index and its HDI score is below the average for countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Ethiopia’s HDI value has, however, increased with 55.6%, between 2002 and 2014, and Ethiopia has outperformed countries like Sierra Leone and Mozambique.7 Ethiopia is an ethnic group-based federation. Significant administrative authority over economic and social policies has been decentralised towards the nine national states and two city states. However, local authorities have limited human and financial resources and coordination between the various levels of government agencies is weak, which hampers the effective implementation of policies. While formally being a democracy, the actual level of democratisation is limited and there is an intolerance of opposition to the government. Press freedom is limited and civil society is weak and has very limited space to engage in government processes. In 2009, the government enacted the Proclamation on Charities and Societies. The Proclamation's classifies organizations based on their sources of funding and place of registration and restricts CSOs’ engagement in rights and advocacy work. It has had very adverse implications for many organizations that used to depend on more than 10% foreign funding and worked for the advancement of women’s social, cultural, economic and political rights and the prevention of gender based violence.8

1 2

3 4 5 6 7

http://data.worldbank.org/country/ethiopia accessed in May 2016. Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) in Ethiopia (2016), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ethiopia - January 2016-December 2020; Theory of Change”. http://data.worldbank.org/country/ethiopia accessed in May 2016. Human Rights Watch (2016), Country Summary: Ethiopia. AfDB (2015), “African Economic Outlook: Ethiopia”. UNDP (2014), “National Human Development Report: Ethiopia”. UNDP (2015), “Human Development Report 2015: Work for human development; Briefing note for countries on the 2015 Human Development Report: Ethiopia”. Source: Interviews with key stakeholders conducted during the field research in Ethiopia.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

2.1.2 Gender equality achievements Ethiopia is a patriarchal society with large gender disparities. Women and children are held in lower regard than men and gender based violence is a common and widespread practice. 9 Ethiopia performs poorly on various indices that assess gender equality, see the table below. Women in Ethiopia have, in general, less access to education and less employment opportunities than men. The percentage of adult women who have completed at least a secondary level of education is less than twice the share of men (7.8% for women versus 18.2% for men) and the participation of women in the labour market is 78.2% compared to 89.3% for men.10 Ethiopia scores, furthermore, very poorly on the SIGI dimensions of “Physical integrity” and “Resources”, see the SIGI diagram below11. Violence against women is widespread and abuses, like wife beating and spousal rape, are significant social problems. A study conducted by UNICEF (2009) reveals that 81% of the children and women in Ethiopia encountered violence. One of the most common forms of GBV is domestic violence, which includes physical, psychological, and sexual violence by intimate partners or family members.12 Women’s ownerships rights are, furthermore, limited and they have limited access to credit in practice. Often women’s only chance to access land is through marriage and when they separate or their husbands die they often lose their houses and property.13 GII

GGI (rank)

EEI

SIGI category

129 (out of 155) (2014)

127 (out of 142) (2014)

102 (out of 109) (2014)

High Discrimination

2.1.3 Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE14 Discriminatory social norms and values, based on religious and cultural traditions, are one of the main causes of gender inequality in Ethiopia. These norms and values perpetuate women’s

13 14

Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) in Ethiopia (2016), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ethiopia - January 2016-December 2020; Theory of Change”. UNDP (2015), “Human Development Report 2015: Work for human development; Briefing note for countries on the 2015 Human Development Report: Ethiopia”. The SIGI Index provides information on the degree to which formal and informal laws, attitudes and practices restrict women’s and girls’ access to rights, justice and empowerment opportunities. It consists out of five sub-indexes. 1) Discriminatory family code, which captures social institutions that limit women’s decision-making power and undervalue their status in the household and the family. It covers areas like marriage, parental authority and inheritance. 2) Restricted physical integrity, which captures social institutions that limit women’s and girls’ control over their bodies, that increase women’s vulnerability, and that normalise attitudes toward gender-based violence. 3) Son bias, which captures unequal intra-household investments in caring for, nurturing and allocating resources to sons and daughters reflecting the lower value given to girls. 4) Restricted resources and assets, which captures discrimination in women’s rights to access and make decisions over natural and economic resources. 5) Restricted civil liberties, which captures discriminatory laws and practices that restrict women’s access to public space, their political voice and their participation in all aspects of public life. See for more information: http://www.genderindex.org/content/team. Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) in Ethiopia (2016), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ethiopia - January 2016-December 2020; Theory of Change”. OECD (2014), “SIGI: Ethiopia”: http://www.genderindex.org/country/ethiopia. This section is based on the following sources: Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) in Ethiopia (2016), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ethiopia - January 2016-December 2020; Theory of Change”; GAA (2015), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women; Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

subordinate position within society, limit their decision-making power, and restrict their control over their body. While the government has adopted a National Plan for Gender Equality and legislative measures have been taken to abolish discriminatory laws, discriminatory traditional norms and practices are still being encouraged by community leaders. In addition, the media reinforces existing gender stereotypes and biases. The present legal framework provides acceptable protection provisions to children and women from harmful practices and sexual violence. For example, Ethiopia is signatory to international treaties, conventions and declarations relevant to children and women’s rights and Ethiopia’s constitution gives equal rights to women and children, including the right to consent to enter into marriage and prohibits Harmful Traditional Practices (HTPs) that ‘affect the physical and psychological wellbeing of women and children’. The legal age of marriage is 18 according to the Family Code and the Criminal Code prohibits crimes of abduction, rape, other forms of sexual assaults, the commercial sexual exploitation of children, trafficking, etc. In addition, strategies, policies, and development plans to address gender disparities and promote girls and women’s empowerment are in place. The Ethiopian National Women’s Policy (1993) was, for example, put in place to address gender inequality in social, economic and political arenas, and to devise major strategies to address gender issues in the country. In addition, the National Plan of Action for Children (2003-2010 and beyond) focused on promoting healthy lives, providing quality education, protecting against abuse, exploitation and violence, and combating HIV and AIDS. The government’s five-year strategic plan (Growth and transformation Plan), furthermore, aims to reduce the rate of abduction, child marriage and FGM. Moreover, the National Alliance on Ending Child Marriage was initiated, which is a strategic partnership between government institutions, UN agencies, civil society organizations, and development partners, with the aim to synergize the national efforts to end child marriage and to fight FGM and abduction. Finally, various programmes have been developed –in partnership with development partners and the private sector- to support the economic empowerment of women in Ethiopia. Nevertheless, despite these laws and policies a main problem hindering progress in terms of GBV and EE is the weak enforcement and implementation of these laws and policies. Key causes of this problem are: 

Relevant line ministries and agencies have limited capacity and commitment to implement these policies and programmes. In addition, weak responsibility and accountability systems exist and the power and resources of the Ministry of Women, Children and Youth Affairs are, for example, inadequate to ensure gender mainstreaming and to hold line ministries accountable;



Limited awareness and understanding exists about relevant laws and policies, which aim to address GBV and promote gender equality, amongst government officials and the wider public. In addition, cultural traditions and community attitudes hinder the enforcement of laws like those prohibiting abduction, early marriage and harassment;



Protected services delivery is weak due to capacity constraints. Legal support services for victims of violence and harmful practices are, for example, limited;



Reliable data on the prevalence of GBV and gender discrimination does not exist, which limits gender responsive analysis, planning, budgeting, programming and reporting. In addition, research-based evidence on what works and what does not work is limited and not well disseminated.

Another barrier for effectively achieving progress concerning GBV and EE issues is the limited scope that exists for an independent civil society advocating for gender equality. Ethiopia’s Charities and Societies Proclamation Act (2009) narrows, as described above, civil society’s space to operate. International non-governmental organizations and Ethiopian resident CSOs are constrained from advancing, among other things, human and democratic rights, gender equality

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

and religious freedom, child rights, and the efficiency of justice and law enforcement services. These activities are namely exclusively reserved for Ethiopian societies that raise 90% of their funds from local sources. Furthermore, the capacity of CSOs is weak and they are not well coordinated. Only a few organizations and networks represent the voices and interests of girls and young women and most of these organisations focus mainly on providing services and are hardly involved in lobby and advocacy. Finally, the private sector is not active in promoting EE and addressing GBV and seems to have little commitment to provide decent work and employment opportunities for girls and young women.

2.2

Child marriage

2.2.1 Prevalence Ethiopia belongs to the top-20 of countries with the highest rate of child marriage.15 41% of the women aged between 20-24, were first married before the age of 18, see the table below. The Amhara (56% in 2011) and Somali (52% in 2011) regions have the highest prevalence of child marriage, and Addis Ababa (12% in 2011) the lowest. The incidence of child marriage has however drastically decreased (with more than 20% in the period from 2005 to 2011). Impact indicators Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 18 (UNICEF 2015; based on 2014 data)

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 15 (UNICEF 2015; based on 2014 data)

Mean age at marriage (The Global Gender Gap Report 2014)

41%

16%

Female: 21; Male: 26

2.2.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme16 While the incidence of child marriage is still high, it is declining as was described above. The main reason of this is, according to the various stakeholders interviewed during the field research, government’s firm commitment and efforts to eliminate child marriage combined with awareness raising activities of CSOs. More specifically, at the legal and policy level, child marriage has been criminalized, the government has drafted and implemented various policies and strategies that focus on ending child marriage, and the National Alliance on Ending Child Marriage was established in 2013 with the aim to end child marriage in Ethiopia by 2025. At the local level, local governments (at ward and district levels) have engaged in awareness raising and monitoring activities to prevent child marriage. In addition, at the individual and family level and the community and social level there are also some key positive drivers. Access to education has, for example, significantly increased (mean years of schooling increased with 60% and expected years of schooling with 98% between 2000201417). In addition, awareness raising activities at schools and in communities by government actors, CSOs and CBOs has led to an increased understanding within communities about the negative consequences of child marriage and about the legal penalty for marrying children under 18. Furthermore, arranged marriages are becoming less common in Ethiopia and religious leaders are increasingly active in fighting child marriage. 15 16

UNICEF (2015), “State of the world’s children 2015”; UNFPA (2012), “Marrying too young: end child marriage”. This section is based on the following sources: ODI (2014), “Early marriage in Ethiopia: the role of gendered social norms in shaping adolescent girls’ futures”; ODI (2013), “Adolescent girls and gender justice: Understanding key capability domains across a variety of socio-cultural settings: Lessons learned and emerging issues from year 1”; Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) in Ethiopia (2016), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ethiopia - January 2016-December 2020; Theory of Change”; GAA (2015), “Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Ethiopia”; 28 too many (2013), “Country profile: FGM in Ethiopia”. Based on data from the UNDP (2015), “Human Development Report 2015: Work for human development; Briefing note for countries on the 2015 Human Development Report: Ethiopia”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Despite these positive drivers there are also still various negative drivers that foster child marriage. The main negative driver, at the individual and family level, is poverty. For (especially) poor households, child marriage is seen as a viable strategy to reduce the burden of the children on the household. In addition, the parents of the girls often receive a dowry, which is another incentive for (especially) poor households to engage in child marriage. In addition, child marriage is also seen as a good instrument to secure social, economic and political ties with other (more influential) families. Another important negative driver at this level is migration. Girls increasingly migrate to urban areas or abroad to find employment opportunities. To avoid the risk of sexual assault and/or family dishonour, these girls are often pressured to marry before they migrate. At the community and social level, a key negative driver is the fact that in many communities especially in the rural areas- child marriage is still seen as a common, traditional, practice with no harmful consequences. Discriminating norms and values prevail, which support the ideas that education is not important for girls and that the best thing they could do is to get married. In addition, many people in Ethiopia believe that marriage can protect the children from HIV and other sexually transmitted infections and child marriage is deemed important to prevent family dishonour linked to premarital sexual activities of children. Finally, especially in the South of Ethiopia there is the traditional practice of abduction of girls, which leads to child marriage. Finally, at the legal and policy level, key negative drivers are the fact that there is overall still a weak awareness and enforcement of relevant laws, government institutions have limited capacity to implement the policies and programmes focused on ending child marriage, and the lack of birth certificates makes it in particular very difficult to prevent child marriage. The figure below provides a summary overview of the key positive and negative drivers of child marriage.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

2.3

Female genital mutilation

2.3.1 Prevalence Limited recent data is available about FGM in Ethiopia18. However, according to the most recent statistics, Ethiopia belongs to the top-15 of countries with the highest prevalence of FMG/Cutting. 74% of the women, aged between 15-49, have undergone FGM/Cutting. In absolute numbers, Ethiopia ranks second place with almost 24 million women having undergone FGM/Cutting. 19 FGM is being carried out across the majority of regions and ethnic groups in Ethiopia. The age at which it is being practiced depends on the ethnic group but most girls undergo it between age 0 and 4 (64%). According to the 2011 Welfare Monitoring Survey, 23% of the girls, under the age of 15, have undergone FGM. The highest prevalence is found in the Afar region (59.8% of girls under 15), followed by Amhara (47.2%), and Somali (31.7%). In Oromia the rate is below the country average (17.3%).20 The prevalence of FGM has decreased overtime. When comparing the outcome of the Demographic Health Surveys of 2000 and 2005 a 5.6% reduction is found for FGM prevalence amongst women between 15-49. Moreover, the support for FGM has halved from 60% in 2000 to 31% in 2005. 21 Impact indicator

Other indicators

Percentage of girls and women aged 15 to 49 years who have undergone FGM/C by age group

Percentage distribution of girls and women aged 15 to 49 years with at least one living daughter who has undergone FGM/C, by age at which cutting occurred (

Percentage of girls aged 0 to 14 years who have undergone FGM/C

Percentage of girls and women aged 15 to 49 years who have heard about FGM/C, by their attitudes about whether the practice should continue (

74% (total; no data available per age group)

0-4 years: 64%, 5-9 years: 22% 10-14 years: 10% 15+ years: 3% Don’t know/Missing: 1%

24%

Should continue: 31% Should stop: 63%

UNICEF 2016; based on 2005 data)

UNICEF 2013; based on 2005 data)

UNICEF 2016; based on 2011 data)

UNICEF 2016; based on 2005 data)

2.3.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme22 The high prevalence of FGM can be explained by various negative drivers, which mainly are situated at the community and social level. First of all, Ethiopia is a patriarchal society with discriminatory socio-cultural norms and beliefs. While the various ethnic groups have different motives for practicing FGM, it is often considered to be part of the culture and enforced by community and family pressure. For some ethnic groups, FGM is considered to be a religious requirement, while others practice FGM to preserve a girl’s virginity and to protect her from promiscuity, immoral behaviour and rape. Uncut women are often a shame to their family and considered to be unclean and unmarriageable. The Amhara, furthermore, believe that FGM is a protective feature of childbirth, that it is necessary for a girl to be able to later become sexually active, and that it prevents the girl from braking household items. Some in Amhara also believe it is 18 19 20 21 22

The latest Demographic Health Survey (2011) did not include questions on FGM. UNICEF (2013), Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A statistical overview and exploration of the dynamics of change. 28 too many (2013), “Country profile: FGM in Ethiopia”. 28 too many (2013), “Country profile: FGM in Ethiopia”. This section is based on the following sources: Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) in Ethiopia (2016), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ethiopia - January 2016-December 2020; Theory of Change”; GAA (2015), “Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Ethiopia”; 28 too many (2013), “Country profile: FGM in Ethiopia”; UNICEF (2013), Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A statistical overview and exploration of the dynamics of change.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

a religious requirement. These deeply entrenched norms, values and beliefs are significant obstacles to the elimination of FGM in Ethiopia. In addition, very limited awareness exists, especially in the rural areas, about the negative consequences of FGM. Furthermore, at the legal and policy level, key negative drivers include the facts that the awareness of relevant legislation that prohibits FGM is very poor, even among law enforcement agencies, and that overall law enforcement is weak. Only very few cases of FGM are prosecuted and lenient punishments do not act as deterrent. In addition, most people in the rural areas do not go to the police and formal courts but use traditional arbitrage mechanisms that often support traditional practices like FGM. Finally, relevant government agencies lack the capacity to effectively implement the relevant policies, strategies and programs that aim to address FGM. Nevertheless, there are also various positive drivers, located mainly at the legal and policy level, that contribute to decreasing the support for and practice of FGM. For example, FGM is prohibited according to Ethiopiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s formal legislation and some communities, like in Oromia, have passed bylaws outlawing FGM. In addition, various government policies and programmes focus on ending FGM and the Ministry of Education has included information discouraging FGM in educational materials. Furthermore, a National Network to End FGM has been established and many (I)NGOs and multilateral organisations are focused on eradicating FGM. Large campaigns and increased media attention have increased the awareness about the negative consequences of FGM. Finally, at the individual and family level, increased access to education has also contributed to decreased support for FGM. UNICEF (2013) found a large difference between women with and without education in terms of their support of FGM. 41% of the girls and women with no education supported the continuation of FGM/C compared to 5% of girls and women with secondary or higher education.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

2.4

Trafficking

2.4.1 Prevalence Ethiopia is a source and, to a lesser extent, destination and transit country for people that are subjected to forced labour and sex trafficking. There is no data available about the magnitude of trafficking and the government does not have a formal system to collect and share data on the number of trafficking cases.23 Trafficking of children in Ethiopia happens primarily for the purposes of forced labour and commercial sexual exploitation. Girls from the rural areas are often trafficked to urban areas for domestic servitude and, less frequently, for commercial sex work. Boys are subjected to forced labour in herding, guarding, traditional weaving, and street vending. Ethiopian children are also trafficked to Djibouti, South Sudan, and in the Middle East, where girls end up in domestic servitude and prostitution and boys work as shop assistants, errand boys, domestic workers, and street beggars.24 Reliable and comprehensive data on the prevalence of women and children trafficking in Ethiopia are not available. Research studies, however, suggest that trafficking of women and children is a prevalent and steadily increasing practice in Ethiopia.25 The ILO stated in the 2011 study “Trafficking in Persons Overseas for Labour Purposes - The Case of Ethiopian Domestic Workers” that key informants from stakeholder institutions and the justice sector claimed that the prevalence of trafficking in Ethiopia is high to very high. A 2004 ILO study found that 7.5% of all Ethiopian migrants were between 13 and 17 years old at the time of migration and 87.1% of these migrants were trafficked.26 According to data obtained from Ethiopia’s Child Protection Unit, over 2000 children (66.7% females) were trafficked from rural areas and small towns to Addis Ababa in the period between 2004 and 2007. More than 25% of the nearly 50,000 women and children that are involved in commercial sex work in Ethiopia are, furthermore, estimated to be victims of trafficking.27 According to the GAA document “Ethiopia summary (trafficking/CSEC)”, are most trafficked girls from the Amhara region, followed by Tigray and Oromia. The most vulnerable group are girls between the ages of 8 and 24 who have not completed primary education. Number of victims of human trafficking, per 100.000 population, by sex, age group and form of exploitation

Number of reports, investigations, convictions of trafficking (TIP 2015)

Data not available

2014: 99 suspected trafficking cases, 93 cases prosecuted; 46 cases convicted

2.4.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme28 There are various factors that can explain the high prevalence of human trafficking in Ethiopia. First of all, at the individual and family and structural levels, limited employment opportunities and poverty, especially in the rural areas, in combination with high demand of low-level labour in other 23

http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/countries/2015/243436.htm accessed in May 2016. http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/countries/2015/243436.htm accessed in May 2016. 25 IOM (2004), “Assessment of trafficking in women and children in and from Ethiopia”. 26 ILO (2011), “Trafficking in Persons Overseas for Labour Purposes - The Case of Ethiopian Domestic Workers”. 27 Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) in Ethiopia (2016), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ethiopia - January 2016-December 2020; Theory of Change”. 28 This section is based on the following sources: USA Department of State (2015), “Trafficking In Persons Report: July 2015”; ILO (2011), “Trafficking in Persons Overseas for Labour Purposes - The Case of Ethiopian Domestic Workers”; ECPAT (2007), “Global Monitoring Report on the status of action against commercial sexual exploitation of children”; Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) in Ethiopia (2016), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ethiopia - January 2016-December 2020; Theory of Change”; GAA, “Ethiopia summary (trafficking/CSEC)”. 24

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

areas and countries, stimulate migration and increase the risk for people to become victim of human trafficking. Families pressurize children to migrate in the hope they can support the family in the future by sending remittances. Ethiopia has one of the largest populations of orphans â&#x20AC;&#x201C; due to, among other things, famine, internal conflicts, and HIV/AIDS- in the world and these children are especially easy victims of trafficking. Other negative drivers include gender-based discrimination, abuse and harmful practices, like child marriage, that some girls try to escape through migration. In addition, peer pressure is also an important negative driver, as children that have migrated to other areas convince their friends and family members to follow. At the community and social level a key negative driver is the fact that local brokers actively search for victims and spread false information about employment opportunities. Another key negative driver is the fact that since Ethiopia is a strong patriarchal society, children and women are used to a position of servitude to the family, which makes them vulnerable for trafficking as it is considered to be acceptable for them to migrate if that helps the family unit.Finally, at the legal and policy level, key negative drivers are the facts that the government lacks sufficient funding and capacity to address the problem effectively, it has not focussed its efforts on internal trafficking, and that a high level of corruption amongst police and government officials facilitates traffickers. Related to the latter, district-level officials are, for example, reported to accept bribes to change the ages on district-issued identification cards, enabling children to receive passports without parental consent and passport issuance authorities do not always question the validity of such identification documents or the ages of applicants. Nevertheless, there are also some positive drivers, at the legal and policy level. The Criminal Code, for example, prohibits trafficking and the government of Ethiopia has implemented significant efforts to eliminate international trafficking. It, for example, increased its efforts to prevent and raise awareness on trafficking and trafficking-related crimes at the grassroots level. The figure below presents an overview of the key positive drivers and negative obstacles that affect the fight against the trafficking of children.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

2.5

Commercial sexual exploitation of children

2.5.1 Prevalence29 No reliable and comprehensive data is available about the prevalence of the commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC) in Ethiopia. According to a monitoring report of ECPAT (2007), however, the number of children victimised in CSEC is increasing at an alarming rate. The prevalence of CSEC is especially high in Addis Ababa. The central market in Addis Ababa houses one of the largest collection of brothels in Africa and girls as young as 8 years old work as prostitutes in these brothels. In 2005, it was estimated that there were more than 6000 child commercial sex workers in Addis Ababa. The government did not initiate any sex trafficking prosecutions, including for children subjected to prostitution, according to the 2015 Trafficking in Persons report, in 2014. 2.5.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme The figure bellow shows the key positive and negative drivers that affect the prevalence of CSEC in Ethiopia.

Similar as was discussed above at the section “Trafficking”, at the individual and family level, the poverty and limited educational and employment opportunities causes children to migrate from rural to urban areas, who then become easy victims of CSEC. Peer pressure is also an important factor contributing to CSEC. In addition, ECPAT (2007) found that unmarried pregnant girls and girls whose arranged child marriage collapsed also often become victims of CSEC as they tend to migrate to urban areas, because they are no longer welcome within their families and communities due to the ‘shameful’ act committed. Furthermore, at the structural level, an increase in sex tourism creates a pull-factor for CSEC. Next at the legal and policy level, a key negative drivers is that the criminal justice system provides little deterrent effect, as the proportion of CSEC cases reported to the police, investigated 29

This section is based on the following sources: GAA, “Ethiopia summary (trafficking/CSEC); http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/countries/2015/243436.htm accessed in May 2016.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

and prosecuted is very low. In addition, there is insufficient government willingness and capacity to effectively address CSEC and there is insufficient coordination between governmental organisations, NGOs, and CBOs that focus on fighting CSEC. Furthermore, the development of effective policies and programmes to fight CSEC has been hindered due to the lack of relevant data and research that could effectively inform these policies. There are also, however, various positive drivers, at the legal and policy level. First of all, the government of Ethiopia has ratified important human rights treaties, including the CRC Optional Protocol on Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Pornography. The National Committee on Sexual Abuse and Exploitation of Children has drafted the National Plan of Action to address Sexual Abuse and Exploitation of Children in Ethiopia (2006-2010) and structures have been set up to address CSEC. However, the implementation of the plan has not been sufficient and it has not been updated due to limited government commitment.

2.6

Key stakeholders involved in GBV There are various stakeholders that affect the chance of reducing gender based violence in Ethiopia. The table below presents the key stakeholders identified and indicates for each of these stakeholders the results of the expert panel’s assessment combined with the GAA survey30 of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against GBV, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing GBV. The experts were asked to score the position, power and influence, and actual engagement of the stakeholders on a four-point scale: 

Position of stakeholders: 1-very unsupportive; 2-somewhat unsupportive; 3-somewhat supportive; 4-very supportive;



Stakeholders’ level of power and influence: 1-no influence and power; 2-limited influence and power, 3-moderate to strong influence and power; 4-very strong influence and power;



Stakeholders’ actual engagement: 1- no commitment; 2-showing some commitment but no or limited evidence of concrete action; 3-concrete commitment with some related specific actions; 4- strong commitment with a concrete strategy and actions.

Key stakeholders

Position

Power and influence

Actual engagement

Central government: 1. Ministry of Women and Children Affairs

3.5

4.0

3.3

2. Ministry of Education

3.0

2.8

3.0

3. Ministry of Justice

3.3

4. Federal Vital Events Registration Authority

2.3

1.8

2.0

Regional & Local government: 1. Bureaus of women and children affairs

3.5

3.3

2. Offices of justice

3.0

2.8

3. Bureaus of education

3.0

2.5

2.8

4. Regional and Woreda Councils

3.3

3.5

2.8

5. Police

3.0

2.8

6. Judges

3.0

2.8

7. Prosecutors

3.0

2.8

Community actors: 1. Community/traditional leaders

3.3

3.0

2. Religious leaders

3.3

3.0

3. Children clubs

3.5

2.5

3.3

Civil Society Organisations: 1. Network of Women’s Associations

4.0

2.7

3.3

An online survey was sent to ten experts. The response rate was 50% (N=5).

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Key stakeholders

Position

Power and influence

Actual engagement

2. Other Girls and young women focused CSOs working at national level

3.7

2.7

3.3

3. Girls and young women focused CSOs working at Amhara

3.7

2.7

3.3

4. Girls and young women focused CSOs working at Oromia

3.7

2.7

3.0

1. Amhara Television

3.7

4.0

3.3

2. Oromia Television

3.7

4.0

3.3

3. FM radio stations

3.5

3.8

3.3

Media:

Government From the expert panelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s assessment -see the table above- it has become clear that at the central level the three relevant Ministries have the power and shown concrete commitment to address GBV. However, scope exists to strengthen their actual engagement as none have shown a strong commitment coupled with concrete actions to address GBV. In addition, all but one national government stakeholders are supportive of addressing GBV. The exception is the Federal Vital Events Registration Authority, which is judged to be somewhat unsupportive of addressing GBV. At the regional and local government level, all actors are supportive of addressing GBV but none have shown a strong commitment. The level of commitment is in fact lower than that of the national government actors. The most important actors in terms of position, power, and engagement are the Bureaus of women and children affairs. Apart from assessing stakeholders commitment to addressing GBV in general, the experts were also requested to indicate on a ten-point scale - with 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree whether they agreed or disagreed with various statements about key stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; position and commitment concerning Child Marriage, FGM, Child trafficking, and CSEC. The table below shows for each of these themes the results of the expert panelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s assessment of the position in relation to agenda setting, policy change and practice change of the national government, political actors and local government in Amhara and Oromia31. Outcome indicators

FGM

CSEC

National Government attaches importance to combatting the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

National government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

National government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Councillors in Amhara attach importance to combatting the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Councillors in Amhara effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the specific theme

Councillors in Amhara effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies on the specific theme

National government:

Political actors local level:

Councillors in Oromia attach importance to combatting the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

In Amhara all four themes are addressed, while in Oromia the programme only focuses on Child Trafficking and CSEC. For this reason, no data has been collected on the position and commitment of stakeholders in Oromia concerning Child Marriage and FGM.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

FGM

CSEC

Councillors in Oromia effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the specific theme

Councillors in Oromia effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies on the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Local government: Local government sector offices (Bureaus of women and children affairs, Bureaus of education etc.) in Amhara attach importance to combatting the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Local government sector offices (Bureaus of women and children affairs, Bureaus of education etc.) in Amhara develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the specific theme

Local government sector offices (Bureaus of women and children affairs, Bureaus of education etc.) in Amhara effectively implement legislation and public policies on the specific theme

Local government sector offices (Bureaus of women and children affairs, Bureaus of education etc.) in Oromia attach importance to combatting the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Local government sector offices (Bureaus of women and children affairs, Bureaus of education etc.) in Oromia develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the specific theme

Local government sector offices (Bureaus of women and children affairs, Bureaus of education etc.) in Oromia effectively implement legislation and public policies on the specific theme

Law enforcement bodies: Law enforcement bodies (Police and Judiciary) in Amhara attach importance to combatting the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Law enforcement bodies (Police and Judiciary) in Amhara develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Law enforcement bodies (Police and Judiciary) in Amhara effectively implement legislation and public policies on the specific theme

Law enforcement bodies (Police and Judiciary) in Oromia attach importance to combatting the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Law enforcement bodies (Police and Judiciary) in Oromia develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Law enforcement bodies (Police and Judiciary) in Oromia effectively implement legislation and public policies on the specific theme

From the table above, it becomes clear that the national government finds it very important to combat child marriage and FGM but that its effectiveness in implementing relevant legislation and public policies lags behind. The interest in addressing Child trafficking and CSEC is less but still significant. However, the national governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s implementation effectiveness concerning these latter themes is judged to be even more limited, as both have received a score of 5. While for Child Marriage, the interest and effectiveness of local government actors, law enforcement bodies and local political actors are considered to be (relatively) high and (almost) equal to those of the national government, their interest and effectiveness is assessed to be less for the other themes, with law enforcement bodies in Amhara scoring particularly very weak in terms of addressing Child Trafficking and CSEC. Community actors & the general public Similar as was the case with the government and political actor stakeholders, community actors like traditional and religious leaders are assessed to be most supportive of addressing child marriage, see the table below. CSEC has received the lowest scores and is hardly recognised as an

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

important theme to be addressed by community actors according to the expert panel. For especially FGM, CSEC and Child Trafficking, ample lobby and advocacy work remains to be done to foster community actors’ promotion of values, norms and practices, and the adaptation of informal rules and customary laws, that support addressing these themes. In addition, ample work also remains to be done to raise awareness amongst the general public as, according to the expert panel, the general public in Amhara and Oromia does hardly seem to recognize the importance of the identified themes, nor do they seem to share relevant values, norms and practices that support the elimination of these thematic issues. Outcome indicators

FGM

CSEC

Key traditional & community leaders in Amhara recognize the importance of addressing the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Key religious leaders in Amhara recognize the importance of addressing the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Key traditional & community leaders in Amhara promote values, norms and practices in support of ending the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Key religious leaders in Amhara promote values, norms and practices in support of ending the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Key traditional & community leaders in Amhara adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the specific theme

Key religious leaders in Amhara adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the specific theme (

Key traditional & community leaders in Oromia recognize the importance of addressing the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Key religious leaders in Oromia recognize the importance of addressing the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Key traditional & community leaders in Oromia promote values, norms and practices in support of ending the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Key religious leaders in Oromia promote values, norms and practices in support of ending the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Community actors:

General public: The general public in Amhara recognizes the importance of addressing the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

The general public in Amhara shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

The general public in Oromia recognizes the importance of addressing the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

The general public in Oromia shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the specific theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Civil Society Organisations and Community Based Organisations Next to government and community actors, civil society actors are important stakeholders in addressing GBV. The assessment of CSOs’ and CBOs’ capacity, monitoring function and engagement with the government for the respective themes shows that both at the national and local level CSOs/CBOs face capacity problems to effectively lobby& advocate, perform a watchdog role and engage with the government. This is fully in line with findings from the context analysis that point to the limited capacity and scope for civil society organisations to operate in Ethiopia and to focus on addressing GBV. Especially for child trafficking and CSEC, CSOs’/CBOs’ capacity and engagement is limited, with the performance of the national CSOs being particularly weak. This is also fully in line with the findings from the field research, which suggest that civil actors that focus on GBV have more scope to operate at the local level than at the national level.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

FGM

CSEC

Girls and young women focused CSOs have a common understanding on the selected theme (e.g. Child Marriage) for lobby & advocacy

Girls and young women focused CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against the selected theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Girls and young women focused CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the selected theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Amhara are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the selected theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Amhara have sufficient capacity to advocate against the selected theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Amhara effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the selected theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Amhara effectively engage with local government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Oromia are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the selected theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Oromia have sufficient capacity to advocate against the selected theme (e.g. Child Marriage)

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Oromia effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the selected theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Oromia effectively engage with local government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement

National level:

Local level:

Media and the private sector The expert panel recognises the importance of the media, in terms of their power and influence to address GBV (media scores 4 points). The media has also shown to be committed to address GBV according to the experts. Next to experts’ assessment of the position and role of the media, the experts were also asked to assess the role of the private sector in combatting child trafficking and CSEC. According to the experts’ assessment, the private sector do not yet recognise their role very much in combatting these issues. Very low scores are especially assigned for private sectors’ role in addressing CSEC, see the table below. These outcomes are in line with findings from the field research and context analysis, which suggest that the private sector is mainly focused on generating profit and has little to no interests in addressing GBV. Outcome indicators

Score

Child trafficking: Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in the textile, horticulture and tourism sectors in Amhara recognize their role in combatting child trafficking

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in the textile, horticulture and tourism sectors in

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

Score

Oromia recognize their role in combatting child trafficking CSEC:

2.7

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in the tourism sector in Amhara recognize their role in combatting commercial sexual exploitation of children

Hotel owners associations and tour and travel association in Amhara recognize their role and are engaged to combat commercial sexual exploitation of children

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in the tourism sector in Oromia recognize their role in combatting commercial sexual exploitation of children

Hotel owners associations and tour and travel association in Oromia recognize their role and are engaged to combat commercial sexual exploitation of children

Decent work and employment opportunities for girls and young women

2.7.1 Prevalence According to ILO estimates, the labour force participation rate for women is 74.1%. The DHS (2011) data shows a different picture. 38.9% of the women between 20-24 were currently employed compared to 75.4% of the men, according to the DHS (2011). Most of these women were employed in agriculture (37.3%) or sales and services (36.2%).32 42.5% of the women employed in urban areas in 2010 were working in sub-standard jobs that did not require capital, education, or knowledge. 33 Agricultural work is often done for a family member or for themselves and unpaid (56.4% of the women, aged between 15-49, who are employed in agriculture are not paid).34 In addition, many women are engaged in unpaid domestic labour, both in the rural and urban areas, which keeps them from engaging in paid/remunerated work (42% of non-working urban women and 72% of rural women) and limits their decision-making power and control over resources. Moreover, only 36% of the married women who received cash earnings for employment, decide mainly themselves on how to use these earnings. 35 An estimated 24% of the girls between 5-14 years old are involved in child labour.36 Labour force participation rates for 15-24, by sex (ILO) (World Bank 2016; 2014)

Percentage of children 5–14 years old involved in child labour (UNICEF 2015; 2011)

Female: 74.1% Male: 78.9%

Female: 24% Male: 31%

2.7.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme Although the Ethiopian Constitution stipulates that men and women should be treated equally in employment and the labour law proclamation N0.377/2003 includes different provisions to safe guard children’s and women’s right, many women do not have access to decent work. The key obstacles that women face include traditional beliefs that women should work at home and should take care of the family, women’s limited productive skills, and women’s limited ownership of productive assets.37 The main cause of child labour is poverty. According to a Child Labour Survey

32 33

34 35 36 37

Central Statistical Agency Ethiopia and ICF International (2012), “Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey 2011. Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) in Ethiopia (2016), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ethiopia - January 2016-December 2020; Theory of Change”. Central Statistical Agency Ethiopia and ICF International (2012), “Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey 2011. Central Statistical Agency Ethiopia and ICF International (2012), “Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey 2011. Central Statistical Agency Ethiopia and ICF International (2012), “Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey 2011. Girls Advocacy Alliance (GAA) in Ethiopia (2016), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ethiopia - January 2016-December 2020; Theory of Change”; GAA (2015), “Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Ethiopia”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

conducted in 2001, 90% of the children working in productive activities claimed that they were working to supplement the family income (23.8%) or to improve it (66%).38 See the figure overleaf for an overview of the key positive and negative drivers.

2.8

Key stakeholders involved in EE Only a few actors are focused on promoting decent work opportunities and addressing economic exclusion. These are the Ethiopian government, international organisations (e.g. the ILO), the private sector and some civil society actors. The civil society actors mainly focus on providing trainings to e.g. women and youth and supporting them with establishing their own businesses through trainings and the supply of micro-credit. Very limited lobby & advocacy work is undertaken in this area by civil society actors. While addressing economic exclusion seems not to be on the agenda, according to the expert panel, of the Ministry of Women and Children Affairs and the Ministry of Education (MoE), the Ministries of Labour and Social Affairs and Trade & Industry are assessed as being very supportive and committed â&#x20AC;&#x201C;as demonstrated by a concrete strategy and actions- to address economic exclusion. The table below presents the results of the expert panelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s scores concerning their position, power and engagement (a similar 4 point scale was used as for the question concerning GBV, see above). Key stakeholders

Position

Power and influence

Actual engagement

1. Ministry of Women and Children Affairs (MoWCA)

2. Ministry of Education (MoE)

3. Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs

4. Ministry of Trade & Industry

http://www.ilo.org/ipec/Regionsandcountries/Africa/WCMS_101161/lang--en/index.htm. Accessed in May 2016.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

The private sector is not active in promoting EE and has shown limited commitment to provide decent work and employment opportunities for girls and young women. The table below presents the results of experts’ judgement of various statements –using a ten-point scale, with 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree - concerning private sectors’ commitment to address EE and promote decent work. As can be seen in the table below, Dutch (multinational) companies perform slightly better in terms of their commitment than relevant local private sector actors in Amhara and Oromia, but overall it can be concluded that a clear need exists to raise awareness amongst private sector actors about their role and responsibilities and to lobby & advocate for better corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies and guidelines. Outcome indicators - Privay sector actors

Score

Local private sector actors: Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in the textile, horticulture and tourism sectors in Amhara recognize their role in promoting decent work and employment opportunities for girls and young women

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in the textile, horticulture and tourism sectors in Amhara have corporate (CSR) policies and guidelines to eliminate gender-based violence (for instance, codes of conduct, trusted counsellors and procedures to prevent sexual harassment at work)/ to promote the economic inclusion of girls and young women (for instance guidelines on equal pay, women career and skill development programmes, equality plans, etc.)

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in the textile, horticulture and tourism sectors in Amhara effectively implement and monitor their corporate policies in support of girls and young women’s economic inclusion/ of the elimination of gender-based violence

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in the textile, horticulture and tourism sectors in Oromia recognize their role in promoting decent work and employment opportunities for girls and young women

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in the textile, horticulture and tourism sectors in Oromia have corporate (CSR) policies and guidelines to eliminate gender-based violence (for instance, codes of conduct, trusted counsellors and procedures to prevent sexual harassment at work)/ to promote the economic inclusion of girls and young women (for instance guidelines on equal pay, women career and skill development programmes, equality plans, etc.)

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in the textile, horticulture and tourism sectors in Oromia effectively implement and monitor their corporate policies in support of girls and young women’s economic inclusion/ of the elimination of gender-based violence

Dutch (multinational) companies:

Dutch (multinational) companies recognize their role and are engaged to address gender-based violence/economic exclusion of girls and young women

Dutch (multinational) companies have corporate (CSR) policies and guidelines to eliminate genderbased violence (for instance, codes of conduct, trusted counsellors and procedures to prevent sexual harassment at work)/ to promote the economic inclusion of girls and young women (for instance guidelines on equal pay, women career and skill development programmes, equality plans, etc.)

Dutch (multinational) companies effectively implement and monitor their corporate policies in support of girls and young women’s economic inclusion/ of the elimination of gender-based violence

Dutch (multinational) companies exert influence on local businesses for compliance with international guiding principles and standards on economic inclusion of girls and young women / on elimination of gender-based violence

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Draft context and baseline study Ghana

The GAA programme in Ghana focuses on the GBV themes of Child Marriage, Sexual violence and abuse, and Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in the Eastern, Upper West, Northern, Greater Accra, and the Ashanti regions. In addition, lobby & advocacy activities are focused on, among other things, the Domestic Violence Act, the Children’s Act and the Child and Family Welfare Policy.

3.1

Overall information

3.1.1 Socio-economic profile Ghana is classified as a lower middle income country and has a GNI per capita of 1,590 (2014). An estimated 24.2% (2012) of the total population of 26.8 million (2014) lives below the poverty line. 39 Over half of its population lives in urban areas and it is expected that it will continue to rapidly urbanise further. 40 There are around 75 ethnic groups in Ghana and most people are Christian.41 Ghana has experienced fairly robust economic and social progress since the mid-1980s.42 It ranks in the medium human development category on the HDI (place 140) and its HDI value increased with 39.5% between 1980 and 2014. Ghana’s HDI value is above the average for countries in SubSahara Africa. Compared to the average in Sub-Sahara Africa, Ghana scores especially strong in terms of education with the mean years of schooling being 7 compared to the average for SubSahara Africa of 5.2. 43 Ghana is rich in mineral resources and the world's second largest cocoa producer and Africa’s second largest gold miner. The main sectors that contribute to GDP are the services sector (51.6% of GDP), the industrial sector (28.4%), and the agricultural sector (20.1%). The agricultural sector provides the largest share of employment (41.5% of the working population). 44 While economic growth has been fairly robust, the main source of growth has been the extractive and capital intensive services sectors, which do not directly have a poverty reducing affect. The business climate in Ghana is, moreover, still weak and constrained by limited and unreliable supply of energy and access to affordable finance.45 Furthermore, a worrying feature of the pace and pattern of Ghana’s economic growth is that it doesn’t generate productive formal sector jobs at a pace that is commensurate with the growth rate of the labour force.46 Ghana has achieved important democratic gains since the mid-1990s. It has a strong multi-party political democracy, a vibrant civil society and there is a high degree of media freedom and pluralism. On the 2015 Mo Ibrahim Index, Ghana ranks on the 7th place (out of the 54). It scores strong in the categories of Participation & Human Rights (2nd place) and Safety and Rule of Law (6th place in Africa). Since 2011 its score has, however, slightly deteriorated, driven by negative trends in the categories of Safety & Rule of Law and Sustainable Economic Opportunity. Ghana is a well-administered country by regional standards, but checks and balances are overall still

http://data.worldbank.org/country/ghana. Accessed in May 2016. AfDB (2016), “African Economic Outlook: Ghana”. 41 http://www.ghanaembassy.org/index.php?page=language-and-religion 42 Booth et al. (2005), “What are the drivers of change in Ghana?”, CDD/ODI Policy Brief, No. 1. 43 UNDP (2015), “Human Development Report 2015: Work for human development; Briefing note for countries on the 2015 Human Development Report: Ghana”. 44 AfDB (2016), “African Economic Outlook: Ghana”. 45 http://www.gh.undp.org/content/ghana/en/home/countryinfo/. Accessed in May 2016. 46 Booth et al. (2005), “What are the drivers of change in Ghana?”, CDD/ODI Policy Brief, No. 1. 40

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

insufficient and effective devolution of authority to local government has been limited. Ghana, furthermore, suffers, as most African countries, from neopatrimonialism. In Ghana, the capacity of the various horizontally organised interest-groups (e.g. cocoa growers, lawyers etc.) to represent their interests has been undermined by vertical (patronage-based) relationships and identities.47 1.1 Gender equality achievements The situation of children, youth and women in Ghana has considerably improved overtime due to Ghana’s economic, social and political progress. Ghana scores better on various gender indices than the average for Sub-Sahara African countries. However, overall, gender inequality is still significant in Ghana, see the rankings on the various indices in the table below. For example, while the share of women in Ghana that has at least a secondary level of education (45.2%) is a lot higher than in most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa (22.1% is the average), it is still significantly lower than the share of their male counterparts (64.7%). In addition, while women’s participation in the labour force is increasing, women still mainly work in the informal sector and in low-skilled jobs. Only 10.9% of the parliamentary seats are, furthermore, held by women, which is well below the average in Sub-Saharan Africa (22.5%).48 Ghana is, furthermore, classified as a country with high discrimination on the SIGI index 49. It scores especially weak in terms of women’s access to resources and assets, see the figure below.

