POLITICS AND GENDER EQUALITY IN NASARAWA STATE BY (ASMA'U GARBA BENJAMIN)

POLITICS AND GENDER EQUALITY IN NASARAWA STATE

BY ASMA’U GARBA NOU146764386 A PROJECT PRESENTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF A BACHELOR’S DEGREE IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

DEPARTMENT OF: POLITICAL SCIENCE SUPERVISOR: DR. MOHAMMED BELLO BABAN’UMMA DATE: APRIL 2021

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APPROVAL PAGE This work by Asma’u Garba (NOU146764386) has been approved for the Department of Political Science by:

__________________________ Dr. Mohammed Bello Baban’umma SUPERVISOR

_________________________

__________________________

_________________________

HEAD OF DEPARTMENT

INTERNAL EXAMINER

EXTERNAL EXAMINER

_________________________ Professor: Moses Shaibu DEAN, FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

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CERTIFICATION Asma’u Garba, an undergraduate student in the Department of Political Science with registration number (NOU146764386) has satisfactorily completed research requirements for the award of a Bachelor’s Degree (B.Sc) in Political Science.

The work embodied in this research work is original and has not been submitted in part or full for another degree in this university or another.

__________________________ Asma’u Garba (STUDENT)

_________________________ Dr. Mohammed Bello Baban’umma (SUPERVISOR)

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DEDICATION I want to first dedicate this project to GOD Almighty who gave us the wisdom to choose this topic, to my supervisor Dr. Mohammed Bello Baban’umma for approving it.

To all the women in politics and the coming up beautiful young women, do not be afraid to come out and be who you need to be, there are a lot of people ready to support you.

To my dearest husband Benjamin Onawo Samuel, I dedicate this project to you, with love and gratitude, my kids, mum, late mummy my cousin, I dedicate this project to you all, I did it! Thank you.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, I want to praise and thank GOD Almighty for his blessings throughout my research work to complete the research successfully.

I would like to express my deep and sincere gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Mohammed Bello Baban’umma H.O.D Political Sciences Nasarawa State University Keffi; my level coordinator Mr. Haruna for providing invaluable guidance throughout this project, for their patience and understanding, I am extremely grateful.

I am extremely grateful that words cannot express my gratitude to my dearest husband Benjamin Onawo Samuel for not just encouraging me but giving his time, knowledge, wisdom support, funds, and love into this project only GOD will bless you, am grateful to my children, and my mum for her love and support, my siblings, in-laws all those who stood by me, supported me in one way or the other. Thank you so much and for the keen interest shown to complete this successfully, thanks for your contribution.

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Table of Contents TITLE PAGE ..................................................................................................................................................... i APPROVAL PAGE .......................................................................................................................................... ii CERTIFICATION ............................................................................................................................................ iii DEDICATION................................................................................................................................................. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................................................ v TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................................................... vi ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................................................... x CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY ............................................................................................................. 1 1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ........................................................................................................... 3 1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ........................................................................................................................ 5 1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY ................................................................................................................. 5 1.5 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS....................................................................................................................... 5 1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY .......................................................................................................................... 6 1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ............................................................................................................. 8 CHAPTER TWO (LITERATURE AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK) ............................................................... 9 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................................... 9 2.1 THE CONCEPT OF GENDER .................................................................................................................. 9 2.2 THE CONCEPT OF EQUALITY.............................................................................................................. 10 2.2.1 GENDER EQUALITY AND ANCIENT CULTURES ................................................................................ 11 2.2.2 GENDER EQUALITY AND MODERN CULTURES ............................................................................... 12 2.3 THE CONCEPT OF INEQUALITY .......................................................................................................... 12 2.3.1 CHARACTERIZATION OF GENDER IN TERMS OF EQUALITY OR INEQUALITY.................................. 14 2.3.2 GENDER SPECIFIC ROLES ................................................................................................................ 15 2.3.3 NIGERIAN GENDER MAINSTREAM ................................................................................................. 16 2.3.4 FACTORS AFFECTING MAINSTREAMING GENDER EQUALITY IN NASARAWA STATE ..................... 17 2.3.5 FACTORS ENHANCING GENDER EQUALITY IN NASARAWA STATE................................................. 18 2.3.6 THE FACT OF THE MATTER ............................................................................................................. 19 2.4 FACTORS ACCOUNTING FOR GENDER INEQUALITY IN NIGERIAN POLITICS .................................... 20 2.5 IMPACT OF GENDER INEQUALITY IN NIGERIAN POLITICS ................................................................. 21 2.6 CHALLENGES OF GENDER INEQUALITY IN NIGERIAN POLITICS ........................................................ 22 vi

2.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND RELEVANCE OF THE THEORY ....................................................... 23 CHAPTER THREE (METHODOLOGY) ........................................................................................................... 26 3.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................. 26 3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN ............................................................................................................................ 26 3.3 AREA OF THE STUDY.......................................................................................................................... 27 3.4 THE POPULATION OF THE STUDY...................................................................................................... 27 3.5 SAMPLING AND SAMPLE SIZE DETERMINATION .............................................................................. 27 3.6 DATA COLLECTION INSTRUMENT AND VALIDATION ........................................................................ 28 3.7 METHOD OF ANALYSES ..................................................................................................................... 28 3.8 LIMITATIONS OF THE METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................. 29 CHAPTER FOUR (DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSES) ......................................................................... 30 4.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................. 30 4.2 DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS ..................................................................................................... 30 4.3 RESULTS PRESENTATION ................................................................................................................... 34 RESEARCH QUESTION 1........................................................................................................................... 34 RESEARCH QUESTION 2........................................................................................................................... 46 RESEARCH QUESTION 3........................................................................................................................... 50 RESEARCH QUESTION 4........................................................................................................................... 56 CHAPTER FIVE (SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION) .................................................... 64 5.1 SUMMARY ......................................................................................................................................... 64 5.2 CONCLUSION ..................................................................................................................................... 66 5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS........................................................................................................................ 67 5.4 SUGGESTION FOR FURTHER RESEARCH ............................................................................................ 67 5.5 POLICY IMPLICATIONS....................................................................................................................... 68 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................................................ 69 APPENDIX I ................................................................................................................................................. 75 APPENDIX II ................................................................................................................................................ 77 APPENDIX III ............................................................................................................................................... 79 LIST OF TABLES ...............................................................................................................................................

TABLE 1: Age Distribution of Respondents According to Percentages .................................................. 31 TABLE 2: Distribution of Respondents Based on Percentages According to Sex .................................... 32 TABLE 3: Distribution of Number of Respondents According to Occupation based on Percentages..... 33 TABLE 4: Responses of Respondents on The Meaning of Gender in Percentages ................................. 34 vii

TABLE 5: Responses of Respondents on Knowing What Gender Equality is, in Percentages................. 35 TABLE 6: Responses of Respondents on Knowing What Gender Inequality is, in Percentages ............. 36 TABLE 7: Responses of Respondents on Giving Women Fair Political Opportunities, in Percentages... 37 TABLE 8: Elemental Factors Accounting for Gender Inequality, Male Oriented .................................... 39 TABLE 9: Elemental Factors Accounting for Gender Inequality, Female Oriented ................................. 41 TABLE 10: Responses of Respondents on Being Overlooked, in Percentages ........................................ 43 TABLE 11: Responses of Males Respondents as to Having More Rights Than Females, in Percentages 44 TABLE 12: Responses of The Respondents on The Role of Women at Home, in Percentages ............... 45 TABLE 13: Responses of Male Respondents on Doing a Female’s Work, in Percentages ...................... 47 TABLE 14: Responses of Female Respondents on Doing a Male’s Work, in Percentages ...................... 47 TABLE 15: Responses of Respondents on Performance of Women in Key Political Positions, in Percentages ............................................................................................................................ 49 TABLE 16: Responses of Respondents on Support for Women in Politics Universally, in Percentages . 50 TABLE 17: Responses of Respondents on Standing for Gender Equality in Nigerian Politics, in Percentages ............................................................................................................................ 51 TABLE 18: Responses of Respondents on Reasons why to Stand for Gender Equality .......................... 52 TABLE 19: Responses of Respondents to The Challenges of Gender Equality........................................ 54 TABLE 20: Responses of Respondents on Voting a Woman in as President, in Percentages ................. 56 TABLE 21: Responses of Respondents on The Fitness of a Woman to Hold Political Office, in Percentages ............................................................................................................................ 57 TABLE 22: Responses of Respondents on Voting a Woman for Governor in Nasarawa State, in Percentages ............................................................................................................................ 58 TABLE 23: Responses of Respondents on The Advantages and Disadvantages of Women in Politics, in Percentages ............................................................................................................................ 59 TABLE 24: Responses of Respondents to The Solutions for Entrenching Gender Equality in Nigerian Politics .................................................................................................................................... 61 LIST OF CHARTS ..............................................................................................................................................

CHART 1: Age Distribution of Respondents According to Percentages ................................................. 31 CHART 2: Distribution of Respondents Based on Percentages According to Sex ................................... 32 CHART 3: Distribution of Number of Respondents According to Occupation based on Percentages.... 33 CHART 4: Responses of Respondents on The Meaning of Gender in Percentages ................................ 35 CHART 5: Responses of Respondents on Knowing What Gender Equality is, in Percentages................ 36 CHART 6: Responses of Respondents on Knowing What Gender Inequality is, in Percentages............. 37 CHART 7: Responses of Respondents on Giving Women Fair Political Opportunities, in Percentages.. 38 CHART 8: Elemental Factors Accounting for Gender Inequality, Male Oriented ................................... 40 viii