Women’s access to land and agricultural inputs is relatively poor and customary law considers property as a family asset that is to be administered by the family head, which is usually a man.50 According to the most recent Demographic and Health Survey (2014), 81% of women, aged between 15-49, do not own a house and 78% do not own any land.51 Furthermore, gender based violence is a serious problem in Ghana. According to the DHS 2008, nearly 37% of women had experienced physical violence. In addition, sexual violence by partners/husbands is common and Sources: Booth et al. (2005), “What are the drivers of change in Ghana?”, CDD/ODI Policy Brief, No. 1; AfDB (2016), “African Economic Outlook: Ghana”; Mo Ibrahim Foundation (2015), Ibrahim Index of African Governance 2015 ; Country Insights: Ghana; http://www.gh.undp.org/content/ghana/en/home/countryinfo/. Accessed in May 2016. 48 UNDP (2015), “Human Development Report 2015: Work for human development; Briefing note for countries on the 2015 Human Development Report: Ghana”. 49 The SIGI Index provides information on the degree to which formal and informal laws, attitudes and practices restrict women’s and girls’ access to rights, justice and empowerment opportunities. It consists out of five sub-indexes. 1) Discriminatory family code, which captures social institutions that limit women’s decision-making power and undervalue their status in the household and the family. It covers areas like marriage, parental authority and inheritance. 2) Restricted physical integrity, which captures social institutions that limit women’s and girls’ control over their bodies, that increase women’s vulnerability, and that normalise attitudes toward gender-based violence. 3) Son bias, which captures unequal intrahousehold investments in caring for, nurturing and allocating resources to sons and daughters reflecting the lower value given to girls. 4) Restricted resources and assets, which captures discrimination in women’s rights to access and make decisions over natural and economic resources. 5) Restricted civil liberties, which captures discriminatory laws and practices that restrict women’s access to public space, their political voice and their participation in all aspects of public life. See for more information: http://www.genderindex.org/content/team. 50 OECD (2014), “SIGI: Ghana”: http://www.genderindex.org/country/ghana 51 Ghana Statistical Service (GSS), Ghana Health Service (GHS), and ICF International (2015), “Ghana Demographic and Health Survey 2014”. 47

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

there is a widespread belief that women are to submit to their husbands. 52 While the proportion of women who agrees that wife beating is justified for certain reasons has declined overtime, it is still significant (28% in 2014 versus 37% in 2008).53 GII

GGI (rank)

EEI

SIGI category

127 (out of 155) (2014)

101 (out of 142) (2014)

48 (out of 109) (2014)

High Discrimination

3.1.2 Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE54 Ghana is a patriarchal society where gender inequality and discrimination is still entrenched in traditional norms, values and practices. The country has, however, signed almost all of the international conventions on human rights, women’s rights, and children’s rights, including CEDAW, ACRWC, NCRC and various ILO conventions (e.g. Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention and Equality of Treatment Convention). In addition, the government of Ghana has adopted various laws and policies to improve EE and address GBV like the Domestic Violence Act, the Child and Family Welfare Policy, the Children’s Act, the Human Trafficking Act, the National employment policy and the National youth policy. Many aspects of life are, however, still regulated by -discriminatory- customary law, like e.g. the land tenure system and customary marriage. In addition, the various government policies and laws are inadequately implemented and enforced due to limited financial resources and capacity of government and judicial institutions. For example, the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection has been allocated less than 1% of the national budget to undertake its activities. The Domestic Violence Victims Support Unit of the police lacks sufficient resources to effectively investigate crimes. And the child protection system is too weak to prevent, report and handle cases. In addition, effective implementation of policies is hampered by bureaucracy, weak coordination between the various government actors, a limited awareness and understanding of relevant laws and policies, and a lack of relevant data and research that can effectively inform government’s policies. Relationships between the government and CSOs are also not constructive, as was revealed by a 2013 assessment of the state of Civil Society in Ghana. Key problems include that there is a high level of mistrust between the government and CSOs and that CSOs hardly cooperate, do not speak with one voice and do not articulate clear demands towards the government. Many CSOs are more focused on upward accountability towards their donors than on downward accountability and CSOs perceive each other as competitors. The private sector is hardly interested in GBV and EE.

OECD (2014), “SIGI: Ghana”: http://www.genderindex.org/country/ghana Ghana Statistical Service (GSS), Ghana Health Service (GHS), and ICF International (2015), “Ghana Demographic and Health Survey 2014”. 54 This section is based on the following sources: GAA (2015), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women; Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance”; GAA (2015), Country Theory of Change (10pager): GHANA; Ghana Statistical Service (GSS), Ghana Health Service (GHS), and ICF International (2015), “Ghana Demographic and Health Survey 2014”; OECD (2014), “SIGI: Ghana”: http://www.genderindex.org/country/ghana. 52 53

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

3.2

Child marriage

3.2.1 Prevalence55 In Ghana, on average around 1 out of 5 girls is married before their 18th birthday, which amounts to approximately 256,780 girls. Boys are far less the victim of child marriage, with 2% of men aged between 20-24 that were married before the age of 18. There is a considerable difference in the prevalence of child marriage per region. It is lowest in Greater Accra (18.5% of women, between 20-49, were married by age 18), and highest in the Northern (39.6%), Upper West (37.3%) and Upper East (36.1%) regions. Prevalence in the Eastern (27.5%) and Ashanti (25.9%) regions are close to the national average of 27.2% of women, aged between 20-49, who were married by age 18. While the prevalence rate of child marriage for girls has remained the same between 2011 and 2014, regional trends differ. The rate of women (aged between 20-24) who were married before age 18 decreased, between 2011 and 2014, with 2.4% in the Centre (Eastern, Ashanti, Brong Ahafo) and with 0.7%in the South (Western, Central, Greater Accra, Volta), but increased with 7.2% in the North (Northern, Upper East, Upper West). Data from the 2011 Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey revealed that girls from rural areas are twice more likely to become victim of Child Marriage than girls from urban areas. In addition, girls from the lowest income quintile are four times more likely to marry before the age of 18 than girls from the highest income quintile. 56 Impact Indicator

Other indicators for prevalence

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 18 (UNICEF 2016; based on 2014 data)

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 15 (UNICEF 2016; based on 2014 data)

Mean age at marriage (The Global Gender Gap Report 2015)

21%

(female) (male)

3.2.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme57 The main drivers of child marriage at the individual and family level are poverty in combination with patriarchy. As mentioned above, the prevalence of child marriage is significantly higher amongst poor households than amongst richer households. Child marriage is seen as an economic survival strategy for poor families who marry the girls off as female children are seen as a “financial burden”. Boys are far less often seen as a financial burden for the family, which reflects the deeply rooted gender inequality within the Ghanaian society. Furthermore, girls that had to drop out of school due to their families’ lack of resources to pay for education, often face limited options in term of livelihood opportunities and in such situations marrying a man can offer a potential way out of poverty. Next, child marriage can also be a strategy for families to increase their social status by marrying into a richer family.

This section is based on the following sources: Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection of Ghana (2016), National Strategic Framework for Ending Child Marriage in Ghana 2017-2026, Third Draft for Comment; UNICEF (2016) Child Marriage Database, May 2016; World Economic Forum, The Global Gender Gap Report 2015. 56 Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection of Ghana (2016), National Strategic Framework for Ending Child Marriage in Ghana 2017-2026, Third Draft for Comment; 57 This section is based on the following sources: Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection of Ghana (2016), National Strategic Framework for Ending Child Marriage in Ghana 2017-2026, Third Draft for Comment; Government of Ghana (2014), Child Protection Baseline Research Report; GAA (2016), Advocating for Girls’ Rights! Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ghana, January 2016 - December 2020: Country Theory of Change; Plan Ghana (2015), Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Another key driver at this level is teenage pregnancy. Teenage pregnancy is both a cause and consequence of child marriage. According to Ghana’s Demographic and Health Survey (2014), 14% of the girls, aged between 15-19 years, have begun childbearing. The percentage is higher in rural areas (17%) than in urban areas (12%) and teenagers with no education are almost four times as likely to have begun childbearing than those with secondary or higher education. Girls are expected to marry the boy/man who impregnated her, in order to avoid the shame and stigmatization. According to a 2014 survey of Plan Ghana in the Upper West Region, Teenage Pregnancy Associated Marriages (T-PAM) were even the most predominant form of early and forced marriage. A 2014 baseline study on child protection of the government of Ghana, furthermore, found that the practice of marrying girls who have become pregnant most often occurs in the North of Ghana where a girl can only return home if she leaves the child behind with the husband’s family. In addition, it was found that in the Ashanti Region, churches actively encourage marrying pregnant girls to ensure that the conceived child can be cared for. A third key driver is linked to girls migrating from rural to urban areas in search of a better life. Peer pressure and lack of reliable information about the opportunities in cities drives girls to the city in the hope to be able to escape the financial and/or social difficulties they face at home. These girls are often very vulnerable and are taken advantage off by men, often leading to teenage pregnancy and marriage as a survival strategy. Finally, poor parenting is also considered to be a key driver of child marriage at the individual and family level. According to Ghana’s National Strategic Framework for Ending Child Marriage in Ghana, do many parents struggle with controlling their children due to rapidly changing family patterns and lack of inter-generational dialogue. This in turn contributes to teenage pregnancy and the running of way of girls, which in turn may lead to early marriages. At the community and social level key drivers are customary and traditional practices. While these practices vary greatly by region and ethnic group and many practices are changing rapidly in Ghana, some of these are persistent and a key driving force of child marriage. Like, for example, the practice of giving a girl in marriage as a gift to big and titled men, or to settle family/communal issues like inherited liabilities, debt and religious obligations. Other traditional practices that cause child marriage include betrothal, adoption and abduction. Next to these practices, other key drivers are social norms and concerns about pre-marital virginity. In order to protect girls’ pre-marital virginity and avoid unwanted pregnancy, girls are forced by parents to marry young. Next, several important drivers relate to the legal and policy level. First of all, the fact that many people are simply not aware of the relevant legislation and do not know that child marriage is illegal. In addition, weak law enforcement and corruption is a key problem that negatively contributes to the practice of child marriage. According to the government of Ghana, arrest rates and prosecutions rates are extremely low for perpetrators of crimes such as child marriage. Key related problems are a) people’s limited access to justice sector services, like the police and family and juvenile courts, due to long distances that need to be travelled or the lack of resources, b) reluctance of affected children and families to report child marriage due to social pressure, c) lack of capacity of law enforcement officials in child protection, d) widespread practice of corruption where perpetrators bribe the police and judicial actors. Other key problems are the lack of birth certificates, which makes preventing and addressing child marriage difficult and the fact that the child protection system is too weak to effectively prevent, report and handle cases. There are also various positive drivers at the legal and policy level that support the fight against child marriage. First of all, child marriage is prohibited in Ghana and the legal age for marriage is 18 according to the 1992 Constitution and Children’s Act. In addition, Ghana has ratified several relevant international conventions that prohibit child marriage like the Convention on the Rights of

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

the Child and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. In addition, the government of Ghana has adopted various policies to address child marriage, like the 2014 Child and Family Welfare Policy, which aims to implement an effective Child Protection System, and the 2015 National Gender Policy, which explicitly prohibits Child Marriage. Less positive is, however, the fact that the government struggles with limited resources and capacity, resulting in adequate implementation of policies and programmes. The Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection, for example, receives less than 1% of the national budget to fulfil all its tasks. Apart from the government, CSOs and development partners, such as UNICEF, UNFPA, DFID, and the Royal Netherlands Embassy, have also been very active in fighting child marriage. Various programmes have been implemented that included activities like sensitising communities to end child marriage, providing livelihood support to girls and child brides, providing counselling support to parents and victims of child marriage etc. In the Northern regions, Queen Mothers and Traditional Chiefs are, furthermore, campaigning to end child marriage while in the Ashanti Region there has been an increase of community discussions especially among girls groups by Queen Mothers to promote and protect the girlsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; right to education and keeping girls in school. A weakness of the work of the CSO actors is, however, that coordination has been weak and many initiatives were of a short-term nature. To address this issue and to fight child marriage more effectively, the government has recently launched the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Ending Child Marriage Initiativeâ&#x20AC;?, under the leadership of the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection (MoGCSP). This initiative engages different actors including various government actors, CSOs, development partners, media, children, and religious and traditional leaders in a joint effort to eliminate child marriage. A 10-year National Strategic Framework is under development to provide a common strategy for all stakeholders to fight child marriage.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

3.3

Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children

3.3.1 Prevalence58 There is no data available about the number of children that are sexually exploited in Ghana on a commercial basis. According to the government’s 2014 Child Protection Baseline Research Report, 18.1% of a total of 542 adult and child survey respondents stated that CSEC occurred in their community ‘all the time’ or ‘sometimes’. It is, furthermore, reported to happen more frequently in urban (24.4% of child respondents) than in rural areas (13.9% of child respondents) and specifically in the Upper West Region (60% of adult respondents; versus less than 30% of respondents for the other regions). According to the “Trafficking in Persons report 2015”, child prostitution is prevalent in the Volta region and is growing in the oil-producing western regions. In addition, it stated that there is an increase in the number of Ghanaian girls and young women from the northern region who work as head porters in greater Accra and who are at risk for sex trafficking. A 2011 study on CSEC in Accra, undertaken by the Ark Foundation, furthermore, found that CSEC occurs especially in the urban communities of the Central and Greater Accra region and that there are two forms of CSEC practiced: 1) adults that engage children in CSEC and 2) children that engage younger children in CSEC. Finally, the 2015 ECPAT study on sexual exploitation of children in the travel and tourism sectors of Ghana revealed that CSEC in tourism destinations is medium to high. Key hotspots include beach resorts and hotels and perpetrators include domestic and international tourists and migrant workers in fishing, construction, entertainment, mining and oil sectors. Estimated number of children and adolescents sexually exploited for commercial purposes No data available

3.3.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme59 The key drivers of CSEC are located at the individual and family level, namely: poverty, poor parenting and peer pressure. According to the 2011 study on CSEC in Accra, around 80% of the girls that were interviewed for the study indicated to engage in commercial sex work because of economic hardship combined with the lack of parental control and care. The 2013 International Needs Mid-Term Evaluation “Protection, rescue and rehabilitation of children from commercial sexual exploitation in and around Accra, Ghana”, furthermore found that 51% of child victims of CSEC on their project were from broken homes. Female street children in Ghana are particularly vulnerable to sexual violence and sexual exploitation, according to a 2011 UNICEF report 60. Approximately 33,000 street children live in Ghana who have no adequate familiar support, no consistent sources of accommodation and food, and who are, therefore, vulnerable to CSEC. Peer influence is also a contributing negative driver. Children who see that their peers live relative affluent lifestyles and/or who have friends that engage in sex work can be drawn to prostitution in order to also attain a wealthier lifestyle. Another driver, at the community and social level, is the traditional practice of ritual servitude. To atone for sins of a family member, Ghanaian girls can be subjected to a form of forced ritual servitude, which can last for a few months to several years and can lead to CSEC. 58

This section is based on the following sources: ECPAT Netherlands (2015), Global study on sexual exploitation of children in travel and tourism: Country-specific report Ghana; Government of Ghana (2014), Child Protection Baseline Research Report; GAA (2016), Advocating for Girls’ Rights! Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ghana, January 2016 - December 2020: Country Theory of Change; Plan Ghana (2015), Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme; http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/countries/2015/243444.htm. 59 This section is based on the following sources: ECPAT Netherlands (2015), Global study on sexual exploitation of children in travel and tourism: Country-specific report Ghana; Defence for Children International (2015), A study on violence against children with special focus on Sexual exploitation and child sex tourism In kumasi metropolis and asokore mampong municipality in ashanti region Ghana, Final draft report; Government of Ghana (2014), Child Protection Baseline Research Report; GAA (2016), Advocating for Girls’ Rights! Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ghana, January 2016 - December 2020: Country Theory of Change; Plan Ghana (2015), Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme; http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/countries/2015/243444.htm. 60 UNICEF (2011), “Situation Analysis of Children and Women in Ghana”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Next, at the structural level, the growth in the travel and tourism sector in Ghana also increases the risk of child sex tourism as children are increasingly exposed to travelers and tourists of which some take advantage of their comparative wealth to sexually exploit children. Finally, at the legal and policy level, key negative drivers are the weak child protection structures and weak law enforcement. While Ghana has ratified various relevant international conventions and adopted several laws to protect the rights of children, the realisation of childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rights has been undermined by the limited institutional capacity to enforce these, according to the 2014 Child Protection Baseline Research Report. Many agencies that are working on child protection issues, including the police, have limited capacity and resources to address the issue. The 2011 study on CSEC in Accra, for example, stated that the Municipal Assembly did not want to address CSEC as it felt to lack the necessary resources. In addition, child protection agencies and departments are often concentrated in urban areas and communities in rural areas are often unaware of their roles and services and, therefore, do not approach them. CSEC cases are, furthermore, often underreported due to a distrust of institutions such as the police, District Assemblies and the judiciary. Limited capacity of the police and corruption contribute, further, to the weak enforcement of the law. Some positive drivers also exist, mainly at the legal and policy level. First of all, as was mentioned above, Ghanaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s legal framework is adequate to protect children from CSEC. It has ratified relevant international conventions and the cabinet has approved to ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography. Furthermore, the government has started in 2012 to strengthen the Child Protection system and adopted a new Child and Family Welfare Policy in 2015 that seeks to establish a wellstructured and coordinated Child and Family Welfare system that promotes the wellbeing of children, prevents abuse and protects them from harm, including CSEC.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

3.4

Sexual violence and abuse

3.4.1 Prevalence61 Sexual violence and abuse is a serious problem in Ghana. According to UNICEF data, 35% of evermarried girls between 15 and 19 years old have experienced physical, sexual or emotional violence committed by their husbands or partners and 17% of girls between 15 and 19 years old have experienced sexual violence, see the table below. The 2014 Child Protection Baseline Research Report found, furthermore, that 54.9% of the survey respondents (n=1645) indicated that transactional sex happened “all the time” or “sometimes” in the community, whereby it was reported to happen more frequently in urban settings. 5.8% of the survey respondents (n=259) were, furthermore, aware of incidents of ‘inappropriate touching’ in the past month. The 2015 DCI study on violence against children in the Ashanti region, furthermore, found that 88.8% of survey respondents had seen rape (and 8% had also experienced it), 77.7% had seen defilement (and 17.9% had also experienced it), 93% had seen incest (and 5.4% had also experienced it), and 52.5% had seen indecent assault (and 39.8% had also experienced it). Perpetrators of sexual abuse are most often people that the victim knows and sexual abuse happens more frequently in the victim’s home and neighbourhood than in any other place, according to the baseline report. The report, furthermore, found that sexual abuse of children by teachers at schools occurred in the Northern, Ashanti, Upper West, Central, Greater Accra, Volta and Western Regions. The latest data (2011) from the Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit of the Ghana Police Service shows that 374 reports of rape were received, 177 arrests were made, 93 prosecutions, and 13 convictions. Impact indicator

Other indicators of prevalence

Percentage of evermarried girls aged 15 to 19 years who ever experienced any physical, sexual or emotional violence committed by their husbands or partners

% of girls aged 15 to 19 years (or otherwise noted) who experienced forced sexual intercourse or any other forced sexual acts in the last 12 months

Justification of wifebeating (%) 2002-2012*, female (UNICEF 2016; based on 2011 data)

Sexual violence prevalence among girls and boys aged 15 to 19 years (UNICEF 2014; based on 2008 data)

35% (UNICEF 2014)

4% (UNICEF)

44.1%

Girls: 17% Boys: Unknown

3.4.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme62 Similar as to the negative drivers of CSEC, poverty, broken homes and parental neglect are key drivers, located at the individual and family level, of sexual violence and abuse. In addition, increased access to birth control has made transactional sex also a more attractive survival strategy for girls that suffer economic hardship. Poor girls often look for a Sugar Daddy and sleep with older men in order to get access to money or other basic necessities.

This section is based on the following sources: Government of Ghana (2014), Child Protection Baseline Research Report; Defence for Children International (2015), A study on violence against children with special focus on Sexual exploitation and child sex tourism In kumasi metropolis and asokore mampong municipality in ashanti region Ghana, Final draft report; GAA (2016), Advocating for Girls’ Rights! Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ghana, January 2016 - December 2020: Country Theory of Change; Plan Ghana (2015), Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme; http://data.unicef.org/countries/GHA.html. This section is based on the following sources: Government of Ghana (2014), Child Protection Baseline Research Report; Defence for Children International (2015), A study on violence against children with special focus on Sexual exploitation and child sex tourism In kumasi metropolis and asokore mampong municipality in ashanti region Ghana, Final draft report; http://www.genderindex.org/country/ghana#_ftn21; GAA (2016), Advocating for Girls’ Rights! Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ghana, January 2016 - December 2020: Country Theory of Change; Plan Ghana (2015), Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

At the community and social level, important negative drivers are the traditional practice of ritual servitude (see also the section above), the fact that Ghana is a patriarchal society with deeply entrenched discriminatory socio-cultural norms and beliefs whereby women are seen as subordinate to men (44.1% of women, for example, belief that wife-beating can be justified), and the fact that victims of sexual violence are stigmatized and seen as an embarrassment for the family, which in turn results in the underreporting of these abuses and hinders the fight against sexual violence and abuse. Furthermore, while spousal rape is criminalised, there is still a widespread belief in Ghana that wives must submit to their husbands.63 Finally, concerning the problem of sexual abuse at schools, the 2014 Child Protection Baseline Research Report found that this can be explained (at least partially) by the poor quality of teachers and the small age difference between teachers and pupils. At the legal and policy level, key negative drivers are, similar as was the case for CSEC, the weak child protection structures and weak law enforcement. Next to the general issues mentioned in the section above concerning CSEC, key issues are that the Domestic Violence Victims Support Unit (DoVVSU) lacks sufficient resources to effectively investigate crimes and has little reach in large parts of the rural countryside, that the police also lacks adequate facilities to offer women seeking protection, and that courts frequently fail to prosecute cases within an adequate time frame, so that victims often run out of money or courage before their cases are completed. In addition, women who press charges often also face monetary obstacles, like doctors who charge fees for completing the medical certificates needed to press charges.64 Positive drivers are, similar as was the case for CSEC, Ghanaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s legal framework and the fact that the government has started in 2012 to strengthen the Child Protection system and adopted a new Child and Family Welfare Policy in 2015.

63 64

http://www.genderindex.org/country/ghana#_ftn21 Idem.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

3.5

Key stakeholders involved in GBV Various key stakeholders affect the chance of reducing gender based violence in Ghana. The table below identifies these stakeholders and indicates the results of the expert panel’s assessment combined with GAA survey of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against GBV, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing GBV. The experts were asked to score the position, power and influence, and actual engagement of the stakeholders on a four-point scale: 

Position of stakeholders: 1-very unsupportive; 2-somewhat unsupportive; 3-somewhat supportive; 4-very supportive;



Stakeholders’ level of power and influence: 1-no influence and power; 2-limited influence and power, 3-moderate to strong influence and power; 4-very strong influence and power;



Key stakeholders

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection

3.7

3.3

Ministry of Employment and Labour Relations

2.3

2.7

2.0

Justice, law and order sector (e.g. judiciary, police)

3.3

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies (MMDA) in the Eastern Region

2.3

2.0

MMDA sin the Upper West region

2.5

2.0

MMDAs in the Northern region

2.5

2.0

MMDAs in the Greater Accra region

3.0

2.0

MMDAs in the Ashanti region

2.5

2.0

Traditional and community leaders

3.3

3.0

2.3

Religious leaders

2.7

2.0

Queen mothers

3.7

2.7

Youth organisations

2.3

2.5

Women groups

2.7

2.3

Schools

2.0

2.3

Girls and young women focused CSOs working at the national level

3.7

3.3

3.7

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in the Eastern region

3.0

2.7

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in the Upper West region

3.0

2.7

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in the Northern region

3.0

2.5

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in the Greater Accra region

3.3

3.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in the Ashanti region

3.0

2.7

2.3

2.7

2.3

Community actors

CSOs

Media National TV, Radio, Newsprint and social media

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Government Key stakeholders at the government level include the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection and the justice sector, which are judged by the experts to be supportive of addressing GBV and to have shown concrete engagement to address it. Another key stakeholder is the Ministry of Employment and Labour Relations, which has shown no or only limited evidence of concrete engagement. At the local government level, the Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies have only limited influence and power and have shown no or only limited evidence of concrete actions to fight GBV. In addition the expert panel was requested to indicate on a ten-point scale - with 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree - whether they agreed or disagreed with various outcome indicator statements concerning these themes and acts/policies. The two tables below present the results of this assessment for government and political actors. Outcome indicators

Acts

The Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection effectively implements and enforces the Domestic Violence Act, the Children’s Act and the Child and Family Welfare Policy

6.0

The Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies in the Eastern region effectively implement and enforce the Domestic Violence Act, the Children’s Act and the Child and Family Welfare Policy

3.7

The Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies in the Upper West region effectively implement and enforce the Domestic Violence Act, the Children’s Act and the Child and Family Welfare Policy

3.7

The Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies in the Northern region effectively implement and enforce the Domestic Violence Act, the Children’s Act and the Child and Family Welfare Policy

3.7

The Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies in the Greater Accra region effectively implement and enforce the Domestic Violence Act, the Children’s Act and the Child and Family Welfare Policy

3.7

The Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies in the Ashanti region effectively implement and enforce the Domestic Violence Act, the Children’s Act and the Child and Family Welfare Policy

3.7

The National House of Chiefs publicly denounces GBV and harmful practices

4.0

The Muslim Council publicly denounces GBV and harmful practices

3.0

The Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection scores a mere 6 for its ability to effectively implement and enforce the various acts and policies. The situation at the local level is, however, even worse, with the Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies only scoring a 3.7, suggesting that much lobby & advocacy work at the local level needs to be done to strengthen the fight against GBV. In addition, ample scope also exists to strengthen the engagement of the National House of Chiefs and the Muslim Council, which score a 4 and 3 respectively on their public denouncement of GBV and harmful practices. If we look more specifically at the selected GAA themes, see the table below, we see that all actors attach most importance to addressing Child Marriage, while CSEC is considered by most to be the least important of the themes. Especially the effective implementation of relevant legislation and policies on the various themes is considered to be problematic, with the national government scoring slightly better than the Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies.

Outcome indicators

SV&A

CSEC

National Government attaches importance to combatting the theme

6.5

6.3

5.3

National government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

7.0

6.0

5.7

National government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme and effective implementation is supported

5.0

5.7

4.7

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

SV&A

CSEC

Political actors attach importance to combatting the theme

5.5

4.3

4.7

Political actors effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

7.0

4.7

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies attach importance to combatting the theme - Eastern

5.0

4.5

4.0

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies attach importance to combatting the theme - Upper West

6.0

3.5

4.0

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies attach importance to combatting the theme - Northern

5.5

4.0

4.3

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies attach importance to combatting the theme - Greater Accra

6.0

4.3

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies attach importance to combatting the theme - Ashanti

5.5

5.0

4.3

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Eastern

5.0

4.3

4.0

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Upper West

6.0

4.0

3.7

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Northern

6.0

4.0

4.3

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Greater Accra

5.0

4.7

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Ashanti

5.0

4.3

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies effectively implement legislation and public policies on the theme - Eastern

4.0

4.3

4.0

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies effectively implement legislation and public policies on the theme - Upper West

4.0

4.3

4.0

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies effectively implement legislation and public policies on the theme - Northern

4.0

4.3

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies effectively implement legislation and public policies on the theme - Greater Accra

6.0

4.3

4.7

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies effectively implement legislation and public policies on the theme - Ashanti

5.0

4.3

Community actors & the general public At the community level, the most supportive actors of addressing GBV are the Queen mothers who have also shown some evidence of concrete engagement. Schools score the worst in terms of their position (somewhat unsupportive of addressing GBV), while religious leaders have been given the lowest points for their actual engagement (scoring a 2), see table on position of key stakeholders GBV. Key leaders score â&#x20AC;&#x201C;on a ten point scale- overall weak in terms of recognizing the importance of the GAA themes, promoting norms and values in support of addressing these and adapting or challenging informal rules and customs where necessary. Differences do, however, exist per theme and region, with leadersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; performance being best for Child Marriage, see the table below. Outcome indicators

SV&A

CSEC

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Eastern

4.0

4.7

3.7

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Upper West

5.0

4.3

3.3

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Northern

5.0

3.3

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

SV&A

CSEC

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Greater Accra

6.0

5.0

4.7

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Ashanti

5.0

4.7

4.0

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme - Eastern

7.5

4.0

3.3

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme - Upper West

4.0

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme - Northern

6.0

4.0

3.7

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme - Greater Accra

5.0

4.7

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme - Ashanti

5.0

4.0

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Eastern

7.0

4.0

3.7

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Upper West

7.0

3.3

3.0

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Northern

6.0

3.3

3.0

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Greater Accra

6.0

4.7

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Ashanti

5.0

4.0

4.3

The general public also scores weak in terms of recognizing the importance of addressing the themes and sharing values and norms that support the elimination of the themes. Similar to the key leaders, the public is the best aware of the importance of addressing Child Marriage, but again regional differences exist. Outcome indicators

SV&A

CSEC

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Eastern

5.0

4.7

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Upper West

5.5

4.3

4.7

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Northern

5.0

4.3

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Greater Accra

5.5

5.7

5.0

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Ashanti

5.5

5.3

4.0

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Eastern

5.0

3.5

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Upper West

4.0

4.3

4.0

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Northern

4.5

4.3

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Greater Accra

5.0

5.3

5.0

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Ashanti

6.0

5.0

4.0

Civil Society Organisations and Community Based Organisations Next to government and community actors, civil society actors are also important stakeholders in addressing GBV. In fact, in terms of actual engagement, girls and young women focused CSOs working at the national level have displayed the highest level of commitment coupled with concrete actions to fight GBV, see Table on position of key stakeholders concerning GBV. These CSOs, however, do not yet play a very effective watchdog function nor do they seem to be very effectively

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

engaging with the government on necessary policy reforms and programmes concerning the selected GAA themes, see the table below (with scores on a ten-point scale). Outcome indicators

SV&A

CSEC

Relevant CSOs have a common understanding on the theme for lobby & advocacy

7.0

7.3

6.7

Relevant CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against the theme.

7.0

6.0

Relevant CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

5.0

6.0

5.7

Relevant CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement in relation to the theme.

5.5

6.0

At the local level, the performance of civil society actors is weaker, with especially the performance concerning sexual violence and abuse and CSEC being problematic. Regional differences do, however, exist with organisations in the Greater Accra region being most effective and those in the Eastern region being least effective. Outcome indicators

SV&A

CSEC

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Eastern

5.5

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Upper West

5.5

4.7

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Northern

4.7

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Greater Accra

7.5

5.3

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Ashanti

4.7

4.3

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme – Eastern

4.3

3.7

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme - Upper West

5.5

4.3

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme – Northern

4.3

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme - Greater Accra

4.7

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme – Ashanti

5.5

4.3

4.7

Media & the private sector National TV, Radio, Newsprint and social media are not very engaged in fighting GBV, see Table on key stakeholders’’ position, power and engagement concerning GBV), but given their power and influence (2.7) it could be worthwhile to strengthen their engagement. The expert panel was also asked to rate –on a ten-point scale- the extent to which private sectors recognize their role in the fight against CSEC. According to the experts, private sector actors in all regions hardly recognize their role, see the table below. Outcome indicators

CSEC

Private sector actors recognize their role in combatting the theme - Eastern

3.3

Private sector actors recognize their role in combatting the theme - Upper West, Northern

3.0

Private sector actors recognize their role in combatting theme - Greater Accra

4.3

Private sector actors recognize their role in combatting the theme - Ashanti

4.0

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

3.6

Access to TVET and decent employment opportunities for girls and young women

3.6.1 Prevalence65 Ghanaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy is highly informal and the share of informal sector employment increased from 83.8% to 88 % between 1984 and 2013. The involvement of women in the formal sector is very low and an estimated 73% of the female workforce is self-employed. A large percentage of the population between 15-24 years of age is, furthermore, unemployed or underemployed, according to the 2014 National Employment Policy of Ghana. Labour force participation of females between 15-24 is estimated to be 38%, see the table below. Female enrolment in TVET is also low (29.1% for the year 2013/2014) and gender parity has been weakening over the years, with female TVET participation being 50.1% in 2009/2010. Impact indicator

Other indicators of prevalence

% of youth (aged 15-24) not in education, employment or training (World Bank 2016)

Female enrolment in TVET (EFA 2015)

Labour force participation rates for 15-24, by sex (modelled ILO estimate) (World Bank 2016; 2014)

No data available

29.1% (2013/2014)

Female: 38% Male: 38.8%

3.6.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme There are various negative drivers that can explain the limited access to TVET and decent employment opportunities for girls and young women. First of all, at the individual and family level, an important barrier is that many women are often less well educated than men and lack the necessary productive skills to engage in formal employment. In addition, women often face a high burden of domestic and family responsibilities that prevent them from seeking formal employment. Furthermore, many women also face great difficulties in obtaining the necessary credit to finance for TVET or to start-up a business. Within the Ghanaian financial sector, women are often perceived as a financial risk because of their low socio-economic status. Often women cannot produce the necessary collateral for loans from banks and credit unions. At the community and social level, important negative drivers are the fact that Ghana is a patriarchal society where the dominant discriminatory socio-cultural norm is that women are supposed to work at home and take care of the family. Next, conditions at the work place are often also unsafe for women due to sexual harassment. Next, at the structural level, there is a mismatch between the skills and trainings acquired by the youth and that what is required by the job market. Furthermore, access to TVET is more limited for those who live in the rural areas than in the urban areas. Vocational courses in the rural regions can be 20 times more expensive in rural schools than in urban schools, according to UNESCO. Finally, at the legal and policy level, a key problem is the ineffective implementation of relevant employment policies due to a lack of implementation plans, a lack of coordination (around ten ministries are engaged in TVET and coordination is limited), and limited capacity and financial resources of implementing institutions. There are, however, also several positive drivers. The main positive driver, at the legal and policy level, is the fact that the existing policy framework recognizes the challenges in decent employment 65

This section is based on the following sources: Government of Ghana (2014), National Employment Policy; Education for All (2015), National Review Ghana; World Bank (2016), World Development Indicators; GAA (2016), Advocating for Girlsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Rights! Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women in Ghana, January 2016 - December 2020: Country Theory of Change.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

creation and contains measures to improve women’s position on the labour market. For example, the government has adopted Ghana National Employment Policy in 2014, which aims to create gainful and decent employment opportunities and targets in particular the youth, women and persons with disability. In addition, the 2015 National Gender Policy has as one of its objectives the improvement of women’s economic opportunities by, for example, strengthening access to financial services, training and capacity building for self-employed women as well as strengthening women’s economic organisations and their representation in trade negotiations.

3.7

Key stakeholders involved in EE There are various stakeholders involved in improving TVET and decent employment opportunities for girls and young women in Ghana. The table below presents -on a four-point scale (similar as for the question concerning GBV, see above) - experts’ assessment of key stakeholders’ position, power and influence and actual engagement. Key Stakeholders EE

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection

4.0

3.0

Ministry of Employment and Labour Relations

4.0

2.0

COTVET

4.0

3.0

3.5

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies in the Eastern Region, West Region, Northern Region, Ashanti, Accra Region

2.0

Government

Community actors

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Key Stakeholders EE

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Traditional and community leaders

2.0

Religious leaders

2.0

Queen Mothers

2.0

Youth organisations

2.0

Women groups

2.0

Schools

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working at the national level

2.5

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in the Eastern region, West region, Norther Region, Greater Accra region, Ashanti region

2.0

Ghana Employers Association

2.5

Trade unions

2.0

National companies and financial institutions

2.0

International companies

2.0

CSOs

Media National TV, Radio, Newsprint and social media Private sector

Government The Council for Technical and Vocational Education and Training (COTVET) has shown most concrete actions to improve access to TVET for girls, followed by the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection. The Ministry of Employment and Labour Relations has strong power and influence and is supportive of improving girlsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and young womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic empowerment, but has shown no to limited concrete actions to support this. The table below presents the results of expert assessments -on a ten-point scale- of the performance of the national government, political actors, and Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies in terms of TVET policy and programme development and implementation. While all actors are judged to be not effective in addressing TVET, performance at especially the local level is weak.

Outcome indicators

TVET

National Government attaches importance to combatting the theme

5.0

National government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

5.5

National government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme and effective implementation is supported

5.5

Political actors attach importance to combatting the theme

5.0

Political actors effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

5.0

Political actors effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies on the theme

5.0

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies attach importance to combatting the theme - Eastern

3.0

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies attach importance to combatting the theme - Upper West, Northern, Ashanti

3.5

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies attach importance to combatting the theme - Greater Accra

4.0

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Eastern, Upper West

3.5

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate

3.0

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

TVET

the theme - Northern, Eastern, Upper West Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Greater Accra, Ashanti

4.0

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies effectively implement legislation and public policies on the theme – Northern, Ashanti

3.5

Metropolitan Municipal District Assemblies effectively implement legislation and public policies on the theme - Greater Accra

4.0

Community actors & the general public The role and influence of community actors in promoting TVET and decent work is limited, see the key stakeholders table. Key leaders and the general public hardly recognize the importance of improving TVET, although regional differences to exist, with the highest level of awareness being in Greater Accra, see the table below with scores on a ten-point scale. Outcome indicators

TVET

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme – Eastern, Upper West

3.0

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme – Northern, Ashanti

3.5

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme Greater Accra

4.5

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme – Eastern, Norther, Ashanti

3.5

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme - Upper West

3.0

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme - Greater Accra

4.0

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme – Eastern, Upper West, Northern, Ashanti

4.0

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme Greater Accra

4.5

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme – Eastern, Northern, Ashanti

4.0

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Upper West

3.5

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Greater Accra

5.0

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme Upper West, Ashanti. Eastern Region

4.5

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme Northern

5.0

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme Greater Accra

5.5

Civil Society Organisations and Community Based Organisations While their power and influence is less than when it comes to fighting GBV, CSOs in Sierra Leone are supportive and have shown some actual engagement to promote TVET and decent work opportunities for girls and young women. CSOs’ and CBOs’ capacity, monitoring function and engagement with the government concerning TVET is, however, limited, see the experts’ assessment of the outcome indicators presented in the table below. National CSOs and CBOs in the Greater Accra region perform, overall, slightly better than the CBOs in other regions. Outcome indicators

TVET

Relevant CSOs have a common understanding on the theme for lobby & advocacy

6.0

Relevant CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against the theme

5.5

Relevant CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

5.0

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

TVET

Relevant CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement in relation to the theme.

5.5

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme – Eastern, Greater Accra

5.0

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Upper West, Northern

4.0

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Ashanti

4.0

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including the theme – Eastern, Ashanti

4.0

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including the theme - Upper West, Northern, Greater Accra

4.5

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on chid marriage – Eastern, Upper West, Ashanti

4.0

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on chid marriage - Northern

4.5

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on chid marriage - Greater Accra

5.0

The private sector Overall, the private sector is only weakly engaged in improving TVET and promoting decent work opportunities for girls and young women. The most important actor in terms of position, power and actual engagement is the Ghana Employers Association. Private sector actors at the local level also seem hardly to recognize their role in improving access to TVET for girls and young women, see the experts’ assessment of the outcome indicators presented in the table below.

Outcome indicators

TVET

Private sector actors recognize their role in combatting the theme - Eastern

4.5

Private sector actors recognize their role in combatting the theme - Upper West, Northern

3.5

Private sector actors recognize their role in combatting the theme - Greater Accra, Ashanti

4.5

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Context and baseline study Kenya

The GAA programme in Kenya will focus at the themes of child marriage, trafficking, commercial sexual exploitation of children and employability and skills development of girls and young women. Target areas are Kisumu East in Kisumu County, Kwale County and Nairobi Informal Settlements Nairobi County.

4.1

Overall information

4.1.1 Socio-economic profile Kenya has a fast-growing population of around 45 million people (July 2015). Most of this population (53.6%) is made up of school-going age children who are below 18 years old (nearly 42 per cent of whom are under the age of 14).66 Kenya ranks at place 148 (out of the 188) on the Human Development Index and 43.4% of Kenyans live below the poverty line. The unemployment rate in 2013 stands at a high 40%, a constant figure, as this was also the case in 2001 (with a smaller population). From a low point following disputed elections in 2007 and the global financial crisis of 2008, the state of Kenya’s economy and governance have improved. Kenya is among the low middle-income countries and the economic and transport hub of East Africa. The country has averaged 5.5 per cent growth since 2010, and in 2014 it became a middle-income country, signalling the availability of significantly greater domestic resources. The GDP per capita is $3,300 (2015 est.). The main sectors of the economy are industry (19.5%), services (50.6%) and agriculture (29.9%) (2015 est.). Agriculture remains the backbone of the Kenyan economy and about 80% of Kenya’s population work -at least part-time- in the agricultural sector, including livestock and pastoral activities. Over 75% of agricultural output is from small-scale, rain-fed farming or livestock production. Kenya has experienced steady economic growth, with real GDP growth in 2014 and 2015 exceeding 6.5%67. Nevertheless, faster growth and poverty reduction is hampered by corruption (Kenya ranks at a low 139th place at the Transparency International Index) and by the reliance upon several primary goods. Chronic budget deficits, furthermore, including a shortage of funds in mid2015, have plagued the government’s ability to implement proposed development programs. In addition, Kenya continues to be plagued by persistent internal conflicts and is vulnerability to terrorism and insecurity, and climatic risks. The legal systems is to be considered a mixed legal system of English common law, Islamic law, and customary law. The country adopted a new constitution in 2010 and since then the government of Kenya has demonstrated some commitment to liberal macro-economic principles. The changes in the constitution and the recent move to a more decentralized democratic model have opened doors for dialogue amongst tribal lines and county levels. However, the post-election violence after the 2007 general elections had and still has a serious impact throughout the country. While many (I)NGO’s and FBO’s have been able to contribute to peace and reconciliation activities the tension is building up with 2017 being an election year.

The World Fact book.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

The civil society space is open and democratic although in the recent past there have been attempts by the Kenyan government to restrict the civil society space for especially those working on governance and the accountability of state institutions. For example, currently civil society organizations are up in arms to block the government from amending the Public benefit Act 2013 to include a restriction on foreign funding. 4.1.2 Gender equality achievements Different indices for Kenya show that the country has a medium status on various gender equality aspects, see the table below. The Gender Inequality Index (GGI) 68 places Kenya at the 147th place out of 161 countries (2014 data). The Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) considers Kenya to have a medium level of gender discrimination in social institutions. There are significant differences between women and men as regards completion of secondary education. GBV is, furthermore, very common and domestic violence towards women is widespread despite the existence of some legal frameworks, with beating and raping being particularly problematic. A rise in gender-based violence was, in fact, reported by the Gender Violence Recovery Centre (GVRC) on the Kenya Forum in 2013. Dowry is frequently paid and hence many men think they “own” the woman as property. In addition, while according to the new constitution, women are able to own or manage land and resources, traditions still deny women this right and often they are chased away from the land that they rightfully own. Moreover, while women are a driving workforce in the agriculture and micro business sector, they are being denied some labour rights out of traditional practises. GII rank

GGI rank

EEI

SIGI category

147 (of 161)

37 (of 142)

0.43

medium discrimination

4.1.3 Main governance issues of GBV and EE Kenya has ratified various relevant international conventions like the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Violence (CEDAW) and the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. Each of which speaks to the goals of gender equality and equity and gender mainstreaming, building on the principles of equality and in line with this, the advancement of women and the elimination of gender-based discrimination. The Kenyan government has, furthermore, passed relevant legislation including the Sexual Offences Act 2006, which focuses on addressing sexual violence against women in Kenya. Another relevant act is the Marriage Act 2014. It outlaws marriage below the age of 18. It specifies that no person shall get engaged or betrothed to another who is under the age of 18. The law imposes stiff penalties to anyone who violates it. The constitution, furthermore, includes the Bill of Rights, which includes economic and social rights, like the freedom of association, equality and freedom from discrimination, and specific rights for youth, children and people living with disabilities. The government has, furthermore, designed various relevant policies to fight GBV, like the Education and Gender Policy (2007), the 2005 Policy Framework for the Implementation of Post-Rape Care Services, and the National Plan of Action against Sexual Exploitation of Children (2013-2017). In addition, in the vision 2030, the government has set itself targets to promote gender equality in power and resource distribution, to improve livelihoods for all vulnerable groups, and to promote responsible, globally competitive and prosperous youth.