CHART 9: Elemental Factors Accounting for Gender Inequality, Female Oriented ................................ 42 CHART 10: Responses of Respondents on Being Overlooked, in Percentages ....................................... 44 CHART 11: Responses of Males Respondents as to Having More Rights Than Females, in Percentages ................................................................................................................................................ 45 CHART 12: Responses of The Respondents on The Role of Women at Home, in Percentages .............. 46 CHART 13: Responses of Male Respondents on Doing a Female’s Work, in Percentages ..................... 47 CHART 14: Responses of Female Respondents on Doing a Male’s Work, in Percentages ..................... 48 CHART 15: Responses of Respondents on Performance of Women in Key Political Positions, in Percentages ............................................................................................................................ 49 CHART 16: Responses of Respondents on Support for Women in Politics Universally, in Percentages 50 CHART 17: Responses of Respondents on Standing for Gender Equality in Nigerian Politics, in Percentages ............................................................................................................................ 51 CHART 18: Responses of Respondents on Reasons why to Stand for Gender Equality ......................... 53 CHART 19: Responses of Respondents to The Challenges of Gender Equality....................................... 55 CHART 20: Responses of Respondents on Voting a Woman in as President, in Percentages ................ 57 CHART 21: Responses of Respondents on The Fitness of a Woman to Hold Political Office, in Percentages ............................................................................................................................ 58 CHART 22: Responses of Respondents on Voting a Woman for Governor in Nasarawa State, in Percentages ............................................................................................................................ 59 CHART 23: Responses of Respondents on The Advantages and Disadvantages of Women in Politics, in Percentages ............................................................................................................................ 60 CHART 24: Responses of Respondents to The Solutions for Entrenching Gender Equality in Nigerian Politics .................................................................................................................................... 62

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ABSTRACT Key global perspectives of world bodies have been to mainstream women and the girl child into the building blocks of democracy, as they have shown to be democratic societal stabilizers. However, certain gender related factors mostly attributed to gender inequality has robbed many nations of this golden notion and Nigeria is one amongst the many. Nasarawa state which has a wealth of potentially great women and potentially great girl children – from observation – exhibit these kinds of gender bias that implies a difference in the socio-economic and political statuses between males and females especially through the domains of cultural/religious impositions to mention but a few. This has a great setback not just on Nasarawa state but the nation. Related literature as reviewed show to a large extent that women as of 2019 occupied 12% of the seats and men occupied 88% of the seats of the National Assembly. Several other researchers have recommended aggravated study in this regard, especially those that are region specific because of the increasing spate of gender inequality, especially in Nigeria.

This research uses Nasarawa state as the periscope for the research study using quantitative data from a stratified sample population of 50 respondents composing of 31 females and 19 males of varying ages, occupation, and mentalities. This sample size was enough to determine the factors accounting for gender inequality, its impacts on the Nigerian politics, the challenges it poses to sustainability of democracy in Nigeria and the ways to entrench gender equality in Nigerian politics. Results obtained from the research show that men-oriented factors such as their controlling, domineering and muscular attributes give room for gender inequality issues. On the other hand, the misunderstanding nature of women contributed also to factors accounting for the same. Other related factors were discovered to be psychological. Religion, women empowerment, and illiteracy played major roles in this research findings. The research provides a manual for government and other institutional/organizational bodies the need and how to utilize the physiological and logical strengths of a woman to the benefit of a sustained democracy in Nigerian Politics.

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CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of the Study: - The position of the woman in society as coordinator of the home-front is an idea that has manifested itself in global political activity (Bryan, and Ejumudo, 2013). Perhaps it is the historical subjection of women to marginalization, bullying, cruelty, bias (Bryan, and Ejumodo, 2013) to name a few that has inspired the quality of good management and coordination in women; or it is a gift from GOD to them right from creation. However, the case may be, currently the global perspective of key world bodies is to mainstream women into the building blocks of democracy as democratic societal stabilizers (Ekpenyong, Ibiam and Agha, 2015). A full explanation of this according to Ekpenyong, Ibiam and Agha (2015:4) is in their submission that “gender equality and the empowerment of women are at the heart of many national and international commitments, including the UN Millennium Development Goals”.

Recently, the United States of America 2020 elections is one that witnessed a new world record for the Americans as the polls showed Americans elected for the very first time a female and a woman of color into the position of the vice-president of the United States of America (npr, 2020). With this advent vice-president-elect Kamala Harris shatters another racial and gender obstacle and barrier in history, in world and American politics and democracy in the world at large. “A daughter of immigrants from India and Jamaica, she will be the first woman, the first Black person, the first Indian American and the first Asian American to hold the office. She will also be the first graduate of a historically 1|Page

Black college and first member of a Black sorority to do so (npr, 2020:1).” This recordbreaking success is not only a victory for the American Democrats, the Black Nation, the Indian and Jamaican community, or for Kamala Harris alone, but a victory for women (the female gender) where equality in politics for men and women is viewed as a normal. This victory has resonated with so many people around the world that it is described as “an interracial democracy that represents people, men and women, from all over the globe (npr, 2020:1).” Women have been very underrepresented in almost all countries the world over, with inadequate opportunities for social participation especially where political endeavors are concerned and other relevant and important institutions as well (WIKIPEDIA, 2020). Sadly, Nasarawa State which has a wealth of potentially great women (from observation) exhibits these kinds of gender bias that implies a difference in the socio-economic and political statuses between males and females especially through the domains of cultural/religious imposition to mention but an instance (Anikweze and Agu, 2019). The concept within which gender equality is viewed by the United Nations as ideal subscribes that all humans (male and female) have the freedom to develop their personal abilities and have the right to make choices without boundary limitations such as stereotypes, rigidity of gender roles, or prejudices; signifying that gender is a relational term and refers also to the relationship that exists between women and men (Anikweze and Agu, 2019). This if practicalized in Nasarawa State at its full complement will go a long way in revitalizing the rich cultural heritage of

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the State, and promoting equitable growth, unity, peace and absolute development especially in the light of human resource development.

1.2 Statement of The Problem: - Even with other successes equivalent to the recent success of Kamala Harris, which show to a certain extent how women increasingly are elected to heads of state and high political/governmental positions; the historical tendency of gender inequality remains high (WIKIPEDIA, 2020). Despite this success emphatically, reports have shown that participation of women in Nigerian politics averages 6.7%, lower than 22.5% global averages, 23.4% African Regional figures and 15% West African sub-regional figures (Idike et al, 2020). According to very reliable sources, as at October of 2019 the rate of global representation/participation by women in national-level parliaments is 24.5%; (8% accounted women as national leaders, 2% accounted women in presidential posts) in 2013 and 75% of women who have been in prime minister and presidential positions has been in the past 2 decades (WIKIPEDIA, 2020).

In Nigeria, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (2019) the world classification for lower or single house in Nigeria is as follows (Elections: 28-03-2015 Seats: 359 Women: 20 %W: 5.6%) upper house or senate in Nigeria is as follows (Elections: 28-03-2015 Seats: 109 Women: 7 %W: 6.4%). Looking at this, it is obvious that the percentages of women (%W) as compared to men is low, meaning men carried 339 seats which is

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94.4% and 102 seats which is 93.6%. In totality, men took 441 seats 88% and women took 27 seats 12%, showing an intimidating inequality.

These figures unfortunately give out the typical scenario of what one should expect narrowing from global to continental to regional to national, down to Nasarawa state of Nigeria. This research work has the intension of investigating further the current situation with regard gender, politics, and the equality it enshrines in Nigeria by focusing the research lens on Nasarawa state of Nigeria. Much of the work that has been done to resolve inequality in a wide expanse of world coverage in relation to women involvement in politics has witnessed a good level of progress (Ekpenyong, Ibiam and Agha, 2015), however, according to Ekpenyong, Ibiam and Agha (2015), much work remain to be carried out in this regard and in a wide expanse of world coverage as well.

There are suggestions that gender inequality in Nigeria is highly associated with social implications of religion, culture, sexism/patriarchy, misogyny, poverty, illiteracy, masculine or male dominance, subordination (Idike et al., 2020; Ekpenyong, Ibiam and Agha, 2015) and relative weakness on the side of the female/feminine gender. Whether these or more are key causative reasons for the phenomenon in Nigeria remains an issue of deeper research as to how this phenomenon can be curbed to allow for equality not just in education and the home front, but also in active political undertaking and aspirations.

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1.3 Research Questions: 1. What are the factors accounting for gender inequality in Nigerian Politics?

2. How has gender inequality impacted on Nigerian Politics?

3. What are the challenges posed by gender inequality to sustainability of democracy in Nigeria?

4. What are the ways to entrenched gender equality in Nigerian politics?

1.4 Objectives of the Study: 1.

Examine and determine the factors accounting for gender inequalities in the politics of Nigeria.

2.

Analyze the impact of gender inequality on Nigerian politics.

3.

Identify the challenges posed by gender inequality on the sustainability of Nigerian democracy.

4. Clarify the ways in which gender equality can be entrenched in Nigerian politics.

1.5 Research Hypothesis: 1. There is significant relationship between religion/cultural practices and gender inequality in Nigerian politics.

2. Gender inequality has impacted negatively on the sustainability of Nigerian Politics.

3. Gender equality has a negative impact on Nigerian democracy.

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4. Gender inequality has become increasingly accepted as a justification for sustainability of democracy in Nigerian politics.

1.6 Scope of the Study: - The research study wishes to explore the causative factors of gender inequality especially from a socio-economic/cultural perspective and relate it to societal peace, growth, and development of a community of people. The research objectives are to: 1.

Determine the consequential effect of the female gender maintaining domestic and democratic political positions.

2. Clarify the reduction of poverty, masculine dominance, and sexism in the society (Nasarawa state, Nigeria) through gender equality in politics.