Concerning children’s rights, in

accordance with the Children Act, children’s courts have been established in five counties. Where there are no children’s courts, the judiciary has appointed certain magistrates to deal with matters concerning children. Training on child rights and child protection has also been provided. Child protection units have, furthermore, been set up at various police stations to cater to children in

The GGI which reflects gender-based inequalities in three dimensions – reproductive health, empowerment, and economic activity. Vision 2013 Kenyan Government document.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

contact with the law and those in need of protection while their cases are being processed. The National Legal Aid and Awareness Programme, moreover, provides legal aid to children. Despite the ratification of relevant conventions and government’s policies to fight GBV and protect women’s and children’s rights, there are certain weaknesses in the legal and governance framework that prevent the effective fight against GBV. First of all, not all relevant provisions of the ratified conventions have yet been incorporated into Kenya’s Law. An international convention does not become part of Kenyan Law until a Bill incorporates it into the domestic law or Motion is passed by Parliament, making it an Act of the Parliament of Kenya. The effect of ratification without incorporation into domestic law is that although the Kenyan state is bound in international law by an international instrument, the citizenry is not able to rely on the convention.70 71 Secondly, limited resources, bad governance and corruption within the administration and justice system denies justice being done in many cases and overall law enforcement is weak. Furthermore, there are pervasive socio-cultural norms and taboos that hinder women and girls to seek justice. There is, moreover, a strong sense of masculinity and patriarchal domination among the electorate in Kenya, which results in a lack of political will by decision makers to promote gender equality although it is part of the constitutional laws.72 73 Next, children’s rights are also undermined, especially in the Northern, North Eastern and Coastal areas of the country and in growing informal urban settlements. The introduction of devolved governance in 2013 has provided a platform for redressing historical inequalities, but the rapid transition process has uncovered political divisions and challenges in the management of financial and human resources. As of yet, no standards for child rights and children’s services have been developed for county governments. The problem is compounded by a lack of awareness and capacity to address these issues, and there are already indications that service provision in some areas is declining.74 Women’s political participation in Kenya, especially among young women, has been below average. Despite efforts to enhance gender equality, women’s participation in political activities largely consists of women voters and not candidates in elective or appointive offices. 75 Young women are hardly ever represented at both national and local political levels. And they face many barriers in their pursuit of active political roles. A study established that masculinity and the patriarchal nature of politics, lack of resources, and lack of support for young women who sought to assume leadership roles, the impact of societal expectations and stereotypes, insecurity and gender- based humiliation and violence often undermine young women’s political ambitions. In spite of these challenges, young women have exhibited great confidence in their ability to overcome these barriers as a result of recently enacted laws and structures meant to entrench gender equality at all levels of leadership in Kenya. Recent studies noted that young women are becoming more politically active and are quite informed as voters.76 Several institutions including CSO’s have been on the forefront of fighting gender violence in Kenya and have come up with gender-based violence programs that are committed to preventing violence by working toward increasing access to justice and integrated support services. However, many CSOs lack the capacity to influence relevant stakeholders and government and coordination amongst them is weak.

70 71 72 73 74 75

Report on Violence Against Women in Kenya, analysis of law, policies and institutions. GAA context analysis. Global sisters report 2015. https://www.usaid.gov/kenya/gender-equality-and-womens-empowerment-kenya/gender-based-violence. IDRC, Young Women’s political participation in Kenya – 2013. IDRC, Young Women’s political participation in Kenya – 2013.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Employer and business associations are encouraged in working together to tackle gender discrimination issues, such as sexual harassment at the workplace, unequal pay, and safe working conditions, and labour and trade unions push for change. Already some associations have drafted relevant Code of Conducts and shared these amongst their members. Despite this, the private sector overall still lacks sufficient commitment.

4.2

Child marriages

4.2.1 Prevalence In Kenya, child marriage is still rampant, especially among the rural communities. This despite the enactment of a law prohibiting the practice. The prevalence rate for child marriage is approximately 26%, but there are significant regional variations with rates as high as 98% in certain regions. Research by Plan International77 showed that the prevalence of child marriages is highest among girls compared to boys (43.3% for females and 11.6% for males). The same report highlights that the Kilifi has the highest prevalence of child marriages with 47.4%. One out of five adolescent girls aged between 15-19 years in Mombasa informal settlements are currently married or in union. 78 Women living in Nairobi marry more than six years later than those living in the North Eastern province, where the median age at marriage is 17.6 years. Impact indicator

Other indicators of prevalence

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 18

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 15

Mean age of women / men at marriage

26% (2012) 79

6% (2012)

25/26.6 (2015)

Sources: 1 and 2: UNICEF (2015); 3: WEF (2014), DHS 2008/2009.

4.2.2 Key drivers The prevalence of CM in Kenya can be explained by an array of interdependent factors as shown in the figure overleaf. At the individual/ family level, a recent report by Plan International in Kenya indicates that many parents in the rural areas marry off their daughters at an age as young as 12, ostensibly to escape poverty and out of the fear and stigma associated with teenage pregnancies and children born out of wedlock. In such communities, girls are either seen as an economic burden or valued as capital for exchange with goods, money and livestock. An UNPFA study found that more than half (54 per cent) of girls in the poorest 20 per cent of households are child brides, compared to only 16 per cent of girls in the richest 20 per cent of households. Girls living in very poor families with multiple siblings are often married because there is not enough money to feed all children. The same goes for Child Headed Households or single parents headed households. For the pastoralist tribes CM is also motivated by insecurity. The family wants to marry off the girls as soon as possible to give her protection and providing also the highest price for a virgin in dowry negotiations. A key positive driver is education. It is one of the interventions that tend to lessen the probability that girls will marry before their eighteenth birthday. Girls with primary education are twice as likely to marry or enter into union as those with a secondary or higher education.

At the community and social level, CM in Kenya differs per tribe, which have different traditional and social beliefs and norms. Though in decline, various tribes such as the Samburu, Pokot, Masai and other pastoralist tribes still practise engagement before birth and dowry, to cement the strategic

77 78 79 80

Because I am a girl campaign, Kenya Country Report 2012. Report given by GVRC based on Plan report 2012. also referred to in AU report 2015. Sources: 1 and 2: UNICEF (2015); 3: WEF (2014), DHS 2008/2009.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

alliances between families81. In addition, some tribes practice and encouraging child marriage after pregnancy or FGM. CM is often accentuated by community and religious leaders, who may play an active role in both arranging unions and in keeping those secret from authorities. This can result in strong pressure on parents to marry their daughters when they reach a certain age or even when they physically appear ripe for marriage. On the positive side, over the past few years, Kenya has made progress in engaging women in high-ranking posts and Kenya has some great role models, such as runners, that help girls fight for their rights and that fight against CM. At the structural level, living in remote rural areas increases the risk of CM for Kenyan girls. Women living in rural areas are twice as likely to be married under age 18 than women living in urban areas. Living in rural areas often means limited access to educational and health services, and to economic opportunities. As fathers may have to seek seasonal work far away, they may be more prone to protect their daughters by marrying them off as security measure. In addition, for communities living in insecure areas, with frequent cattle raiding and tribal fights, there is a perceived heightened need to arrange CM due to fears that a girls gets raped which reduces the dowry price. CM is found to be less prevalent in areas where there is sufficient access to affordable (government provided) secondary schools, and in areas with a good level of security and limited level of criminality. The presence of organized groups such as Chamas and Community Policing groups and systems are positive drivers to prevent CM. The Chama groups create more issues in the communities including CM. As for the legal and policy factors, the Marriage Act sets the age of marriage at 18 years.This protects girls to be married off before the age of 18. Kenya has, furthermore, ratified relevant conventions and the government has designed a national policy and action plan to fight CM. Furthermore, many CSOs are active in fighting CM and human rights and advocacy groups working on CM have been active to address cases in the community and before the court. The media has also picked up on cases of CM and brought them before public. Nevertheless, law enforcement is weak due to corruption and limited resources in the law enforcement chain and CM cases are rarely investigated and charged. Furthermore, relevant government agencies lack the capacity and strong commitment to effectively implement policies, strategies and programs.

International Center for Research on Women, 2007 - International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Sept 2013 Child Marriage: A Cultural Health Phenomenon.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

4.3

Child trafficking

4.3.1 Prevalence Kenya is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children subjected to forced labour and sex trafficking. No comprehensive data exists on the estimated number of persons trafficked within and out of Kenya, due to the clandestine and illegal nature of the phenomenon, however, some data is available and presented in the table below. Kenyans voluntarily migrate to other East African nations, South Sudan, Europe, the United States, and the Middle East – particularly Saudi Arabia, but also to Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Lebanon, and Oman – in search of employment, where at times they are exploited in domestic servitude, massage parlors and brothels, or forced manual labour. 82 Most children are trafficked nationally. Internal trafficking mainly occurs from low-income and/or rural areas to urban areas and the coastal region, especially to cities like Nairobi, Mombasa, Kisumu, Malindi, Diani and Kwale. Reasons for trafficking are labour exploitation, sexual exploitation, marriage, begging, organ removal, illicit adoption, selling of drugs and terrorism. Labour, sexual exploitation and early marriage are most common forms of child trafficking in Kenya.83 ILO estimates indicate that 32% of all victims t were trafficked into labour exploitation, while 43% were trafficked for sexual exploitation and 25% for a mixture of both. Women and girls make up the overwhelming majority of those trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation (98%)84. Kenya signed and ratified most major international legal frameworks. The Kenyan constitution specifically mentions the adherence to these international frameworks, and the prevalence of them over any customary law or practice. The Children Act 2001, furthermore, deals with trafficking explicitly.   Indicators of prevalence Annual number of identified child trafficking victims in Kenya

Estimated total number of women trafficked and share of girls

Annual number of prosecutions of suspected traffickers and convictions

Possible breakdowns for domestic/international trafficking (TIP report)

153 CT victims in only 3 counties of 47 (2015)

30000 85 (out of which 20000 children) 86

Prosecutions 762 Convictions 456 (2015)

Domestic 30000 and international 40000 - 70000

4.3.2 Key drivers There are various key drivers that influence the prevalence of child trafficking in Kenya. At the individual and family level, key negative drivers are poverty and marginalisation, as these push women and children into dependency and vulnerability, which make them less susceptible to risks and more prone to believe the false promises of human traffickers. Those with the highest risks of being trafficked are orphans, children that runaway from abusive or negligent parents or step parents, and/or those coming from impoverished multi-children households.

83 84 85 86

United States Department of State, 2014 Trafficking in Persons Report - Kenya, 20 June 2014, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/53aab9e214.html [accessed 26 May 2016]. HAART Kenya (2015) Human Trafficking Needs Assessment - Orphans and vulnerable children. ILO ACTION AGAINST TRAFFICKING IN HUMAN BEINGS - report 2008. Trace Kenya. Human Trafficking & Modern-day Slavery - http://gvnet.com/humantrafficking/Kenya.htm.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

At the community and social level, an important negative driver is the fact that Kenya is a patriarchal and conservative society, which makes it relatively difficult for women and girls to discuss issues like sexual abuse or HIV/AIDS. Often communities reject and stigmatize victims, which results in people wanting to go away from the area where everybody knows them. This makes them vulnerable to falling into the hands of the traffickers. In addition, traffickers are often operating at the community level, and there is frequently insufficient information available at this level about false brokers and false promises about employment. This contributes to an underestimation of the risks of being trafficked by community members. At the structural level, key negative drivers are the tradition of cross border mobility and the existing and increasing imbalances between market and labour opportunities within the country and internationally. The rural borders are very porous and easy to cross over and people share (too positive) stories of working oversees, which make girls aspire to these opportunities. 87 At the legal and policy level, both positive and negative drivers exist. On the positive side, trafficking has been criminalized and a national action plan is implemented to combat trafficking. Public campaigns are, for example, conducted to warn about the danger of child labour trafficking.88 However, on the negative side, significant negative drivers exist like the weak birth registration system, weak border controls, and the limited government capacity and resources to effectively fight child trafficking. Only 45% of under 5 children in Kenya are registered, which makes it easy for persons to ask the respective chief for registering a child which is not their own. 89 Furthermore, the official procedures for East African Citizens on exiting and entering Kenya are rarely checked accurately. There is, moreover, some involvement of border and security personnel in trafficking, which hugely impedes enforcement90. Next, the government only partially implements the five-year national plan of action on human trafficking. The government has, for example, most of the time no operational anti-trafficking coordinating body. In March 2014, the government nominated members to its Counter-Trafficking in Persons Advisory Committee under the leadership of the Ministry of Labour, Social Security, and Services, but has not yet established the National Assistance Trust Fund for Victims of Trafficking as mandated by the 2010 anti-trafficking act. In the absence of guidelines for implementing the victim protection provisions of the 2010 anti-trafficking act, the government continues to use ad hoc mechanisms for identifying victims of trafficking among vulnerable populations and subsequent referral to care. The government makes, furthermore, little efforts to reduce the demand for commercial sex acts. In regards to prosecutions, out-of-court settlements are common, particularly in Mombasa, with tourists paying girls' families to avoid legal action. The figure overleaf summarizes the positive and negative drivers.

87 88

http://publications.iom.int/system/files/pdf/kenyahumantraffickingbaselineassessment.pdf. Baseline survey on children in commercial sex in Kenya's four towns of Nairobi, Kisumu, Eldoret and Nyeri - ILO Report 2008. Press Release, UNICEF, A Call to Action on Birth Registration, (Nov. 3, 2007). Kenya Institute for Peace and Security Studies - Human Trafficking.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

4.4

Commercial sexual exploitation of children

4.4.1 Prevalence Although there is little comprehensive data to verify the true scale of the problem, children in Kenya are clearly vulnerable to CSEC. UNICEF estimates that some 30,000 Kenyan children are being exploited in the sex industry and that this figure is likely to be an underestimation due to the lack of monitoring and the social stigma inhibiting children from reporting abuses. A baseline survey on Child Sex Tourism (CST), conducted by End Child Prostitution in Kenya (ECPIK) in 2009 in Malindi, Mombasa and Nairobi, estimates that about 50,000 children are involved in child sex tourism. 91 A survey done in Diani, Kilifi, Mombasa and Kwale coastal districts, furthermore, revealed that up to 15,000 girls in the four coastal towns were involved in casual sex for cash and about 30% of them were aged between 12-18 years. In addition, a further 2,000 to 3,000 girls and boys were engaged in full time sex work in the coastal region. The study noted that the worst offenders are often Kenyan men who either pimp or are clients, while the other clients came from Europe and in particular from Italy, Germany, Switzerland and Britain. 92 93 In communities CSEC is also related to local Kenyan boys and men who want sex in exchange for little money. The ways in which children become exposed to sex tourism are numerous. Research suggests that one of the ways that child sex tourists seek out children is under the guise of domestic workers in their private residences. Reportedly, this is practiced in Mombassa, Ukunda, Malindi and Nairobi. On the beach resorts of Mombassa, both boys and girls appear to be sexually abused by male and female sex tourists. In some locations, there are suspicions that hotel staff brings children into hotels for abuse by sex tourists. Children also frequent the beach and resorts catering for foreigners in order to make some money. This places them at risk from sex offenders as well as intermediaries

91 92 93

http://www.childrenscouncil.go.ke/downloads/NPA-Sexual%20Exploitation%20of%20Children.pdf. UNICEF and Kenya government joint study report on CSEC 2006. SURVEY ON CHILDREN IN COMMERCIAL SEX ILO-IPEC TBP, 2007.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

who search for children to lure into the sex tourism industry.

According to the child right’s

organization ECPIK, part of the ECPAT International network, independent agents with multilingual skills also facilitate contact between children and sex tourists in Mombassa’s and Malindi’s bars, nightclubs and discotheques. Estimated number of children and adolescents sexually exploited for commercial purposes 30000-50000

4.4.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme The figure bellow shows the key positive and negative drivers that affect the prevalence of CSEC in Kenya.

At the individual and family level, poverty is a major negative driver. Particularly poor children from rural areas migrate to urban areas in the hope to find work to be able to sustain themselves. Research 95 suggests that some 250,000 children, including 60,000 in Nairobi, are living on the streets and are extremely vulnerable to sexual abuse, including commercial sexual exploitation. Children are often exchanging “sex for survival” in order to pay for food or a drug dependency formed as a result of their life on the streets. This situation is mediated by older ‘protectors’ who exploit these children by pimping them to other street members, the public and sex tourists. Pregnancy and child abuse are other negative drivers that cause children to run away or being send away from home. Next, peer influence and aspirations for a better life, also causes children to fall in the hands of pimps or have sex for money. At the community and social level, an important negative driver is the fact that Kenya is a patriarchal society in which children and women are used to a position of servitude to the family, which makes them more vulnerable for CSEC. In addition, girls are seen as valueless in some tribal cultures, and as a result are not cared for with basic needs at home, which causes them to use their bodies for income for their daily needs. Moreover, local harmful traditions around community events

94 95

http://www.ecpat.org.uk/sites/default/files/kenya05.pdf. ECPAT Report on Child Sex Tourism in Kenya.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

such as funerals and community discos and parties also expose children to CSEC. Finally, in many communities brokers are active –often relatives- which try to profit from CSEC by spreading false promises and hope.96 At the structural level, a main negative driver is the increase in sex tourism. While it is well recognized that local men and those from neighbouring countries sexually exploit Kenyan children, sex tourism is also increasing. Sex tourists are often offered the opportunity to do so through intermediaries working for the sex industry at bars and clubs.

At the legal and policy level, both positive and negative drivers exist. A key positive driver is the fact that Kenya ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child and also signed the Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography. In addition, many other bills and policies are also aimed at providing protection against CSEC. In order to bring its legislation in conformity with international obligations, the parliament enacted the Children’s Act, which defines a child as anyone who is under the age of 18 and provides protection from sexual exploitation, including prostitution and pornography. Other legislation that protects children is the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, which harmonizes the penalties for rape and defilement to the maximum sentence of life imprisonment. Furthermore, the government has designed a National Policy and Action Plan to address Sexual Abuse and Exploitation of Children. Despite all the legal regulations and policies, however, there is insufficient law enforcement and effective policy implementation. Action taken against offenders is minimal. Government’s capacity and budget is not sufficient to effectively fight CSEC and coordination with other actors that fight CSEC (like CSOs and CBOs) is weak. Furthermore, corruption affects government’s effectiveness. Finally, the limited availability of research and data on the problem hampers the effective design of policies.

4.5

Key stakeholders involved in GBV Several key stakeholders affect the chance of reducing gender based violence in Kenya. The table below presents these stakeholders and indicates the results of the expert panel’s assessment98 combined with the GAA survey of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against GBV, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing GBV. The experts were asked to score the position, power and influence, and actual engagement of the stakeholders on a four-point scale: 

Position of stakeholders: 1-very unsupportive; 2-somewhat unsupportive; 3-somewhat supportive; 4-very supportive;



Stakeholders’ level of power and influence: 1-no influence and power; 2-limited influence and power, 3-moderate to strong influence and power; 4-very strong influence and power;



Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Labour, and East African Affairs

2.3

3.3

2.0

Ministry of Home Affairs and National Heritage

2.5

2.8

2.0

Ministry of Devolution and Planning

2.3

3.3

1.7

Ministry of Education

2.7

3.5

2.0

Justice, law and order sector (e.g. judiciary, police)

2.3

3.3

2.0

Key stakeholders Central and local government

96 97 98

Focus group discussions with boys and girls and community leaders GAA 2016. SURVEY ON CHILDREN IN COMMERCIAL SEX ILO-IPEC TBP, 2007. An online survey was sent to seven experts. The response rate was 71% (N=5).

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

National Council for Children's Services

3.3

3.0

2.0

Kenya Tourism Board

2.3

2.5

1.7

The Advisory Committee for Counter Trafficking in Persons

3.3

3.7

3.0

County government of Kwale: Ministry of Tourism, Investment and ICT

2.0

2.5

2.0

County government of Kwale: Ministry of Community Development and Talent Development

2.0

2.5

2.0

County government of Kwale: Ministry of Education and HR development

2.0

2.5

2.0

Traditional and community leaders

2.0

2.3

2.0

Religious leaders

2.0

2.5

2.3

Youth organisations

2.3

Women groups

2.3

2.5

2.3

Schools

2.7

3.3

2.0

African Network for the Prevention and Protection against Child Abuse and Neglect (ANPPCAN)

3.0

3.3

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Kwale

2.3

1.7

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Kisumu

2.3

1.7

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Nairobi

2.3

2.0

2.3

3.3

2.3

Community actors

CSOs

Media National TV, Radio, Newsprint and social media

Government Most of the government actors -both at the national and local level- are assessed as not being very supportive of fighting GBV. The National Council for Children's Services and the Advisory Committee for Counter Trafficking in Persons, are the only government actors that score a 3 or higher for their position. In addition, in terms of actual engagement, the actors score again poorly, with most average scores ranging between 1.7 and 2, indicating that the actors have shown some commitment to fight GBV but that little evidence is available of concrete actions. The Advisory Committee for Counter Trafficking in Persons is the only actor that has shown a concrete commitment with some related specific actions, according to the experts. Part. There is also a need for Ministries and other government institutions to work together to coordinate efforts to tackle the social and economic barriers to end GBV is mentioned. The table below shows governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s position and commitment concerning Child Marriage, Child Trafficking, and the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children. The experts were requested to indicate on a ten-point scale - with 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree - whether they agreed or disagreed with various statements concerning these GAA themes. The national government is judged to be most committed and effective when it comes to addressing CSEC, for CM it scores, however, less well. The experts hardly agree with the statement that the government develops relevant programmes, policies and guidelines to address CM. Interviews and desk-study research revealed that many of the developed programmes and policies are not specific enough and that Ministries fail to coordinate efforts effectively to fight CM. Scope thus clearly exists to focus lobby & advocacy activities on governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s engagement with CM. Political actors also score poorly, especially concerning supporting the development of programmes, policies and guidelines to fight CM and CT.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

CSEC

National Government attaches importance to combatting the specific theme

National government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

National government effectively implements legislation and public policies and effective implementation is supported

Political actors attach importance to combatting the specific theme

Political actors effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines

Political actors effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies

Community actors & the general public Community actors, like traditional, community and religious leaders, youth organisations and women groups show some commitment to fighting GBV but there is limited evidence of any concrete actions (see table on stakeholders position, power and engagement concerning GBV) above. In case of CM religious and traditional authorities (Local Chiefs, Marriage Register and the Elders groups within the tribes (informal/traditional arbitration body at the rural communities) are also among the most prominent proponents of marrying girls early due to traditional or religious reasons. Significant scope exists, furthermore, to raise awareness about CT amongst community actors and the general public. Religious leaders seem to be slightly more aware of its importance and promote to some extent values, norms and practices in support of ending CT. The general public is the least aware of the importance of addressing CT. The scores for CSEC are slightly better with religious, traditional, and community leaders and the general public in Kwale all scoring a 6, see the table below. 99 Outcome indicators

Traditional & community leaders recognize the importance of addressing the theme (Kisumu East for CM)

Religious leaders recognize the importance of addressing the theme (Kisumu East for CM)

Traditional & community leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of ending the theme (Kisumu East for CM)

Religious leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of ending the theme (Kisumu East for CM)

Key traditional & community leaders in Kisumu East adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address CM

Key religious leaders in Kisumu East adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address CM

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme (Kisumu East for CM)

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme (Kisumu East for CM)

Key traditional & community leaders in Kwale recognize the importance of addressing the theme

Key religious leaders in Kwale recognize the importance of addressing the theme

Key traditional & community leaders in Kwale promote values, norms and practices in support of ending the theme

Key religious leaders in Kwale promote values, norms and practices in support of ending the theme

The general public in Kwale recognizes the importance of addressing the theme

CSEC

CSEC is implemented in Kwale.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

CSEC

The general public in Kwale shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme

Civil Society Organisations Next to government and community actors, civil society actors are important stakeholders in addressing GBV with feminist and women’s groups amongst the most active organs, particularly in policy influencing. The assessment of the expert panel of CSOs’ capacity, monitoring function and engagement with the government for the respective themes, see the table below, shows that CSOs at the national level effectively engage with the government, especially concerning CT and CSEC, while they score less in terms of monitoring and evaluating the government on CM and CT. Outcome indicators

CSEC

Relevant CSOs have a common understanding on the theme for lobby & advocacy

Relevant CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against the theme

Relevant CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

Relevant CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement in relation to the theme

At the local level, girls and young women focused CSOs working in Kwale, Kisumu and Nairobi are assessed as showing some commitment to fighting GBV but there is limited evidence of any concrete actions. Media The media in Kenya (including national TV, radio, newsprint and social media) is assessed as an actor with moderate to strong influence and power, but it has not yet shown a strong commitment and action to fight GBV.

4.6

Employability and skills development of girls and young women

4.6.1 Prevalence Kenya can be characterized as a dual economy that includes a large and growing informal sector and a relatively small formal and modern jobs sector. The vast majority of Kenyan workers, including 90% of employed youth, work in the agricultural and non- farm informal sectors. In 2005, the labour force in Kenya was slightly over 72 percent and had 10 million workers with the farm, informal non-farm and formal non-farm sectors accounting for 47%, 38% and 15% of the workforce100. A higher proportion of the labour force (77.5 per cent) is found in the rural areas where employment opportunities are minimal, leading to rural-urban migration. Distribution of employment among young workers (15-34) among the farm and informal non-farm sectors is 48% and 42%.101 Unemployment rate among women is three times as high as for men. Unemployment is highest among young women living in urban areas. 102 For young women it is particularly difficult to find employment in the formal sector, which calls for efforts to encourage female employment in the formal sector, and to decrease common wage differentials between male and female. 103 Among the employed, the percentage employed men are always higher than women. 104 For example at the

100 101 102 103 104

World Bank 2012b, using KIHBS 2005/2006 data. World Bank 2012b. GAA context analysis. ILO – Report KENYA DECENT WORK COUNTRY PROGRAMME - 2013 – 2016. 2012/13 report by the National Gender and Equality Commission (NGEC).

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

county level, 87% of the County Secretaries and 79% of the Clerks are men; similar trends were identified at the national level as well. Kenyan women and youth have a higher dependency rate (82%) compared to comparable countries, which is attributed to unemployment, limited skills, and lack of resources and opportunities. Young people from disadvantaged backgrounds are least likely to have skills for decent work and employability. 32% of young women and 27% of young men in rural areas have less than a lower secondary education. About 60% of Nairobi’s 3 million inhabitants live in slums. In two of the poorest slums, Korogocho and Viwandani (slums around Industries), young people make up almost a third of the population. With no secondary schools in the slums, only 19% of men and 12% of women have attended secondary school in Korogocho. Around one in five of those aged 19-20 have training in a trade or skill, and only half of these can use their training to earn an income. About 50% of men and 80% of women aged 15 to 24 in the slums have no incomegenerating activities. Of those who are employed, about 60% of men and 40% of women are in casual employment earning only around the poverty line. Around one-third of those work in the formal sector, but seldom in formal, salaried jobs. Most are in casual jobs with daily or short-term engagement. School enrolment has improved and enrolment numbers are fairly even at the primary school level, around 90%105 106 Girls are 64 percent of the secondary school population, while boys are 69 percent, but the quality of schooling has reduced according to various surveys. Just 41 percent of young women continue their education after they complete high school.107 The inequality in education between boys and girls is 26% and the inequality in income is 36% between men and women. 108 Only 1.5 per cent of the unemployed youth have formal education beyond the secondary school level and over 92 per cent have no vocational or professional skills training, which limits their chances of fully participating in the formal sector. Even though earnings are received in the informal sector the earnings are inadequate to put people above the poverty line. 109 Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

% of youth (aged 15-24) not in education, employment or training (World Bank)

Female vs Male gross enrolment in secondary/ tertiary education

Mean years of schooling female vs male

Female vs male gross enrolment in TVET

17.4 (2014)110

Secondary Female-64.5% Male- 69.46 % (2012) (Source Mundi index) Tertiary Female- 3.34 % Male- 4.75 % (2012) 111

Female -5.9 Male- 7.3 (2009)112

Female- 41% Male- 59%113 GER for TVET (2010): 4.7%

105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113

114

http://www.epdc.org/sites/default/files/documents/Kenya_coreusaid.pdf. data from UNESCO. data from United Nations. http://hdr.undp.org/sites/all/themes/hdr_theme/country-notes/KEN.pdf. Data from the government’s annual economic surveys. World Bank. http://www.indexmundi.com/facts/kenya and World Bank. HDI Report 2015. Support for Technical Vocational education and training for relevant skills development - Phase II – 2015 report African Development Fund. National consultation in preparation for the sub-Saharan Africa Regional Conference on Post 2015 Education Agenda Report.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

4.6.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme The figure below shows the key positive and negative drivers that affect the employability of girls and young women in Kenya. At the individual and family level an increased level of education and literacy are positive drivers for employability. Good jobs in Kenya are, however, obtained not only based on education levels but also on individual and family connections (whom do you know). The opposite is also true, when connection are non-existing or limited, even very good certificates will not provide the job at the required level. Lack of productive skills and physical strength are main reasons for women not to get the jobs they want. At the community and social level, several hindrances are faced by women in their efforts to seek work. For example, cultural factors impede women to fulfil certain roles that are generally done by men (e.g. travelling away from home, evening work, politics and others which are considered to fall within the masculine domain). Some cultural, religious, and traditional practices include strong occupational segregation and limit women’s participation in the public sphere, thereby curtailing women’s full enjoyment of and access to socio-economic rights and influencing the employability of the women. Particularly at community level the perception of women having a job or even a betterpaid job over men is taboo. Furthermore, senior men at the workplace are often higher valued than senior women. Hence women often do not stand a chance to obtain a good position. At the structural level, the positive drivers are increased access to secondary education and skills education for women, which have improved their employability. The negative drivers are related to the big gap in connecting education to the market. There have been several reports 115 116 in the past year of the mismatch between the skills taught versus the skills required by the market. Limited employment opportunities both in the rural areas as well as in the city also make it complicated for girls to be employable, as they often have to stay close to home in order to take care for the family and children. At the legal and policy level, there are various positive and negative drivers. On the positive side, the Ministry for Youth Affairs (MOYAS) was established in December 2005 to represent and address youth concerns, including employment and employability. A National Youth Employment Action Plan (2012 - 2017) and a Marshall Plan (open document for use with no timeframe) have been put in place that emphasize youth participation and empowerment, employment creation, education and training. The Kenyan government, furthermore, launched a presidential directive on “Youth Access to Government Procurement” on June 2012, which allocates 10 per cent of all government procurement to youth owned enterprises. The government, furthermore, launched the Youth Enterprise and the Women Enterprise Funds in 2007, as a strategic move towards curbing youth unemployment and as alternative financial service to women, who are often excluded from both the formal and informal financial sectors. The Youth Enterprise Fund facilitates youth employment through enterprise development by providing loans to existing microfinance institutions, registered NGOs involved in micro financing and savings and credit cooperative organizations (SACCOs). It attracts and facilitates investment in business or industrial parks, markets and incubators and supports youth oriented micro, small and medium enterprises to develop linkages with large enterprises. It also facilitates employment of youth in international labour markets. The Women Enterprise Fund promotes local and international marketing and linkages of micro, small and medium enterprises owned by women with big enterprises; and 115

116

KENYA COUNTRY REPORT FOR THE 2014 MINISTERIAL CONFERENCE ON YOUTH EMPLOYMENT HOW TO IMPROVE, TROUGH SKILLS DEVELOPMENT AND JOB CREATION, ACCESS OF AFRICA’S YOUTH TO THE WORLD OF WORK Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, 21-23 July, 2014. http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/The-ticking-time-bomb-of-Kenya-s-jobless-youth/-/539546/3131266/-/faes1e//index.html / World Bank Report 2015.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

supports capacity building of women beneficiaries and their institutions. The government has furthermore introduced policies to promote girls in all skills training and many institutions have gender balance regulations that allow girls to participate well. Despite all these positive developments, there are still several negative drivers and problems. For example, the funds allocated to improve youth employment and the employability of girls are not sufficient. In addition, too limited resources are allocated to the TVET sector and there is a clear mismatch between education offered and the required deployable skills.

4.7

Key stakeholders involved in EE There are various stakeholders involved in economic empowerment and promoting of decent work opportunities for girls and young women in Kenya. The table below presents - on a four-point scale (similar as for the question concerning GBV) -expertsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; assessment of key stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; position, power and influence and actual engagement. It shows that there is some commitment at the national government level to improve economic empowerment of girls and young women, but that only the Ministry of Education has demonstrated its engagement through some specific actions.

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Labour and East African Affairs

3.0

3.5

2.0

Ministry of Industrialization and Enterprise Development

3.0

2.0

Ministry of Education

2.0

3.5

3.0

Kenya Tourism Board

2.0

County government of Kwale: Ministry of Tourism, Investment and ICT

3.0

2.0

County government of Kwale: Ministry of Community Development and Talent Development

3.0

Central Government

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

3.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs Kwale

2.5

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs Kisumu

2.5

3.0

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs Nairobi

3.0

3.3

2.8

Kenya Private Sector Alliance

2.5

3.5

2.3

Kenya Association of Women Business Owners and other influential Business Associations

3.0

3.5

2.3

Kenya Association of Manufacturers

2.5

3.0

2.0

County government of Kwale: Ministry of Education and HR development CSOs

Private sector

More specifically, concerning the GAA theme of decent work, the experts were also requested to indicate on a ten-point scale - with 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree - whether they agreed or disagreed with various statements concerning this theme. The results of this assessment is presented in the table below. The scores suggest that the national government and political actors do to some extent attach importance to promoting decent work, develop relevant policies, and implement these. However, the scores (6) suggest that ample scope for improvement still exists. Furthermore, decent work (DW) is not well addressed and recognized for its importance by girls and young women focused CSOs. Also the private sector actors in Nairobi score not well in terms of recognizing their role and having Corporate Social Responsibility policies and guidelines to promote EE and decent work. The Kenya Association of Manufacturers (KAM) try to influence companies to implement for instance the gender balance rule but do not hold members accountable. Outcome indicators

National Government attaches importance to promote DW

National government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to promote DW

National government effectively implements legislation and public policies and effective implementation is supported

Political actors attach importance to promote DW

Political actors effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines

Political actors effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies

Girls and young women focused CSOs have a common understanding on promoting the theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government the theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement in relation to the theme

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in Nairobi recognize their role in promoting the theme

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in Nairobi have corporate (CSR) policies and guidelines to eliminate GBV (for instance, codes of conduct, trusted counsellors and procedures to prevent sexual harassment at work)/ to promote the economic inclusion of girls and young women (for instance guidelines on equal pay, women career and skill development programmes, equality plans, etc.)

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in Nairobi effectively implement and monitor their corporate policies in support of girls and young womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic inclusion/ of the elimination of GBV

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Context and baseline study Liberia

The GAA programme in Liberia will focus at the themes of sexual violence and abuse, child marriage, access to post-primary education and access to TVET and job creation for young women. are Bomi and Lofa rural districts, and Montserrado urban district. Nonetheless, some of the programme’s advocacy and lobby activities, particularly towards government, will be undertaken at national level.

5.1

Overall information

5.1.1 Socio-economic profile Liberia is one of the poorest countries in the world. 63.8% of the population of 4.4 million people are living below the poverty line (2007). The GNI per capita is $370 (2014).117 On the Human Development Index (HDI), it ranks at place 177 out of the 188 countries (2014) and is categorized as a country with low human development. Its HDI score is below the average for countries in SubSaharan Africa.118 Liberia has a very young population with almost 60% of the population being under the age of 24.119 It is mainly an agricultural economy, with agriculture contributing for an estimated 77% to the country’s GDP and accounting for 70% of the working population.120 Women play a critical role in the agricultural sector by providing 80% of the labour force and representing 56% of the agricultural traders and 51% of the small scale farmers (2014).121 The country has a history of instability, exclusion and inequality. A brutal civil war erupted in 1989, which costs the lives of 200,000 people and destroyed key governance institutions, infrastructure and the economy. The conflict lasted till 2003 and was caused by the prolonged exclusion and marginalization of a large part of the Liberian population from political power and economic wealth derived from the natural resources. Since the end of the civil war, Liberia has managed, with the support from various development partners, to rebuild some basic infrastructure and revive state administration. Two democratic presidential elections have been held since 2003 and the country enjoys a fairly stable and democratic government. Nevertheless, more than 16 different ethnic groups exist and deep divisions are still present between people of different tribes, and between the well-off and the poor.122 In addition, the Ebola crisis in 2014-2015 and the sharp decline in commodity prices had a severe negative impact on Liberia’s economic and social progress. The economy deteriorated in 2015, with a GDP growth of 0.3% (compared to 0.7% in 2014) and the overall impact has been highest on the poor, who have faced a reduction in already precariously low incomes.123

117 118 119

120

121 122 123

http://data.worldbank.org/country/liberia. http://hdr.undp.org/sites/all/themes/hdr_theme/country-notes/LBR.pdf. Plan Liberia & Defence for Children International – Liberia, Country Theory of Change (10-pager): LIBERIA, Date: 5 July 2015, Version:2. The industrial sector contributes with 5% to GDP and employs 8% of the labour force, and the services sector employs 22% of the labour force and contributes with 18% to GDP. Source: Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Liberia. Survey on the context analysis of the Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Liberia. The World Bank (2013), Country Partnership Strategy for the Republic of Liberia for the period FY13-FY17. http://www.worldbank.org/en/country/liberia/overview#1; http://www.africaneconomicoutlook.org/fileadmin/uploads/aeo/2015/CN_data/CN_Long_EN/Liberia_GB_2015.pdf.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Montserrado County is the smallest county by size at 1,909 square kilometres (737 sq mi), but largest by population accounting for approximately 33% of Liberia’s total population. In comparison with the average of Liberia, the Montserrado county has: 

Lower absolute poverty rates (31.6% vs. 54.1%);



A higher literacy rate of 80.4% (vs. 66.7%) and a higher share of people who has formal education (75.9% vs. 62.3%);



A higher informal employment rate (70.4% vs. 67.9%) but a lower than average vulnerable employment rate (55.7% vs. 74.1%).124

Lofa County has an area of 3,809 square miles with a population of 273,863 (2008 Census). Traditional culture remains strong in Lofa with the Poro and Sande societies still playing a critical role in the education and initiation of boys and girls. The two largest tribes are the Lorma and Gbandi, which are largely Christian and Muslim respectively. The two coexisted peacefully prior to the conflict, but current issues of land ownership, traditional practices and power sharing have led relations to deteriorate. In comparison with the average of Liberia, Lofa county has: 

Lower absolute poverty rates (35% vs 54.1%);



A lower literacy rate of 53.3% (vs 66.7%);



A lower informal employment rate of 56.7% (vs 67.9%).

Bomi County has an area of 755 square miles with a population of 84,119 (2008 Census). About 70% of the active workforce is engaged in agriculture. In comparison with the average of Liberia, the North-Western Region where Bomi County is situated has: 

Higher absolute poverty (66.0% vs. 54.1%), food poverty (52.4% vs. 45.0%) and extreme poverty (24.3% vs. 18.5%) rates;



A lower literacy rate of 50.9% (vs. 66.7%) and lower share of people who had formal education (46.1% vs. 62.3%);



The highest informal employment rate (73.6% vs. 67.9%) and a higher than average vulnerable employment rate (82.1% vs. 74.1%).125

5.1.2 Gender equality achievements Liberia performs poorly on various indices that assess gender equality (see table below). Women in Liberia have, in general, less access to education, health care and property than men. Only 15.4% of adult women, for example, have reached at least a secondary level of education compared to 39.3% of men. The GII score is worse than the average GII score for Sub-Saharan African countries and for other countries falling within the low human development category. 126 Liberia scores especially lower in terms of educational achievement and political empowerment than other low income countries.127 GII

GGI (rank)

EEI

SIGI category

146 (out of 155) (2014)

111 (out of 142) (2014)

88 (out of 109) (2014)

Very High Discrimination

Moreover, Liberia scores very poorly on the SIGI dimensions of “Physical integrity” and “Civil liberties”, see the SIGI diagram below128. Main identified issues are: 124

125

126 127 128

Liberia Institute of Statistics & Geo-Information Services (LISGIS), Household Income and Expenditure Survey 2014 Statistical Abstract, March 2016. Liberia Institute of Statistics & Geo-Information Services (LISGIS), Household Income and Expenditure Survey 2014 Statistical Abstract, March 2016. http://hdr.undp.org/sites/all/themes/hdr_theme/country-notes/LBR.pdf. http://reports.weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2014/economies/#economy=LIB. The SIGI Index provides information on the degree to which formal and informal laws, attitudes and practices restrict women’s and girls’ access to rights, justice and empowerment opportunities. It consists out of five sub-indexes. 1) Discriminatory family code, which captures social institutions that limit women’s decision-making power and undervalue

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance



domestic violence is widespread and no specific law in Liberia is addressing this issue 129; though there is a draft bill in the Legislature awaiting review and passing into Law;



legislation on rape is not effectively enforced and rape cases are often settled out of court;



no specific laws address sexual harassment and female genital mutilation;



for a significant share of women their day-to-day movement is restricted by partners and husbands (according to the 2007 Demographic and Health Survey reported 26.2% of women aged 15-49 that their partner would not let them visit female friends); and



no quotas exist at the national or sub-national level that promote women’s political participation.130

5.1.3 Main governance and power issues in the area of GBV and EE Liberia is a patriarchal society and there is a high socio-cultural tolerance for female subordination and male superiority, which limit women’s participation in decision making at various levels of society. Gender based violence (GBV) and economic exclusion of women and girls are widespread. Women and girls that are living in rural areas are especially vulnerable. 131 Liberia has ratified relevant international conventions, e.g. the UNCRC, ACRWC and CEDAW, and has made several steps to fulfil its obligations under these conventions. In addition, it passed the Children’s act (2012) that provides for the right of children to be protected from sexual abuse. The government has implemented several programmes, like the Economic Empowerment of Adolescent Girls and Young Women (EPAG), to empower women. Furthermore, the Ministry of Gender and Ministry of Education have developed a teacher’s code of conduct to assist in reducing and combating sexual violence at schools. In addition, the appointment of a special section (section E) of the criminal court was saluted as a positive initiative. 132 Issues of gender equality and youth empowerment are prominently positioned in the Liberian government’s Medium Term Economic Growth and Development Strategy (2012-2017) entitled ‘Agenda for Transformation: Steps Toward Liberia Rising 2030’. This strategy also refers to the important advocacy and lobby role of CSOs in the areas of awareness raising, contributing to policy formulation and monitoring, and public expenditure monitoring. While the capacity of CSOs that

129

130 131

132

their status in the household and the family. It covers areas like marriage, parental authority and inheritance. 2) Restricted physical integrity, which captures social institutions that limit women’s and girls’ control over their bodies, that increase women’s vulnerability, and that normalise attitudes toward gender-based violence. 3) Son bias, which captures unequal intra-household investments in caring for, nurturing and allocating resources to sons and daughters reflecting the lower value given to girls. 4) Restricted resources and assets, which captures discrimination in women’s rights to access and make decisions over natural and economic resources. 5) Restricted civil liberties, which captures discriminatory laws and practices that restrict women’s access to public space, their political voice and their participation in all aspects of public life. See for more information: http://www.genderindex.org/content/team. 39% of women who were married or cohabiting reported having experienced at least one incident of physical or sexual violence at the hands, according to the 2007 Demographic and Health Survey. Source: http://www.genderindex.org/country/liberia. http://www.genderindex.org/country/liberia. Plan Liberia & Defence for Children International – Liberia, Country Theory of Change (10-pager): LIBERIA, Date: 5 July 2015, Version: 2. Experta panel survey.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

focus on promoting women’s and children’s rights is in general low, it is growing. 133 Girls and young women’s access to GBV prevention, protection and response services; to justice; and to postprimary education and TVET is however, in general, still limited due to inadequate implementation and enforcement of relevant formal laws and policies and discriminatory social norms and values. More specifically, the strong position of traditional leaders in the dual law system (civil law based on Anglo-American ideals, and customary law based on customs and unwritten tribal practices). negatively affects gender equality and empowerment in Liberia. Differences exist between the formal legislation and customary laws related to, for example, issues like the minimum age of marriage. While the Constitution dictates that national legislation should take precedence over customary laws, customary laws are, in practice, much more widely used –especially in the rural areas - and affect the majority of the population.134 The various formal laws and policies that Liberia has related to the prevention and elimination of child marriage, female genital mutilations and sexual violence and abuse are, furthermore, often not well implemented and enforced due to, among other things, a limited awareness by citizens of relevant laws and policies, the weak capacity of relevant professionals (e.g. government officials, judges, teachers etc.), and the poor coordination between responsible ministries, partners and agencies.135 The media, moreover, provides limited coverage about the rights of girls and young women and many media outlets promote, in fact, stereotyping that negatively affects public opinion on gender equality.136

5.2

Sexual violence and abuse

5.2.1 Prevalence The prevalence of sexual violence in Liberia is high. In fact, Liberia has one of the highest rates of sexual violence against women in the world.137 13% of the girls between 15 and 19 years old have experienced sexual violence in their life and 45% of these girls –and who were ever married- have experienced physical, sexual or emotional violence committed by their husbands or partners. Rape is the most frequently reported serious crime in Liberia, accounting for more than one-third of the sexual violence cases.138 It is committed primarily against young people between 10 and 19 years and sexual harassment is a major problem in and around schools. It is not clear whether levels of sexual violence have decreased in the last years. One expert from UNMIL noted that the number of reported cases according to the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection has decreased. However, this trend would not be confirmed by data of other institutions like the Sexual and Gender Based Violence Crimes Unit.139 Experts also estimate that in the areas touched by the GAA programme - Boma, Lofi and Montserrado – the levels of sexual violence and abuse are higher than in the rest of the country.140

133

134 135 136

137

138

139 140

Plan Liberia & Defence for Children International – Liberia, Country Theory of Change (10-pager): LIBERIA, Date: 5 July 2015, Version: 2; Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance (2015). Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance (2015). Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance (2015). Plan Liberia & Defence for Children International – Liberia, Country Theory of Change (10-pager): LIBERIA, Date: 5 July 2015, Version: 2; Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance (2015). ODI (2014), The fallout of rape as a weapon of war: The life-long and intergenerational impacts of sexual violence in conflict. ODI (2014), The fallout of rape as a weapon of war: The life-long and intergenerational impacts of sexual violence in conflict. Expert panel survey. Experta panel survey.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Impact indicator

Other indicators for prevalence

Percentage of ever-married girls aged 15 to 19 years who ever experienced any physical, sexual or emotional violence committed by their husbands or partners (UNICEF 2014)

% of girls aged 15 to 19 years (or otherwise noted) who experienced forced sexual intercourse or any other forced sexual acts in the last 12 months (UNICEF 2014)

Justification of wife beating (female, %) (UNICEF 2016, based on 2007 data)

Percentage of girls and boys aged 15 to 19 years who ever experienced forced sexual intercourse or any other forced sexual acts (including in childhood) (UNICEF 2014; based on 2007 data)

45%

59.3 %

Girls 13% Boys: Unknown

5.2.2 Key drivers141 There are various drivers that can explain the high prevalence of sexual violence in Liberia. It is, first of all, strongly linked to Liberia’s history of civil war, which has contributed to a culture of violence. At the individual and family level, there are men who are still struggling to adjust to peacetime life, men who are traumatized by their war experiences (including being sexual abused themselves), and are frustrated because of the limited employment opportunities. A high rate of substance abuse amongst men exacerbates these problems. Another main negative driver of sexual violence and abuse at this level is that women, especially in rural areas, are vulnerable to it because of their limited economic autonomy and high poverty levels. Transactional sex arrangements between young girls and older men are accepted among poor families as a way to generate income. Furthermore, at the community and social level, a high socio-cultural tolerance for female subordination and male superiority exists in Liberia and cultural norms stigmatize victims. Victims are often pressurized not to disrupt “good” relationships within families and communities, leading to underreporting of sexual violence cases and a culture of silence. Next, at the structural, legal and policy levels, sexual violence against children is widespread especially in rural areas, and child protection structures are weak. Limited public awareness, furthermore, exists about the rights of girls and young women, and relevant laws and policies. In addition, sexual offences are often adjudicated by traditional/customary courts that only give very mild punishments. Prosecution rates in formal courts are, moreover, low and have hardly any deterrent effect. This is mainly due to the high level of corruption within the police and their limited capacity to preserve evidence well. Finally, another important negative driver at the policy level is government’s limited political will to address the issue effectively and the (related) insufficient allocation of resources to fight sexual violence and abuse. Despite these negative drivers, there are, however, also some positive developments that support addressing the problem of sexual violence and abuse. First of all, at the community and social level, it has been noted, according to the Ministry of Gender and the participants of the Focus Group Discussions, that communities have become more aware of GBV and that they increasingly report GBV cases. Next, at the legal and policy levels, Liberia has taken important steps as 141

This section, including the presented figure, is based on the following sources: GAA baseline case study research in Liberia, June 2016 Plan Liberia & Defence for Children International – Liberia, Country Theory of Change (10-pager): LIBERIA, Date: 5 July 2015, Version: 2; Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance (2015); Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme; ODI (2014), The fallout of rape as a weapon of war: The life-long and intergenerational impacts of sexual violence in conflict; Tulchinsky, M. (2014), Violence Against Children: A Desk Review of the Children and Youth Sector in Liberia.; http://www.irinnews.org/report/100364/tackling-liberia%E2%80%99shigh-rape-rate. Information added by experts responding to our expert panel survey was also included.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

discussed in section 5.1.3 above. Finally, compared to 4 years ago, more development partners are now also involved in implementing GBV programs. The Joint UN Program on GBV, for example, deployed campaigns that increased awareness and strengthened policy on GBV cases. The figure below presents a summary of the key positive and negative drivers influencing the prevalence of sexual abuse.

5.3

Child marriage

5.3.1 Prevalence With 38% of women, aged between 20-24, who have got married before the age of 18, Liberia belongs to the top 25 countries with the highest rates of child marriage. Child marriage rates in the capital city are relatively low (22%), but rates in the rest of the country range from 40-50%.142 There is a strong link between wealth and the prevalence of child marriages. The rates of child marriage for children residing in the poorest households are around two and half times higher than those residing in the richest households.143 A positive trend is, however, visible as the prevalence of child marriage is decreasing in Liberia (of more than 10 percent between 2007-2013).144 One member of our expert panel observed though that decreased child marriage rates are accompanied by increased out of wedlock relationships of young girls living together with men for economical reasons/protection.145.

142 143

144

145

Tulchinsky, M. (2014), Violence Against Children: A Desk Review of the Children and Youth Sector in Liberia. UNICEF (2015), Child marriage, Adolescent pregnancy and Family Formation in West and Central Africa; Patterns, trends and drivers of change. UNFPA (2012), Marrying too young: end child marriage, p.24; UNICEF (2015), Child marriage, Adolescent pregnancy and FamilyFormation in West and Central Africa; Patterns, trends and drivers of change. Expert panel survey.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Impact indicator

Other indicators for prevalence

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 18 (UNICEF 2015; based on 2014 data)

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 15 (UNICEF 2015; based on 2014 data)

Mean age at marriage (The Global Gender Gap Report 2014)

38%

11%

Female: 23 Male: 27

5.3.2 Key drivers146 One of the key drivers of child marriage in Liberia, located at the individual and family level, is poverty. Child marriage predominantly occurs in areas of poverty. Parents mainly face two economic incentives to support child marriage: 1) to ensure their daughter’s financial security and 2) to reduce the economic burden (in terms of feeding, clothing, educational expenses) daughters place on the family. In addition, it is also seen as a strategy to improve a family’s social status by marrying their daughter into a “good” family. One member of our expert panel also highlighted the role of Ebola which caused greater poverty in Liberia and prompted parents to sell their daughters into marriage because they could not afford to care for them.147 Furthermore at the community and social level, cultural and traditional norms are key negative drivers. For example, child marriage is often seen as beneficial for young girls as, apart from securing their future economic well-being, it is also believed to protect the girls from prostitution. Prevalent gender stereotypes, furthermore, foster the conviction that girls’ task is to get married, while for boys education is considered to be important as they are to support themselves later. Next to these discriminatory norms and perceptions, there is also a culture of victim blaming, as girls are often considered to be responsible for the marriage because of the way they dress or act: “girls give themselves out to men.” Furthermore, within women’s secret societies, or the Sande societies, a girl is supposed to marry once she has learned all the values to become a wife and to care for a home, which is typically around the age of 14 or 15. So-called ‘bush schools’, initiation schools which aim to prepare girls and boys to the adult life, have been traditionally run by these societies. Although formally banned, these schools still exist in some areas as they are a source of prestige and even income for those who run them.148 According to experts from our panel, child marriages are not necessarily the result of arrangements, but often the consequence of a teenage pregnancy. Because these are not marriage arrangements, single parenthood is widespread. Persistent nonsupport is currently one if not the most reported case at the Women and Children Protection Section within the Liberian National Police. Teen pregnancy can be also attributed to limited access to sexual and reproductive health information and services149, which is a structural level factor. Living in remote and rural areas is another, more general one. At the legal and policy level, key negative drivers include the fact that while according to the national children law of Liberia the age of eligibility for marriage is 18, under the customary law of Liberia it is 16. From the stakeholder focus group in Bomi, it furthermore, became clear that there is a lack of political will to effectively address the relevant customs and traditional practices of the 146

147 148 149

This section, including the presented figure, is based on the following sources: GAA baseline case study research in Liberia, June 2016; Plan Liberia & Defence for Children International – Liberia, Country Theory of Change (10-pager): LIBERIA, Date: 5 July 2015, Version: 2; Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance (2015); Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme; Tulchinsky, M. (2014), Violence Against Children: A Desk Review of the Children and Youth Sector in Liberia; Care International (2015), Vows of poverty: 26 countries where child marriage eclipses girls’ education; A Snapshot of Causes, Solutions and Ways to Help; Ford Foundation (2013), Mapping Early Marriage In West Africa: A scan of trends, interventions, what works, best practices and the way forward; UNICEF (2015), Child marriage, Adolescent pregnancy and Family Formation in West and Central Africa; Patterns, trends and drivers of change. Expert panel survey. Focus group discussions with stakeholders during field visit to Bomi county. Expert panel survey.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Sande society and traditional leaders, as politicians need the electoral support from these communities and leaders. Finally, it is often difficult to identify and prevent cases of child marriage since many girls in Liberia do not have birth certificates. Next to these negative drivers, there are also several positive drivers that support addressing child marriage. First of all, at the individual and family level, interviewees and participants of the FGDs indicated that affirmative action to increase girls’ access to education is gaining ground and that over the past four years more girls have completed primary and secondary schools than before, see also section 5.5 “Access to post primary education”. This has been possible also due to structural level factors such as greater accessibility of governmental educational facilities. Another positive driver is the increase in lighting and police protection in some areas. Next, at the community and social level, awareness about the negative effects of child marriage is increasing due to campaigns, at the legal and policy level, of the government, development partners and CSOs. The Ministry of Gender, for example, launched the End of Child Marriage Campaign in June 2016. Development partners (e.g. UN agencies) and CSOs, in addition, are very active in the fight against child marriage. According to the interviewees, there are currently more awareness programs about child marriage in Liberia than ever before. Furthermore, Children Representative Forums have been created in each county that advocate for child rights at the local and national level and assist in creating awareness on issues affecting children, including child marriage. The figure overleaf presents a summary of the key positive and negative drivers influencing the prevalence of child marriage.

5.4

Key stakeholders involved in GBV There are various stakeholders at government, community and civil society level that affect the chance of reducing gender based violence in Liberia. The table below presents the key stakeholders identified and indicates for each of these stakeholders the results of the expert panel’s

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

assessment150 combined with the GAA alliance survey of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against GBV, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing GBV. The experts were asked to score the position, power and influence, and actual engagement of the stakeholders on a four-point scale. Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

The President of the Republic of Liberia

3,5

3,7

2,7

Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection

3,3

3,2

2,3

Ministry of Justice

3,0

3,5

2,2

Ministry of Internal Affairs / Liberia National Police

3,2

3,5

2,2

Ministry of Education

3,2

2,3

Country superintendents

2,7

2,8

1,8

District commissioners, mayors

2,7

1,8

Traditional and religious chiefs and leaders

2,8

3,0

2,5

Local Child Welfare Committees

3,0

2,2

2,5

Parent-teachers association

2,8

2,5

2,7

Child rights CSOs and their Networks (e.g. Child Protection Network CSOs

3,3

2,7

3,0

Women's CSOs and their networks (WONGOSOL); (WOLPNET))

3,5

2,8

3,0

Media

3,2

2,7

Central Government

Local government

Community actors

Current position of stakeholders: 1-very unsupportive; 2-somewhat unsupportive; 3-somewhat supportive; 4-very supportive. Stakeholders’ level of power and influence: 1-no influence and power; 2-limited influence and power, 3-moderate to strong influence and power; 4-very strong influence and power. Stakeholders’ actual engagement: 1- no commitment; 2-showing some commitment but no or limited evidence of concrete action; 3-concrete commitment with some related specific actions; 4- strong commitment with a concrete strategy and actions.

From the above assessment it appears that GBV is a clear priority for the President, the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection and, to a slightly lesser extent, for the Ministries of Internal Affairs, Education and Justice. Justice and Internal Affairs and the President are considered more influential than Education and Gender. The levels of engagement are considered higher for the President than the Ministries. Community actors such as local Child Welfare Committees, Child rights CSOs and their networks, and Women’s organizations are also highly supportive in the fight against GBV, and the actual engagement of CSOs is high. However these actors are not so influential as, for example, traditional and religious chiefs and leaders who have a responsibility in supporting or dismissing traditional practices. Local government appear less important in the picture and far less engaged. Finally, the media appear to have provided some important support. Government Despite their supportive position, the concerned ministries still encounter challenges in implementation and enforcement of the various existing legal provisions for the protection of children’s rights and against GBV.

150

The expert panel consisted of 6 resource persons.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators –Government

The Government (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Ministry of Gender Children and Social Protection and Ministry of Justice) effectively implements and enforces the Children’s Law’s provisions on the theme and the Rape Law’s in relation to improve prevention of gender based violence and protecting girls and young woman against violence, including a responsive protection system and access to justice.

SV&A

There is good coordination among national, district and local government, their partners and agencies and CSOs at all levels to combat/achieve the theme.

Scores expert panel: 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

Community actors and the general public While the general public appears to be supportive of the fight against child marriage and sexual violence, including in the areas where GAA is implemented, chiefs and traditional leaders are considered to be reluctant to challenge informal rules and customary laws. In part this is explained by the fact that they draw some power from running activities such as, for instance, the bush schools of the Sande Society, as mentioned in the context analysis. Outcome indicators – Community actors & general public

SV&A

The general public supports values, norms and practices that keep girls safe from child marriage/sexual violence and abuse

The general public in the following counties: Bomi, Lofa and Montserrado supports values, norms and practices that keep girls safe from child marriage/sexual violence and abuse

Chiefs and traditional leaders in the following counties: Bomi, Lofa and Montserrado strongly support and engage in the harmonization of customary laws with national legislation on child marriage

Chiefs and traditional leaders in the following counties: Bomi, Lofa and Montserrado promote values, norms and practices in support of reducing sexual violence and abuse

Chiefs and traditional leaders in the following counties: Bomi, Lofa and Montserrado adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address sexual violence and abuse

Scores expert panel:1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

Civil Society Organisations and Community Based Organisations Civil society organizations despite their good will and supportive attitude still suffer from lack of adequate advocacy capacity and effectiveness in performing. Moreover, they do not share a common understanding of the themes, according to the panel experts. Community based organizations are considered slightly more aware but there is not much agreement that they are also effective in performing a watchdog role towards the government, for example.

Outcome indicators - CSO/ CBO

SV&A

Relevant CSOs have a common understanding on the theme for lobby & advocacy

Relevant CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against the theme

Relevant CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

Relevant CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement in relation to the theme

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on child marriage/sexual violence and abuse

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including child marriage/sexual violence and abuse

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators - CSO/ CBO

SV&A

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on child marriage/sexual violence and abuse

Scores expert panel: 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

5.5

Access to post primary education

5.5.1 Prevalence In Liberia, girls lag behind boys at all levels of education. The gross enrolment ratio for tertiary education is only 9% for females and 14% for males. At secondary level, the gross enrolment ratios are 33% for females and 43% for males. Gender is often cited as one of the largest barriers to postprimary education in Liberia.151 Access to education is, however, improving and the share of female youth that is not in education has decreased from 24% in 2010 to 16% in 2012. 152 Access to postprimary education is increased but it remains lower in rural and remote areas, according to experts from our panel. 153 Impact Indicator

Other indicators of prevalence

Share of youth not in education, employment, or training (% female, male, both sexes) (WB; 2012)

Gross enrolment ratio, secondary (% female, male) (World Bank; 2014)

Gender Parity Index in secondary level enrolment (MDG indicators; 2014)

Female: 16% Male: 13% Both: 15%

Female: 33% Male: 43%

0.78

Gross enrolment ratio, tertiary (% female, male, both sexes) World Bank; 2012) Female: 9% Male: 14 % Both: 12%

Gender Parity Index in tertiary level enrolment (MDG indicators; 2012)

Mean years of schooling female vs male (GDI; 2014)

0.63

Female: 3 Male: 6

5.5.2 Key drivers154 Various negative drivers affect the post-primary education rate in Liberia (see figure below). A key negative driver, at the individual and family level, is –as was the case for the GBV themespoverty. The costs associated with school registration, uniforms, textbooks, educational supplies, and exams are a serious economic challenge for most Liberian families, especially the poorest. Young women, furthermore, face significant opportunity costs given their caregiving responsibilities. The practice of child marriage is another important factor that negatively influences post-primary education rates for girls. Next, lack of parental support is a key negative driver. Many families in Liberia suffer from a breakdown in the parent-child relationship due to the fact that many parents work long hours and have little time and energy to fulfil their parental role. This has been assessed to be a critical obstacle for young women’s access to post-primary education.155 Furthermore, teenage pregnancy is another obstacle. It is in fact a silent crisis in Liberia, which suffers from one of West Africa’s highest rates. The proportion of 20-24 year-old women who gave birth before age 18 is 38%. 151

152 153 154

155

Institute for Women, Peace and Security, Georgetown University (2014): A Case Study: Barriers to Post-Primary Education in Liberia. World Bank WDI online database – accessed April 2016. Expert panel survey. This section, including the presented figure, is based on the following sources: GAA baseline case study research in Liberia, June 2016; Plan Liberia & Defence for Children International – Liberia, Country Theory of Change (10-pager): LIBERIA, Date: 5 July 2015, Version: 2; Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance (2015); Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme; ODI (2014), The fallout of rape as a weapon of war: The life-long and intergenerational impacts of sexual violence in conflict; http://www.irinnews.org/report/100364/tacklingliberia%E2%80%99s-high-rape-rate.; Institute for Women, Peace and Security, Georgetown University (2014): A Case Study: Barriers to Post-Primary Education in Liberia. Source: Institute for Women, Peace and Security, Georgetown University (2014): A Case Study: Barriers to Post-Primary Education in Liberia.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Key negative drivers at the community and social level are discriminatory norms and values, traditional practices, and Sexual and Gender Based Violence (SGBV) at schools. As was described in section 3.2, prevalent discriminatory norms and values cause most people to attach less value to girls’/women’s education than to boys’/men’s education. Traditional practices related to the Sande Society, furthermore, are responsible for a high level of school drop-out amongst girls. Although Sande schools were officially banned in 2012, an estimated 2/3 of teenage girls are still pulled out of school for initiation rituals after which they are considered marriageable and often do not return back to school. Furthermore, a high prevalence of SGBV at schools negatively affects school attendance and enrolment. Many young women in Liberia sell their bodies for entrance fees and grades with detrimental psychosocial and health effects.156 At the legal and policy level, a key negative driver is the fact that the Education Sector’s post-primary subsector has insufficient capacity and that insufficient financial resources are allocated towards this subsector.157 Several positive drivers, however, also exist that positively influence post-primary education rates. First of all, at the individual and family level, girls’ improved access to primary education contributes positively to their potential access to post-primary education. Next, at the community and social level, we see a greater understanding amongst communities of the importance of postprimary education for girls due to awareness raising activities and campaigns of the government, development partners and CSOs. Several positive drivers, furthermore, relate to the legal and policy level. The National Policy on Girls’ Education (2013), for example, includes the focus on increasing the retention and completion rates of girls and young women in post-primary education. In addition, the government increasingly raises awareness about, and tries to fight, SGBV at schools. Several development partners and CSOs are also active in promoting access to postprimary education. Interviewees stressed that their awareness raising activities about the importance of post-primary education and the provision of support to girls (e.g. providing school materials and meals) has increased girls’ school attendance.

156

157

Save the Children found, for example, that in 2005 60 to 80 percent of teenage girls in Monrovia funded their education By selling “the only commodity they ha[d]—their bodies.” (Source: Institute for Women, Peace and Security, Georgetown University (2014): A Case Study: Barriers to Post-Primary Education in Liberia.). Sources: Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance (2015); Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

5.6

Access to TVET and job creation for young women

5.6.1 Prevalence According to the World Bank (2014), youth unemployment and exclusion are among the main obstacles to development in Liberia. There are only limited opportunities to enter in wage employment and most of Liberia’s youth earn their living on a day-to-day basis by working as day labours or trading on local markets. No recent data is available for youth unemployment,

158but

according to 2010 data the youth (age between 15-34) unemployment rate was 30% for women and 22% for men.159 Around 50% of young Liberians are employed, according to the “Country report on policies and mechanisms for integration into the workforce and job creation” of the Liberian Ministry of Education (2014). The quality of employment is often low and there is a high share of labour underutilisation. Most of the youth are employed in agriculture (33.5%), followed by wholesale and retail trade (27.1%) and employment within private households (10.8%). Young women work more likely than men in trade or within private households, while young men work more likely in higher-skilled occupations.160 Only 5.1% of Liberian youth participates in TVET or Technical Vocational Skills Development (TVSD) and only 3.1% of the working youth has completed vocational training.13 Impact indicator

Other indicators of prevalence

Share of youth not in education, employment, or training (% female, male, both sexes) (World Bank; 2012)

Percentage of youth participating in TVET/TVSD (Ministry of Education, Republic of Liberia: 2014)161

Female: 16%, Male: 13%, Both: 15%

5.1 %

5.6.2 Key drivers162 Young women face several constraints at the individual and family level. First of all, they frequently have a harder time to find a job than young men as they often don’t have the required skills for the jobs or because of the physical nature of the available work. 163 In addition, they face obstacles like having limited contacts to local business networks, facing opposition from husbands/boyfriends, facing a high burden of domestic and family responsibilities etc. Furthermore, sexual harassment by employers is a key negative driver at the community and social level. Next, at the structural level, we see various general obstacles that also hinder women’s access to work like the mismatch between trainings offered and skills requested by the labour market and the fact that labour market information is poor, which goes at the expense of an efficient allocation of jobs amongst job-seekers. Finally, at the legal and policy level key negative drivers are the facts that limited investments are made in the SME sector that has the potential to generate jobs for the youth, that the government allocates only limited resources to TVET, and that TVET is not well coordinated amongst the few responsible ministries.

158

159 160 161

162

163

From the HIES 2014 it can however be noted that women have much higher informal employment rates (86.4% vs. 33.8%) and vulnerable employment rates (84.8% vs. 63.5%); while the unemployment rate is slightly lower – 2.6% vs. 3.0%. Liberia Institute of Statistics & Geo-Information Services (LISGIS), Household Income and Expenditure Survey 2014 Statistical Abstract, March 2016. World Bank (2014), “Can skills training increase employment for young women? The Case of Liberia”. World Bank (2014), “Can skills training increase employment for young women? The Case of Liberia”. Ministry of Education, Republic of Liberia (2014), “Country report on policies and mechanisms for integration into the workforce and job creation”. This section, including the presented figure, is based on the following sources: Plan Liberia & Defence for Children International – Liberia, Country Theory of Change (10-pager): LIBERIA, Date: 5 July 2015, Version: 2; Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance (2015); Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme; World Bank (2014), “Can skills training increase employment for young women? The Case of Liberia”. Ministry of Education, Republic of Liberia (2014), “Country report on policies and mechanisms for integration into the workforce and job creation”. World Bank (2014), “Can skills training increase employment for young women? The Case of Liberia”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Various positive developments are, however, also visible at the legal and policy level. First of all, the government of Liberia and development partners are aiming to foster girls’ increased access to jobs and TVET. Both the National TVET policy and the National Policy on Girls’ Education aim to strengthen access to TVET. In addition, the Economic Empowerment of Adolescent Girls (EPAG) project, which is funded by the World Bank and is implemented by the Liberian Ministry of Gender, aims to increase wage and self-employment for young women in Liberia by training young women in business development skills and job skills. The figure below presents the key obstacles and drivers to access to TVET and job creation.

5.7

Key stakeholders involved in economic empowerment The table below presents the key stakeholders identified and indicates for each of these stakeholders the results of the expert panel’s assessment combined with the GAA alliance survey of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing EE, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against EE, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing economic exclusion. Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

The President of the Republic of Liberia

3,8

2,6

Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection

3,4

2,0

Ministry of Labour

3,2

2,8

2,0

Ministry of Education

3,4

3,0

2,4

Country superintendents

3,2

3,0

1,8

District commissioners, mayors

3,3

2,8

1,5

Traditional and religious chiefs and leaders

2,8

3,0

2,0

Local Child Welfare Committees

3,0

2,5

2,0

Parent-teachers associations

3,0

2,5

2,0

Key Stakeholders Central Government

Local Government

Community actors

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Child rights CSOs and their Networks (e.g. Child Protection Network of civil society organizations)

3,5

2,8

2,5

Women's CSOs and their networks (e.g. WONGOSOL); (WOLPNET))

3,5

2,8

2,5

Media

3,0

3,5

1,8

Multinational corporations and large-sized firms

3,3

3,0

1,8

Sector associations

2,8

1,8

Key Stakeholders

Private sector

Current position: 1-very unsupportive; 2-somewhat unsupportive; 3-somewhat supportive; 4-very supportive. Power and influence: 1-no influence and power; 2-limited influence and power, 3-moderate to strong influence and power; 4-very strong influence and power. Actual engagement: 1- no commitment; 2-showing some commitment but no or limited evidence of concrete action; 3-concrete commitment with some related specific actions; 4- strong commitment with a concrete strategy and actions.

All concerned actors are considered to be at least somewhat supportive of girls’ and young women’s economic empowerment, with the President standing out. However, the level of engagement is not so high, especially by the private sector, which should play an important role on this subject. The provision of TVET for young girls and women is still most done by civil society organisations with limited influence on more powerful market actors. In addition the expert panel was requested to indicate whether they agreed or disagreed with specific statements about key stakeholders positions in agenda setting, policy change and practice change concerning economic exclusion. The table below shows the results for specific statements on economic exclusion. Outcome indicators – Economic empowerment

PPE & TVET

The general public supports Economic empowerment of girls and young women

The general public in the following counties: Bomi, Lofa and Montserrado supports Economic empowerment of girls and young women

The government (the Ministry of Education) effectively implements the Education Reform Act, the Liberia Gender Policy and the TVET policy in relation to ensuring girls and young women’s access to post-primary education and TVET to increase their economic empowerment

There is good coordination among national, district and local government, their partners and agencies and CSOs at all levels to combat/achieve economic empowerment

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including the theme

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

Girls and young women have sufficient access to post primary education

Young women have sufficient access to TVET and job creation

The private sector actors are keen on including young women thereby contributing to their economic empowerment

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of expanding girls’ access to post-primary education

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of girls’ access to post-primary education

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to expand girls’ access to post-primary education

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of access to TVET and job creation for young women

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of access to TVET and job creation for young women

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Economic empowerment

PPE & TVET

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to expand access to TVET and job creation for young women

Scores expert panel: 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

Apart from the support from the public, experts have mixed views on whether key stakeholders have the issue of access of girls to post-primary education and TVET for young women high on their agenda, or have adequate policies and practices in place. Moreover, it is shared opinion that women have insufficient access to TVET and job creation and the private sector is not seen as keen on including young women in their activity.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Context and baseline study Sierra Leone

6.1

Overall information

6.1.1 Socio-economic profile Sierra Leone, with a population of around 7 million (2015), is one of the poorest countries in the world and heavenly dependent on aid. GNI per capita is $700 (2014) and 52.9% of the population are living below the poverty line (2011).164 It ranks at place 181 out of the 188 countries on the 2014 Human Development Index and its HDI score is below the average for countries in Sub-Saharan Africa;165 Sierra Leone was devastated by a civil war, which lasted from 1991 to 2002, and which resulted in over 50,000 deaths and the displacement of over 2 million people.166 During the civil war, more than 250,000 women were estimated to be victims of sexual and gender-based violence, including rape, trafficking, mutilation, sexual slavery etc.;167 ince the end of the civil war, Sierra Leone experienced impressive GDP growth rates and its HDI value increased with 54% percent between 1980 and 2014. This increase is, however, lower compared to other countries like Malawi and Uganda.

168

Most of the economic growth experienced is due to iron ore mining, agriculture, construction activities and an expanding services sector. 169 The growth experienced has not had much effect on the lives of most people170 and a combination of factors is holding back the further economic recovery of the country, like low levels of productivity, significant gender and income inequalities, a small private sector, weak state capacity, and inadequate infrastructure;171 Agriculture and informal employment constitute the major sources of livelihoods for both male and female-headed households. Agriculture accounts for more than half of GDP (2014) and provides employment for about 75% of the population, but its relative weight has been declining due to a structural shift towards mining and quarrying (which have a share of 20.2% in 2014, compared to a share of only 3% in 2009). Manufacturing accounts for only 1.6% of GDP in 2014 and has hardly changed since 2009;172 Sierra Leone has a very young population. The median age is 19 years 173 and 41.8% of the population is estimated to be under 15 years of age.174 Approximately 70% of youth are underemployed or unemployed.175 Around 62% of the overall population lives in the rural areas, whereas the urban population (around 38%) has the lion’s share of country’s services, assets and earned income. 176 A socio-cultural line divides Sierra Leone’s urban and rural areas, with urban areas being influenced by Western culture and rural areas being dominated by traditional practices. While there are around 17 ethnic groups, primary political identification does not lie with ethnic 164 165

166 167 168

169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176

http://data.worldbank.org/country/sierra-leone. Accessed in May 2016. UNDP (2015), “Human Development Report 2015: Work for human development; Briefing note for countries on the 2015 Human Development Report: Sierra Leone”. http://www.sl.undp.org/content/sierraleone/en/home/countryinfo/. 28 too many (2014), “Country profile: FGM in Sierra Leone”. UNDP (2015), “Human Development Report 2015: Work for human development; Briefing note for countries on the 2015 Human Development Report: Sierra Leone”. AfDB (2015), “African Economic Outlook: Sierra Leone”. GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”. http://www.sl.undp.org/content/sierraleone/en/home/countryinfo/. Accessed in May 2016. AfDB (2015), “African Economic Outlook: Sierra Leone”. 28 too many (2014), “Country profile: FGM in Sierra Leone”. GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”. http://www.sl.undp.org/content/sierraleone/en/home/countryinfo/. AfDB (2015), “African Economic Outlook: Sierra Leone”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

groups or chiefdom, but with social networks tied to particular settlements and neighbourhoods. Religious plurality is an important feature of the culture in Sierra Leone and an estimated 78% of the population is Muslim and 21% Christian;177 In May 2014, an Ebola outbreak started, which has been dubbed the worst Ebola outbreak and the most devastating epidemic in history. Almost 4000 people178 lost their lives, it negatively affected all facets of live and significantly worsened the economic and human development situation in Sierra Leone.179 6.1.2 Gender equality achievements Sierra Leone performs poorly on various indices that assess gender equality, see the table below. GII

GGI (rank)

EEI

SIGI category

145 (out of 155) (2014)

Not available

92 (out of 109) (2014)

Very High Discrimination

Women are, for example, less well educated than men. Only 10% of adult women have reached at least a secondary level of education in Sierra Leone compared to 21.7% of their male counterparts. The percentage for women is also well below the average for Sub-Saharan Africa (22.1%).180 Sierra Leone scores, furthermore, very poorly on the SIGI dimensions of “Physical integrity” and “Resources”, see the SIGI diagram below181.

While domestic violence is a criminal offence, according to the 2007 Domestic Violence Act, violent acts against women are still common. 64.6% of women indicated in the 2008 DHS to agree with at least one ‘reason’ (from a list of five) that justified a husband beating. Perpetrators of violence often escape prosecution as police responses are weak and women often withdraw their complaints of violence due to fear of retaliation, social stigma, or offers of payment in lieu of pressing charges. Domestic violence is especially prevalent in the Northern provinces. Concerning the “Resources” dimension, women face very high discrimination: while women constitute the largest group of agricultural labourers they rarely have full access to land. Most ethnic groups do not allow women to inherit land and property and wives are often considered “strangers” or even property

177 178 179 180

181

GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”. http://apps.who.int/ebola/ebola-situation-reports. Accessed in May 2016. GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”. UNDP (2015), “Human Development Report 2015: Work for human development; Briefing note for countries on the 2015 Human Development Report: Sierra Leone”. The SIGI Index provides information on the degree to which formal and informal laws, attitudes and practices restrict women’s and girls’ access to rights, justice and empowerment opportunities. It consists out of five sub-indexes. 1) Discriminatory family code, which captures social institutions that limit women’s decision-making power and undervalue their status in the household and the family. It covers areas like marriage, parental authority and inheritance. 2) Restricted physical integrity, which captures social institutions that limit women’s and girls’ control over their bodies, that increase women’s vulnerability, and that normalise attitudes toward gender-based violence. 3) Son bias, which captures unequal intra-household investments in caring for, nurturing and allocating resources to sons and daughters reflecting the lower value given to girls. 4) Restricted resources and assets, which captures discrimination in women’s rights to access and make decisions over natural and economic resources. 5) Restricted civil liberties, which captures discriminatory laws and practices that restrict women’s access to public space, their political voice and their participation in all aspects of public life. See for more information: http://www.genderindex.org/content/team.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

themselves, which excludes them from the right to inherit or own land. This is especially the case in the south and east, while in the north and west of Sierra Leone women can own plots of land.182 6.1.3 Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE Sierra Leone is a patriarchal society. It has a multi-party democracy with two dominant parties and a constitutionally sanctioned chieftaincy system, with elected paramount chiefs for the country’s 149 chiefdoms. Daily life is mainly regulated by section and town chiefs, village headmen and elders. Patronage is a key element of Sierra Leone’s politics. While democracy and bureaucratic cultures of government are taking root in Sierra Leone, patrimonial interests still skew the manner in which political decision making occurs. Women are less likely than men to be in positions of authority and those who are often do not have strong ties to other women or gender issues, as patronage politics encourages loyalty to their patrons or political parties.183 Next to formal law Sierra Leone knows, customary law, and the Islamic law. Customary laws are not applied in the formal court system but are the rules of law which govern the applicable customs in specific communities within Sierra Leone. It is considered by most people in Sierra Leone to be more relevant than formal law. he Islamic law is recognized amongst Muslims for regulating marriage, divorce and inheritance.184 Sierra Leone has ratified numerous relevant international treaties and conventions, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and relevant ILO conventions on the Minimum Age for Admission to Employment and on the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. In addition, it passed three “Gender Acts” in 2007, which address the registration of customary marriage and divorce, domestic violence, and devolution of estates. The Registration of Customary Marriage and Divorce Act raises the legal marriageable age to 18 and requires the registration of customary marriages. It does, however, allow customary marriage to go ahead with the consent of the parents, even if one of the parties is underage, which is in contradiction with the 2007 Child Rights Act. The Child Rights Act officially puts the minimum age for marriage at 18 years and prohibits a child to be forced into betrothal, to be a subject of dowry transaction or to be married. Based on this law, all who give their consent to child marriage can be punished. The Domestic Violence Act criminalises domestic violence, including physical, sexual, economic and emotional abuses. In 2012, a Sexual Offences Act was passed, which criminalises rape, indecent assault, and harassment. Sierra Leone’s constitution, furthermore, ensures “equal rights to all men”. However, despite this positive formal legal framework, issues of marriage, divorce, and inheritance are often governed by discriminatory customary and/or Islamic law, which result in girls’ and women’s vulnerability. Law enforcement is, furthermore, weak due to the lack of capacity of law enforcement actors, a poor knowledge of the law by the general public but also the judiciary, courts and police, cultural resistance, and the limited penetration of state enforcement within the county. 185 The child protection system in Sierra Leone is also weak. Insufficient community based child protection structures and mechanisms exists, such as local Child Welfare Committees and Family Support Units, and institutions lack sufficient resources and capacity. OECD (2014), “SIGI: Sierra Leone”: http://www.genderindex.org/country/sierra-leone#_ftnref. ODI (2012), “Violence against women in Sierra Leone: How women seek redress”. 184 UNICEF (2010), “A Glimpse into the World of Teenage Pregnancy in Sierra Leone”; GAA (2015), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women; Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance”. 185 UNICEF (2010), “A Glimpse into the World of Teenage Pregnancy in Sierra Leone”; GAA (2015), “Advocating for Girls’ Rights!: Equal rights and opportunities for girls and young women; Programme Document Girls Advocacy Alliance”; GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”; GAA (2015), “Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Sierra Leone. 182 183

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

A key driving force behind government policies and laws to address GBV and promote EE are development partners, civil society organizations and women groups. The lobby and advocacy activities of these organisations have contributed to the adoption of the gender acts and the development of various gender policies. To coordinate the efforts the government established in 2008 the National Committee on GBV to do the following: 1. Create a framework for the planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of all GBV activities in Sierra Leone; 2. Encourage cross-sectoral GBV program implementation between health, legal, protection and psychosocial disciplines, and motivate active multi-disciplinary and multi-sectoral support; 3. Collate, communicate and share relevant information on GBV programme implementation and the status of GBV in Sierra Leone. Since its establishment, the Committee has succeeded in gaining approval from government to establish sitting Magistrate Courts in all the Districts in Sierra Leone to speed up trials of GBV cases. It has, furthermore, succeeded in raising public awareness so that more people are now reporting GBV matters to the relevant authorities. It also has achieved coordinated actions from partners in handling GBV cases. The private sector is not a significant partner in the fight against GBV and economic exclusion. This sector is quite small and has not been involved in the drafting of policies, laws and plans to address GBV and EE.

6.2

Child marriage

6.2.1 Prevalence186 With 44% (2014) of the women aged between 20-24 who were first married before the age of 18, Sierra Leone belongs to the top 15 countries with the highest rates of child marriage. This rate has, however, declined with more than 10% in the past decade (in 2006 56% of the women married before the age of 18). The main reasons for this decline include the increased enrolment of girls in schools, increased sensitization programmes in communities, and the establishment of child welfare committees in communities. Child marriage occurs most frequently among poor, not-well educated girls who live in rural areas, with rates around two times higher than for girls residing in the urban areas. Child marriage amongst women with secondary education is a lot less (12%; DHS 2008) compared to women with no education (64%; DHS 2008) or primary education (52%; DHS 2008). Furthermore, the prevalence of child marriage is over 60% amongst the girls from the poorest, second and middle (third) wealth index quintile compared to 45% and 23% respectively for the fourth and richest (fifth) quintile (DHS 2008). Finally, the prevalence of child marriage is highest in the Northern region (60%), followed by the Southern (56%), Eastern (47%), and Western regions (24%) (DHS 2008). Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 18 (UNICEF 2015; based on 2014 data)

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 15 (UNICEF 2015; based on 2014 data)

44%

18%

186

This section is based on the following sources: GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”; GAA (2015), “Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Sierra Leone; Statistics Sierra Leone (SSL) and ICF International (2014), “Sierra Leone Demographic and Health Survey 2013”; UNICEF (2015), Child marriage, Adolescent pregnancy and Family Formation in West and Central Africa; Patterns, trends and drivers of change; UNFPA (2012), Marrying too young: end child marriage; http://www.icrw.org/child-marriage-facts-and-figures.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

6.2.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme187 The figure below presents an overview of the main negative and positive drivers of child marriage in Sierra Leone.

One of the key negative drivers of child marriage, at the individual and family level, is teenage pregnancy188. According to UNICEF statistics, 38.1% of the women, aged between 20 and 24, gave birth before the age of 18 (based on 2010 data). According to the DHS 2013, 10% of women, aged 25- 49, gave birth by age 15, and 56% of the women by age 20. The median age at first birth for women is lowest in the Eastern region (19.1) and highest in the Western region (20.0). A UNICEF (2010) study found that community members consider teenage pregnancy to be a grave problem if the teenage girl is not married. Thus many pregnant girls are denied education and are pressurized to get married. Next, poverty is a key cause of child marriage. Parents have financial incentives to foster child marriage as they face less costs for feeding, educating and clothing when their daughter gets married and may receive a dowry. The practice of men paying a dowry for a young girl or a child at birth is widespread in the rural areas. The dowry is provided regularly until the child’s maturity and the child undergoes the women society’s initiation rituals. After this initiation the girl is assumed to be ready for marriage. Finally, some families give their daughters in marriage as debt relief. Furthermore, at the community and social level, child marriage is by many, especially by people in the rural areas, seen as a normal practice and very limited understanding exists about its negative consequences. Secret societies are very influential in the rural areas -see also the next section for more information- and uphold the traditional practice of child marriage. Next, at the legal and policy level, key negative drivers are the facts that many people are not well aware of the relevant legislation and do not know that child marriage is illegal and law enforcement is very weak 187

188

This section is based on the following sources: GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”; GAA (2015), “Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Sierra Leone; Statistics Sierra Leone (SSL) and ICF International (2014), “Sierra Leone Demographic and Health Survey 2013”; 28 too many (2014), “Country profile: FGM in Sierra Leone”; UNICEF (2010), “A Glimpse into the World of Teenage Pregnancy in Sierra Leone”; http://data.unicef.org/countries/SLE.html. GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

due to limited capacity and corruption of law enforcement actors. Furthermore, as mentioned above, there exists a contradiction in the legal framework as according to the Registration of Customary Marriage and Divorce Act customary marriage is allowed with the consent of the parents, even if one of the parties is underage. There are also several drivers that positively contribute to the fight against child marriages, especially at the individual and family and legal and policy level. For example, UNICEF (2010) found that the increasing education level of women has helped curb the practice of early marriage. Next, the Child Rights Act 2007 and the Registration of Customary Marriage and Divorce Act 2007 forbid the marriage of women and men under the age of eighteen, independent of the fact whether the marriage is conducted under civil, religious or customary law. In addition, the Child Rights Act also prohibits the use of dowry transactions. Moreover, the Child Welfare Policy (2014) has provisions preventing child marriage. The imprisonment of perpetuators is also yielding dividend. Furthermore, Sierra Leone is currently undergoing a constitutional review process, which combined with CSOs lobby and advocacy work, provides the opportunity to influence the harmonization of the different Acts regulating child marriage and to influence harmonization of local customary laws. Moreover, Sierra Leone is a signatory to numerous international legal frameworks that protect children’s rights and the 2016 reporting process on the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child and the Universal Periodic Review are expected to also focus on the issue of child marriage in Sierra Leone.