The research study area will be limited to female and male genders of ages 30 and above in Lafia, the state capital of Nasarawa State and the central sphere for political development in the state. Nasarawa state has 13 Local Government Areas with 18 development areas; it is bounded by the Federal Capital Territory, Kaduna state, Plateau state, Taraba state, Benue state and Kogi state. Nasarawa State is located at latitude 9o25’ (N) and longitude 9o37’ (E) of the Equator and is part of the North Central of Nigeria. It is composed of a mix of religious and cultural affinities and 23 ethnic groups and languages. The population of Nasarawa state is estimated at an approximately one million eight hundred and twenty-six thousand, eight hundred and eighty-three (1,826,883). Nasarawa state became 24 years old on 1st October 2020, making it an 6|Page

upcoming state and a very interesting case to conduct this politically engendered research work. As there have been relevant examples of gender constrained political affiliations as related to the female gender.

The researcher wishes for the research design to: 1. Review related literature.

2. Analyze the gender equality situation to date of the political arena in relation to the male and female gender.

3. Perform quantitative surveys using questionnaires according to COVID-19 pandemic protocols by constituted authorities.

4. Ensure clear, understandable, and usable knowledge is projected from the research work for possible implementation.

The research work has an estimated 3-month completion time frame and that has contributed to the scope of the study by the researcher. The research study is divided into 5 chapters, where the background of the study is discussed in chapter 1, related literature is reviewed in chapter 2, the research methodology is elaborated in chapter 3, data presentation and analysis in chapter 4 and in chapter 5 summary, conclusion and recommendations are made. The sources of data will be both primary and secondary data to further ensure reliability and validity of the data and results obtained.

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1.7 Significance of the Study: - The significance of the study is to ascertain a more modern way of resolving the inequalities that surround gender and political participation in Nigeria specifically. And from a general perspective the significance of the study is to create an environment for the peace, growth and development of the community and the nation at large, with specific focus on especially the women who intend to delve into the arena of politics. There should be a prior knowledge and understanding of current situations as to the nature of their environment and the male counterparts who have been great obstacles in past years to their complete successes in political endeavors.

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CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK INTRODUCTION This chapter reviews related literature to this research study. The conceptual review scrutinizes the related literature based on issues of definitions, characterization of gender in terms of equality or inequality and the factors that drive the equality or inequality of gender as it relates to everyday societal life.

2.1

The Concept of Gender: - Gender is a very sensitive term and must be

understood in the light of what it means and stands for. There are quite several definitions of gender from different quarters. According to the Simple English WIKIPEDIA (2020) “Gender is a word that is used to talk about how people express masculine (traits most people think of as male) or feminine (traits most people think of as female) traits. It is commonly used for a person’s sex (male or female) but this word only means someone’s biology (body parts)”. WIKIPEDIA the free encyclopedia (2021) defines gender more deeply as “the range of characteristics pertaining to and differentiating between masculinity and femininity. Depending on the context, these characteristics may include biological sex, sex-based social structures (i.e., gender roles), or gender identity. Most cultures use gender binary, having two genders (boys/men and girls/women); those who exist outside these groups fall under the umbrella term nonbinary or genderqueer. Some societies have specific genders besides “man” and “woman”, such as the hijras of South Asia; these are often referred to as third genders (and fourth genders etc.)”. “Gender is defined by FAO as ‘the relations between men and 9|Page

women, both perceptual and material. Gender is not determined biologically, because of sexual characteristics of either women or men but is constructed socially. It is a central organizing principle of societies, and often governs the processes of production and reproduction, consumption, and distribution’ (FAO, 1997)”.

From the given definitions above, it is crucial to note that gender does not make specific reference to women/girls alone. Therefore, whenever gender sensitive issues arise, it is in a bid to justify the equal opportunities and capabilities of men and women, and or boys and girls; stipulating that there exists the freedom of choice of undertakings for both or more categories of people not minding the nature of their sex orientation.

2.2

The Concept of Equality: - in trying to explain the meaning of equality Capaldi,

(2001) elaborated that equality is a concept that is both descriptive and normative.

From a descriptive perspective, Capaldi (2001) sees equality as an adjectival relationship that exists between entities that in some respects are identical and from a normative perspective, he sees equality as an idea that there is some special respect in which all humans are from factual perspectives equal, and that this equality signifies special treatment to realize that factual state. It is evident from Capaldi’s (2001) definition that in Nigeria, with specific focus on Nasarawa state - we have failed in seeing equality as being able to be predicated of persons but can be predicated of things and social entities like institutions, groups and so on (Capaldi, 2002). This unfolds in debates central to modern political and social ideas where disagreements about equality in the 10 | P a g e

normative or descriptive perspective focus or hinge on 1. The factual sense where human beings are identical; 2. What is relevant where special treatment and normative senses are concerned; 3. Coherence and effectiveness of public policies in ensuring relevant special treatment. As it is, our cultural, religious, traditional, social (Capaldi, 2001) and in a nutshell ancient heritage dogma continues to foil our correct perception of what equality is.

2.2.1 Gender Equality and Ancient Cultures: - According to Capaldi (2001), social stratification was paramount in the ancient times, and this reflected the differences of abilities which in turn pronounced the differences in individual function and corresponding differences in individual statuses. The main idea enshrined by ancient times was the collective good, more important than any other lesser good and defined the actual social practice in the democracy, where women, slaves, and aliens were exempt from citizenship (Capaldi, 2001) – what is now known in modern times as social exclusion. Self-rule for the entity was the locus of freedom, un-predicated to individuals especially as mentioned in the socially excluded above, where fulfillment for individuals was based on performance of relevant functions that maintained city freedom – with no sharp distinction in politics, ethics, and religion (Capaldi, 2001) especially for the ruling men who were termed as gods (Ancient History Encyclopedia, 2021) – and of course goddesses. In the ancient times, the political order remained the ultimate fulfillment and classical political theorists have advanced this view for generations (Capaldi, 2001).

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2.2.2 Gender Equality and Modern Cultures: - it is worth noting that modern times are evolving times, and that change is a constant thing in life evidenced by so many changes overtime. However, it is shameful to see that what transpired in the ancient times has either been adopted incorrectly or adopted vaguely. During the ancient times it was not much of the gods alone but also goddesses (Ancient History Encyclopedia, 2021). Today, modern political undertakings have become what is termed “A Man’s World” (Fink, Zeiger & Bhulai, 2016). Modern times have also shown that “money” is relative where politics is concerned, and “money” in modern terms is not exclusive of women (Fink, Zeiger & Bhulai, 2016). These goes to show that the stratification of individuals reflecting differences of ability in ancient times (Capaldi, 2001) should no more hold water as women can display the abilities of men and even more where politics and social endeavors are concerned (Fink, Zeiger & Bhulai, 2016). In rational terms, it is time the roles of women are facilitated especially by being empowered as actors in roles they define and by the terms that show they can represent a family/world of both men/boys, women/girls and a third or fourth binary or non-binary class of what they conceive and nurture as mothers.

2.3

The Concept of Inequality: - According to UN/DESA (2015) inequality is

manifested in a state of not being equal, where rights, opportunities – and special treatment are concerned; this is a concept that relates so much to social justice theories. Just as described above within the contrasts of equality in ancient times with modernity, inequality is understood from a traditional outcome-oriented perspective – 12 | P a g e

here income is used as the basis for well-being (UN/DESA, 2015), position, special treatment, and political prosperity; as it is clear circumstances of birth are critical determinants of essential life outcomes and inequality does not allow that fair starting for all (UN/DEV, 2015). This is the basis for which women have agitated in Africa, Nigeria and with specific reference Nasarawa state – for inclusion in politics through their various platforms (Idike et al., 2020) over the growing spate of inequality that results: 1.

Poverty - in terms of average income, education, land ownership etc., implying absolute and relative deprivation 2. Reduced-Growth - where high levels of inequality lead to lower economic growth rates 3. Abuse of Rights - where people of a certain class and ethical considerations believe it is their right to look down on the less privileged 4.

Crime, Social unrest, or violent conflict - here the perpetrators feel cheated, excluded, and stigmatized 5. Under Development – were the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) is critically undermined and difficult to attain (McKay, 2002). These inequalities in their description range from economic inequality (which has a lot to do with living standards) to inequality of rights and associated obligations (where people are either not equal before the law or have unequal political power and association) (UN/DEV, 2015). These often give rise to democratic unrest, keeping in mind that political inequality does not only relate to inequality in the right to vote or stand for office but also implies inequality in democratic participation in government and governance, industry, education, social services, family life and the excesses of subjective power and oppression (Verba, 2001).

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2.3.1 Characterization of gender in terms of equality or inequality: - A very key historical narrative of these is the Aba Women’s riots of 1929 (American Historical Association, 2020). This strategically tackled socio-political and economic redress on the grievances of women, leading to it as the one major upheaval of women in West African history that sparked the appointment of women into key developmental driven decision-making positions (Wikipedia.org, 2020). However, such an approach in the 21st Century societies may be seen as archaic, lawless, and irresponsible on the side of women. When compared to the recent victory of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris in the U.S 2020 presidential election (The Guardian, 2020), it can be seen, that more conventional ways of winning gender equality and ridding gender inequality are by factoring women into the mainstream of leadership positions by allowing them a level playing ground, an enabling environment and most of all the freedom to exercise their right to liberty and association.

This research work therefore has aims and objectives of exploring a more modern interrogative notion on society concerning female and male gender equality in Nigeria’s political democratic sphere; that recommend positive connections between these engendered equalities with positive national growth and development (Idike et al., 2020).