6.3

Female genital mutilation

6.3.1 Prevalence The overall prevalence of FGM in Sierra Leone is high, with 90% of girls and women, aged between 15 and 49 years, having undergone FGM/Cutting, see the table below. Sierra Leone belongs to the top-10 of countries with the highest rates of FGM/Cutting in the world.189 Most girls are cut between 10 and14 years (37%) followed by girls between 5 and 9 years (29%). It is being practiced as part of the initiation and coming of age ceremonies into secret/women’s societies (Bondo or Sande). 190 The prevalence of FGM is highest in the Northern districts and the lowest in the West. In addition, it is higher in rural areas (94.3%) than in urban areas (80.9%). Support for FGM varies across age cohorts and regions. 191 According to UNICEF data (2013) are 69% of the girls and women, aged between 15 and 49 years, in favour of FGM. According to the organisation ‘28 too many’ are 52.9% of women, aged between 15 and 19, in favour of FGM compared to 75.4% of women between 45 and 49. More women in the East (76%), South (73%), and North (67%) are in favour of FGM (67%) compared to the West (44%).192 Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

Percentage of girls and women aged 15 to 49 years who have undergone FGM/C by age group (UNICEF 2016; based on 2013 data)

Percentage of girls and women aged 15 to 49 years who have heard about FGM/C, by their attitudes about whether the practice should continue (UNICEF 2016; based on 2013 data)

Percentage distribution of most recently circumcised daughters, by age at which cutting occurred (UNICEF 2016; based on 2013 data)

FGM/C prevalence among daughters of girls and women aged 15 to 49 years (UNICEF 2016; based on 2013 data)

90% (total)

69%

0-4 years: 15% 5-9 years: 29% 10-14 years: 37%

31%

189 190 191 192

UNICEF (2013), Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A statistical overview and exploration of the dynamics of change. Source: 28 too many (2014), “Country profile: FGM in Sierra Leone”. Source: 28 too many (2014), “Country profile: FGM in Sierra Leone”. Source: 28 too many (2014), “Country profile: FGM in Sierra Leone”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence 15+ years: 14% N/A: 5%

6.3.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme193 There are various negative and positive drivers that contribute to the prevalence of FGM in Sierra Leone, see the figure below for an overview. The main negative drivers that can explain the high prevalence of FGM are situated at the community and social level and include the deeply entrenched discriminatory socio-cultural norms and beliefs and the practices of the secret women’s societies, especially in the rural areas. A female’s womanhood is often viewed as being compromised if she fails to go through FGM. FGM is considered to be anatomically necessary for a girl to become a woman and uncut women are often labelled as unclean. Community pressure to get initiated is extensive and many men refuse to marry uncut women. 90% of the women in Sierra Leone are members of the women’s/secret societies, which also provide important benefits to the women like belonging to a community, having access to information (on e.g. health initiatives) and having access to political power. The women societies are deeply entrenched in governance and political structures and politicians usually use them to mobilize support by e.g. funding FGM initiation. Leaders of the societies, furthermore, benefit financially from FGM and have thus a clear incentive to support FGM. There is, furthermore, limited understanding about the negative consequences of FGM. Next, at the legal and policy level, similar as with child marriage, key negative drivers are the facts that community based child protection structures and mechanisms are weak, limited awareness exists about the legal rights of girls and young women, and law enforcement is very weak. In addition, there is no specific law on FGM under which a perpetrator can be charged. On the positive side, there are various positive drivers, mainly at the community, social, legal and policy levels, that support the eradication of FGM. For example, while five years ago FGM was a taboo that could not be openly discussed, concerted advocacy and lobby campaigns by CSOs, like the “Breaking the silence’ on FGM” campaign have been effective in opening up the space to discuss FGM. In addition, the Child Rights Act 2007 is interpreted as prohibiting FGM for girls under 18 and 8 of the 14 districts in Sierra Leone have signed a Memorandum of Understanding in 2012 to ban FGM for girls under 18. In some districts, chiefs have, furthermore, successfully adopted and implemented bi-laws to prevent FGM for girls under 18. Finally, Sierra Leone’s Third Generation Poverty Reduction Strategy paper (2013-2018) includes the provision to develop a policy on underage FGM.

193

This section is based on the following sources: GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”; 28 too many (2014), “Country profile: FGM in Sierra Leone”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

6.4

Sexual violence and abuse

6.4.1 Prevalence According to Sierra Leone’s 2013 DHS, 6.4% of ever married women between 15 and 19 has experienced sexual violence committed by their husbands/partners and 9.1% of the women between 20 and 24, see the table below. Sexual violence is most prevalent in the Northern region (10.7% of ever married women between 15 and 49 experienced sexual violence) followed by the Western region (9.4%), Eastern (4.1%) and Southern region (3.1%). Cases of sexual violence and abuse are, however, likely to be significantly underreported. Data from a 2010 UNICEF study revealed that 20% of the sexually experienced respondents had a history of being forced to have sexual intercourse against their will. The highest numbers of cases of sexual abuse or forced sex were in this study recorded amongst sexually experienced teenagers in the age range between 12 and 14 years (58%), followed by teenagers between 15 and 17 years old (49%) and teenagers between 18 and 19 years old (46%). The UNICEF study further shows that sexual abuse differs per region, with the highest prevalence occurring in the Eastern region (57%), followed by the Southern region (50%), the Western region (48%), and the Northern region. (43%)194. ODI (2012) found sexual violence against schoolgirls to be particularly problematic. Teachers frequently take advantage of female students, often resulting in pregnancy and school drop-out.195 Girls from poor family backgrounds are reported to be more prone to sexual violence and transactional sex than those from richer backgrounds. Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

Percentage of evermarried girls aged 15 to 19 years who ever experienced any physical, sexual

Justification of wifebeating (%), female (UNICEF

194 195

Proportion of everpartnered women aged 15-49 years experiencing intimate partner

Proportion of everpartnered women aged 15-49 years experiencing intimate partner physical

UNICEF (2010), “A Glimpse into the World of Teenage Pregnancy in Sierra Leone”. ODI (2012), “Violence against women in Sierra Leone: How women seek redress”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Percentage of evermarried women age 15-49 who have ever experienced sexual violence

or emotional violence committed by their husbands or partners

2016; based on 2010 data)

physical and/or sexual violence at least once in their lifetime

and/or sexual violence in the last 12 months (

committed by their husbands/partners, by age (SDHLS 2013)

No data available

73.3%

45%

29%

(UNWOMEN 2016; based on 2013 data)

UNWOMEN 2016; based on 2013 data)

15-19: 6.4% 20-24: 9.1% 25-29: 6.7% 30-39: 8.0% 40-49: 6.1%

(UNICEF 2014)

6.4.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme196 The high prevalence of sexual violence in Sierra Leone is due to a number of factors, see the figure below.

A key driver at the individual and family level is that many men still struggle to adjust to peacetime life. Many men suffer from traumas, are frustrated due to limited employment opportunities, and/or are confronted with more empowered women who have acquired powerful positions during the war. This results in many tensions which contribute to sexual violence and abuse. Another key factor is poverty. Many girls engage in transactional sex arrangement due to economic hardship and to generate income for the family. Furthermore, at the community and social level, discriminatory socio-cultural norms and beliefs have a negative effect on the prevalence of sexual violence and abuse as these cause women to feel inferior and accept poor treatment. Next, at the legal and policy level, key negative drivers are –similar as with child marriage and FGM- the facts that awareness about laws is low and that law enforcement is weak. The formal justice system has weak capacity and procedures are lengthy and costly. For example, seven out of the 12 districts are without magistrate courts, it takes an average of 2.8 years for a case to reach its

196

This section is based on the following sources: GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”; GAA (2015), “Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Sierra Leone; UNICEF (2010), “A Glimpse into the World of Teenage Pregnancy in Sierra Leone”; ODI (2012), “Violence against women in Sierra Leone: How women seek redress”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

final completion, and there is a lack of knowledge about the Sexual Offences Act 2012 among judges and lawyers. Many victims, therefore, often resort to the informal justice system which, however, applies discriminatory customary law. The low prosecution rates of sexual violence do not act as a deterrent. Another main problem at this level is that effective accountability and monitoring mechanisms are lacking to protect girls and young women from school and university based sexual violence and harassment. There are also several drivers that positively influence the fight against sexual violence. These include, at the legal and policy level, for example, the existence of the Sexual Offences Act 2012 that criminalises rape and sexual harassment and prohibits sexual offence cases being handled in out-of-court settlements. In addition, the establishment of family support units has resulted in increased reporting of rape and there is increases access to legal aid for sexual violence victims through the National Legal Aid Board.

6.5

Key stakeholders involved in GBV Various key stakeholders affect the chance of reducing gender based violence in Sierra Leone. The table below identifies these stakeholders and indicates the results of the expert panel’s assessment197 of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against GBV, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing GBV. The experts were asked to score the position, power and influence, and actual engagement of the stakeholders on a four-point scale: 

Position of stakeholders: 1-very unsupportive; 2-somewhat unsupportive; 3-somewhat supportive; 4-very supportive;



Stakeholders’ level of power and influence: 1-no influence and power; 2-limited influence and power, 3-moderate to strong influence and power; 4-very strong influence and power;



Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Social Welfare, Gender and Children’s Affairs

3.3

3.2

Ministry of Education, Science and Technology

2.2

2.7

1.8

Ministry of Justice

2.7

3.2

2.3

Parliament, Constitutional Review

2.3

2.5

2.0

National Human Rights Commission

3.2

2.5

National Commission for Children

3.4

2.7

2.8

Judiciary and Police (including FSU)

3.0

2.8

2.7

Child Justice Task Force

2.5

2.2

2.5

Child welfare

3.2

2.8

2.5

Traditional authorities

2.5

2.3

2.2

Religious leaders

2.6

2.8

2.5

Youth organisations

2.5

2.0

2.3

Women groups

3.7

2.8

3.3

Schools

2.0

2.2

1.8

Government

Community actors

197

An online survey was sent to eight experts. The response rate was 62.5% (N=5).

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Child Rights Coalition Sierra Leone

3.2

2.8

3.0

Child Rights CSOs working at national level

3.2

2.7

3.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs, including Child Rights CSOs, working in Moyamba

2.8

2.2

2.5

Girls and young women focused CSOs, including Child Rights CSOs, working in Western Area

2.8

2.5

2.7

Budget Advocacy Networks

1.7

1.8

1.3

3.7

3.8

3.3

CSOs

Media National TV, Radio, Newsprint and social media

Government At the government level there are several stakeholders relevant in the fight against GBV, whose position, power & influence and actual engagement differ. The Ministry of Social Welfare, Gender and Childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Affairs is the government actor who scores best in terms of power and influence and actual engagement. It has shown concrete commitment to fight GBV. The Ministry of Justice is assessed as being a very important actor, with a level of power and influence that is equal to the Ministry of Social Welfare, Gender and Childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Affairs. However, the Ministry of Justice scores weak in terms of actual engagement, with a score of 2.3 that suggests that it has shown some commitment to fight GBV but that this has not yet been matched with concrete actions. Scope to strengthen its actual engagement in the fight against GBV thus clearly exists. A poor performing ministry is, according to the experts, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology, which has hardly shown any commitment to fighting GBV. Important actors like the Judiciary and Police (including FSU) and Child Welfare are supportive of addressing GBV, but this support has not yet sufficiently translated in actual engagement. The GAA programme in Sierra Leone focuses on the GBV themes of Child Marriage, FGM and Sexual violence and abuse in the Western Area and Moyamba districts, and on national lobby & advocacy activities about, among other things, the Child Rights Act and MoU, Sexual Offences Act, Divorce Act and the Teacher's Code of Conduct. The expert panel was, therefore, requested to indicate on a ten-point scale - with 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree - whether they agreed or disagreed with various statements concerning these themes and acts. The two tables below present the results of this assessment for government and political actors. Outcome indicators

Acts

Central government effectively implements, enforces and monitors the Child Rights Act and MoU, Sexual Offences Act, Divorce Act and the Teacher's Code of Conduct

District governments effectively implement, enforce and monitor the Child Rights Act and MoU, Sexual Offences Act, Divorce Act and the Teacher's Code of Conduct

Local governments effectively implement, enforce and monitors the Child Rights Act and MoU, Sexual Offences Act, Divorce Act and the Teacher's Code of Conduct

MSWGCA officials prioritise and commit to strengthening the implementation and monitoring of the MoU in Western Area

Tribal heads and Child Welfare Committees in Western Area attach importance to the MoU

Tribal heads in Western Area effectively support the development of strategies, programmes, policies and guidelines to implement the MoU

Tribal heads and Child Welfare Committees in Western Area effectively implement the MoU

MSWGCA officials prioritise and commit to strengthening the implementation and monitoring of the MoU in Moyamba

Tribal heads and Child Welfare Committees in Moyamba attach importance to the MoU

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Tribal heads in Moyamba effectively support the development of strategies, programmes, policies and guidelines to implement the MoU

Tribal heads and Child Welfare Committees in Moyamba effectively implement the MoU

Experts’ assessment of the commitment and implementation of various relevant acts and MoUs shows that the central government, district governments and local governments have not been effective in implementing, enforcing and monitoring these as only 4 points were scored by the government actors. Commitment to strengthening the implementation and monitoring of the MoU in Western Area is, slightly stronger than in Moyamba. Considerable work remains to be done, however, in both areas to strengthen Tribal heads’ and Child Welfare Committees’ implementation of the MoU (with Western Area scoring a 5 and Moyamba scoring a 4 respectively). Outcome indicators

FGM

SVA

National Government attaches importance to combatting the specific theme

National government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

National government effectively implements legislation and public policies and effective implementation is supported

Political actors attach importance to combatting the specific theme

Political actors effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines

Political actors effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies

Political actors support the harmonisation of the Registration of Customary Marriages and Divorce Act

Local councillors in Western Area attach importance to combatting the theme

Local councillors in Western Area effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

Local councillors in Western Area effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies on the theme

Local government in Western Area attaches importance to combatting the theme

Local government in Western Area develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

Local government in Western Area effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme

Local councillors in Moyamba attach importance to combatting the theme

Local councillors in Moyamba effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

Local councillors in Moyamba effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies on the theme

Local government in Moyamba attaches importance to combatting the theme

Local government in Moyamba develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

Local government in Moyamba effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme

The national government is most committed to fight child marriage and scores on average a 6 in terms of its effectiveness in implementing relevant legislation and policies. FGM and sexual violence and abuse are less on the national government’s radar and very low scores are received for the effective implementation of relevant legislation and policies, namely a 3 and 4 respectively. Political actors score low in terms of the importance they attach to addressing child marriage (5), FGM (4) and sexual violence and abuse (4) and similar low scores are assigned for the

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

effectiveness of their support provided to the development of relevant programmes, policies and guidelines. At the local level, we also see low commitment and support of local councillors and local governments to addressing child marriage, FGM (4) and sexual violence and abuse. The local government in Moyamba scores slightly better than the local government in Western Area in terms of the effective implementation of relevant legislation and public policies, but in both areas the scores assigned are very low (averaging a 4 and 3.33 for all themes respectively). Community actors & the general public Women groups are the main positive drivers in the fight against GBV at the community level. These groups have shown concrete commitment coupled with concrete actions to address GBV. Schools, traditional authorities and youth organisations score poorly and show only some commitment but with limited or no evidence of concrete actions. In the Western Area and Moyamba, key leaders do not seem to recognise the importance of addressing child marriage, FGM and sexual violence and abuse well. In both areas, key leaders score only a 5 for recognizing the importance of child marriage, with FGM and sexual violence and abuse scoring even lower. Especially the adaptation or challenging of informal rules and customary laws to address these issues seems to be problematic, with scores of 3’s and 4’s having been assigned to the various themes, see the table below. Interestingly, the general public in Western Area scores well (7) when it comes to recognizing the importance of addressing child marriage. But for the other themes and areas the assigned scores (4’s and 5’s) suggest that there is also ample opportunity to increase the general public’s awareness and strengthen their interest in addressing these themes. Outcome indicators

FGM

SVA

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) in Western Area recognize the importance of addressing the theme

Key leaders in Western Area promote values, norms and practices in support of elimination of the theme

Key leaders in Western Area adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) in Moyamba recognize the importance of addressing the theme

Key leaders in Moyamba promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme

Key leaders in Moyamba adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme

The general public in Western Area recognizes the importance of addressing the specific theme

The general public in Western Area shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme

The general public in Moyamba recognizes the importance of addressing the specific theme

The general public in Moyamba shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme

Civil Society Organisations and Community Based Organisations Next to government and community actors, civil society actors are also important stakeholders in addressing GBV. The most powerful actor is the “Child Rights Coalition Sierra Leone”, followed by other child rights CSOs that work at the national level Overall, however, they do not play a very effective watchdog function nor do they seem to be very effectively engaging with the government on necessary policy reforms and programmes. Especially for sexual violence and abuse, capacity is a concern as well as monitoring and engagement with the government, see the table below.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

FGM

SVA

Relevant CSOs have a common understanding on the theme for lobby & advocacy

Relevant CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against the theme

Relevant CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

Relevant CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement in relation to the theme

At the local level, girls and young women focused CSOs, working in Moyamba and Western Area, have only limited to moderate influence and power and have shown some actual engagement in addressing GBV. Interestingly though, their performance in terms of monitoring and evaluating the government concerning sexual violence and abuse is judged to be slightly better than that of the national CSOs, see the table below. Overall, however, scores for awareness of the importance of addressing the different themes and monitoring and evaluating related government performance are low (with only 5’s and 6’s having been assigned by the experts). Outcome indicators

FGM

SVA

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Western Area are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Western Area effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Moyamba are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs/CBOs, including women and youth organisations, in Moyamba effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

Media National TV, Radio, Newsprint and social media are assessed as very important stakeholders in the fight against GBV and they have in fact received the highest score (3.8) in terms of power and influence. They are overall supportive of addressing GBV and this has translated in concrete commitments and some related actions to fight it. However, more scope exists to effectively use their influence and strengthen their engagement.

6.6

Access to post primary education

6.6.1 Prevalence According to the latest DHS (2013), 41% of the women and 24.6% of the men, between the age of 20-24, have not received any education at all. Only a small percentage of women and men in this age category have completed secondary or more than secondary education (14.7% of the females and 21% of the males), and the educational attainment between men and women differ significantly, see the table below. The median of completed years of education for women between 20-24 is 4.7 compared to 8.2 for men. Youth (15-24 years) literacy rate is estimated at 72% for males and 54% for females.198

198

100

UNICEF (2015), State of the World’s Children 2015 Country Statistical Tables, Sierra Leone, at http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/sierraleone_statistics.html.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Compared to 2008 DHS data, the proportion of women and men with no education is, however, decreasing (with 7% and 5% respectively). Educational attainment is highest in the Western area and lowest in the Northern area and about twice as many women and men in rural areas have no education at all, compared to those in the urban areas.199 Impact Indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

Share of youth not in education, employment, or training (% female, male, both sexes) (World Bank 2016)

Gross enrolment ratio, secondary (% female, male) (World Bank 2016; 2013)

Gender Parity Index in secondary level enrolment (World Bank 2016; 2013)

Percent distribution of the de facto female/male household population aged 2024 by highest level of schooling attended or completed and median years completed (SLDHS 2013)

No data available

Female: 40% Male: 46.9% Both sexes: 43.4%

0.85

No education: Female 41%/ Male: 24.6% Completed primary: Female: 5.7%/ Male: 2.5% Completed secondary: Female: 10%/ Male: 16.4% More than secondary: Female: 4.7%/ Male: 4.6% Median years completed: Female: 4.7/ Male: 8.2

6.6.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme 200 The figure below presents the key negative and positive drivers that influence access to postprimary education by women.

199 200

Statistics Sierra Leone (SSL) and ICF International (2014), “Sierra Leone Demographic and Health Survey 2013”. This section is based on the following sources: GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”; GAA (2015), “Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Sierra Leone; OECD (2015), SIGI Index, Sierra Leone, at http://www.genderindex.org/country/sierra-leone.

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The main factors that negatively affect access to post-primary education are situated at the individual, family, community, social and structural levels and include traditional norms and values according to which less value is attached to women’s education (the women is to marry, raise children etc.), poverty (parents cannot afford to pay for fees and materials and face opportunity costs), teenage pregnancy (the Ministry of Education has put a ban on pregnant girls from continuing to attend their regular schools), and child marriage. In addition, many communities with primary schools, especially in rural areas, do not have post-primary education facilities. Distance separating such communities from available post-primary facilities becomes a threat to girls’ safety and parents, therefore, often prefer their girl children to remain at home. Furthermore, at the legal and policy level, the capacity of the education system is weak, as the civil war disrupted it massively and it is still being reconstructed. In addition, the Ebola outbreak had a devastating effect on the educational system. According to the National Ebola Response Committee (NERC) status report of January 2015, the shutdown caused by the Ebola crisis has left 1.8 million children out of school for almost 12 months and over 8,000 schools, many in rural areas, have become dilapidated from lack of use and maintenance. At the positive side, however, the Ministry of Education has, according to the Education Sector Plan 2014-2018 ‘Learning to Succeed’, formed a partnership with the private sector to expand access to post primary education.

6.7

Access to TVET and job creation for young women

6.7.1 Prevalence201 Limited data is available about TVET enrolment and young women’s access to work. According to UNDP estimates, approximately 70% of the youth are underemployed or unemployed. The 2012 Preliminary Labour Force Survey, furthermore, found that the share of men’s earned income is far bigger than for women, even though there are more women in both the working-age population and the active labour force. The agriculture sector employs, according to the 2013 DHS, 52% of women and 54% of men and only 2% of women and 7% of men are employed in professional, technical, and managerial occupations. In rural areas, the majority of women (69%) and men (73%) work in agriculture and in the Western area most women and men work in unskilled manual work (69% and 49% respectively). Impact Indicator % of youth (aged 15-24) not in education, employment

Labour force participation rates for 15-24, by sex

or training (World Bank)

(modelled ILO estimate) (World Bank 2016; 2014)

No data available

Female: 47.7% and Male: 40.1%

201

102

This section is based on the following sources: World Bank (2016), World Development Indicators; GAA (2016), “Country Theory of Change: Sierra Leone”; GAA (2015), “Survey on the context analysis of the ‘Advocating for Girls’ Rights’ programme: Sierra Leone; Statistics Sierra Leone (SSL) and ICF International (2014), “Sierra Leone Demographic and Health Survey 2013”; http://www.sl.undp.org/content/sierraleone/en/home/countryinfo.html.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

6.7.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme202 The figure below summarizes the various obstacles and positive drivers are affecting access to TVET and job creation for young women.

The key obstacles that young women face to access jobs at the individual and family level, see the figure above, are illiteracy and the lack of productive skills. At the community and social level, women face resistance in society as women are expected to do domestic work at home, while the men can generate income outside the home. At the structural level, women, furthermore, have less access to financial resources than men to start a business. This is due to, among other things, the fact that many financial institutions do not cater for typical “women’s businesses”. Many women will therefore turn to informal sources to get capital and these amounts borrowed from relatives or friends are usually small. In terms of women’s access to TVET, there are a number of obstacles. First of all, TVET programmes suffer from a lack of financial resources, there are only a limited number of TVET teachers and outdated equipment is often used. In addition, very often the type of training that is offered does not match with the requests of the labour market. Furthermore, many women who would like to enrol in TVET institutions often cannot afford to pay the high costs of training. Finally, the majority of TVET institutions have entry requirements that stipulate a minimum level of educational attainment, which women often do not fulfil. On the positive side, a national policy on TVET was developed in 2010. According to the National Education policy (2010), the government will take several steps to increase access to TVET and to ensure that TVET curricula are more focussed on the actual demands of the labour market. TVET institutions have now been constructed throughout the country. The Ministry of Education has, furthermore, encouraged public-private partnerships and, for example, mining companies are already supporting programmes in TVET institutions. Finally, Community Education Centres now also provide technical training as post-primary education.

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6.8

Key stakeholders involved in EE There are various stakeholders involved in economic empowerment and promoting post-primary education, TVET and decent work opportunities for girls and young women in Sierra Leone. The table below presents -on a four-point scale (similar as for the question concerning GBV, see above)- experts’ assessment of key stakeholders’ position, power and influence and actual engagement. Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Social Welfare, Gender and Children’s Affairs

2.5

2.0

1.5

Ministry of Education, Science and Technology

3.5

2.0

Ministry of Trade and Industry

3.0

3.5

2.0

Ministry of Finance and Economic Development

3.0

3.5

2.0

Ministry of Youth and sport

3.5

3.0

2.5

Traditional authorities

2.0

Religious leaders

2.5

2.0

Youth organisations

3.5

2.0

2.5

Women groups

3.5

2.0

Schools

3.5

3.0

2.0

Child Rights Coalition Sierra Leone

3.0

2.5

Child Rights CSOs working at national level

3.0

2.5

Girls and young women focused CSOs, including Child Rights CSOs, working in Moyamba

3.0

2.5

Girls and young women focused CSOs, including Child Rights CSOs, working in Western Area

3.0

2.5

3.0

2.5

Chamber of Commerce

2.5

3.0

2.0

Micro Finance institutions in Moyamba

3.0

4.0

2.0

Micro Finance institutions in Western Area

3.0

4.0

2.0

Local businesses in Moyamba

2.0

Local businesses in Western Area

2.0

Central Government

Community actors

CSOs

Media National TV, Radio, Newsprint and social media Private sector

Government At the central government level, the most influential Ministries, being the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology, Ministry of Trade and Industry, and the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development, show only some commitment and no to limited concrete action to improve economic empowerment for girls and young women. The Ministry of Youth and sport has demonstrated more stronger actual engagement but has less power. Concerning the specific GAA themes of access to post-primary education and TVET, the expert panel judged the performance of the national government in terms of policy and programme development and implementation slightly better than that of the local government, but overall the performance of the national government, political actors and local governments in terms of

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strengthening access to post-primary education and TVET is judged to be not very well, see the table below with relevant outcome indicators on a ten-point scale. Outcome indicators

PPE

TVET

National Government attaches importance to strengthening the specific theme

National government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to strength the theme

National government effectively implements legislation and public policies and effective implementation is supported

Political actors attach importance to strengthening the specific theme

Political actors effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines

Political actors effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies

Local councillors in Western Area attach importance to strengthening the theme

Local councillors in Western Area effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines to strengthen the theme

Local councillors in Western Area effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies on the theme

Local government in Western Area attaches importance to strengthening the theme

Local government in Western Area develops programmes, policies and guidelines to strengthen the theme

Local government in Western Area effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme

Local councillors in Moyamba attach importance to strengthening the theme

Local councillors in Moyamba effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines to strengthen the theme

Local councillors in Moyamba effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies on the theme

Local government in Moyamba attaches importance to strengthening the theme

Local government in Moyamba develops programmes, policies and guidelines to strengthen the theme

Local government in Moyamba effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme

Community actors & the general public The role and influence of community actors in promoting EE is overall limited. While key leaders in both Western Area and Moyamba score only 5â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s on issues like recognizing the importance of addressing access to post-primary education and TVET and promoting values, norms and practices in support of strengthening access to these, the general public seems to be better aware of the need to strengthen girlsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and young womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s access, see the table below. Outcome indicators

PPE

TVET

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) in Western Area recognize the importance of addressing the theme

Key leaders in Western Area promote values, norms and practices in support of elimination of the theme

Key leaders in Western Area adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) in Moyamba recognize the importance of addressing the theme

Key leaders in Moyamba promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme

Key leaders in Moyamba adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme

The general public in Western Area recognizes the importance of addressing the specific theme

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

105

The general public in Western Area shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme

The general public in Moyamba recognizes the importance of addressing the specific theme

The general public in Moyamba shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme

Civil Society Organisations and Community Based Organisations While their power and influence is less than when it comes to fighting GBV, CSOs in Sierra Leone are supportive and have shown to be somewhat engaged with promoting economic empowerment for girls and young women. CSOsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and CBOsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; capacity, monitoring function and engagement with the government for the respective themes is, however, limited, see the expertsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; assessment of the outcome indicators presented in the table below. An exception seems to be the awareness of CBOs and women and youth organisations in Moyamba about the importance of addressing the themes, as this is scored with a 7. Outcome indicators

PPE

TVET

Relevant CSOs have a common understanding on the theme for lobby & advocacy

Relevant CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against the theme

Relevant CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme Relevant CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement in relation to the theme CBOs and women and youth organisations in Western Area are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme CBOs and women and youth organisations in Western Area who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including the theme CBOs and women and youth organisations in Western Area effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme CBOs and women and youth organisations in Moyamba are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme CBOs and women and youth organisations in Moyamba who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including the theme CBOs and women and youth organisations in Moyamba effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

Media & the private sector The Media has moderate to strong power and influence and some actual engagement in strengthening EE, however, these are less than its influence and engagement in the fight against GBV. The power and influence of (other) private sector stakeholders varies, with the microfinancing institutions in Moyamba and Western Area being most powerful, followed by the chamber of commerce. However, all these other private sector actors have shown no or only limited concrete engagement to improve economic empowerment. Moreover, local businesses in Moyamba and Western Area are even somewhat unsupportive of strengthening economic empowerment.

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Context and baseline study Uganda

Context Analysis and baseline assessment Uganda: Child marriage, Child trafficking, CSEC and Decent Work and Child Labour. The target areas of the programme are: in and around Kampala, Wakiso, Iganga, Morote, Napak, Lira/Aleptong, Burkedea / Buyende, Kamuli / Tororo.

7.1

Overall information

7.1.1 Socio-economic profile Uganda is a landlocked country in East Africa, often called “the Pearl of Africa”. The population of Uganda is estimated at about 37 million with an average life expectancy of 58 years 203. With almost 70%204 of its population younger than 25 years Uganda has the number one position as a country with the youngest population in the world. Uganda has one of the highest population densities (137.1 per square km) in Africa and with a population growth rate of 3.2% the structure of the population is not expected to change in the next 15 years. The Census Report (2014) shows that 18.4% of the total population lives in urban areas. It is reported that urban centres grow at an annual rate of 5.1%. 60% of the urban population lives in slums and informal settlements. There are over 20 ethnic groups of which the Baganda, Banyankole and Basoga are the largest. Uganda is one of the poorest nations in the world. It is classified as a least developed country and ranked at place 164 (out of the 188) on the Human Development Index. In 2014, 74.5% of the population lived below the poverty line.205 Unemployment, particularly among youth aged 12-30 years, remains a challenge with 61.6% of youth being jobless206, while many who are working are underemployed. 207 Poverty also remains deep-rooted in the country's rural areas, which are home to 84% of Ugandans. AIDS—epidemic in some areas—is a major issue with an average of about 1,5 million sick people. The economic reforms implemented by the present government in Uganda since 1987, coupled with political stability, have, however, contributed to economic growth rates averaging 6.5% per annum in the last decade and a GDP per capita of $2,100 (2015 est.). This steady economic growth makes Uganda one of the fastest growing countries in Africa. The main sectors of the economy are industry (5%), services (13%) and agriculture (82%) (2015 est.). Agriculture forms the most important sector of the economy, with fertile soil and flourishing cocoa farms and coffee plantations. It absorbs 75.1% of the labour force (UNHS, 2010). Uganda is seeing a shift, however, from a firmly agricultural based economy towards diversification into other sectors like construction, manufacturing and regional trade and distribution. 7.1.2 Gender equality achievements Uganda scores relatively low on gender equality. Uganda has a GII value of 0.538, ranking it 122 out of 155 countries in the 2014 index. Uganda’s economic and political stability over the past two decades has brought unprecedented opportunities to address social inequalities and improve the well-being of citizens. Investments in key human development areas have reaped benefits in poverty reduction, and seen some improvements on a range of socio-economic indicators. Ugandan women and girls have partially benefited from these trends, e.g. women hold 35% percent of parliamentary seats. New laws and measures to protect and promote women’s economic, 203 204 205

206

207

http://data.worldbank.org/country/uganda – 2014. World Fact book 2015 est. Uganda Poverty Status Report, 2014. National unemployment rate is relatively low (4.2%). A study by Action Aid International Uganda (2012) called “Lost Opportunities? - Gaps in Youth Policy and Programming in Uganda,” showed high levels of unemployment and underemployment in youth (12-30 years). The Uganda Poverty Status Report, 2014 puts unemployment in Uganda at 9.4%. http://www.ifad.org/operations/projects/regions/Pf/factsheets/uganda.pdf.

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political and human rights have been accompanied by impressive reductions in gender gaps in primary and secondary education and greater female political participation. Yet, wide gender gaps and inequalities remain, including in control of assets, employment and health. In Uganda, 22.9% of adult women have reached at least a secondary level of education compared to 33.5% of their male counterparts. Female participation in the labour market is 75.8% compared to 79.2% for men208. Economic development may have improved the status quo of women in Uganda, but full equality with men remains a distant reality.209

GII rank

GGI rank

EEI

SIGI category

122 (of 155) 2014

88 (of 142)

0,42

medium discrimination

According to the SIGI report 2015, Women represent one-third of owners or co-owners of land, with the notable case of Kampala, where women represent only 18% of land owners. This discriminatory practice is supported by discriminatory opinions: 27% of the population supports unequal rights to land for women and men, reaching as much as 54% in the Mid-Northern sub-region. The UgandaSIGI results indicate that higher levels of education amongst communities are related to more positive attitudes and practices on gender equality and women’s rights. In Uganda, this represents promising opportunities to transform discriminatory social norms around gender equality. Little progress is seen across key economic indicators. 7.1.3 Main governance issues GBV and EE Uganda is a Sovereign State and a Republic in theory but ruled for long by one president and his political allies. After independence in 1962, the country was brutalized under the regimes of Milton Obote and Idi Amin. In 1986 Yoweri Museveni, leader of the National Resistance Army, came to power and restored stability to a large extent. Museveni was elected president in May 1996 in the first popular election for president since independence—and re-elected in February 2016. Uganda inherited its legal system from the British, which is a common law system. This foundation has been supplemented by a combination of case laws developed by the courts, customary and statutory law. The judiciary is independent. Uganda is party to international human rights treaties, which expressly prohibit sexual and gender-based violence, trafficking, Child Marriage, CSEC and Child labour. These include the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the UN Convention against Torture and other Cruel, inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and the International Labour Organization Conventions on Minimum Age and Worst Forms of Child Labour. The Optional Protocol to CEDAW offers women direct means to seek redress at the international level for violations of their rights. However, Uganda has not yet ratified the Optional Protocol, thereby limiting the ability of women victims of violations under CEDAW to directly approach the Committee for remedies. Uganda has specific laws and policies to fulfil its obligations under the international agreements concerning addressing the various different forms of abuse such as Child Marriage, Child Trafficking, CSEC and economic exclusion. The Uganda Constitution (1995) provides the basis for the development of legislation and policies addressing Children’s Rights (CR). The Children’s Act (2016) is the most comprehensive legislation on CRs, putting into effect the Constitutional provisions and responsibilities contained in the UNCRC and the ACRWC. Uganda has also developed national legislation on education, child trafficking, female genital mutilation, and

208 209

108

http://hdr.undp.org/sites/all/themes/hdr_theme/country-notes/UGA.pdf. Uganda SIGI Country report 2015.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

defilement, decentralisation of child protection systems, domestic violence and birth registration. Despite a comprehensive legal framework on CRs, there are still gaps and challenges in enforcement (PIU Defilement Study, 2014). A key barrier is weak institutional structures: while institutions that are mandated to legislate laws (parliament), ordinances/by-laws (district councils), and develop policies (ministries) seem to be performing better, those responsible for adjudicating justice (the judiciary), enforcing the law (police) and arbitrating cases at local level (e.g. local council courts), face severe resource constraints including staff inadequately skilled to handle child cases. Gaps in awareness of the law also exist among children, parents, communities and traditional/clan leaders. Further, there are lacunas in the law that continue to curtail the realisation of CRs. In addition, some of the laws are contradicting each other and need harmonization in terms of e.g. labour age and age of marriage. 210 At the policy level, various relevant policies have been developed, including: 

The Gender Policy 2007;



The Universal Primary Education Policy;



The child labour policy;



The National policy on Disability (2006);



The National Youth Policy (2000);



The Gender Based Violence Policy(2011);



Childrens Act – adjusted 2016.

Furthermore, multiple Child Protection (CP) institutions and mechanisms exist in Uganda. At national level, the National Council for Children, National Council for People with Disabilities, Child and Family Protection Unit and Children and Family Courts are mandated to promote and protect CRs. At the district and community level, the Local Councils, Parent/Teachers Associations and CP Committees set up by the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development are the main local level CP systems. There are also several CSOs (including local and international NGOs) 211 that play key roles in influencing and investing in CR policy. In addition, informal traditional CP systems or support structures at the community level, such as clan leaders, chiefs, councils of elders and religious leaders also handle cases of abuse against children. However, some of these informal CP structures have been known not to always uphold the principle of “in the best interest of the child” when deciding on CP issues212. In some regions, such as Karamoja, customary laws take precedence over government laws.

7.2

Child marriages

7.2.1 Prevalence The right to family and marriage is provided for in the Uganda 1995 Constitution with the age of consent (minimum legal age for marriage) set at 18 years for both males and females. In-spite of the legal provision, the traditional practice of child marriage persists among many ethnic groups. Over 15% of ever-married women aged 20-49 were married by the age of 15, and 49% were married by age 18213 (UDHS 2011, UBOS 2011). The UDHS data further shows that men tend to marry at much older ages (four years older) than women with a median age at first marriage of 22.3; only 9% of the men were married by age 18, and 25% by age 20 (ibid). While the trend is gradually shifting towards fewer women marrying at very young ages -with a decline in women who were married by age 15 among women aged 45-49 from 19% (2006) to 3% of women aged 15-19 210

211

212

213

Survey from Plan Uganda Framework. Some of the main LNGOs and INGOsin Uganda include Save the Children, World Vision, ChildFund, Compassion International, ANNAPCAN, Red Cross, Uganda CR Network, UYONET, UWONET, Hope for Children, Action Aid, War Child, UWEZO, BRAAC, Build Africa, Share an Opportunity, Mercy Corps, CEDOVP, ACCORD, Concerned Parent Association, Action for Children, Community Vision, etc. A study of community-based CP mechanisms in Uganda and DRC Final Report by War Child, (2010) found that a child who had been defiled was forced to marry the perpetrator by a traditional council of elders. Report UDHS 2011 / UBOS 2011 with data from 1996.

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in 2011 (UBOS 2011), the situation is still worrying, because for the last 30 years, there has been very little or no change in the median age at first marriage which has been fairly stable at an average of 17.8 years for women between 20â&#x20AC;&#x201C;49. Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 18

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 15

Mean age of women/men at marriage

40% (2013)

12% (2012)

17.8 / 22.3 (2006) 214

7.2.2 Key drivers The prevalence of CM in Uganda can be explained by an array of interdependent factors as shown in the Figure below:

At the individual/family level, poverty is a major negative factor driving child marriage. Where poverty is severe, a young woman may be considered either an economic burden or an asset from which families can gain property and livestock from bride wealth exchanges. Orphans and other vulnerable children are sometimes married off to relieve the financial and social burden on their caretakers. Moreover, to earn money, some parents encourage their daughters to take jobs that place them in circumstances where they meet with men (e.g., working in bars or selling alcohol). Such associations could lead to child marriage, especially in the case of premarital pregnancy. 215 216

Low educational attainment is, furthermore, linked with early marriage. According to 2006

UDHS data, among ever-married women ages 25â&#x20AC;&#x201C;49, a larger percentage of those who married before their 14th birthday had no education (37%), compared with those who married later (26%). A larger percentage of women married after age 18 attained secondary education and above, compared with those who married at younger ages. On the positive side, there have been a number of interventions by both government and nongovernmental organizations to promote 214 215 216

110

http://www.ubos.org/onlinefiles/uploads/ubos/pdf%20documents/Uganda%20DHS%202006%20Key%20Findings.pdf. U MGLSD 2011. Bantebya et al. 2014DHS data 2006.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

education as a positive driver. Girls who are educated can make informed choices and promotion of post education studies has helped to postpone marriage till later date. Other main negative drivers of child marriage are peer pressure and early exposure to pornography that provoke ‘experimentation’ in adult relationships (Bantebya et al. 2014).

217 218

At the community and social level, key negative factors are related to traditional, cultural, and social norms and values. In many communities marriage gives girls social recognition and acceptance. Additionally, families use marriage to strengthen their family ties. A study conducted in Mayuge district in Eastern Uganda associates child marriage to continuing perceptions within the local communities that sexual maturation equals readiness for marriage such that ‘once a girl has developed breasts she is eligible for marriage!’ (Bantebya et al, 2014). Evidence also reveals that FGM as an initiation ritual for girls in some societies is a major driver of child marriage (Warner et al. 2013). At the structural level, conflict and instability in the region fuel the practice of child marriage. Key negative drivers at the legal and policy level include the lack of implementation of policies and laws that seek to protect children. Evidence suggests that these measures have merely driven early marriage underground, contributing to the rise of early informal ‘cohabitation’ arrangements, where the rights of married girls and their children find no legal or material protection (Bantebya et al. 2014).219 Whereas, on the positive side, Uganda has committed to addressing all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls, ratified various global and regional conventions and declarations that prohibit such discrimination and violence, and enacted various policies –including the National Strategy to end Child Marriage &Trafficking of Persons- to combat child marriage, not much has been done in regard to putting in place practical initiatives that explicitly protect children from early marriage. Funds and lack of capacity are main problems. 220 In addition, only about 10 percent of the children below eighteen years has a birth certificate, which makes it difficult to prevent child marriage. 221

7.3

Child trafficking

7.3.1 Prevalence Uganda, Tier 2222, is a source and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes of forced labour and sexual exploitation. No reliable statistics exist, however, on the estimated number of persons trafficked within and out of Uganda, due to the clandestine and illegal nature of the phenomenon. Various studies present different figures on the extent of the problem and most data is outdated and based on very rough estimates. A recent survey estimated that in Kampala, nearly 4 in 10 children who work in informal sector settings are victims of trafficking223. Ugandan children are trafficked within the country, as well as to Canada, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia. Karamojong women and children are sold in cattle markets or by intermediaries and forced into situations of domestic servitude, sexual exploitation, herding, and begging. Children from the D.R.C., Rwanda, Burundi are, furthermore, trafficked to Uganda for agricultural labour and commercial sexual exploitation.

217 217 218 219 220 221 222 223

Schlecht et al. 2013; Rubimbwa and Komurembe 2012. http://www.unicef.org/uganda/NATIONAL_STRATEGY_ON_CHILD_MARRIAGE-PRINT_READY.pdf. Sekiwungu and Whyte’s (2009) study in Eastern Uganda. http://www.unicef.org/uganda/NATIONAL_STRATEGY_ON_CHILD_MARRIAGE-PRINT_READY.pdf. http://www.unicef.org/uganda/NATIONAL_STRATEGY_ON_CHILD_MARRIAGE-PRINT_READY.pdf. http://www.unicef.org/uganda/NATIONAL_STRATEGY_ON_CHILD_MARRIAGE-PRINT_READY.pdf. Trafficing in persons Report - US State department 2008. Walakira, E.J., B. Bukenya, and I. Dumba-Nyanzi (2014). Child Trafficking in Kampala, Iganga and Moroto Districts: A Baseline Survey Report. Kampala: Terres des Hommes Netherlands.

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A recent study224 revealed that the recruitment and movement of children is well coordinated by different players at local and regional level with more girls affected than boys. Most female victims of trafficking end up in prostitution prone environments while boys enter hazardous work like fishing on lakes, agriculture, markets, metal scrap or stone quarries. Trafficking is more internal, though transnational trafficking has started emerging where children are mainly targeted for adoption, fostering, religious extremist activities, labour and prostitution. The same study further revealed that patterns of trafficking have changed significantly since 2004 with more children from poor families. Although recruitment of children for trafficking is mainly done by adults, some children, especially those working in bars and lodges are increasingly participating in recruitment of fellow children. Number of cases/ prosecutions of human trafficking 300 (TIP report)

7.3.2 Key drivers Different positive and negative drivers influence the prevalence of Child trafficking. The figure below summarizes the main driversâ&#x20AC;?.

At the individual and family level, key negative drivers are poverty and marginalisation and being pushed into Child Marriage. These drivers push children into dependency and vulnerability and make them less susceptible to risks and more prone to believe the false promises of human traffickers. Poor adolescent girls, with a low level of education, who have left home in search of work appear to be particularly vulnerable for domestic or cross-border trafficking for sexual purposes, while adolescent girls with a higher educational level are mostly trafficked for purposes of domestic servitude in the Middle East under false promises of obtaining a high-paid job.

224

112

Walakira, E.J., B. Bukenya, and I. Dumba-Nyanzi (2014). Child Trafficking in Kampala, Iganga and Moroto Districts: A Baseline Survey Report. Kampala: Terres des Hommes Netherlands.

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Various Community and social factors also play an important role. Many communities reject and stigmatize certain victims of e.g. HIV/Aids or pregnancies out of wedlock, which results in people wanting to go away from the area, making them vulnerable for falling into the traps of the traffickers. In some areas, traditional leaders still hold significant power. When they hold beliefs that condone the trafficking or CSEC of children, it can discourage community members from pressing legal charges. Another factor is the poor information available at community level about false brokers and spreading of falls hopes on jobs. Uganda is a patriarchal and conservative society, making it relatively difficult for women and girls to obtain information about trafficking vs work that relates to trafficking. The risks are far underestimated by community members. At the structural level, a key negative driver is the fact that there is a great imbalance between labour opportunities within and between countries. The higher economic status of other countries is attractive for girls from the region. The stories shared of work oversees and income that is earned makes them to believe brokers more than negative stories in the news. On the positive side, increased access to life skills training, education and good shelter are key drivers that reduce trafficking. At the legal and policy level, a key negative driver is the weak law enforcement. Official procedures for exiting and entering Uganda are rarely enforced, and there are lax documentation requirements. According to many independent reports, there is some involvement of border and security personnel in trafficking, which hugely impedes enforcement. The government has made some efforts to prevent human trafficking. Commendable progress has been made by the government of Uganda in terms of domesticating international instruments into national legislation. Some laws have been enacted, notably the Trafficking In Persons Act (2009) and the Sexual Offences Bill (2010), while others are in the process of being amended to respond to current trends in child protection.

7.4

Commercial sexual exploitation of children

7.4.1 Prevalence Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (CSEC) is one of the most hidden and complex forms of Child Labour, identified to be persistent in Uganda. After the thematic study on CSEC in Uganda in 2004, implemented by (ILO) and the Ministry of Gender Labour and Social Development (MoGLSD), little comprehensive information has been collected about the trends, magnitude, characteristics and levels of CSEC. Anecdotal evidence, however, indicates that the number of children engaging in commercial sex is steadily increasing. A study done by UYDEL revealed that 41% of the 529 children interviewed were involved in CSEC. This study also suggested that the number of children entering CSEC had increased from 12,000 in 2004 (according to the ILO CSEC study, 2004) to 18,000 children in 2011. Other reports conducted by Ministry of Finance, Women and Youth services (WAYS) and Platform for Labour Action (PLA) state that many children are trafficked from their homes and conscripted into prostitution.225 There is a regional variation in the manifestation of CSEC. Some districts serve as source while others are transit and destination points. Child prostitution is steadily increasing especially in fishing communities and urban centres. Most child sexual customers are employed in the transport industry, informal business activities and few in formal trade. Many children are connected by pimps, friends and self, through telephone contacts, visiting entertainment places, bars and markets.

225

Walakira, E.J., B. Bukenya, and I. Dumba-Nyanzi (2014). Child Trafficking in Kampala, Iganga and Moroto Districts: A Baseline Survey Report. Kampala: Terres des Hommes Netherlands.

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Pornography is a new dimension of CSEC that is growing at a very fast rate compared to prostitution. Pornography, trafficking and child prostitution are closely interlinked. Pornography in Kampala city has been taken to another level from mainly engaging in pornography for their own entertainment to commercial gain, involving well-coordinated networks embracing music celebrities, bar and karaoke group owners with approximately 1,800 children exploited per week. It is disguised in shooting of films, photos, videos and participating in strip dancing. Estimated number of children and adolescents sexually exploited for commercial purposes 18000226

7.4.2 Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme The figure bellow shows the key positive and negative drivers that affect the prevalence of CSEC in Uganda. The theme is very much linked with â&#x20AC;&#x153;Traffickingâ&#x20AC;?.

At the individual and family level, poverty, peer pressure, and the desire for a good life style drive children in commercial sex together with other negative drivers like orphanhood and pregnancy. Also limited employment and educational opportunities drive children and young girls into alternative income sources and desperation by which they are lured into CSEC. Early marriage and other forms of abuse are also factors that make girls and boys run away with the danger of landing in the wrong hands. Many children are not aware of the dangers related to CSEC and do not know that people around them, sometimes very close relatives, are brokering to get them into the sex industry, hence they are an easy prey. At the community and social level, a key negative driver is the fact that Uganda is a strong patriarchal society, which makes girls more vulnerable for CSEC. Girls are taught to be obedient and to follow fatherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s instructions. Disobedience is met with heavy punishment. Girls are forced into 226

114

Study from Uydel.

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“jobs” without the ability to protest. Child Labour in Uganda often leads to CSEC of children between 10 and 14 years of age when they are being exploited for cheap labour in domestic service or bars. At the structural level a key negative driver is the increase in child sex tourism. The Ministry of Tourism has detected that there are some areas where tour operators act as guides and direct sex offenders to children or lure children to sex tourists. Street and beach children are also picked up directly by sex offenders. Activists believe the rise in the sex tourism industry is the result of the weak application of the law and the corruption of some officials, which allows offenders to commit abuses against children with impunity. At the legal and policy level, a positive driver is that commendable progress has been made by the government of Uganda in terms of domesticating international instruments into national legislation. However, key negative drivers are that law enforcement is weak. Corruption, ignorance, and limited capacity are hampering the fight against CSEC in the country.

7.5

Key stakeholders involved in GBV Several key stakeholders affect the chance of reducing gender based violence in Uganda. The table below presents these stakeholders and indicates for each the results of the expert panel’s assessment227 of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against GBV, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing GBV. The experts were asked to score the position, power and influence, and actual engagement of the stakeholders on a four-point scale: 

Position of stakeholders: 1-very unsupportive; 2-somewhat unsupportive; 3-somewhat supportive; 4-very supportive;



Stakeholders’ level of power and influence: 1-no influence and power; 2-limited influence and power, 3-moderate to strong influence and power; 4-very strong influence and power;



Key Stakeholders

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Gender Labour, and Social Development

3.5

3.0

Ministry of Internal Affairs

3.0

3.5

2.5

Justice, law and order sector (e.g. judiciary, police)

3.0

Ministry of Education

3.5

3.0

National Council for Children

3.0

2.0

3.0

Decentralized Local Government Administration in Kampala, Wakiso, Iganga, Morote, Napak, Lira/Aleptong, Burkedea/Buyende, Kamuli/Tororo

3.5

2.5

1.5

Local government councils in Kampala, Wakiso, Iganga, Morote, Napak, Lira/Aleptong, Burkeda/Buyende, Kamuli / Tororo

2.5

2.0

Cultural/traditional leaders

2.0

2.5

2.0

Religious leaders

3.0

2.5

2.0

Youth organisations

2.5

1.0

Women groups

2.0

1.0

2.0

Central and Local Government

Community actors

227

An online survey was sent to seven experts. The response rate was 71% (N=5).

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Key Stakeholders

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

4.0

3.0

4.0

National Coalition on Child Marriage and district level coalitions

3.0

2.0

3.0

National Coalition on Trafficking and district level coalitions

4.0

3.0

Other Girls and young women focused CSOs working at national level

3.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Kampala

4.0

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Wakiso

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Iganga

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Morote

4.0

3.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Napak

3.0

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Lira/Aleptong

4.0

3.0

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Burkedea / Buyende

2.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Kamuli / Tororo

4.0

3.0

4.0

Bar, hotel and lodge associations

1.0

4.0

2.0

Associations of Transporters, Bus and Boda Boda

2.0

4.0

2.0

Schools CSOs

Media National TV, Radio, Newsprint and social media Private sector

Government The government at the central level is committed and active in fighting GBV. None of the key central government actors (see the table above) score however a 4, indicating that scope exists to strengthen the actual engagement of the relevant ministries and the National Council for Children. In addition, the Ministry of Internal Affairs is assessed as most powerful, but has scored only a 2.5 in terms of actual engagement, so lobby & advocacy efforts could be focused on strengthening its engagement. The local government actors score a lot weaker in terms of power and influence and actual engagement. Decentralized Local Government Administration in Kampala, Wakiso, Iganga, Morote, Napak, Lira/Aleptong, Burkedea/Buyende, Kamuli/Tororo, show hardly any commitment to fighting GBV and the local government councils in these areas are assessed as showing some commitment, which is however not matched with evidence of concrete actions to address GBV issues. The table below shows, more specifically, governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s position and commitment concerning Child Marriage, Child Trafficking, and the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children. The experts were requested to indicate on a ten-point scale - with 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree whether they agreed or disagreed with various statements concerning these GAA themes. The table includes the assessment of the National government, political actors and local government actors in Kampala, Wakiso, Iganga, Morote, Napak, Lira/Aleptong, Burkedea/Buyende, Kamuli/Tororo228. The results clearly show that while the national government is committed to fight CM, CT and CSEC, and develops relevant programmes, policies and guidelines to address these themes, implementation of these is the key weakness. This is in line with the results of the desk-study and interviews conducted for the context analysis, which suggest that limited government resources and

228

116

The target areas of the GAA for Child Marriage are Kamuli, Tororo, Bukedea, Buyende, Aleptong and Lira; for Child Trafficking the target areas are Kampala and Karamoja (Moroto and Napak); and for the CSEC the target areas are Kampala and Wakiso. Scores are provided per target area, similar scores were combined.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

capacity seriously hamper the effective implementation of relevant laws and policies. Political actors are assessed as attaching only some importance to addressing CM, CT, CSEC and seem to be most effective in supporting policies related to CT according to the experts. All local governments in the relevant GAA target areas score relatively well in terms of developing policies and guidelines to address CM, but weak in terms of attaching importance to addressing CM and effectively implementing legislation and policies on the theme. Tororo, however, scores also relatively well in terms of effective implementation. For CT and CSEC we see again relatively high scores for the development of policies and guidelines, but weak scores for effective implementation. Outcome indicators

CSEC

National Government attaches importance to combatting the specific theme

National government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

National government effectively implements legislation and public policies and effective implementation is supported

Political actors attach importance to combatting the specific theme

Political actors effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Kamuli

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme – Tororo, Bukedea, Aleptong, Lira

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Buyende

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Kampala

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Wakiso

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme – Bugiri, Moroto Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme Kamuli, Tororo

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme Bukedea

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme Buyende, Aleptong

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Lira

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme Kampala

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme Wakiso

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme – Bugiri, Moroto Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme - Kamuli

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme - Tororo

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme Bukedea

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme – Buyende, Aleptong, Lira

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme Kampala

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme - Wakiso

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme - Bugiri, Moroto

Community actors & the general public

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While the government (especially at the national level) clearly attaches importance to fighting CM, this is not the case for community actors and the general public, as the tables below show. The values, norms and practices promoted by key leaders are often not in support of fighting CM and, especially in Buvende, Aleptong, and Bukedea, informal rules and customary laws are not challenged or adapted to fight CM. The importance of addressing CT and CSEC is more recognized by key local leaders, but the promotion of supportive norms, values and practices and the adaptation of relevant informal rules to fight CT and CSEC is still weak, with Karamoja being the exception. Outcome indicators

CSEC

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Kampala

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Kamuli

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Tororo

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Bukedea

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Buyende

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Aleptong

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Lira

Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme - Wakiso

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme Kamuli

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme Tororo

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme Bukedea

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme Buyende

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme Aleptong

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme Lira

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme Kampala

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of addressing the theme Wakiso

118

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Kamuli

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Tororo

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Bukedea

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Buyende

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Aleptong

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators

CSEC

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Kampala

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Lira

Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme - Wakiso

Cleary, ample work also remains to be done to raise awareness amongst the general public as, according to the expert panel, they do not seem to recognize the importance of the identified themes, with the public in Kampala being the exception. Outcome indicators

CSEC

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme Kampala

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Kamuli

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Tororo

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme Bukedea

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme Buyende

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme Aleptong

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Lira

The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the theme - Wakiso

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Kamuli

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Tororo

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Bukedea

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Buyende

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Aleptong

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Lira

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Kampala

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme - Wakiso

Civil Society Organisations and Community Based Organisations Next to government and community actors, civil society actors are important stakeholders in addressing GBV. The assessment of the expert panel of CSOsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and CBOsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; capacity, monitoring function and engagement with the government for the respective themes, see the table below, shows that CSOs at the national level effectively engage with the government, especially

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concerning CT, while they score less in terms of performing a watchdog function and capacity. Also coordination amongst the CSO’s is weak.229 At the local level, CBOs perform less well, with the extent to which CBOs are able to perform a watchdog role being particularly problematic in Bukedea, Buyende, Aleptong, Lira, Karamoja, and Wakiso. Outcome indicators

CSEC

Relevant CSOs have a common understanding on the theme for lobby & advocacy

Relevant CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against the theme

Relevant CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

Relevant CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement in relation to the theme

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Kamuli

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Tororo

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme – Bukedea, Buyende

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Aleptong

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Lira

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Kampala

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

CBOs and women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance on the theme - Wakiso

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including the theme - Kamuli

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including the theme - Tororo

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including the theme – Bukedea, Buyende, Aleptong

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including the theme - Lira

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account GBV issues including the theme - Kampala

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account GBV issues including the theme - Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

CBOs and women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account GBV issues including the theme - Wakiso

120

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme - Kamuli

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme - Tororo

229

GAA report

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Outcome indicators

CSEC

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme - Kampala

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme - Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Bukedea, Lira

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme - Buyende

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme - Aleptong

CBOs and women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme - Wakiso

Media and the private sector National TV, Radio, Newsprint and social media are assessed as very important stakeholders in the fight against GBV, according to the expert panel (media scores 4 points (on a 4-point scale. While, according to various interviews, the media is not always yet well informed on gender issues and do not always recognise the negative impact of their underreporting, misrepresentation or promotion of stereotypes, they can be very instrumental in the fight against GBV and media houses frequently post relevant stories on TV, radio and social media to stir up discussion, often leading to government bodies picking up their roles of protection. Social media such as Facebook and Twitter have also become very powerful platforms for awareness raising and stimulating discussion. (Other) relevant private sector actors, like hotel and transporter associations, score weak and have shown no or limited evidence of concrete actions to fight GBV. Concerning CT and CSEC, private sector actors in the relevant GAA target areas are hardly considered to recognize their role in combatting these issues, see the table below. Outcome indicators

CSEC

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in recognize their role in combatting the theme - Kampala

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in recognize their role in combatting the theme - Karamoja (Moroto and Napak)

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) in recognize their role in combatting the theme - Wakiso

7.6

Decent work/Entrepreneurship

7.6.1 Prevalence Although Uganda is progressing economically it faces significant challenges in meeting its populationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s growth and there are marked economic inequalities. Youth unemployment is a record high at over 64%. This is particularly alarming since young people comprise 80 percent of the population. While 800,000 people annually enter the labour market, the net job creation is a minimal 10%.230 Men and women both play substantial, albeit different, economic roles in the Ugandan economy. Each contributes to about 50 percent of GDP, and women represent 39 percent of businesses with registered premises231. Research suggests that Ugandan women are highly entrepreneurial, contribute significant amounts of labour to the Ugandan economy (much of it unpaid), and are 230 231

GAA TOC plan. Government of Uganda 2002b.

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extremely creditworthy. 232 233 Women, however, earn less than men in the formal work sector. 235 236

234

Most female workers in Uganda are, furthermore, either unpaid family farm workers or self-

employed in the informal sector and they work on average longer hours than men. Women account for 80 percent of all unpaid workers. Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

Labour force participation rates for 15-24, by sex

Share of women employed in the non-agricultural sector

% of women with an account at a formal financial institution

Female- 58.8% Male -59.5% (2015) Source: ILO

62.2% (2015)

18% (201)

Source: ILO

Source: Country Survey Uganda GIZ on Gender difference in usage of formal financial services

Other Additional indicators related to work for Uganda – world fact book 2014 Employment to population ratio (% ages 15 and older)

74.5

Labour force participation rate (% ages 15 and older) Share of employment in agriculture (% of total employment) Share of employment in services (% of total employment Vulnerable employment (% of total employment) Youth not in school or employment(% ages 15-24) Child Labour (% ages 5-14 years) Working poor, PPP $2 per day (% of total employment)

77.5 Female 75.8, Male 79.2 65.6 28.4 80.6 7.0 16.3 57.7

Key drivers that explain prevalence per theme The figure bellow shows the key positive and negative drivers that affect the prevalence of Decent work and Entrepreneurship in Uganda.

232 233 234 235 236

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World Bank 2005b; UPPAP 2002; Global Entrepreneurship Monitor 2003. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTAFRREGTOPGENDER/Resources/gender_econ_growth_ug.pdf. UNICEF’S statistics on the State of the world’s children 2011. Primary School Absenteeism in Iganga District of Uganda, ANPPCAN 2010. DECENT WORK COUNTRY PROGRAMME 2013- 2017 Republic of Uganda ILO publication 2012.

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At the individual/ family level, poverty and lack of opportunities are the key drivers for girls to leave school and end-up in labour exploitation and low-income generating (informal) activities. Many impoverished and marginalised Ugandese families have to rely on the whole family, and especially women, contributing to the family income through some form of work. Nevertheless, poverty may also be a strong positive determinant of female entrepreneurship, especially as it may act as a “push” factor due to the necessity of women to generate income for themselves and their families237. Entrepreneurship of Ugandan girls and women is also motivated by a strong wish for self-reliance and independence238. Negative drivers of decent work and entrepreneurship opportunities are, furthermore, the limited educational and managerial skills obtained by women as a result of low primary school and VET attendance, as well as the limited awareness they may have of opportunities to access training, finance and support for a business venture. Low levels of selfconfidence, as well as the necessity to combine entrepreneurial with household chores and traditional tasks, are further barriers to female entrepreneurship for women

239 240.

At the community and social level, existing social norms and traditions affect access to decent work and entrepreneurship. Cultural norms influence how young women choose to earn a living and make it difficult for young women to access and own land. Uganda is a patriarchal society with norms confining women to traditional socially acceptable roles that leave very little room for entrepreneurial aspiration and also limit the social acceptance of women in the business community. Women should do work which evolves around the homesteads. Furthermore, low value is in general placed on female labour. Access for women to engage in entrepreneurship is, in addition, limited due to the fact that they cannot own land in the traditional setups. Next, bonded labour exists in agriculture, cattle rearing, and the stone industry. On the positive side, it is worth noting that some Ugandan women have been able to break these traditional and social barriers and engage in entrepreneurship or even join social entrepreneur groups of women that stimulate businesses. These women and others in high positions form role models. At the structural level, a key negative driver is the fact that in many (rural) areas in the country awareness about entrepreneurship opportunities and support is very low as well as access to banks and loans. Decent work opportunities in rural areas are, furthermore, very limited due to the limited economic development. Another negative driver is that in some areas cattle raiding and conflicts are common, which makes it hard to start enterprises in such areas as it affects the families with displacement. 241 Furthermore, there is a mismatch between what children are taught at schools and the skills required by the market. On the positive side, increased awareness raising about the existence of micro enterprises and Sacco’s in the country that promote loan giving to women and women groups foster entrepreneurship opportunities. Particularity in the rural areas around Kampala and in Kampala there are significant entrepreneurial activities. At the legal and policy level, there are various positive drivers like the policies and laws that promote equal opportunities and decent work for women. Loan wages and entrepreneurial opportunities are streamlined and many other government regulations are adjusted to this effect. Some of the strategies by the government to improve decent work and entrepreneurship opportunities include the “Entadikwa” Scheme, the Youth Entrepreneurship Scheme and the government sponsored youth training programs through Enterprise Uganda. Whereas Government has of late concentrated on establishing youth funds and entrepreneurship skills training, the 237 238 239 240

241 241 241

Villanger (2015), Entrepreneurial Abilities and Barriers to Microenterprise Growth. Bushell (2008), Women entrepreneurs - IN Gender and Development Vol. 16 Nr. 3. 2006 UDHS data. Micro and small enterprises as drivers for job creation and decent work Reeg, Caroline Discussion Paper 10/2015 -Bonn: German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE). Report - Doing Business in 2012. Global Entrepreneurship Monitor – Report 2015. 2010 UNDP Human Development Index.

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National Employment Policy for Uganda provides emphasis on the issue of youth unemployment. In particular, it states that the youth should be instilled with among others, a positive work culture, commitment and dedication to work including discipline, career guidance and counselling and imparting of skills to enable them to become relevant to the current needs of the labour market and employment creation. The different provisions on pensions and social security laws are also there but these are not harmonized which make it difficult to implement and enforce such provisions. The social security framework, moreover, only covers workers in the formal sector employment and are silent about the private, self employed, and people working in the informal sector, who account for the bulk of the labour force. Only about 4.8 per cent are employed in the formal sector, with about 95% employed in the private/self- employed and informal sector. Despite these laws and policies, enforcement and implementation of these is weak due to limited government capacity and resources. Traditional courts at grassroots level form, furthermore, a major hindrance to enforcing these laws as, despite being instructed by the government and the national legal system, the courts strongly hold on to their culture and traditional norms about the roles of women and men.

7.7

242243

Key stakeholders involved in EE There are various stakeholders involved in economic empowerment and promoting decent work opportunities for girls and young women in Uganda. The table below presents - on a four-point scale (similar as for the question concerning GBV, see above)- expertsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; assessment of key stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; position, power and influence and actual engagement. Interestingly, it shows that while the Ministries of Gender, Labour and Social development and Education are very supportive of EE, other important actors like the Ministries of Agriculture and Trade, Industry and Cooperatives and local government actors are judged to be somewhat unsupportive. Actual engagement at the government level is overall assessed as very limited. Low scores are also assigned to the CSOs and private sector actors, which indicate very limited engagement to improve EE. An exception is the Media, which is assessed as a powerful and engaged player who can use its influence to foster EE. Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social development

4.0

3.0

Ministry of Agriculture

2.0

3.0

2.0

Ministry of Trade, Industry and Cooperatives

2.0

3.0

2.0

Ministry of Education

4.0

2.0

Ministry of Local Government

2.0

3.0

2.0

Ministry of Finance

2.0

1.0

Decentralized Local Government Administration in Iganga and Kamuli

2.0

1.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working at national level

2.0

1.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Iganga

3.0

1.0

Girls and young women focused CSOs working in Kamuli

2.0

4.0

Key stakeholders Central Government

CSOs

Media National TV, Radio Newsprint and social media 242 243

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Report UBOS 2010. DECENT WORK COUNTRY PROGRAMME 2013- 2017 Republic of Uganda ILO publication 2012.

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Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Uganda National Chamber of Commerce

2.0

1.0

Kampala City traders association at national level

2.0

Private sector Foundation

2.0

Northern Uganda Manufacturers Association

2.0

Uganda small scale industries

1.0

Multinational companies, like MTN

2.0

Key stakeholders Private sector

More specifically, concerning the GAA themes of decent work and child labour, the experts were also requested to indicate whether they agreed or disagreed with various statements concerning these GAA themes. A summary of the results of this assessment is presented in the table below. At the national government level, both CL and DW are seen as important themes, but effective implementation of relevant programmes and policies is a key problem. Political actors also support addressing CL and DW, but local government actors seem to be less interested and do not effectively implement relevant policies. Private sector actors in the various GAA target areas score poor in terms of recognizing their role in promoting decent work and entrepreneurship opportunities for girls and young women and in adopting and monitoring relevant Corporate Social Responsibility policies and guidelines. Outcome indicators

National Government attaches importance to combatting the specific theme

National government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

National government effectively implements legislation and public policies

Political actors attach importance to combatting the specific theme

Political actors effectively support the development of programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Kamuli

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Tororo

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Bukedea, Buyende

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Aleptong

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Lira

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Kampala

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Karamoja (Moroto and Napak), Wakiso Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Bugiri

Local government attaches importance to combatting the theme - Moroto

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Kamuli

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Tororo

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Bukedea

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Buyende

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Aleptong

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Lira

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

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Outcome indicators

- Kampala Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Karamoja (Moroto and Napak) Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Wakiso Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Bugiri

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme - Moroto

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme – Kamuli, Tororo

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme – Bukedea, Buyende

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme Aleptong

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme Lira

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme Kampala

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme Karamoja (Moroto and Napak), Wakiso

126

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies on the theme Bugiri, Moroto

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) recognize their role in addressing the theme - Kampala

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) recognize their role in addressing the theme - Bugiri

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) recognize their role in addressing the theme - Moroto

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) recognize their role in promoting decent work and entrepreneurship opportunities for girls and young women - Kamuli

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) recognize their role in promoting decent work and entrepreneurship opportunities for girls and young women – Tororo, Lira

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) recognize their role in promoting decent work and entrepreneurship opportunities for girls and young women – Buyende, Bukedea, Aleptong

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) have corporate (CSR) policies and guidelines to safeguard against the theme - Kampala

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) have corporate (CSR) policies and guidelines to safeguard against the theme - Bugiri

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) have corporate (CSR) policies and guidelines to safeguard against the theme - Moroto

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) have corporate (CSR) policies and guidelines to eliminate gender-based violence and to promote the economic inclusion of girls and young women – Kamuli, Lira

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) have corporate (CSR) policies and guidelines to eliminate gender-based violence and to promote the economic inclusion of girls and young women - Tororo

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Outcome indicators

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) effectively implement and monitor their corporate policies to safeguard against the theme – Kampala, Bugiri

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) effectively implement and monitor their corporate policies to safeguard against the theme - Moroto

Private sector actors (multinational/ national) effectively implement and monitor their corporate policies in support of girls and young women’s economic inclusion/ of the elimination of gender-based violence - Tororo

Ten-point scale - with 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

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Context study Regional programme Africa

8.1

Introduction Gender-Based violence (GBV) and the economic exclusion of women are highly prevalent on the African Continent. According to the African Union (2015), gender inequality is in fact one of the most important structural root causes of Africa’s poor performance with respect to achieving the MDGs and reducing poverty. Patriarchal traditions and beliefs, the monopoly of power by male political elites, and a lack of political will impede eliminating GBV 244. Around 29% of women in Sub-Saharan Africa are estimated to have experienced sexual or physical violence since the age of 15 and in many countries a large share of women justify wife-beating. Approximately 39% of girls in sub-Saharan Africa are married before the age of 18 and 17% (125 million) of all the women who were married as children live in Africa. While the prevalence of child marriage has been slowly declining in Africa, it remains higher than the global average and the level of child marriage among the poorest families in Africa has remained unchanged since 1990. Countries in the Horn of Africa, furthermore, have very high prevalence rates of FGM. In addition, many girls in Sub-Saharan Africa have limited access to post-primary education and lack employment opportunities in the formal sector. Inequality with respect to access and control of economic resources, as well as in terms of labour market participation is high. Women on the African continent still constitute the majority of those holding vulnerable jobs. Sub-Saharan Africa, furthermore, reports the highest proportion of child trafficking in the world, with Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Ghana being source, destination and /or transit countries for the trafficking of men, women, and children. The commercial sexual exploitation of children is also a key problem that many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa face. 245

8.1.1 Institutions, declarations and policies at the continental and regional level There are several regional institutions, treaties, and policies that address GBV and promote economic empowerment (EE) on the African continent. At the continental level, the African Union (AU) is the key institution for addressing GBV and EE. It consists out of the 54 African Member States and 8 Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and is composed of treaty bodies and other organs that play important roles, like monitoring AU policy and treaty implementation in the Member States. One of the objectives of the AU is to “promote and protect human and peoples’ rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and other relevant human rights instruments.” The AU is, furthermore, to function in accordance with the principle of the promotion of gender equality. The RECs are regional groupings of African states and the regional pillars of African integration and development. Their purpose is to facilitate regional economic integration between members of the individual regions and through the wider African Economic Community (AEC). The RECs are, in addition, increasingly involved in coordinating AU Member States’ interests in wider areas such as peace and security, development and governance. The RECs have, moreover, complemented the regional gender resolutions and policies with specific

244

245

African Union (2015), “Agenda 2063: The AFRICA We Want”, Framework document (http://agenda2063.au.int/en/sites/default/files/Framework%20Document%20Book.pdf). African Union (2015), “Agenda 2063: The AFRICA We Want”, Framework document (http://agenda2063.au.int/en/sites/default/files/Framework%20Document%20Book.pdf); GAA (2016), “Theory of Change Africa region”; http://www.girlsnotbrides.org/region/sub-saharan-africa/; http://voxeu.org/article/violence-against-womencross-cultural-analysis-africa; http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGMC_2016_brochure_final_UNICEF_SPREAD.pdf.

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gender policies, declarations and action plans and have established specific gender units to foster gender equality within the region.246 Important treaties include the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the Maputo protocol – Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, and the African Youth Charter. The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights has been ratified by 53 African states. The Maputo protocol has been the most significant step taken by the AU towards fulfilling its commitment to foster gender equality. The protocol addresses the inadequacy of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights in terms of providing for women’s rights. The protocol covers GBV and includes provisions on the elimination of discrimination against women. It goes beyond complementing CEDAW as it is more progressive in many ways. It was adopted in 2003 and has been ratified by 36 countries. The African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC) has been ratified by 47 African countries and the African Youth Charter by 29 African countries. 247 Another important step taken to promote gender equality on the African continent was the adoption by the African Union of the Solemn Declaration in July 2004. This declaration recognises the numerous impediments to gender equality. To address these, Heads of State and Governments have agreed to enact and/or strengthen existing legislation on gender-based violence, deepen the understanding of the problem, formulate and adopt an African protocol to prevent, eliminate and punish trafficking in women and children and, adopt laws that outlaw the practice of FGM and other harmful practices. Implementation of the declaration is monitored through state reports submitted at the AU Ordinary Summits. The Solemn Declaration was followed by the adoption of the African Union Gender Policy in 2009, which aims to achieve gender equality and women’s empowerment in Africa and is accompanied by a Gender Action Plan (GAP) that guides the implementation of this policy by AU Organs, Member States and RECs. Following the adoption of the Gender Policy, the African Women’s Decade 20102020 was launched and a Fund for African Women to accelerate the implementation of all commitments on gender equality and women’s empowerment on the continent was established.

248

Next, in 2015 the African Union Agenda 2063 was adopted, which explicitly includes the goal to achieve full gender equality in all spheres of life by 2063. It includes specific priority areas like a) Women and girls empowerment, b) Violence and discrimination against women and girls; c) Engaged and empowered youth and children; d) Youth empowerment and children’s rights. Its First Ten-Year Implementation Plan 2013-2023249 includes various national and continental targets like: 

“Reduce 2013 levels of violence against women and Girls by at least 20%”;



“End all harmful social norms and customary practices against women and girls (e.g. FGM, Child marriages) and those that promote violence and discrimination against women and girls”;

246

247

248

249

130

Martin (2013), “The African Union’s Mechanisms to Foster Gender Mainstreaming and Ensure Women’s Political Participation and Representation”, (http://www.idea.int/resources/analysis/loader.cfm?csModule=security/getfile&pageid=58486); UN (2014), “Twenty-Year Review of the Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BPfA) + 20: Africa Regional Review Summary Report 1995-2014”, (http://www.afri-dev.info/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Beijing-20-Africa-Regional-ReviewSummary-Report1.pdf); http://www.au.int/en/organs/recs. Stefiszyn (2013), “The African regional response to gender-based violence” (http://preventgbvafrica.org/wpcontent/uploads/2013/10/gender_based_violence-africa.pdf); http://www.achpr.org/instruments/women-protocol/; http://africa-youth.org/frameworks/african-youth-charter/ratification-overview/#. AU (2009), “Gender Policy”, (http://www.un.org/en/africa/osaa/pdf/au/gender_policy_2009.pdf); http://www.un.org/en/africa/osaa/peace/women.shtml. African Union (2015), “Agenda 2063: The AFRICA We Want, A Shared Strategic Framework for Inclusive Growth and Sustainable Development, First Ten-Year Implementation Plan 2013-2023, (http://agenda2063.au.int/en/sites/default/files/Ten%20Year%20Implementation%20Book.pdf).

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

“Eliminate all barriers to quality education, health and social services for Women and Girls by 2020 “; and



“Equal economic rights for women, including the rights to own and inherit property, sign a contract, save, register and manage a business and own and operate a bank account by 2025”.

In addition, is has formulated indicative strategies to achieve these targets at both the national and continental level like “Implementing the convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women”, “Enacting Laws against violence and discrimination against women, girls and children”, “Developing/implementing national strategies for the promotion of the rights of women, youth, children, the vulnerable, the marginalized, the physically challenged” etc. 8.1.2 Key challenges While relevant treaties and policies are at place at the continental and regional level in Africa to address GBV and promote economic empowerment, the compliance to, and implementation of, these instruments and policies is a key challenge. According to the Inter-Session Activity Report (November 2015 – April 2016) of the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women in Africa, significant challenges continue to exist that impede the effective protection of women’s rights on the African continent, including: 

The slow ratification and implementation of the Maputo Protocol and the several reservations made to this protocol by some signatory countries;



The lack of political will to effectively protect the rights of women;



States’ failure to incorporate human rights treaties into national law;



The challenges encountered in effectively implementing national protection systems due to lack of specialised human rights institutions that will monitor the situation of vulnerable women; and



The lack of reliable data on FGM and other harmful traditional practices. 250

In addition, many states fail to live up to their reporting obligations under the treaties. Only 9 states have fully fulfilled their reporting obligations under the ACHR State reports and 15 of the 47 countries party to the ACRWC have never submitted a report. Main issues seem to be the lack of capacity and political will to comply with reporting and implementation obligations.251 The problem of weak regional monitoring and accountability is, furthermore, aggravated by the lack of strong Pan-African civil society networks that are able to influence and support regional monitoring mechanisms. There are various sub-regional civil society structures that are relevant for lobby and advocacy work like the West African Civil Society Forum (WACSOF), the West African Child Rights Coalition (WACRC/UCOA), the East African Child Rights Network (EACRN), and the Child Rights Network for Southern Africa (CRNSA), which aim to influence and monitor relevant policies at ECOWAS, EAC, and SADC. However, many regionally operating CSOs and networks face multiple challenges in performing their watch dog role, including: 

Limited coordination among regional and national CSOs and the lack of a common agenda and strategy to influence regional bodies;



Insufficient capacity of many CSOs and CSO network to effectively engage with regional institutions; and



Limited interest of regional CSOs to pursue economic empowerment of girls and young women as part of their advocacy agenda.252

250 251 252

http://www.achpr.org/files/sessions/58th/inter-act-reps/254/58os_inter_session_report_asuagbor_eng.pdf. http://www.achpr.org/states/reports-and-concluding-observations/; GAA (2016), “Theory of Change Africa region”. GAA (2016), “Theory of Change Africa region”.

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8.2

Child trafficking and migration & Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children There are no reliable statistics about the magnitude of child trafficking in Africa. According to estimates of the ILO, 200,000 to 300,000 children are trafficked each year in West & Central Africa. Africa and the Middle East report the highest proportion of child trafficking in the world (62% of detected victims between 2010-2012 were children). Girls make up 2 out of every 3 child victims of trafficking.253 Similar to trafficking, there is also no reliable data about the magnitude of the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (CSEC) in Africa. According to a 2014 report of ECPAT, numerous studies have, however, shown that CSEC is a growing problem on the African continent.254

8.2.1 Relevant institutions, declarations and policies at the continental and regional level Various initiatives have been undertaken at the continental level to fight child trafficking and CSEC. In 2001, the African Common Position on Children (the Declaration and Plan of Action Towards an Africa Fit for Children) was adopted. The plan of action included a wide range of policies and programmes for the protection and welfare of children, including fighting trafficking and CSEC. It was followed in 2007 by the Call for Accelerated Action on the Implementation of this Plan, as the progress made in improving the protection of children was deemed too little. 255 Next, in 2007, the AU endorsed the Ouagadougou Action Plan to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings, Especially Women and Children. This plan was created in 2006 and is a declaration of the will and joint intent of the African Union and the European Union to enhance efforts to fight trafficking. It provides specific measures and recommendations to more effectively combat trafficking in persons, specifically African women and children. In addition, it pays attention to the need for addressing child sex tourism and other forms of sexual exploitation and abuse of women and children. The plan is to be implemented by member states and RECs, based on a threepronged strategy, namely 1) prevent trafficking, 2) protect victims of trafficking, and 3) prosecute those involved in the crime of trafficking.256 In 2009, the AU launched the African Union Commission Initiative against Trafficking Campaign (AU.COMMIT), which was part of the Program of Activities of the Department of Social Affairs of the African Union Commission on Migration and Development for 2009-2012. The objective of this campaign was to put the fight against trafficking in human beings as a priority on the development agenda of the African continent. Next to AU, the campaign was launched with ECOWAS, EAC, SADC and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development. Various activities were implemented under this campaign, including the broadcasting of television spots, distribution of copies of the Ouagadougou Action Plan and other awareness-raising materials. Furthermore, the African Union Agenda 2063 includes the target to end child trafficking by 2023. To achieve this target it advises member states, among other things, to fully implement the ACRWC and the 2006 African Youth Charter, which both contain articles that require states to take appropriate measures to prevent child trafficking (art. 29 and art. 23 respectively).

253

254

255

256

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UN (2014), GLOBAL REPORT ON TRAFFICKINGIN PERSONS 2014, (http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-andanalysis/glotip/GLOTIP_2014_full_report.pdf); http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/Trafficking/Dakar_Protection_Kapp-Marais.pdf. ECPAT (2014), “The commercial sexual exploitation of children in Africa: developments, progress, challenges and recommended strategies”. ECPAT (2014), “The commercial sexual exploitation of children in Africa: developments, progress, challenges and recommended strategies” http://srsg.violenceagainstchildren.org/sites/default/files/documents/docs/Africa%20Fit%20for%20Children%20%20English.pdf. http://ec.europa.eu/development/body/tmp_docs/2006/Action_plan_OUAGADOUGOU.pdf; ECPAT (2014), “The commercial sexual exploitation of children in Africa: developments, progress, challenges and recommended strategies”.

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At the regional level, the EAC is in the process of drafting a Child Rights Policy that is geared towards harmonising standards and approaches towards the protection and promotion of the rights of children in the EAC, following the 2012 Bujumbura Declaration on Child Rights in the EAC. Vision 2050, furthermore, includes the commitment to focus on eliminating human trafficking and the EAC “Committee on general purpose on the oversight activity on the legal framework and implementation of policies on the rights of the child in the EAC partner states” has explored opportunities in 2015 for further collaboration amongst partner states to combat child trafficking and CSEC and has expressed the urgent need for partner states to revise Acts in the Rights of the Child in their states to facilitate adequate and commensurate coverage of crimes, like child trafficking, and to strengthen measures to enforce the observance of the rights of the child.257 ECOWAS adopted in 2001 the “Declaration on the fight against Trafficking in Persons”, which has a specific focus on the trafficking of women and children, including CSEC. It urges member states to ratify relevant treaties and conventions, like the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, and commits to develop comprehensive policies, programmes, and other measures to prevent and combat trafficking in persons and to support member states in their fight against human trafficking and CSEC.258 It, furthermore, developed Plans of Action to implement this, agreed in 2005 a “Multi-lateral Cooperation Agreement to Combat Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children”, developed the ECOWAS “Policy on Protection and Assistance to Victims of Human Trafficking”, developed the “Child Policy and Child Protection Framework”, and designed in 2013 the “ECOWAS Regional Action Plan to Combat Child Labour”. The latter aimed to eliminate the worst forms of child labour, including child trafficking and CSEC, in West Africa by 2015. This was to be achieved by creating a conducive environment for the elimination of child labour in all ECOWAS Member States, strengthening institutional mechanisms at ECOWAS for Monitoring and Evaluation, including peer review, and increasing knowledge of the dimension and incidence of child labour in the region. In 2015, the ECOWAS commission reiterated its commitment to fighting human trafficking, including the trafficking of children. ECOWAS and its member states are supported with this by the Free Movement of Persons & Migration of in West Africa coalition (FMM), which is funded by the funded by the European Union and ECOWAS. A baseline study conducted by FMM on counter trafficking found that while many adequate policies have been put in place in West Africa to combat trafficking, the problems that still need to be addressed include the weak implementation of these, due to lack of funds and lack of coordination mechanisms. 259 8.2.2 Key challenges While a variety of declarations, policies and cooperation agreements have been concluded at the continental and regional level to eliminate child trafficking and CSEC (see the description above), the degree to which these have been effectively implemented is questionable. Overall, law enforcement collaboration and knowledge sharing is not yet well developed at the continental and regional level and the existing regional and bilateral agreements for the prevention, detection, investigation, and prosecution of those responsible for acts of sexual exploitation of children are insufficient. Furthermore, individual member states and continental and regional institutions lack the

257

258

259

EAC (2016), Vision 2050, (http://www.eac.int/sites/default/files/docs/eac_vision_2050-_web.pdf); EAC(2015), Report of the committee on general purpose on the oversight activity on the legal framework and implementation of policies on the rights of the child in the EAC partner states: 22nd–26th February 2015, (http://www.eala.org/uploads/Report%20of%20the%20oversight%20activity%20of%20rights%20of%20the%20child%20% 20fin%2019%2008%2015.pdf); http://eac.int/sectors/gender-community-development-and-civil-society/children. http://www.achpr.org/files/instruments/ecowas-declaration-against-traffickingpersons/ecowas_declaration_against_trafficking_persons.pdf. http://www.fmmwestafrica.com/; http://fmm.chezak.net/wp-content/uploads/2015/10/en-TIP-Baseline-Assessment-EN.pdf; http://guardian.ng/news/ecowas-moves-to-stop-human-trafficking-across-borders/.

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necessary financial and technical capacity to effectively address these issues. Finally, monitoring and accountability mechanisms at the continental and regional level are weak. 260

8.3

The position of young women in the agricultural sector An estimated 62% of economically active women in Africa work in agriculture. These women constitute almost 50% of the agricultural labour force in sub-Saharan Africa. Women primarily engage in smallholder production and work on family-owned land, with little or no remuneration. They receive a significantly lower share of income in comparison to men in the same sub-sector, with estimates of the rural wage gap between men and women in Africa ranging from 15%-60%, depending on the country. Rural women face several constraints compared to men. First of all, land ownership among women is significantly lower than for men. In many countries, women face severe gender discrimination in land ownership as while they are often legally entitled to own land, customary law makes this difficult in practice. In addition, women frequently have more limited access to financial services, quality agricultural inputs, knowledge and improved technologies, technical assistance and market opportunities.261

8.3.1 Relevant institutions, declarations and policies at the continental level and regional level There are various continental and regional institutions and initiatives that focus on improving the position of (young) women in the agricultural sector in Africa. The African Union is the main stakeholder at the continental level. In 2003, the African Union made its first declaration concerning the “Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme” (CAADP), which is the policy framework for agricultural transformation, wealth creation, food security and nutrition, and economic growth and prosperity in Africa. It aimed to raise agricultural productivity by at least 6% per year and to increase public investment in agriculture to 10% of the national budgets per year. The 2003 CAADP acknowledged that gender inequalities in agriculture had to be addressed and stated that special attention had to be given to the “vital food producing and entrepreneurial roles of women in rural and urban African communities”.262 Next, in 2009, the AU adopted the “Declaration on Land Issues and Challenges in Africa” in which African Union Heads of State and Governments commit to strengthen the security of land tenure for women. Then, in 2014, the African Union Heads of State and Governments adopted the “Common African Position (CAP) on the Post- 2015 Development Agenda”, which includes the commitment to ensure women’s access to, and ownership of, land and other productive assets, credit and extension services and training, and the commitment to provide special support to integrate women into agri-business value chains. Furthermore, in June 2014, the African Union Heads of State and Governments recommitted to the CAADP principles and goals and defined the “Accelerated Agricultural Growth and Transformation Goals 2025. This results framework is primarily applicable at the country level of the member states and covers the second decade of CAADP (2015-2025). It is to be used as a tool to inform planning, monitoring and reporting, and members states are obliged to submit biennial progress reports to the relevant RECs. The framework includes the commitment to arrange “preferential entry and participation by women and youth in gainful and attractive agribusiness” and it includes the results area “to expand local agro-industry and value chain development inclusive of women and youth.263

260

261

262 263

134

ECPAT (2014), “The commercial sexual exploitation of children in Africa: developments, progress, challenges and recommended strategies”; ACPF (2014), “The African Report on Violence against Children”. African Development Bank (2015), “Economic Empowerment of African Women through Equitable Participation in Agricultural Value Chains”; Glopolis (2012), “Women and agriculture in Africa”. NEPAD (2003), Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme. NEPAD Planning and Coordination Agency (2015), “The CAADP Results Framework 2015-2025, Going for results and impacts: Sustaining CAADP momentum”.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Furthermore, in 2015, the AU Specialised Technical Committee (STC) on Agriculture and Rural Development, Water and Environment, recommended that member states needed to move towards an allocation of 30% of land to women, in order to facilitate their economic empowerment. The 2015 African Union Agenda 2063, in addition, includes the commitment to develop and implement affirmative policies and advocacy to ensure women’s increased access to land and inputs, and to ensure that at least 30% of agricultural financing are accessed by women. Its First Ten-Year Implementation Plan 2013-2023, includes the targets “increase youth and women participation in integrated agricultural value chains by at least 30%” and “at least 10% of small-scale farmers graduate into small-scale commercial farming and those graduating at least 30% should be women”. Finally, in July 2016, the Land Policy Initiative, which is a an initiative of the tripartite consortium of the African Union Commission (AUC), the African Development Bank (AfDB) and United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), launched a campaign to ensure the documented allocation of 30% of land to African Women by 2025. 264 At the regional level, EAC’s Vision 2050 emphasises the need for member states to empower rural women as critical agents of agricultural and rural development and to support the necessary programmes like finance for female farmers.265 ECOWAS adopted the Regional Agricultural Policy in 2005, which was complemented with the Regional Partnership Compact for the Implementation of the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme in West Africa (ECOWAP/CAADP) in 2009 and followed by the Regional Partnership Pact for the Implementation of the ECOWAP/CAADP 2025 in 2015, which includes a strong gender dimension. Ministers of Gender and Women’s Affairs from ECOWAS countries pledged in 2016 to work with key partners, including ministries of agriculture, United Nations Agencies, and civil society organizations, to advocate for gender mainstreaming in the implementation and monitoring of the Regional Partnership Pact for the Implementation of the ECOWAP/CAADP 2025. In addition, the communiqué of the Ministers expressed their determination to strengthen capacities of the ECOWAS Commission and Government institutions for expanding women’s opportunities in inclusive agricultural growth and transformation in the ECOWAS region, which involves gender responsive and inclusive agricultural policy and programme design, financing, implementation and monitoring. 266 8.3.2 Main challenge Despite the various policies and declarations that exist at the continental and regional level to empower rural women and increase their access to land, financial services and new technologies, the key challenge is their effective implementation supported by adequate monitoring and evaluation mechanism. As the African Union Commission Chairperson, Ms. Zuma, recalled during the launch of the Land Policy Initiative in July 2016, texts and protocols for women’s rights are in place, yet there is a disconnect between the ratio of legal instruments adopted and their effective implementation.267 264

265 266

267

African Union (2009), “Declaration on Land Issues and Challenges in Africa”; African Union (2014), “Common African Position (Cap) on the Post- 2015 Development Agenda”; http://www.uneca.org/stories/put-land-hands-women-economictransformation-%E2%80%93-call-policy-makers; African Union (2015), “Agenda 2063: The AFRICA We Want”, Framework document (http://agenda2063.au.int/en/sites/default/files/Framework%20Document%20Book.pdf); African Union (2015), “Agenda 2063: The AFRICA We Want, A Shared Strategic Framework for Inclusive Growth and Sustainable Development, First Ten-Year Implementation Plan 2013-2023, (http://agenda2063.au.int/en/sites/default/files/Ten%20Year%20Implementation%20Book.pdf). EAC (2016), Vision 2050, (http://www.eac.int/sites/default/files/docs/eac_vision_2050-_web.pdf. http://www.fao.org/lon/lon-statements/detail/en/c/389393/; http://www.fao.org/gender/gender-home/gender-news/gendernewsdet/fr/c/395076/. http://www.uneca.org/stories/put-land-hands-women-economic-transformation-%E2%80%93-call-policy-makers.