Given the supposition of Idike et al., (2020) on the research gaps that exist particularly on the basis, of embedded issues not being entirely and sufficiently framed based on 14 | P a g e

the contexts of power equation concepts. Their research work centered on gender and democracy dynamics in Nigeria particularly within the contexts of power struggles between the male and female gender. What this research work wishes to contextualize however, is how the dynamics of culture as linked to socio-political/socio-economic activity in Nigeria ensures equality of males and females in the political arena for firm, steady and sustainable development (Idike et al., 2020). There are suggestions around test cases for understanding and appreciating scales of many Nigerian phenomena through the prisms of gender by New African Magazine (2019) to include: a. Poverty b. Interaction with the female gender; and c. The restraining potential of dogmatism 2.3.2 Gender Specific Roles: - Gender roles do vary greatly in the context of the society in question and based on cultures, historical periods, and even socio-economic factors such as age, education, ethnicity, and religion (ekvilib, 2017). It is worth noting that this submission practically differs from the sex characterization of an individual which is biological in nature rather than a social construct which is characteristic of gender (ekvilib, 2017). While an individual is born with a sex, an individual is not born with a gender; where sex is concerned the individual’s sex cannot be changed except through medical operations, while gender roles even if deeply rooted tend to change with time on the basis that social values and norms are dynamic (ekvilib, 2017). Culture, time or 15 | P a g e

tradition does not determine and cannot determine the sex of an individual (ekvilib, 2017). Another characterization where sex is concerned is the fact that only women can birth and breast feed children (ekvilib, 2017). However, the fact that men are expected to be the bread winners (economic providers) of the family and women to be caregivers is a norm in many cultural and societal contexts but can also be a reversed case in others (ekvilib, 2017). The argument here is that women can do as well in male related job roles and men can do as well in female related job roles i.e., a woman can be a leader, manager, governor, president etc., and a man can do catering, nursing, housekeeping etc. The point to note here is that when children are given birth to, the only thing that differentiates them is their sex attribute; the roles, attributes, opportunities, privileges, rights, and obligations that society bestows on them as they grow is what creates the social differences between males and females (ekvilib, 2017).

This is the point at which gender inequality ensues.

2.3.3 Nigerian Gender Mainstream: - Mainstreaming in a nutshell involves bringing something or someone into the mainstream. Vocabulary.com (2021) describes “mainstream” as something viewed by most people as normal, within a given society of people; an instance is the mainstream view of getting married, having children, and getting them schooled in preparation for a better and more comfortable livelihood when they are grown. Currently in Nigeria and to be specific Nasarawa State, a significantly high percentage of consensus is that mainstream politics basis on potentially high political virility (Agbalajobi, 2009). These involves actors who have all 16 | P a g e

the necessary requisite to compete in the turbulent political environment i.e., the possessive ability of taking things by force where force is required, as some politicians put it “Kare gini, Biri gini” – which means matching violence for violence (Agbalajobi, 2009). This consensus revolves around the sphere that depicts men as the possessors of superiority strength, competitiveness, self-reliance, and the ability to tussle in the political front/arena (Agbalajobi, 2009). Leaving women depicted as being passive, a characteristic that is not suited for political engagement and governance (Agbalajobi, 2009). Careful observation and examination according to Agbalajobi (2009) reveals that this type of mainstream view is usually constructed erroneously by “societal norms and values, which through socialization has defined different gender roles according to biological differences”. As discussed in 2.1 above, this consensus is a misleading consensus in the sense that women’s perception of politics has become one that views politics as a dirty and ‘bastardized’ game, one that is laden with violence and deceit (Agbalajobi, 2009). This consensus can only hold true, if indeed and truly politics is a dirty, undemocratic, and violent game. Clearly, these shows inequality in the political mainstream of Nasarawa State and requires that gender equality be mainstreamed where politics and governance is concerned in Nasarawa state as against unlawful discrimination of women (Agbalajobi, 2009) which has brought about more deterioration in the system.

2.3.4 Factors Affecting Mainstreaming Gender Equality in Nasarawa State: - in their 2019 research on the “attitude of educated women in Nasarawa state towards 17 | P a g e

entrepreneurship education as sine qua non for wealth creation and reduction of gender inequality” Anikweze and Agu (2019) opined that a high percentage of educated women in Nasarawa state showed affirmative interest and attitude inclined towards gender equality in the creation of wealth. They further stated in conclusion that women express positive attitudes inclined towards any steps that are viable for greatly eliminating or at least reducing gender inequality, however, the question here is whether men have the same inclination towards that. It is worth noting from these, that a lack of education is a key and critical factor that serves as a deterrent to a positive gender equality mainstream in Nasarawa state. There are other factors that are deterrents to this cause and include: gender roles – patriarchy; discriminatory customs and laws; lack of affirmative action quota (a non-discrimination supplement); virility deficiency – women’s conception of politics; lack of economic incentives (financial banking) and wealth power; inadequacy in the knowledge of rules protecting women’s political rights (written and unwritten); religious doctrines and the unhealthy mindset of most men towards women (Agbalajobi, 2009).

2.3.5 Factors Enhancing Gender Equality in Nasarawa State: - just as there are factors that impede a positive mainstream outlook on gender equality, so also are there factors that improve it. For instance, there are recommendations around the government to focus on driving support not just for women being encouraged to embark on entrepreneurial skills acquisition to facilitate wealth creation but also to involve women in the mainstream of political endeavors and governance for the reduction or possible 18 | P a g e

elimination of gender inequality (Agbalajobi, 2009). Following these, are other factors which include but are not limited to women empowerment programs such that encourages women to see the need to partake in positively minded platforms that empower them; quotas and proportional representation (lawful actions allocating rations for women in assisting and promoting gender balance in societal life); and crucial activities of the United Nations (UN) and other well-meaning developmental international organizations (Agbalajobi, 2009).