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Context and baseline study Bangladesh

The GAA programme in Bangladesh will focus at the themes of child marriage, trafficking, equal pay (especially in the garment and ICT sectors) and sexual harassment at the workplace. For child marriages, one district and one upazila of each of the following seven divisions will be targeted: Barisal, Chittagong, Dhaka, Khulna, Rajshahi, Rangpur and Sylhet. As regards child trafficking, planned interventions will target a selection out of the 20 most affected districts, in particular those bordering India.

9.1

Overall information

9.1.1 Socio-economic profile Bangladesh is a least developed country according to the OECD-DAC income classification, with GDP per capita of USD 1086.81 in 2015268. It has experienced steady economic growth, with real GDP growth in 2014 and 2015 exceeding 6%269. The main sectors of the economy are services, manufacturing and agriculture. The latter’s share in GDP has shrunk significantly over the years, whereas both services and manufacturing have grown in importance, with garment exports making between 15 and 20% of the country’s GDP in 2015. Bangladesh which has the highest population density among large countries, is considered a country with medium human development and is placed at 142th place among 188 countries on its Human Development Index (HDI), faring similarly to Pakistan and Nepal, but lower than the average score for South-Asian countries. Poverty numbers are high with 31.5% of the 159.9 million people in Bangladesh living below the income poverty line (World bank 2010). Inequality as measured by the GINI coefficient is moderate at 0.32. Based on life expectancy at birth, expected and mean years of schooling and GNI per capita. Since its independence from Pakistan in 1971, Bangladesh’s democracy has been characterized by rivalry between two major parties, Awami League (AL) and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). In January 2009, after two years of emergency rule, a coalition government led by the Awami League took office as a result of national elections and thus the state of emergency was repealed and democratic rule was re-installed. The large majority of Bangladesh’s population are Muslim (around 90%), followed by Hindus (around 9.5%). Christians and Buddhists are also represented. Bangladesh is a secular country as per its Constitution; however, Islam is regarded as the state religion. Over the past year the country has seen growing violence against both foreigners and locals deemed to be enemies of extremist Islam. 9.1.2 Gender equality achievements Different indices for Bangladesh indicate that the country fares rather poorly on various gender equality aspects. The Gender Inequality Index (GII) places Bangladesh at the 111th place out of 161 countries (2014 data) at a comparable level with countries as Nepal (108th place) and Pakistan (121st place) (2014 data). 34.1 % of adult women have reached at least a secondary level of education compared to 41.3 % of men. Further 57.4% of women of active work age participate in the labour market as compared to 84.1% of the men.

268

269

World Bank. (2016). World Bank Data. [World Development Indicators]. Retrieved from http://api.worldbank.org/v2/en/country/bgd?downloadformat=excel. IMF Article IV Report January 2016. IMF Country Report No. 16/27.

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GII rank

GGI rank

EEI

SIGI category

111 (of 161)

68 (of 142)

n/a

Very high discrimination

The Gender Gap Index (GGI) ranks Bangladesh at the 68th place out of 142 countries. One strong contributor is largely equal outcomes of male and female enrolment in primary education and the reducing gap for secondary education. However, it should be noted that the GGI is skewed due to the very high rank obtained on the political dimension, as Bangladesh has been having female prime ministers (Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina Wazed) for the most of the years from 1991 until currently. While this is certainly an exceptional achievement, only 20% of parliamentarians and 7% of the ministers are women. Furthermore, the SIGI index considers Bangladesh to have a very high level of gender discrimination in social institutions. Main identified issues are: 

separate customary Muslim, Hindu and Christian laws and related courts regarding marriage, divorce and custody of children, while the minimum legal age for marriage is 18, under the Constitution;



substantial differences between women and men as regards to completion of secondary/ tertiary education and a strong bias towards engaging women in the completion of household chores;



domestic violence towards women is widespread despite the existence of some legal frameworks, with dowry-related domestic violence as well as eve teasing (sexual harassment in the streets) and acid attacks particularly problematic;



women are practically excluded from the possibility to own or manage land and resources, due to the existing customary and social norms and difficult access to the financial sector services;



women enjoy limited labour rights, including the right to equal pay, but are a driving workforce in the agriculture and manufacturing (garment) industry.

9.1.3 Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE Bangladesh has fairly strong legislative and legal frameworks in place to combat GBV. The legal age for marriage is 18 years for girls and 21 for boys. Furthermore notably the 2012 Human Trafficking Deterrence and Suppression Act, provides a comprehensive definition of trafficking and includes criminalization of trafficking for the purpose of labour exploitation, trafficking of men, and internal trafficking. With regards to agenda setting Child marriage is seen as a high priority of the government with the promise of the Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina, to end marriage for girls under the age of 15 by 2021 and reduce by more than one-third the number of girls between the ages of 15 and 18 who marry. She also promised to end all child marriage by 2041. In addition several policies have been put in place to address trafficking such as the National Plan of Action (NPA) on violence against Children (2014-2021), the NPA Combating Human Trafficking 2015-2017, the 6th Five Year Plan (SFYP) 2011-2015 which commits to enhance coordination and cooperation; as well as the National Policy for Women’s Advancement’ (NPWA) 2011, which aims to provide safe custody for women and children victims of trafficking and desertion. However, main barriers for implementation are bad governance within the justice system which makes it difficult for women and girls to seek justice and enforcement combined with pervasive socio-cultural norms and taboos that hinder women and girls to seek justice. Furthermore, limited concrete positive policy changes have emerged in recent years. Also the commitment of the prime minister has not led to concrete changes. In addition, a proposal for lowering the age of CM to 16 with parental consent is believed to have come from the PM’s office, on the basis of similar clauses existing in many developed countries270. There is a strong sense of masculinity and patriarchal 270

138

GAA context analysis.

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domination within Bangladesh resulting in a lack of political will by decision makers to promote gender equality. Given that at the same time women are a significant voting block, this results in strong government rhetoric on e.g. child marriages, but without corresponding actions. Masculinity and discriminatory social norms are transmitted by the education system, media (both entertainment and news) as well as social institutions including families, friends and peers, community and religious organisations. This socialises girls and boys into gender stereotypical roles and norms from generation to generation. CSOs lack the capacity to influence relevant stakeholders and government. Though willing, there is a visible gap in coordinated advocacy efforts, knowledge management, and sharing of lessons learned resulting in ineffective actions by CSOs and activists. With regard to EE the Constitution of Bangladesh guarantees both the participation of women in national life (article 10), the right to equal opportunity (article 19), and the equal rights for women and men in all spheres of public life. It also prohibits discrimination on the basis of gender (article 28). Furthermore there is a huge international push to increase decent work opportunities and to improve conditions in the ready made garment industry. Nevertheless, there still exists a lack of private sector involvement and commitment. The private sector predominantly perceives gender inequality as a social and cultural phenomenon that governments and CSOs should handle as it is neither created nor influenced by business271.

9.2

Child marriages

9.2.1 Prevalence Bangladesh is ranked as the fourth highest country in the world in terms of child marriage (CM), and has the highest prevalence in all of Asia. In contrast to other Asian countries, girls in Bangladesh are predominantly married to adult men, meaning that boys are less affected by child marriage and the rate of child marriage for boys is 11 times lower than for girls272. Two out three girls in Bangladesh are married before the legal age of 18, but despite the severe prevalence, it should be noted that the number of child marriages in the age bracket 15-19 is decreasing273. CM in Bangladesh is associated with higher maternal mortality and other health-related problems, reduced educational outcomes, increased domestic violence, and longer and more persistent poverty spells including the abandonment of child brides by their spouses later on 274. Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24

Mean age of

years who were first married or in union

women/men at

before age 18

marriage

65% (2013)

29% (2013)

19 /25 (2014)

Sources: 1 and 2: UNICEF (2015); 3: WEF (2014).

The GAA program in Bangladesh aims to tackle the issue of CM specifically in 7 divisions, namely Barisal, Chittagong, Dhaka, Khulna, Rajshahi, Rangpur and Sylhet. The prevalence of CM for these divisions is listed in the table below. The assessment of the expert panel points at some decrease (5-10%) in the different divisions after 2013. Division

271 272 273 274

Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

% of women age 20-24 who

% of women aged 20-24 who

% of young people age

GAA context analysis. CARE (2016), The cultural context of child marriage in Bangladesh and Nepal. Girls not brides, Country Profile Bangladesh 2016, UNFPA. Human Rights Watch (2015), Marry Before Your House is Swept Away. Child Marriage in Bangladesh.

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Division

Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

were first married or in union

15-19 currently married or

before age 18

before age 15

in union

Barisal

65.8%

20.8%

31.7%

Chittagong

50.5%

14.5%

27.7%

Dhaka

61.4%

23.1%

33.3%

Khulna

71.1%

31.1%

43.5%

Rajshahi

72.8%

33.3%

47.8%

Rangpur

75.9%

31.5%

41.9%

Sylhet

38.5%

9.2%

13.7%

Source: MICS 2012-2013.

9.2.2 Key drivers The prevalence of CM in Bangladesh can be explained by an array of positive and negative drivers as shown in the Figure below:

At the individual/ family level, Poverty and low socio-economic status is a main driver negatively influencing CM. An UNPFA study found that girls from the poorest income quintile are 50% more likely to marry before they turn 18 than those from the highest income bracket 275. Similar in the Hindu population child marriages are more prevalent among lower and thus poorer and more marginalised casts. Girls living in very poor families with multiple siblings are often married because there is not enough money to feed all children276. Another strong driver concerns the widely practiced tradition of paying a dowry. Because dowry for a younger girl is smaller in size, this increases the pressure especially for poor parents to marry their daughters at a young age. CM prevalence was found to be lower among girls who had completed their secondary education (57% compared to 80% with no or only primary education), suggesting that it is a positive driver. Similar 275 276

140

Ibd. Human Rights Watch (2015), Marry Before Your House is Swept Away. Child Marriage in Bangladesh.

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an impact study for the BALIKA project showed that programs that educate girls, teach them about their rights and build skills for modern livelihoods can reduce the likelihood of child marriage by up to one-third.277 At the community and social level traditional and social beliefs and norms that discriminate girls and result in strong pressure at the community level for parents to marry their daughters are key negative drivers. Parents may find it difficult to resist such pressure, as it may contribute to creating a bad image of the girl, reduce her chances of marriage and cause social stigma and dishonour to the whole family. Despite the fact that some of the highest-ranking politicians in Bangladesh are women and thus serve as an example of women empowerment, cultural and religious beliefs contribute to an overall lower status of girls in society, and underscore the importance of a girlâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s modesty, purity and obedience as well as of control over her sexuality 278. Regardless of the religious group, it is the father (or in his absence, a brother or uncle) who has agency over decisions about marriage in the family. Girls themselves have shown to be widely supportive of this male authority over such decisions279. In a 2015 survey on the perceptions on CM in Bangladesh, 88% of respondents considered it a community tradition280. As a consequence, CM is often accentuated by community and religious leaders, who may play an active role in both arranging unions and in keeping those secret from authorities. In addition, because of the widespread practice of eve-teasing, parents may prefer to marry a daughter and thus protect her from harassment 281. At the structural level, CM is found to be less prevalent in the presence of sufficient access to free secondary schools, and also in areas with good level of security and less criminality. On the contrary, living in remote rural areas increases the risk of CM for Bangladeshi girls as it results in lack of access to educational and health services, and to economic opportunities. As fathers may have to seek seasonal work far away, they may be more prone to protect their daughters by marrying them. Similar for communities living in flood-prone areas, the need to relocate as a result of loss of their house and property may compound poverty and further induce CM as families may be more prone to arrange a marriage for their daughter due to fears that a relocation may require time for the family to establish new ties, in which period the girl is growing up, and so is her dowry282. As regards the legal and policy level customary practices for both Muslim and Hindu religions allowing CM face limited legal enforcement and consequences. What is more, a recent 2014 policy proposal from the Bangladesh Government to lower the legal age to 16 resulted in the approval of a draft new Child Marriage Restraint Bill. Even when due to the strong reaction the Bill has not yet been finally approved, it has been interpreted a strong negative factor in the on-going efforts to curb CM in the country283. Nonetheless on the positive side there is evidence that the age of girl brides is increasing especially among Muslims, since the applicable legal framework requires the production of a birth certificate to register the marriage and registrars are obliged to assess the validity of the certificate.284 As regards the policy level, there are various policy initiatives at central and local level, including the elaboration of a draft National Plan for Action to End Child Marriage, and a cross-institutional Working Group, as well as numerous development partners-supported programmes tackling different drivers of child marriage such as access to health and education285. 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284

285

http://www.popcouncil.org/research/balika-bangladeshi-association-for-life-skills-income-and-knowledge-for-ado. CARE (2016), The cultural context of child marriage in Bangladesh and Nepal. CCL (2015), Getting the Evidence: Asia Child Marriage Initiative. Ibd. CARE (2016), The cultural context of child marriage in Bangladesh and Nepal. Human Rights Watch (2015), Marry Before Your House is Swept Away. Child Marriage in Bangladesh. Girls not brides, Country Profile Bangladesh 2016. Although, the extent of application of this requirement depends on whether the registrar follows both the customary and the common law. In addition, there is broad scope for parents to claim a false birth year. UNFPA (2016), Mapping of child marriage initiatives in South Asia.

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9.3

Child trafficking

9.3.1 Prevalence Human trafficking in Bangladesh is believed to be extensive both within the country and to India, Pakistan, the Middle East and in more recent years to South-East Asia. Bangladesh is generally a source country286 for the trafficking of women, children and men, even though there is some evidence that suggests it is also turning into a transit and destination country 287. Thousands of people are believed to be trafficked every year. It happens mainly in the form of fraudulent recruitment of people for overseas jobs who then get subjected to forced labour and other forms of exploitation. Trafficking of women and children for sexual purposes is also believed to be extensive and is usually paired with physical violence and coercion288. No reliable statistics exist on the estimated number of persons trafficked within and out of Bangladesh, due to the clandestine and illegal nature of the phenomenon. Various studies present different figures on the extent of the problem, however it should be noted that most data is outdated and is based on very rough estimates. Still, the figures cited here may give an impression as to the prevalence of the problem: 

Data from various studies and media suggests that about 2 million women and children have been trafficked to the Middle East in the last two decades and about 2 million women have been trafficked to Pakistan over the last ten years (MOWCA, 1997). In 2006, ECPAT found that nearly 27,000 Bangladeshi women and children have been forced into prostitution in India, and around 40,000 children from Bangladesh are involved in prostitution in Pakistan 289;



A 2007 study by the Ministry of Home Affairs stated that the number of women and children trafficked annually to India only is around 50,000290;



A 2011 study reporting NGO estimates stated that there are more than 40,000 women from Bangladesh working as domestic servants in the Gulf States alone291;



Domestically, it is estimated that there are between 10,000- 29,000 children in prostitution in Bangladesh;



The Government of Bangladesh reported the rescue of 2,621 trafficking victims in 2014, of which 2,218 were men, 227 women, and 176 children. In total, more than twice as many people were rescued in 2014 than in the year before;



The government investigated 181 cases of sex trafficking and 265 cases of forced labour in 2015 and 4 traffickers were convicted (compared to 15 in 2014).

292

9.3.2 Key drivers There are various drivers that explain the prevalence of child trafficking. The figure below presents the key obstacles and drivers.

286 287 288 289

290

291

292

142

US State Department (2015), Trafficking in Persons Report. GAA context analysis. Chowdry, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of Bangladesh (2013), Trafficking in Persons in Bangladesh. ECPAT (2006) Global monitoring: report on the status of action against commercial sexual exploitation of children: Bangladesh (2006), Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of Bangladesh (2007) Bangladesh Country Report on Combating Trafficking in Women and Children. Bangladesh institute for Peace and Security Studies (2011), Human Trafficking- A Security concern for Bangladesh, Issue brief 9/2011. 2016 Trafficking persons report – US department of state.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

At the individual and family level, poverty and marginalisation are strong drivers as they push women, men and children into dependency and vulnerability, while at the same time they make them less susceptible to risks and more prone to believe the false promises of human traffickers. Children and adolescent girls that are coming from an unstable family environment, e.g. are orphaned, runaways from abusive or negligent parents or step parents who end up living on the street, and those coming from impoverished multi-children households are at the highest risk of being trafficked. As for women, the most common individual factors include being widowed, divorced or abandoned by their husband. Multi-generational trafficking is also characteristic since the children of girls and women forced into prostitution are particularly vulnerable and lack any alternatives. Some positive drivers that have been found to increase the resilience of children at risk of trafficking are the trend of increased duration of schooling, which may increase the resilience and protection of children. At the community and social level the grooming of children and girls often starts in the village, where poor families are targeted by extended family and community members involved in trafficking with false promises of good marriages or securing jobs for their children elsewhere. The dowry practice perpetuates such situations, as girls sent away to work can contribute to their own dowry. Parents may also willingly consent to the trafficking of their children in exchange for payment. Importantly, community factors are also a strong driver of repeated trafficking, since girls managing to escape their abusers and return home are often rejected by their families as they are considered spoiled and unclean. On the positive side there is increased awareness on the issue of child trafficking, as well as better acceptance of such victims, which is also visible at the community level and contributes to better identification of children at risk, as well as to acceptance and rehabilitation of children victims of trafficking who return to their communities293.

293

Interview GAA Bangladesh team on child trafficking, 19.05.0216.

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143

At the structural level especially geographical and climatic conditions play a critical role for human trafficking in Bangladesh. Usually the marginalized households living in the climate change and natural disasters prone or Monga (seasonal unemployment) areas become easy targets of the traffickers. Furthermore, marginalized and migrating populations from the bordering areas are at especially high risk of being trafficked. There is a history and tradition of cross-border (irregular) mobility that explains the high prevalence of traffickers and victims from such areas 294. In such cases, life skills training, as well as access to education, counselling facilities and increased protection have been found to greatly reduce vulnerability. At the legal and policy level, similar to CM, the weak birth registration system -with less than 10% of children being registered at birth, makes the disappearance of a child much easier 295. Furthermore, official procedures for exiting and entering Bangladesh are rarely enforced, and there are lax documentation requirements. According to many independent reports, there is some involvement of border and security personnel in trafficking, which hugely impedes enforcement296. As regards the legal framework, a major criticism is that legislation does not entail pre-emptive measures297. Furthermore problems in the legal enforcement are perpetuated by the fact that the related core policy instrument, the NPA, does not identify financing sources for the planned activities including the Special Tribunals on Trafficking, which is the foreseen instrument to address weaknesses in prosecution, enforcement and redress298. In addition victim protection and the required training of magistrates/ judges are lacking. The current provision of shelter for victims is deemed as inadequate, expensive and largely unavailable299. Finally, there is some “sensitivity of the government in highlighting trafficking agenda fearing a backlash effect in reduction of formal access to migration of its labour force”300, which is also affecting the execution of the bilateral agreements between SAARC, Middle Eastern and other countries.

9.4

Key stakeholders involved in GBV There are various stakeholders at government, community, private sector and civil society level that affect the chance of reducing gender based violence in Bangladesh. The table below presents the key stakeholders identified and indicates for each of these stakeholders the results of the expert panel’s assessment301 combined with the GAA alliance survey of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against GBV, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing GBV. The experts were asked to score the position, power and influence, and actual engagement of the stakeholders on a four-point scale: Key stakeholders GBV

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Office of the Prime Minister

3,5

3,75

3,25

Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs (MoWCA)

3,5

2,75

3,25

Bangladesh association of Parliamentarians on Population and Development

2,75

Central Government

Ministry of Home Affairs (RRRI taskforce for trafficking)

2,5

Law enforcement bodies (Police and Judiciary)

2,25

2,5

2,25

294 295 296

297 298 299 300 301

144

GAA context analysis. Press Release, UNICEF, A Call to Action on Birth Registration, (Nov. 3, 2007). Bangladesh Institute for Peace and Security Studies (2011), Human Trafficking- A Security concern for Bangladesh, Issue brief 9/2011. USAID (2014), Final performance evaluation of the Actions for Combating Trafficking-in-persons (ACT) Program. Interview GAA Bangladesh team on child trafficking, 19.05.0216. Interview GAA Bangladesh team on child trafficking, 19.05.0216. GAA context analysis. The expert panel consisted of 8 resource persons, n=8.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Key stakeholders GBV

Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Local government & district administrations

2,25

District monitoring committees

2,25

National Action and Coordinating Group on SAIEVAC

2,75

2,5

2,75

Bangladesh National Women Lawyers’ Association

3,75

2,5

3,5

Media

2,25

2,5

Local Government

Law enforcement agencies CSOs/ Media

Community Traditional and religious chiefs and leaders

2,25

Local level youth organisations

3,25

2,25

3,25

Government From the above expert panel assessment it becomes clear that GBV is a clear priority for the prime minister office and the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs (MoWCA), the last however is constrained by its relatively less influential position in Cabinet. This was evidenced by the difficulty for MoWCA to strongly oppose the proposal for lowering the legal age of marriage. 302. On child trafficking the ministry was involved in the establishment of the Alliance to Combat Trafficking in Women and Children. The Alliance, which consists of DWA and NGO representatives, aims at the social aspects of trafficking, such as provision of information on rehabilitation and counselling, and referral of victim. Another potentially important actor is the Bangladesh Association of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (BAPPD), which has adopted an advocacy plan, which includes three policy priority issues, of which one is “eliminating child marriage”. However, scope exists to strengthen their actual engagement as none of these government actors have shown a strong commitment coupled with concrete actions to address GBV. Other crucial government stakeholders at the central level are the Ministry of Law, Justice, and Parliamentary Affairs and the Ministry of Home Affairs (MOHA), the main government stakeholder in the area of child trafficking, which appear to be much less involved in the current discourse resulting in limited enforcement of the existing legal framework. MOHA has, however, shown proactiveness in preparing, consulting and getting the necessary support for the approval of the 2012 Law303 and has called and implemented various initiatives such as training of prosecutors, immigration and border security personnel to recognise trafficking victims, the establishment of a mechanism for recovery and repatriation of children used as camel jockeys, etc.304. MOHA also runs the Task Force on Rescue, Recovery, Repatriation and Integration (RRRI) of victims of Human Trafficking (a joint task force by the Governments of India and Bangladesh) and heads the interministerial committee (GO/NGO Committee) on trafficking at the national level. It should however be noted that the establishment of these two latter instruments was also a result of some international pressure, most notably due to the findings of the Trafficking in Persons Report 305. The interest and engagement of local actors (district and Upazilla level) are overall considered lower than the national actors. Most notably the monitoring committees in each district have a

302 303 304

305

Ibd. Ibd. Bangladesh Institute for Peace and Security Studies (2011), Human Trafficking- A Security concern for Bangladesh, Issue brief 9/2011. Interview GAA Bangladesh team on child trafficking, 19.05.0216.

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crucial role with regard to GBV to play but local actors are overburdened as they have to chair dozens of different committees. Monitoring cells at the district police levels have been set up to oversee and coordinate anti-trafficking actions306. At the same time, the awareness and sensitivity of police officers, as well as of border guards, in terms of dealing with victims of trafficking is generally low and contributes to the stigmatization of victims.307 Furthermore, there has been reluctance of the government in admitting and addressing corruption practices of police and border staff308. Apart from assessing stakeholders commitment to addressing GBV in general, the experts were also requested to indicate whether they agreed or disagreed with specific statements about key stakeholders positions in agenda setting, policy change and practice change concerning Child Marriage, Child trafficking, and EE. The table below shows the results for the government actors using a ten-point scale - with 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree. Outcome indicators â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Government and political actors

National Government attaches importance to combatting the specific theme

National government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

National government effectively implements legislation and public policies

Political representatives attach importance to combatting the specific theme309

Political representatives effectively support the development of programmes and policies

Political representatives effectively support implementation of legislation and public policies

Local government attaches importance to combatting the specific theme

Local government develops programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

Local government effectively implements legislation and public policies

Community actors and the general public Religious and traditional leaders (Imam Association, Marriage Register and Shalish (informal/traditional arbitration body at the rural communities) are considered highly influential in the communities in particular for the application of customary and religious norms that exist in parallel to the common legal system. Although religious and traditional authorities are often partners of NGOs and the government for GBV project implementation at the community level, they are among the most prominent proponents of marrying girls early due to traditional or religious reasons. In addition, considerable work needs to be done to raise awareness among the general public, particularly in relation to child trafficking. Outcome indicators - Community actors and the general public Key leaders (traditional, religious, community) recognize the importance of addressing the theme Key leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of elimination of the theme Key leaders adapt or challenge informal rules and customary laws in order to address the theme The general public recognizes the importance of addressing the specific theme The general public shares values, norms and practices that support the elimination of the theme

CM 6

CT 6

EE 5

8 3

6 3

Scores expert panel: 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

306 307 308 309

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Chowdry, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of Bangladesh (2013), Trafficking in Persons in Bangladesh. USAID (2014), Final performance evaluation of the Actions for Combating Trafficking-in-persons (ACT) Program. GAA context analysis. The outcome indicators formulated for economic Empowerment different to an extent from the statements for GBV.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Civil Society Organisations and Community Based Organisations The assessment of CSOs’ and CBOs’ capacity, monitoring function and engagement with the government for the respective themes shows that both at the national and local level CSOs/CBOs face capacity problems to effectively lobby& advocate, perform a watchdog role and engage with the government. The difficulties in capacity, the dependency on foreign funding and the lack of sufficient influencing power over government institutions limit their influence. They also face difficulties in influencing government via the opposition, which is deemed not very strong and not very interested in the GBV issues. There is strong involvement of CSOs on the issue of child trafficking, most notably through the various cooperation mechanisms with the Government such as the GO-NGO coordination meeting of MoHA at the central level and the National Action and Coordination Group in the SAIEVAC (South Asian Initiative to End Violence against Children) Bangladesh. However it is felt that there is a need of strengthening civil society networking and regional connectivity across and among CSOs and Government organisations. Youth organisations have also taken a clear position and engagement on GBV. Recently, youth clubs and girl forums have become a strong actor advocating also at national level for the passing of the Child Marriage Restraint Bill, and against the lowering of the legal age limit for marriage. At the local level, youth organisations are a crucial stakeholder in targeting empowerment of girls and young people. Media could play a considerable role in diminishing gender equity as it is currently very much a driving force behind the stereotypisation and stigmatization of women. Many media outlets are not well informed on gender issues and do not recognise the negative impact of their underreporting, misrepresentation or promotion of stereotypes. At the same time, in particular local media (newspapers and radio) seem to be changing their stance and become more sensitized and supportive. This is the result of advocacy and awareness-raising campaigns that have used local media outlets to publish (paid) information and news articles on among others CM. Outcome indicators – CSOs/ CBOs/ Media Relevant CSOs have a common understanding on the theme for lobby & advocacy Relevant CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against the specific theme. Relevant CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government Relevant CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement CBOs/ women and youth organisations are aware of the importance of monitoring and addressing public performance CBOs/ women and youth organisations who perform lobby and advocacy activities take into account gender issues including Child Marriage CBOs/ women and youth organisations effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government Media has sufficient capacity and commitment towards advocating for girls rights Media plays a proactive role in support of implementation of the NPA

CM 7

CT 9

Scores expert panel: 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

9.5

Decent Work

9.5.1 Prevalence Equal pay Between 2000-2013 the labour force participation rate of women increased from 25% to about 33.5%. Nevertheless it still continues to be very low according to international standards (World Bank, 2013)310. This corresponds to the overall growth in the labour force from 49.5 million in 2005-

310

World Bank, 2013b. “Bangladesh Poverty Assessment: Assessing a Decade of Progress in Reducing Poverty, 2000-2010 “. Bangladesh Development Series Paper No. 31, The World Bank Office, Dhaka.

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6 to 56.7 million in 2010311. However, even within South Asia, Bangladesh has one of the lowest female economic activity rates (11%) in the formal economy and 57% of all employed women are engaged as contributing or unpaid family workers312. According to the ADB Country Report in 2010 women are more severely affected by unemployment and employed women, in all sectors, earn less than similarly employed men (men earned 20% more than women in formal employment). At the same time the wage gap has narrowed considerably, as in in 1999 the wage gap was a staggering 78%. The labour force composition shows that women are much less involved in non-agriculture primary jobs than men – 9.8% for women compared to 80.2% for men. Similar scenario existed for formal and informal enterprises - 83% vs 17% for formal and 69.6% vs 30.4% for informal. More than 80% of all female workers are unpaid helpers, and more than 90% of all economically active women are agricultural workers and thus engaged in informal and unregulated work. In addition, nearly 1 in 5 women with a university degree is unemployed (compared with only 1 in 50 men) indicating that educated women are unable to secure equal access to paying jobs. In 2010, most women in formal employment were working in the manufacturing (28.3%) and industry (22.6%) sectors, and there has been a significant increase in the share of women in all sectors but skilled agriculture work and armed forces313. Similar the various statistics available for youth employment show that there are persistent differences between young men and women in terms of labour force participation and share of women in employment, not in education. Due to social norms and culturally derived attitudes towards women in the workplace, female labour force participation continues to be much less in South Asia.314 In recent years the positive change (reduction of wage gap for girls and young women) can to a large extent be explained by an improved supervision and monitoring of government, reviewed laws and policies due to increased pressure from international communities after the Rna plaza disaster315. Importantly decent work opportunities (including equal pay) only can be marked in the formal labour sectors. But in the informal sectors no standard has been set up in order to ensure equal pay. i.e. in the domestic work, in the agriculture sectors, and in the dry fishing sectors. Impact indicators Labour force participation rates age 15+

Unemployment rate by sex

Unemployed youth by level of educational attainment by sex

Labour force participation rates age 15+

Gender wage gap (ILO, 2005)

Share of women in wage employment in the nonagricultural sector (%)

51.5% (female) 33.0% (male) Total: 38.5%

33.5 % (female) 81.7 % (male) Total 57.1%

7.2 % (female) 3.0 % (male) Total: 4.3% (Labour Force Survey, 2013)

7.3% (female) 2.1% (male) Total: 3.2%

33.5% (female) 81.7% (male) Total 57.1%

24.35

20%

(ILO, 2005)

(ILO, 2010)

(Labour Force Survey, 2013)

311

312 313 314 315

148

Other indicators on prevalence

Labour force participation rates for 1529, by sex

(SWTS- ILO, 2013)

(ILO, 2013)

Nordmann, Sarr and Sharma (2014), Cognitive, Non-Cognitive Skills and Gender Wage Gaps: Evidence from Linked Employer-Employee Data in Bangladesh. Figures on employment from ILO (2013) Decent Work Country Profile Bangladesh. Ibd. International Labour Organization, 2013. “Decent Work Country Profile, Bangladesh”. ILO, Geneva. Expert panel.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

9.5.2 Key drivers Equal pay At the individual and family level, the main differences in the earnings of men and women can be explained by endowments in education, age and years of experience. Various studies have found that in Bangladesh earnings increase with the number of years in education, as well as in regular employment316. Given the continued improvement of female completion of secondary education and the corresponding increase of female employment, this may explain to some extent the reduction in the gender wage gap. At the same time however, it has been found that additional years of age benefit men more than women in terms of earnings317. Another driver at the individual level is poverty, which may influence the bargaining position of low-income women and push them into accepting lower ages.318 On the positive side, empirical studies have found that the wage gap is least wide among men and women from the lowest income quintiles, and this is where the greatest reduction has been achieved. Most of this reduction is attributed to improvements in education and training for women, however it is important to note that it concerns predominantly low-skilled employment such as manufacturing319. At the community and social level, the key driver of the gender wage gap is the continued -albeit decreasing- discrimination that women face as labourers due to the prevailing social norms and traditions that see the main role of the woman as an unpaid or contributing domestic worker 320. Men are given priority to get the higher level jobs due to their educational qualification and at the same time women are considered to be less effective and efficient due to their reproductive role 321 and are found incapable of hard jobs due to their physical strength, domestic responsibilities and their safe mobility during late hours322. As a consequence, women are seen as inferior participants in the labour market and suffer from significant occupational segregation that places them into lower-paid and less important types of employment that require lower skills, such as manufacturing. Furthermore, over recent years, the wage gap for upper-earning sectors, such as financial services, has increased, suggesting that even though highly educated women may be benefitting from increased access to employment in those segments, they still receive lower wages due to prevailing social believes and discrimination 323. Structural drivers of wage differences between men and women relate to access to secondarylevel educational facilities and training for women. As regards the legal and policy framework, Section 345 of the Bangladesh Labour Law (BLL) stipulates that in fixing wages for any worker the principle of equal wages for male and female workers for work of equal nature or value must prevail and that no discrimination may be made on grounds of sex. However, according to the ILO, the definition of wages does not include various in-kind benefits such as accommodation, which may de facto cause discrimination324. In practice, the proper implementation of the BLL is largely impeded by the limited monitoring done by factory inspectors in the garment industry, the limited presence of trade unions in key sectors such as manufacturing, and the overall disregard for the BLL. As regards policies addressing the gender wage gap, the tendency to set lower wages for sectors predominantly employing women is yet to be addressed by national law- and policy-making. Another critical policy that is still lacking in Bangladesh concerns the regulation of the informal 316

Hossain and Tisdell (2005), Closing the gender gap in Bangladesh: Inequality in education, employment and earnings, International Journal of Social Economics, 32/5. 317 Kapsos (2008), The gender wage gap in Bangladesh. ILO Asia-Pacific Working Paper Series. 318 Rahman, and. Islam (2003), Employment-poverty linkages: Bangladesh, ILO. 319 Ahmed and Mcgillivray (2014), Human Capital, Discrimination, and the Gender Wage Gap in Bangladesh, World Development Vol. 67, pp. 506â&#x20AC;&#x201C;524, 2015. 320 ILO (2013) Decent Work Country Profile Bangladesh. 321 GAA context analysis. 322 GAA context analysis. 323 Ahmed and Mcgillivray (2014), Human Capital, Discrimination, and the Gender Wage Gap in Bangladesh, World Development Vol. 67, pp. 506â&#x20AC;&#x201C;524, 2015. 324 ILO (2013) Decent Work Country Profile Bangladesh.

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garment industry325. The recent decision of the US Government not to renew the Generalised System of Preference (GSP) tariff facility for the Bangladesh garment sector is a strong positive driver exercising pressure on government and factory owners to improve labour conditions. Also, a new trade union covering around 400 garment factories has been started, which is expected to exert additional pressure on government to improve legal and policy formulation and implementation. Furthermore also because of the required ISO compliance most of the reputed sector/industries are very much concerned about the equal pay in their trades. The figure overleaf summarizes the main drivers and obstacles for the theme decent work:

9.5.3 Prevalence of Sexual harassment at the workplace Sexual harassment at the workplace can take many forms. It can range from insults and suggestive or demeaning language and advances, to unwelcome touching, grabbing, and rape. Statistics on sexual harassment at the workplace are hard to obtain, since women who have been subjected to such practices may fear that reporting them may harm their employment, their marriage prospects, or both. The 2011 Violence Against Women Survey done in Bangladesh revealed that a quarter of all surveyed women reported at least one experience of sexual and/or physical violence by someone other than their husband, and almost 30% identified sexual violence to be occurring at the working place. Some anecdotal evidence from media reporting suggests that sexual harassment at the working place is not only a persistent, but also an increasing phenomenon in Bangladesh, which demonstrates the flipside of increasing female employment. Indicators on prevalence Experience of sexual and/or physical violence by nonpartner

Perception about sexual violence at the working place

25,1% (VAW Survey 2011)

28.9% (VAW Survey 2011)

325

150

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9.5.4 Key drivers Sexual harassment at the work place The figure blow summarizes the different drivers and obstacles that influence the prevalence of sexual harassment at the workplace

At the individual and family level, studies show that young women or women that are single, divorced or that have no family living nearby are more vulnerable to sexual harassment

326.

Being

poor is another negative driver, as it limits a womanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s bargaining power and ability to defend herself against an abuser327. The fact that many women in the garment industry actually live on credit further impacts their ability to resist and report harassment. At the social and community level the key driver, which is at the core of sexual harassment at the workplace in Bangladesh, is the overall climate of discrimination and the low status of women in the Bangladeshi society. There is a persistent cultural domination of women and girls that extends beyond the family to the workplace328. Stigmatising and patronising behaviour of men is generally accepted by women and makes female workers reluctant to bring up any charges against their employers, as there is fear they might for instance harm their marriage prospects. At the structural level, low-paid employment with high job turnover, discretion of mostly male supervisors over the actual amount of pay or over the obligation to work night shifts, are all strong negative drivers of harassment329. According to one study, the type of industry appears to influence prevalence, with no incidents reported in the electronics sector in Bangladesh, as compared to numerous episodes of harassment in the garment industry330. The same study also finds that those industries located in export processing zones had lower incidence of harassment, mainly due to the vigilance of foreign buyers. At the legal and policy level, in May 2009 a Division Bench of the High

326 327

328 329

330

Hersch (2015), Sexual harassment in the workplace. IZA World of Labour October 2015. Centre for Policy Dialogue Bangladesh (2004), Workplace Environment for Women: Issues of Harassment and Need for Interventions, Report No.65. GAA context analysis. Centre for Policy Dialogue Bangladesh (2004), Workplace Environment for Women: Issues of Harassment and Need for Interventions, Report No.65. Siddiqui (2003), The Sexual Harassment of Industrial Workers: Strategies for Intervention in the Workplace and Beyond, CPD-UNFPA Publication Series.

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Court Division, issued guidelines (to be treated as law) aimed at ending sexual harassment of women in workplaces and educational institutions until enactment of specific laws in this regard. They define 12 different types of sexual harassment, and also require the set-up of appropriate complaints mechanisms (“Complaint Committees”)331. By 2014, considerable steps had been taken by both public institutions, educational facilities, and private employers to set up such complaints committees. Nevertheless, their actual functioning and effectiveness were less satisfactory332. What is more, there is still no dedicated legislation addressing the issue of sexual harassment at the working space in a comprehensive way. A draft law prepared by BNLWA in 2010 has yet to be reviewed by relevant authorities333. 9.5.5 Key Stakeholders involved in EE The table below presents the key stakeholders identified and indicates for each of these stakeholders the results of the expert panel’s assessment combined with the GAA alliance survey of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against EE, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing economic exclusion Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Labour and Employment (MoLE)

2,7

1,7

Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs (MoWCA)

3,3

2,7

2,3

Ministry of Industries

2,3

Minimum Wages Board and the National Pay Commission

2,3

Ministry of Social Welfare

2,3

2,7

2,3

Local government & district administrations

2,3

2,7

2,3

Trade Unions

2,7

2,3

Human rights NGOs

2,7

Media

2,7

2,3

Traditional and religious chiefs and leaders

2,7

Social Compliance Forum

2,7

2,3

Federation of Bangladesh Chambers of Commerce

2,3

The Bangladesh Employers' Federation

2,7

Bangladesh Garments Manufacturers and Exporters Association

2,7

3,3

2,7

ICT companies

2,3

Central & local Government

CSOs/ Media

Community

Private Sector

In addition the expert panel was requested to indicate whether they agreed or disagreed with specific statements about key stakeholders positions in agenda setting, policy change and practice change concerning EE, Part of the scores are presented in the tables above, The table below shows the results for specific statements on economic exclusion.

331 332 333

152

Supreme Court of Bangladesh, High Court Division (2009), Judgment on 14.5.2009. BNWLA (2014), Protecting women from sexual harassment. Advocate Salma Ali. Lahar (2015), How effective are the laws of Bangladesh in protecting women from sexual harassment?, in: Law Journal Bangladesh, Vol. 3, Vol. 3, Jul - Dec, 2015.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Outcome indicators CSOs and corporates EE

Relevant CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against economic exclusion with the government

Relevant CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against economic exclusion with the private sector

Relevant CSOs jointly discuss and take actions against economic exclusion.

Relevant CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in holding the government accountable

Relevant CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement in relation to economic exclusion of women.

Corporates in Bangladesh (in the RMG sectors and ICT) recognize their role in reducing sexual harassment and unequal pay of women

Corporate and private companies have increased knowledge on benefits of women friendly environment

Corporates in Bangladesh (in the RMG sectors and ICT) have policies and practices to reduce sexual harassment and unequal pay

Scores expert panel: 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

Government The interest and actual engagement of government actors is considered to be relatively low. Their stance on equal pay is not clear, and it appears that efforts are lacking to address this issue. Similar clear engagement to end sexual harassment is lacking. A key obstacle is that those responsible ministries have only limited engagement with the private sector, and lack the capacity and mechanisms to properly monitor the implementation of laws and regulations on labour, and to impose any decisions and sanctions in this regards. Another important stakeholder is the National Wages and Productivity Commission of Parliament which is considered to be highly influential and more approachable than the other actors. Community actors and the general public Interest of the community and the general public is considered relatively low. A main issue here is the lack of awareness on the issue and rights of women. Civil Society organisations and media While trade unions could potentially form a good platform for redressal and prevention of sexual harassment and pay discrimination at the workplace, trade unions are considered not strong enough. Trade unions are generally considered ineffective, but the rising number could suggest that as unions get stronger over time, they could help address gender discrimination related to pay and sexual harassment at the workplace. Media is currently not sensitive as regards reporting on labour conditions. On a case-by-case basis, reporting does occur, mostly when there are incidents in factories due to the poor working environment, however there is no focus on equal pay. Private Sector The private sector in Bangladesh is undisputedly the most important stakeholder when it comes to equal pay and especially practice change. In general, the private sector is not necessarily opposed to equal pay, but as it is mainly driven by profit maximisation, the key challenge is to convince such stakeholders that improving labour conditions and pay for women will result in an increase in productivity and profit for the industry. In general Dutch companies operating in Bangladesh are found to be very conscious in terms of corporate social responsibility and in many cases have beneficial social programs for their employees. This ranges from medical provisions for the employee and their families, to a strict gender balanced hiring policy from operational levels to management positions, also including equal pay, women career and skill development programs, equality plans, etc. In general, attention to codes of conduct, trusted counsellors and procedures to prevent sexual harassment at work are addressed should such issues arise.

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10 Context and baseline study India

The GAA programme will focus on two core issues in Andhra Pradesh (AP) and Telangana (TS), namely Child Marriage (CM) and Child Trafficking (CT), while additionally tackling secondary and vocational education and employment. The program is proposed to cover all 23 districts of AP and TS- two of the Indian states with the highest prevalence of child marriage and child trafficking. The target group of the programme includes children and adolescent girls between 11 and 18 years and young women below 35 years of age from economically and socially poor communities (Dalits or Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes). The Alliance will concentrate on capacity building of partners, research and studies, as well as on actively promoting the participation of young boys and men; communities, civil societies; and engaging with private and public sector representatives.

10.1 Overall information 10.1.1 Socio-economic profile India is a lower-middle income country according to the OECD-DAC income classification, with GDP per capita of 1584 USD in 2014334. It has been sustaining impressive growth rates since 2011, averaging at around 7%. However, growth is paired with strong household inflation and growing fiscal deficits, which place a burden on both private and public spending and investment in key areas such as education and health. Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic activity is driven by its services sector that comprised almost 60% of economic output in 2014/15 and includes construction, telecommunications, software and information technologies, infrastructure, tourism, education, health care, travel, trade, and banking industries (60% of GDP) 335. However, despite it contributing a declining share of GDP overall (less than 15% in 2015), in states such as AP and TS agriculture continues to be the main economic activity as measured by number of people employed, and also at the national level the agricultural sector is the largest employer in India's economy. India is home to 1.28 billion people, 48.5% of which are female. Almost half of the population is below the age of 24 years. The poverty headcount ratio (national poverty line) was 21.9% in 2011, and 25.9% of the almost 70% of Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population that lives in rural areas was poor 336. However, due to the insecurity for their livelihoods caused as a result of climate change and decreasing returns from agriculture, there is an increasing migration of the rural population to urban towns and cities337. India is a diverse country, with multiple languages, religions, cultures, and regions. It is also a highly stratified society, with the caste system i.e. a system of elaborately stratified social hierarchy that prescribed individualsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; occupations, still playing a major role in society today. The traditionally excluded groups of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes constitute 17% and 7% respectively of the total population. The class divide is also increasingly widening, as is evident from the economic disparity in the country. In rural areas, the Gini coefficient rose to 0.28 in 2011-12 from 0.26 in 2004-05 and to an all-time high of 0.37 from 0.35 in urban areas338. This rising inequality is changing the dynamics between various social groups, and further marginalising traditionally excluded groups. India ranks 135 out of 187 countries on the Human Development Index. Religion occupies a significant space in the ideological structure of India, despite it being secular as per its

334 335 336 337 338

IMF Country Report No. 16/75, March 2016. World Bank data 2016. Ibd. GAA context analysis. National Sample Survey on household consumption expenditure for 2011-12.

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Constitution. It is characterized by a diversity of religious beliefs and practices. India has periodically witnessed large-scale communal violence marked by underlying tensions between sections of its majority Hindu and minority Muslim communities339. India follows the dual polity system, i.e. a double government which consists of the central authority at the centre and states at the periphery. India's states are headed by a Governor (appointed by the President of India) and the Council of Ministers headed by the Chief Minister who are accountable to the directly elected Legislative Assembly and the High Court. Each state is further divided into districts, which are divided into municipalities, further divided into blocks down to the individual village. At each level legislative, executive and judicial powers are divided along lines largely similar to that in the Centre and the states. At the village level, there exists a system of local selfgovernment known as the Panchayati Raj. Andra Pradesh and Telangana State Andhra Pradesh (AP) is the eight largest Indian state, and also has the second largest coastal line. As per the 2011 Census, it has 49,3 million population, of which 70% live in rural areas. In 2013-14, the share of agriculture in the GDP was 23%, whereas the services sector accounted for 56%, and manufacturing for 21%340. As per the latest estimates of the Planning Commission released in July 2013 for the year 2011-12, the poverty ratios for rural and urban areas of AP were 10.96% and 5.81% respectively; however the poverty line has been criticized as being unrealistic 341. The official language is Telugu, and close to 90% of the population are Hindu, while the Muslim minority amounts to around 9%. As regards Telangana State (TS), it regained autonomy from AP in 2014, with the city of Hyderabad serving as a joint capital for both AP and TS for a transition period. TSâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economy is mainly driven by agriculture, and 61% of its 35,2 million people lived in rural areas in 2011 342. Nearly 80% of TSâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population consists of so-called backward classes, including a 15% share of Scheduled Classes and Tribes that are particularly disadvantaged. For AP, this share is 52%. For both AP and TS, the child sex ratio in the age group 0-6 is a matter of concern and is dropping, with 944 girls per 1000 boys in AP, and 933 girls per 1000 boys in TS. 10.1.2 Gender equality achievements Gender inequality has been a persistent area of concern in India. As per the UN Gender Index 2014, despite high rates of economic growth, the participation of women in Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s workforce is almost three times as low as that of men (27% vs. 80%) and their control over their livelihood remains very low. Twice as many men aged 25 and older than women have some secondary education (56% as compared to 27%). According to the Gender Gap Index (GGI) India is at the 108th place of 142 countries343. Male and female enrolment rates in primary and secondary education are catching up, if not yet equal344, however the literacy rate for women is much lower at 61% than it is for men (81%). Also, despite having had a female head of state for 21 years, women are still heavily underrepresented in the political life- only 12% of parliamentarians and 22% of ministers are women. In this respect, it is important to note that there exists a 50% reservation for women in government at the Panchayat level, yet there is no reservation at higher levels of government The imbalance is starker across political parties, where women members are hardly more than 10 per cent, and nominations as candidates are even fewer345. 339 340 341 342 343 344

345

156

GAA context analysis. Government of Andhra Pradesh (2015), Socio-Economic Survey Report 2013/14. Ibd. National Planning Commission of Telangana State (2015), Socio-Economic Outlook 2015. WEF (2014), Global Gender Gap Report 2014. 84% vs 87% female to male enrollment in primary and 46% to 54% in secondary education, according to 2014 data in the GGI. GAA context analysis.

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GII rank

GGI rank

EEI

SIGI category

130 (of 161)

108 (of 142)

67 (of 109)

High discrimination

The Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) considers India to have a high level of gender discrimination in social institutions346. It criticises the existing legal framework, which allows for the existence of a multitude of customary and religious laws that circumvent the legal age for marriage of 18 for girls and 21 for boys set by the civil code. Whereas the legal framework as regards protection of women’s physical integrity and property and inheritance rights is deemed sufficient, SIGI emphasises the lack of enforcement and of implementation of related policies India is also placed in the very high discrimination category as regards son bias, which is particularly evident in the distorted child sex ratios that suggest missing girls and selective abortions of girls. 10.1.3 Main governance issues in the area of GBV and EE India has ratified various international conventions and human rights instruments committing to secure equal rights of women and has adapted several national laws, policies and legal frameworks to address GBV, child marriage and trafficking. Its Constitution not only guarantees equal rights for women (Art. 14), but also allows the Indian state to positively discriminate through special provisions in favour of women and children (Art. 15). There are special laws on child marriage (Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, PCMA, 2006); on domestic violence (Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005); on sexual violence (Penal Code and the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act 2012); on sexual harassment (Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act 2013), as well as multiple provisions regarding equal pay, inheritance and property rights of women. Paired with those are flagship government policies such as the National Policy for Empowerment of Women 2010, the National Youth Policy 2014, the National Plan for Children 2016, as well as the 12th Five Year Plan, which declares ending of gender based inequities, discrimination and all forms of violence against girls and women as its overriding priority347. Nevertheless, the application, enforcement and implementation of laws and policies has been impeded by weaknesses and incoherencies in definitions, insufficient funding allocations, as well as limited capacity and awareness of government officials348. The recently elected government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a right-wing Hindu nationalist party, has pledged its commitment towards ending gender discrimination through its campaign called ‘Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao’ (save the girl child, educate the girl). However, there has been a significant reduction in the budgetary allocation to address the issue of women’s empowerment and gender discrimination. India’s current political regime has set an increasingly restrictive stage for civil society. This greatly affects the ability of CSOs to encourage girls and young women to voice their interests and concerns and to hold government and private sector accountable for GBV and their limited economic empowerment349. India’s first law setting minimum age limits for marriage was the Child Marriage Restraint Act, enacted in 1929. A new law banning child marriage was passed in December, 2006, which prohibits marriages among minors by setting legal age for marriage (18 for girls and 21 for boys). There is also a Dowry prohibition act. At the same time, India’s initial decision in 2013 not to co-sponsor a first of its kind UN Resolution on Child, Early and Forced Marriage, despite being the country with 346

SIGI (2014), Country Profile India.

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the highest number of child brides, was widely criticized. By 2014 the Resolution was adopted unanimously and India too is now a party to it. As regards policy, the draft National Strategy For Prevention Of Child Marriage recognizes child marriage as a key obstacle to achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and promotes local action, partnerships and evidence building. In addition, the recently launched RMNCHA strategy provides comprehensive and integrated health services which serve as a strong framework under which early marriage and pregnancy can be addressed. There are a number of programmes and schemes aimed at girls â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;empowerment and protection, including a scheme that encourages their registration at birth, immunization, school enrolment and retention and provides insurance coverage for girls who remain unmarried until 18 years of age (Dhanalakshmi, 2009). The prohibition of exploitation and trafficking of human beings and children is enshrined in the Fundamental Rights of the Constitution of India. The Immoral Traffic Prevention Act (ITPA) of 1956 focuses on the prevention of trafficking, prosecution of traffickers and protection of victims. The ITPA permits states to appoint Special Police Officers to deal with offences, set up protective homes and establish courts for providing speedy trials. Also the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012 is of particular relevance for the prevention of trafficking of minor girls. Last but not least, in 2013, India enacted ground-breaking legislation, which amended various sections of the Indian Penal Code, criminalising human trafficking350. However, the definition of human trafficking excludes forced labour. The traffickers of minors will invite stringent punishment of imprisonment for a term of at least ten years, which may even extend to life 351. As far as protection policies are concerned, key documents include the National Plan of Action to Combat Trafficking and Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Women and Children (1998); the National Policy for Empowerment of Women (2001) which envisages programmes and measures to deal with trafficking in women and girls; and the protocol for Pre-rescue, Rescue and Post-Rescue Operations of Child Victims of Trafficking for the Purpose of Commercial Sexual Exploitation (CSE). In addition, the MOWCD has launched the Ujjawala scheme in 2007, to prevent trafficking and rescue, rehabilitate, reintegrate and repatriate victims of trafficking for CSE. In 2009 the Supreme Court mandated an order that each state government should establish a State Advisory Committee to Prevent and Combat Trafficking of Women and Children for CSE. Under the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act (2009) India provides for compulsory and free education to children aged 6-14. At the Federal level, the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) is responsible for national education policy and governance, including developing Education for All (EFA) initiatives. Itis MHRD policy is to make secondary education of good quality available, accessible and affordable to all young persons in the age group of 14-18. To that end, centrally funded schemes provide free lunch meals to students, as well as hospitality and incentives to girls352. As regards TVET policies, the Twelfth Five Year Plan (20122017) sets a number of TVET related objectives including to link secondary, and specifically vocational and technical programmes to the needs of the labour market; to improve residual access and equity gaps to TVET programmes by for example targeting out-of-school children; and, to expand the number of TVET programmes. The Plan also established the National Skills Development Corporation (NSDC)353. In addition, the National Youth Policy (2012) highlights the need to enhance the employability of youth by developing more vocational secondary programmes. The National Policy on Skill Development aims to empower individuals through improved skills,

350 351 352

353

158

GAA context analysis. GAA context analysis. Pandita (2015), Enrolment & Dropout Percentage among Boys & Girls up to Secondary Level in India: A Comparative Study. GAA context analysis.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

competences, knowledge and nationally and internationally recognised qualifications 354. There is also a national target of â&#x20AC;&#x153;skillingâ&#x20AC;? 500 million Indians by 2020. The Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), a non-governmental and non-profit industry organisation, collaborates closely with the Federal government on policy issues including TVET to enhance efficiency and competitiveness. The Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) also works closely with the Indian Government on national economic policy, including education and TVET355.

10.2 Child marriages 10.2.1 Prevalence356 In India 47% of girls are married by 18 years of age, and 18% are married by 15 years of age, which makes it the country with the highest number of child brides in the world 357. According to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS) 2005-06, which has the most recent figures on child marriage, the median age at which girls are married is 16.8 years. The worst affected states are Andhra Pradesh (including Telangana), Bihar, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal, with more than half of the girls being married while legally still children358. Furthermore, while fewer Indian girls are marrying before the age of 15, rates of marriage have actually increased for girls between ages 15 to 18359. Impact indicator

Additional indicators on prevalence

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 18

Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years who were first married or in union before age 15

Mean age of women/men at marriage

47%

18%

N/A

Sources: UNICEF 2014 based on NFHS 2005-2006.

The data available for the states of AP and TS on child marriage as per DLHS 3 report (2007-08) reveals that 51.9% currently married women aged 20-24 got married before 18 years of age (56.3% in rural areas, 35.7% in urban areas). The DLHS 3 also reveals that 8 out of 13 districts in Andhra Pradesh and 6 out of 10 districts in Telangana states have more than 50% of child marriages. The list of districts along with the percentage of child marriages is highlighted in the below diagrams.

354 355 356

357 358 359

UNESCO-UNEVOC (2015), World TVET Database India. UNESCO-UNEVOC (2015), World TVET Database India. All figures quoted are based on the National Family Health Survey 2005-2006. At the time of writing this context analysis (May 2016), this continues to be the most recent source of detailed statistical information. Girls not brides, India factsheet. DASRA (2014), Marry me later. Girls not brides, India factsheet.

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Source: GAA context analysis based on DLHS 3 (2007-08).

10.2.2 Key drivers The prevalence of CM in India can be explained by an array of interdependent factors. At the individual/ family level, a first main driver is related to the status and value of the girl for the family. Indian girls are considered by their birth family to be paraya dhan (someone elseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s wealth). In practice, this means that all material or productive support that a girl can offer to her family is to be reserved for the family of her groom. This may push families to marry off their daughters earlier in order to alleviate the economic burden of caring for another child360. Poverty, marginalisation and vulnerability are the other main driver, and are exacerbated by caste, ethnicity and geographical area-related disparities. In fact, Indian women in the highest wealth quintile marry more than four years later than women in the lowest wealth quintile361.The high costs of caring for children, paying the dowry of girls and paying for the wedding ceremony result in parents not only consenting to early marriage, but also marrying very young girls in the same event as their older sisters, in an effort to save money on dowry and celebrations362. Positive drivers that can reduce the vulnerability to child marriage in India have been identified in specific projects aimed at increasing the awareness of families and girls on the legal age of marriage, and on the severe health and other consequences of early marriage. Also a high degree of agency and empowerment, as a result of continued education, enables girls to address and discuss with their parents decisions on child marriage363. Community and social factors are at the core of child marriages in India. As noted above, the status of girls in the family and in the society is very different from that of boys. Girls are considered to be an economic burden, and especially for poorer families with more daughters they are considered to put a strain on limited resources. On the other hand, girls are considered to be a labour resource, which motivates decisions to pull them out of school earlier in order to help at home, and then to marry them as soon as possible364. This results in widespread son bias, and, in the more severe cases, in sex selection (feticide) at birth. In turn, these trends increase the vulnerability of girls for child marriage, as in some states such as Haryana there is a high demand for girls for marriage, which may push less affluent families into marrying their daughters against favourable conditions- and in some cases it has also led to trafficking of young girls365. Acceptance of child marriage as a cultural tradition is also a key reason why, despite widespread awareness in the community on the legal age for marriage, reporting on the practice is minimal 366 Another driver is related to a familyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s honour and prestige in the community, which can be jeopardized by having unmarried adolescent daughters367. In rural areas parents may decide to marry their daughters in

360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367

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Nirantar Trust (2015), Early and child marriage in India, A landscape analysis. UNFPA (2016), Mapping of child marriage initiatives in South Asia. Nirantar Trust (2015), Early and child marriage in India, A landscape analysis. UNFPA (2016), Mapping of child marriage initiatives in South Asia. Nirantar Trust (2015), Early and child marriage in India, A landscape analysis. DASRA (2014), Marry me later. UNICEF India (2016), What we do: child marriage. CARE (2016), Vows of Poverty: 26 Countries Where Child Marriage Eclipses Girlsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Education.

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the village before to send them to the city for work or education given the risks that young unwed girls face in cities368. It should be noted however that attitudes can change, and in some cases pressure from community leaders and peers at school, who have been trained to raise awareness on the consequences of child marriage, has been found to reduce this practice 369. At the structural level, access to media and communication paradoxically may play a negative role for child marriage, since it can facilitate contact between adolescent girls and boys, which on its turn is interpreted as a threat to a girl’s sexuality, chastity and image- thus the parents may decide to marry her early. Given such a risk, young people may decide to run away and elope, which again ends in child marriage370. Another factor is the lack of access or the inadequate quality of facilities (especially lack of latrines) in secondary education. This may exacerbate parents’ fear and reluctance to invest in the (anyway costly) education of their daughter and marry her instead. In fact, in India, girls with no education are six times more likely to get married before they reach 18 as compared to those who complete 10 or more years of education371. In contrast, access to life skills programmes that teach girls about health, nutrition, money management, the law, communication, negotiation and decision-making has been found to delay marriage372. Also the provision of educational programmes focussing on awareness raising and psychological empowerment has had some positive effect on child marriage373. Improved access to education in general has been found to decrease the phenomenon of child marriage according to a member of our expert panel. 374 As regards legal and policy factors375, India has taken positive legal steps to prevent child marriages. However, despite this strong legal and policy framework, several factors limit effective legal and policy implementation. Firstly, the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act does not declare all child marriages null and void. Child marriages per se continue to be legally valid marriages unless either of the parties to the marriage wishes to nullify it, which seldom happens. Secondly, many policies and plans address women’s rights and not child marriage directly. For instance, the National Policy for Children, 2013 mentions child marriage only in one place and that too in the context of out of school children. Thirdly, with regard to programmes, most of those are too not directed specifically to address the issue of child marriage, rather they intend development of girls, and thus addressing the problem of child marriage is only an indirect benefit.

The Figure overleaf is summarizing the main obstacles and drivers.

368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375

Nirantar Trust (2015), Early and child marriage in India, A landscape analysis. UNFPA (2016), Mapping of child marriage initiatives in South Asia. DASRA (2014), Marry me later. Ibd. CARE (2016), Vows of Poverty: 26 Countries Where Child Marriage Eclipses Girls’ Education. UNFPA (2016), Mapping of child marriage initiatives in South Asia. Expert panel survey. Section based on GAA context analysis.

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10.3 Child trafficking 10.3.1 Prevalence India ranks at 5th place among 84 countries for the existence of modern slavery or human trafficking376.India is a significant source, transit and destination country for trafficking, with 90% being internal, and 10% taking place internationally377. India is also a destination country, in particular for girls trafficked for sexual exploitation purposes from Nepal and Bangladesh 378. While official statistics on the extent of trafficking are not available, it is estimated that there are around 3 million women and girls involved in prostitution throughout India, out of which 40% are minors, thus equalling around 1.2 million379. Children are trafficked not just for prostitution but also for forced marriage, domestic work coupled with sexual exploitation, labour, sex tourism, adoption, and begging380. The majority of trafficked persons in India, including children, are trafficked for the purpose of forced labour, with those falling victim of sexual exploitation being the second largest group381. According to recent report by UNODC (2014) trafficking for sexual exploitation purpose occurs from poor rural areas of Andhra Pradesh (including Telangana), Bihar, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, Odisha, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and West Bengal (main source areas) into Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata, Goa, and Chennai (destination points). More recent data from NCRB indicate that the states of Tamilnadu (500 cases) and Andhra Pradesh & Telangana (472 cases) have registered the maximum number of cases under the Immoral Trafficking Prevention Act in 2012. Other reports state that 60% of trafficking victims in Andhra Pradesh & Telangana were minors382. The NHRC study indicates the following districts of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana to be

376 377 378 379

380 381

382

162

Global slavery index, 2014. US Department of State (2014) Trafficking in persons report. UNODC (2014), Globlal Report on Trafficking in Persons. Ministry of Women and Child Development (2008), India country report to prevent and combat trafficking and commercial sexual exploitation of children and women. GAA context analysis. Jindal University (2015), India's Human Trafficking Laws and Policies and the UN Trafficking Protocol: Achieving Clarity. Policy Brief 02/15. Khan, (undated, est 2004), Child Trafficking in India: A Concern. Indian Ministry of Social Development White Paper.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

the key sources of child trafficking for sexual exploitation: Krishna, East Godavari, Anantapur, Vishakapatnam, West Godavari and Guntur, while the demand locations within these states are Hyderabad and Guntur383 . 10.3.2 Key drivers The figure below summarizes the main positive and negative drivers that explain the provenance of child trafficking.

At the individual and family level, poverty and lack of livelihood opportunities are the main drivers behind trafficking of children and especially of girls as they reduce the risk awareness of potential victims and their families. Therefore children from poor, marginalised and isolated families, are at particular risk of being trafficked. Additional factors such as caste, ethnicity, and geographical location (especially those prone to natural disasters, or characterised by hardship), reinforce the strong push effect of poverty on the incidence of trafficking384. Common recruitment strategies used by traffickers include pretending to be or to know a groom that does not demand a dowry; promises for a very well-paid job; or direct payment as an advance for the family if they consent to the girl being sent away presumably to work385 By nature, children are more vulnerable to trafficking, as they have both lower awareness and limited resilience when faced with traffickers, and represent a lucrative and long-lasting income source for their exploiters386. Therefore children who are orphaned, from disrupted families, living in slums or in the streets, are particularly vulnerable 387. As regards community and social level, a first driver of child trafficking in India is linked to the existing gender discrimination and son bias. Because of those factors, girl brides are high in 383 384 385 386

387

Sen and Nair (2004), A Report on Trafficking in Women and Children in India 2002-2003. Waghamode et al. (2014), Human trafficking in India: a study. Research Directions 1/7. IDLO (2012), Preventing and Combating the Trafficking of Girls in India Using Legal Empowerment Strategies. Hameed at al. (2010), Human Trafficking in India: Dynamics, Current Efforts, and Intervention Opportunities for the Asia Foundation. IDLO (2012), Preventing and Combating the Trafficking of Girls in India Using Legal Empowerment Strategies.

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demand in certain states where the sex ratio is skewed towards men. As those states also happen to be more affluent, there is a trend of kidnapping and trafficking of girls from poorer states and forcing them into marriage in the North388. Cultural practices also play a role, most notably the devadasi system, which, despite officially banned, continues to take place. The devadasi practice dedicates girls to serve in temples, but in reality forces them into lifelong sexual exploitation and begging389. Daughters of devadasi girls also most often end up being trafficked and exploited. The tradition of demanding a dowry is an another negative driver, since it is used by traffickers to lure families of girls to consent to marriage under the false pretext of not having to pay the dowry390. The denotified tribes of Banchada, Kanjar, Sansi, Bedia, and Nut in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan; Kolta, Kashmira and Deredar in Uttar Pradesh; Sarania in Gujarat; and Sugali, Lambadi and Dommara in Andhra Pradesh practice traditional prostitution. These tribes are involved in prostituting their daughters and in kidnapping and trafficking of girls from other parts of India 391. At the broader societal level, a culture of acceptance and tolerance for violence against girls, paired with strong insistence on a womanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s purity and virtue, means that the acceptance and reintegration of victims of trafficking in particularly difficult, and often they are pushed into renewed exploitation. At the structural level, there are a number of reinforcing factors that may increase the vulnerability of trafficking when paired with poverty and marginalisation. Those include living in remote areas with limited livelihood opportunities, as well as living in disaster-prone areas. The high level of tourism in certain areas such as Goa, Madhya Pradesh, Kerala, and Odisha puts children from those states at high risk for being trafficked, although children are also brought in from other states including AP and TS392. Exploited children are from these states and also migrate from Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Maharashtra. Last but not least, the rise in demand for low-paid and underage sweatshop labour and young children in the sex industry also should be noted as structural factors. As regards the legal and policy level, there are positive drivers such as the criminalisation and severe punishment of trafficking of children, and the establishing of Anti-trafficking committees. As regards policies, at the national level India has adopted numerous strategies and action plans to address child protection. Moreover, joint trainings have been organised for judiciary, prosecutors and police which has enabled the prosecution of more traffickers.393. Yet the Indian legal framework as regards trafficking, is considered to be fragmented, outdated, ineffective and poorly implemented394. Limited law enforcement, lack of sufficient capacity and funding, corrupt practices of law enforcement officials, and limited awareness and implementation at the local level hamper legal and policy efforts significantly395. The judiciary has started to pay attention to child marriages as violations of childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rights. However, at the state level, judges lack familiarity with gendersensitive pieces of legislation beyond the Indian Penal Code. As a result, laws are not applied, and often victims that land in court are faced with stigmatisation, lack of protection and difficult rehabilitation due to their exposure.

388

389 390

391 392 393 394

395

164

Hameed at al. (2010), Human Trafficking in India: Dynamics, Current Efforts, and Intervention Opportunities for the Asia Foundation. UNODC (2014), Globlal Report on Trafficking in Persons. Hameed at al. (2010), Human Trafficking in India: Dynamics, Current Efforts, and Intervention Opportunities for the Asia Foundation. GAA context analysis. GAA context analysis. Expert panel survey. Jindal University (2015), India's Human Trafficking Laws and Policies and the UN Trafficking Protocol: Achieving Clarity. Policy Brief 02/15. GAA context analysis.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

10.4 Key stakeholders involved in GBV There are various stakeholders at government, community, private sector and civil society level that affect the chance of reducing gender based violence in India. The table below presents the key stakeholders identified and indicates for each of them the results of the expert panel’s assessment396 combined with the GAA alliance survey of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against GBV, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing GBV. The experts were asked to score the position, power and influence, and actual engagement of the stakeholders on a four-point scale: Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Women and Child Development (ICPS)

2,3

3,0

2,3

Police department

2,7

4,0

1,5

Elected representatives

2,7

2,5

1,0

National and State Commission for Protection of Child Rights

2,5

National Central Advisory Committee on Anti-Human Trafficking

2,0

2,5

National commission for women

2,0

2,5

2,0

Women and Child Development Department AP

4,0

2,0

Women and Child Development Department TS

4,0

2,0

Local (village, district) government AP

2,5

3,0

1,5

Local (village, district) government TS

2,5

3,0

1,5

Elected representatives AP

1,0

1,5

1,0

Elected representatives TS

1,0

1,5

1,0

States and National Commission for Protection of Child Rights

2,0

State & District Legal Services Authority

2,0

1,5

State and district anti-trafficking committee

3,0

2,0

Child Welfare Committee

2,5

3,5

3,0

Juvenile Justice Board & judiciary

2,5

3,5

2,5

Traditional and religious organisations / leaders

2,0

Police

2,5

3,5

2,0

Women’s Rights (I) NGOs and Networks, legal aid organisations in AP 2,5

1,0

3,0

Women’s Rights (I) NGOs and Networks, legal aid organisations in TS 2,5

1,5

2,5

Child groups & child protection committees AP

2,0

1,5

2,0

Child groups & child protection committees TS

2,0

Youth groups

2,5

2,0

1,5

Tollywood

2,0

3,5

1,0

South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)

1,3

1,0

Key stakeholders National Government

State and local government

Community actors

CSOs

Media

Current position of the stakeholder vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV: 1-very unsupportive; 2-somewhat unsupportive; 3-somewhat supportive; 4-very supportive b) Stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against GBV 1-no influence and power; 2-limited influence and power; 3-moderate to strong influence and power; 4-very strong influence and power. c) Actual engagement of stakeholder to support change aimed at reducing GBV 1-no engagement; 2-showing some engagement but no or limited evidence of concrete action; 3-concrete engagement with some related specific actions; 4-strong engagement with a concrete strategy and actions.

396

The expert panel consisted of 6 resource persons.

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The actors that are considered both supportive and influential in the fight against child marriages and child trafficking are Women and Child Development departments at State level. Child welfare committees, Juvenile justice boards and the judiciary, the police and media outlets like Tolliwood are also considered influential. At the national level, the ministry of women and child development is recognised as having influence, however not as much as the police. However, when it comes to being actually engaged, child welfare committees and womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rights NGOs stand out. This shows how the fight to GBV (and the two topics at hand in particular) is still very much a bottom-up concern. Actors that were not explicitly mentioned in our list, but were mentioned by the expert panel, are health service providers: they are the first point of contact and have a key role in providing medical and psychosocial support and refer victims to relevant organizations in order to empower them to access justice. Government The mixed views among our experts regarding the position of governmental stakeholders in relation to child marriage and child trafficking were confirmed by their responses to the questions asking agreement or disagreement on specific statements on the position of these actors in terms of agenda setting, policy change and practice change. The table below shows the results for the government and political actors using a ten-point scale - with 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree. Outcome indicators â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Government and political actors

National government attaches importance to combatting the specific theme

National government harmonizes legislation to eliminate the theme

National government develops result oriented policies / programmes to eliminate the theme

National government ensures effective implementation of legislation and public policies on the theme

National government monitors programmes on the theme and reports to SAARC and UNCRC

State Government in Andhra Pradesh (AP) attaches importance to combatting the theme

State Government in Andhra Pradesh (AP) ensures effective implementation of legislation and public policies on the theme (through allocation of sufficient funds & staff)

State Government in Telangana (TS) attaches importance to combatting the theme

State Government in Telangana (TS ensures effective implementation of legislation and public policies on the theme (through allocation of sufficient funds & staff)

District government offices attach importance to combatting the theme

District government offices develop programmes, policies and guidelines to eliminate the theme

District government offices allocate more funds to effectively implement legislation and public policies

National Political actors / elected representatives raise questions on the theme

Political actors / elected representatives in AP raise questions on the theme

Political actors / elected representatives in TS raise questions on the theme

Scores expert panel: 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

The scores on national government require some explanation. The Ministry of Women and Child Development, as the nodal agency for women and children, has developed a convergent national strategy and is currently drafting a plan of action on child marriage to guide all states in the implementation of strategies to prevent the problem. However, the Ministry is constrained by the limited interest and somewhat opposing stance at the cabinet level. This is reflected in the lack of formal adoption of the draft National Strategy for Prevention of Child marriage, as well as in the initial reluctance of the Indian government to sign to the UN Resolution on Child Marriage. Another

166

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constraint relates to its reduced budget allocation, and thus lack of resources, capacity and man power. As far as trafficking is concerned, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA)â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s initiative of creating an Anti-Trafficking Cell has strengthened law enforcement response by increasing registration of cases and prosecution. Law enforcement authorities and especially the police force themselves have a limited understanding of the prevalence of trafficking of minor girls and tend to be uninformed about their responsibilities under the ITPA. While the central government funds over 200 shelters, conducts campaigns against trafficking, allocates funding to state programmes and monitors trends in trafficking, it has relatively limited influence on anti-trafficking activities at the state level, where law enforcement may not commit or prioritise the issue. Another problem is related to cases of involvement of law enforcement officers in trafficking. At the district and taluk levels, district magistrates and the nodal officers responsible for policy implementation and practice change are not held responsible for the advisories to reach lower levels and the implementation thereafter. CSOs and media Overall, CSOs are an important actor in the fight against GBV and child marriage and child trafficking in particular although, according to our expert panel, their understanding, capacity and performance levels need further improvement. The media is not considered to be an informed and engaged actor. Mediaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s current reporting on the issue of child marriage and child trafficking is mainly sensational and highlights selected cases only. Media does not raise awareness on the root causes or consequences of child marriage and is not sensitised towards more in-depth reporting. In the following table we present the scores given by experts of our panel regarding the role of CSOs in the fight against trafficking of human beings (no assessment was given on child marriages). Outcome indicators civil society

Girls and young women focused CSOs have a common understanding on the theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs have sufficient capacity to advocate against the theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs effectively perform a watchdog role in monitoring and evaluating government on the theme

Girls and young women focused CSOs effectively engage with government on policy reforms, programmes and enforcement in relation to the theme

Scores expert panel:1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

Community actors Also the engagement of community and traditional leaders is considered relatively low. These actors have an important role with regard to practice change. However village elders and religious leaders often do not take an open stance against negative phenomena occurring in their communities regarding gender-based violence. Finally, the general public is not considered by our experts sufficiently aware of the importance of addressing child trafficking. Outcome indicators community actors

Key religious & community leaders recognize the importance of addressing the theme

Key religious & community leaders promote values, norms and practices in support of

Key religious & community leaders actively take action to address the theme

The general public in AP recognizes the importance of addressing the theme

The general public in TS recognizes the importance of addressing the theme

ending the theme

Scores expert panel: 1 meaning Fully disagree and 10 Fully agree.

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167

10.5 Access to secondary education, Job Oriented Vocational Training and employment of vulnerable girls 10.5.1 Prevalence India is one of the youngest nations in the world with more than 62% of its population in the working age group (15-59 years), and more than 54% of its total population below 25 years of age. During the next 20 years the labour force is expected to increase by 32%. At the same time, India presently faces a dual challenge of paucity of highly trained workforce, as well as non-employability of large sections of the conventionally educated youth397. TVET programmes are offered at the lower (up to the 10th year) and upper (up to the 12-13th year) secondary education levels. At the lower level, offered courses include Typewriting, Secretarial Practices, Computer Operator and Programme Assistant, Plumbing, Cutting/ Tailoring and Dress Making. At the upper level, vocational programmes prepare students for the world of work or further education in tertiary level and polytechnics programmes398. Despite growing enrolment and gender parity in secondary education, actual attendance and achievement continue to be problematic. Nearly 50 % of fifth graders in India are unable to read second grade material, and the dropout rate at the secondary school level is nearly 30%

399.

Between 2001/2 and 2011/12 (latest data available) girlsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; enrolment in secondary education increased twofold as compared to that of boys (40.5% vs 18.17%). Despite this, 81.72% girls drop out of school by or before reaching the secondary level against 78.40% of boys400. Further, only 14% of those entering the labour force are likely to have a college degree or some vocational training401. Census data has revealed that there has been a continuing fall in labour force participation rate of women from 33.3% to 26.5% in rural areas, and from 17.8% to 15.5% in urban areas between 2004 and 2011. The unemployment rate in TS is estimated to be 8.4% for the age group 15-29 years (4.3% in the overall population and 18.4% in the urban sector). Similarly, the unemployment rate in Andhra Pradesh is estimated to be 10.4% for the age group 15-29 years.(8.6% overall, but 15.6% in the urban area). The average salary earned by youth (job placed by the government training centres) is between Rs. 3000-5000 according to the NSDC report 2013. In Andhra Pradesh and Telangana states, the NFHS 3 data reveals that the highest percentage of child marriages (78.5% among boys and 66.3% among girls) occurs among the illiterates and less educated (education below 8 years â&#x20AC;&#x201C; girls 76% and boys 39.2%), the most vulnerable being the girls. Education, skills development and technical training are central to decent employment, particularly for young girls and women, in the formal and informal sector. A member of our expert panel estimated that the level of access to secondary education and TVET for girls and young women is significantly lower (10-15%) and access to TVET is considerably lower (>15%^less) than the national average in Andra Pradesh and Telangana State.402 Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

% of youth (aged 15-24) not in education,

Female vs Male gross enrolment in secondary/ tertiary

397 398 399 400

401

402

168

Mean years of schooling female vs male

Female vs male gross enrolment in TVET

GAA context analysis. UNESCO-UNEVOC (2015), World TVET Database India. Kingdon, G. (2007). The progress of school education in India. Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 23(2). Pandita (2015), Enrolment & Dropout Percentage among Boys & Girls up to Secondary Level in India: A Comparative Study. Confederation of Indian Industries (2009), Vocational Training Industry in India: Need for strengthening the Quality & Monitoring Mechanism. Expert panel survey.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

Impact indicator

Other indicators on prevalence

employment or training (World Bank)

education

28% (2009/10)

Secondary Female-69.2% Male-68.6% (2013)

Source: IZA (2015)

Source: HDI Report 2015

Source: Employment and Unemployment Survey of India (200405 & 2009-10)

Female -3.6 Male- 7.2 (2014)

Overall enrolment 15-29 years: 8.3% Formal TVET: 3.6% Informal TVET: 4.6% Male (15-29 years) Urban, formal TVET: 35.02% Urban, informal TVET: 24.81% Rural, formal TVET: 26.09% Rural, informal TVET: 45.21%

Tertiary Female-15.3% Male-18.7% (2013) Source: World Bank

Female: Urban, formal TVET: 22.74% Urban, informal TVET: 9.93% Rural, formal TVET: 16.15% Rural, informal TVET: 20.05%

10.5.2 Key drivers Varying drivers influences access to secondary education, TvET and employment for girls. The figure below summarizes the main obstacles and drivers:

At the individual/ family level, caste and ethnicity, household size and in particular the number of girls, the level of education of parents and household income have all been found to influence enrolment and attendance of secondary education403. Poverty and marginalisation, paired with growing costs of secondary education, may force families with limited economic opportunities to withdraw children from school in order to count on them for generating additional income 404. 403 404

Chugh (2011), Dropout in Secondary Education: A Study of Children Living in Slums of Delhi. Bandyopadhyay and Subrahmanian (2008), Gender Equity in Education: A Review of Trends and Factors.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

169

Moreover, social norms, in particular son bias, child marriage practices and the overall low importance attached to a girl’s education and capacities as a paid worker, may influence parental decisions to discontinue a girl’s education after primary school405. Nevertheless, the recent improvement in enrolment and dropout rates among girls in secondary education points to a changing parental mindset as regards to the importance of investing in a girl’s education 406. Another key factor that negatively influences enrolment and continuation is poor academic performance and the fear of children of being shamed for having to repeat a class407. As regards vocational education, two specific factors are the limited awareness that lower level secondary education students have about TVET options and the perceived low status of TVET-related careers408. At the community and social level, socio-cultural norms related to patriarchy and perceptions around female education and employment have been found to significantly explain gender variations in enrolment409. Reasons for parental under-investment in female education include deeply embedded undervaluation of female labour, women being identified primarily with the reproductive or household spheres, and belief that educating females brings low returns, as skills required in the reproductive sphere require domestic socialization and not many years of schooling410. Further, the gender division of labour continues to reward women less in the workplace411. This has resulted in relatively lower female education and work participation. A linked issue is the threat of sexual harassment and violence at school, preventing parents from sending their girls to school once they reach adolescence. Finally, societal discrimination against certain castes is still playing out at the school level and may be a crucial impediment for disadvantaged children412. Occupational prestige is another influencing factor413. Indian students’ aspirations are mostly related to white collar careers in technology, medicine, finance and education. Stereotypes about girls’ low productivity and value may hinder their aspiration to pursue such tracks 414. At the structural level, a first array of factors pertains to the accessibility and supply of secondary education and TVET facilities. Given the prevalence of sexual harassment, easy access, availability of separate sanitary facilities for girls, and safe transportation to secondary school are a crucial determinant of attendance415. Initiatives to teach girls self-defence or cycling are not widely available through the education system416. Another structural level factor are weaknesses in the quality of the offered curriculum as well as the scarce preparedness and curriculum relevance and even attendance of teachers417. Facilities offering vocational education are widely unavailable at the rural level, and most programs offered at TVET institutions are irrelevant to the current needs of the economy. The lack of financing, resources, and networks with industries and employers translate into outdated curricula and training programs that produce unemployable graduates418. 405

406

407 408

409

410

411 412 413 414

415 416

417

418

170

Khan & Pandey (2012), Causal factors of school dropouts (A study of Aligarh district, Uttar Pradesh, India). International Journal of Research in Social Sciences, 2(1). Pandita (2015), Enrolment & Dropout Percentage among Boys & Girls up to Secondary Level in India: A Comparative Study. Chugh (2011), Dropout in Secondary Education: A Study of Children Living in Slums of Delhi. Aggarwal et al. (2011). The Skills they Want: Aspirations of Students in Emerging India. CASI Working Paper Series, n. 12-03. Pandita (2015), Enrolment & Dropout Percentage among Boys & Girls up to Secondary Level in India: A Comparative Study. Subrahmanian, R. (2005) Gender Equality in Education: Definitions and Measurements. International Journal of Educational Development, 25(4): GAA context analysis. Bandyopadhyay and Subrahmanian (2008), Gender Equity in Education: A Review of Trends and Factors. Tognatta (2014), Technical and Vocational Education and Training in India - A Study of Choice and Returns. Khan & Pandey (2012), Causal factors of school dropouts (A study of Aligarh district, Uttar Pradesh, India). International Journal of Research in Social Sciences, 2(1). Bandyopadhyay and Subrahmanian (2008), Gender Equity in Education: A Review of Trends and Factors. Catalyst Management Services (2013), Status of the Girl Child in Secondary Education in Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan. Khan & Pandey (2012), Causal factors of school dropouts (A study of Aligarh district, Uttar Pradesh, India). International Journal of Research in Social Sciences, 2(1). Tognatta (2014), Technical and Vocational Education and Training in India - A Study of Choice and Returns.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

At the level of legal and policy factors, inclusion of young people’s access to post-primary education and expansion of TVET provisions as explicit goals in strategic policy documents represent positive drivers, as are the existence of support schemes and hospitality provisions for girls.However, overregulation and different and conflicting rules and procedures at federal and state level make schools focus more on compliance than on performance419. Moreover, the fragmented management system adopted for the TVET sector and lack of coordination between national-level and state-level bodies lead to duplication of functions, diverse accountability, and a narrowing of roles and responsibilities. Lack of coordination with the private sector is also an issue. 10.5.3 Stakeholders The table below presents the key stakeholders identified and indicates for each of these stakeholders the results of the expert panel’s assessment combined with the GAA alliance survey of a) the position of the stakeholders vis a vis initiatives that are aimed at addressing GBV, b) stakeholders’ level of power and influence in the fight against EE, and c) stakeholders’ actual engagement to support change aimed at reducing economic exclusion. Current position

Power and Influence

Actual engagement

Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD)

4,0

2,0

Ministry of Labour and Employment (MOLE)

2,0

4,0

2,0

Education Department (secondary education) including open school societies

3,0

4,0

2,0

Women and Child Development Department (ICPS)

4,0

3,0

2,0

National Commission for Women (NCW)

4,0

2,0

Women and Children Department AP

3,0

2,0

Women and Child Department TS

3,0

2,0

Education Department AP

3,0

2,0

Education Department TS

3,0

2,0

Elected representatives AP

2,0

4,0

1,0

Elected representatives TS

2,0

4,0

1,0

State Skill Development Corporations Andhra Pradesh

2,0

1,0

State Skill Development Corporations Telangana

2,0

1,0

Traditional and religious organisations and leaders

1,5

3,5

1,5

Women's Rights NGOs and Networks AP

4,0

2,0

3,0

Women's Rights NGOs and Networks TS

4,0

2,0

3,0

Child and youth groups AP

3,0

2,0

Child and youth groups TS

3,0

2,0

3,0

1,0

Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI)

3,0

2,0

1,0

Confederation of Indian Industry (CII)

3,0

2,0

1,0

Central Government

State, District & Local Government

CSOs

Media Tollywood Private sector

419

Catalyst Management Services (2013), Status of the Girl Child in Secondary Education in Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan.

Baseline study of the Girl Advocacy Alliance

171

In addition the expert panel was requested to indicate whether they agreed or disagreed with specific statements about key stakeholders positions in agenda setting, policy change and practice change concerning the two themes related to economic exclusion. Part of the scores are presented in the tables above, while in the following sections we present for each type of stakeholder the results for specific statements on economic exclusion. Government As it appears from the expert panel survey results, MHRD, MOLE and the Education department are all highly influential when it comes to access to secondary education and TVET for girls, but MHRD is judged to have a more supportive role than Education and especially of MOLE. Women and Child Development Department (ICPS) National Commission for Women (NCW) are two other actors committed to the issue, but they are much less influential. Overall, the level of actual engagement of all these governmental actors is considered low. At the state and district level, elected representatives and traditional and religious organisations and leaders could play an influential role, but are not very supportive or engaged at the moment. The Women and Child Departments appear as the actors who are at the same time fairly influential and supportive towards progress in girls access to secondary education and TVET; this topic also finds support amongst education departments at state level which however are less influential. State skills corporations are less important in this picture. Overall, none of these actors has currently a high level of engagement on the topic. The gap between general importance attributed to the issue and concrete action is underlined also by the survey results on the current status of GAA outcome indicators. Outcome indicators â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Government and political actors

SE &JOVT