2.3.6 The Fact of the Matter: - the recent deployment of 300 female soldiers to AbujaKaduna express highway as part of measures to curb banditry and other crime related issues across the Nation (Channels News, 2021) is proof enough that what a man can do, so also a woman can do, probably even better. This can also be replicated in the political front, as it expresses to a great extent the significant level of faith entrusted in women to be able to handle even delicate national security matters. At this point, it is only proper to borrow the words of Sand Brook and Halfari as cited in Agbalajobi (2009) to describe the necessity of regulating gender inequality in Nigeria and this can be seen “as a multi-dimensional process involving the transformation of the economical, political, social, psychological and legal circumstances of the powerless with its aim of dismantling the cultural, traditional and social norms which disvalue, disempower, and dispossess women with its central objectives tied to the needs of women to opportunities, facilities, skill acquisition and position of authority, especially within the political sphere. This recent development accords women the opportunity to develop 19 | P a g e

their individual talent and contribute more meaningfully to societal development, helping subvert cultural as well as the societal norms which have been of disadvantage to the women folk”. The truth of the matter is that success for our nation is in our ability to see the bigger picture where gender equality is concerned and viewed as the general mainstream. This study wishes to take a deeper look to gain insight on this matter in general.

2.4

Factors Accounting for Gender Inequality in Nigerian Politics: - in his research on

“Women and Governance: A Case Study of Nigerian Women”, Onyenwere, (2017) elaborated that the factors that account for gender inequality in Nigerian politics include but are not limited to: Patriarchy, Religious and cultural barriers, Stigmatization, Low level education, Financing and Political violence. His research paper analyzed these set of factors which cause Nigerian women to be marginalized and excluded – this exclusion according to him is traceable further to media visibility, lack of financial incentives/ almost non-existent political sponsors, gender roles, women’s conception of politics, and harsh cultural and societal laws that show utter discrimination against women. These factors are not farfetched, as they have been the subject of both national/regional and international debate. It is clear however to note that even as some of these factors align across different geographic spaces not all serve as factors in other geographical spaces such as: objectionable and tyrannical socio-cultural practices such as early marriages, detrimental widowhood practices, female genital mutilation, and the purdah system. The stereotypical restrictions against women who endeavor to 20 | P a g e

attain political and organizational leadership roles is enough to discourage women from vying into political offices – a typical case scenario is the Myanmar coup d’etat of 2021 that started February 1st, 2021 in the morning when the democratically elected members of Myanmar’s ruling party, The National League for Democracy, became deposed by the “Tatmadaw” – Myanmar Military Forces – which conferred power in a Stratocracy (Wikipedia, 2021). Before the coup d’etat, the State Counsellor of Myanmar Aung San Suu Kyi was no doubt a female – something that has become conventional in most nations – discrimination against women.

2.5

Impact of Gender Inequality in Nigerian Politics: - As elaborated by Onyenwere

(2017) and British Council Nigeria (2012) the main effect of gender inequality in Nigerian Politics is “the marginalization and exclusion of Nigerian women”, however, broken down into its constituent elements the impact of this inequality as described include: illiteracy, underrepresentation of women were decisions on women is concerned, arm chair and biased policies made by men on women, the heightening of corruption which is an integral part of men, the reverse of the gains in some areas of democratization since 1999, a show of lack of responsibility and an incompetence on the side of our leaders in Nigeria for failing to meet up with commitments on signed global compacts on gender equality, the under representation of women in rural and Northern regions, the inability of women to influence spending at household levels, increased ethnographic research on understanding women engagement with power and how they exercise it. The list goes on and culminates into an even more dissident state – where there exists a high 21 | P a g e

percentage of a lack of gender parity in almost all areas of human development. A typical example can be seen in the case of a Nigerian senator (male) caught on camera assaulting a woman at a sex toy shop (Premium Times, 2019). Sadly, that woman happened to be another man’s wife and this assault passed without any serious charges against the senator – this shows a negative developmental pattern where a message is erroneously passed showing support for assaulting of women.

2.6

Challenges of Gender Inequality in Nigerian Politics: - The challenges remain a

germane area of concentration and focus, as many countries have noticed the high exhibits and worrying levels of inequality in Nigeria (British Council Nigeria, 2012). It is important as a highlight to understand and address gender relations, gender inequality, conflict needs and other forms of inequality in the specific light of the political economy of the Nigerian State (British Council Nigeria, 2012). Gradually, it is becoming more evident that women need to be involved where the economic development of the African region is concerned. To do this, women empowerment must be the focus and changes in education policy can help influence the decisions of families about early/child marriages, which also have a relative influence on infant, child, and maternal deaths (British Council Nigeria, 2012). Womanhood in Nigeria particularly in the Northern and rural parts has been reduced to a meagre infidel and a second-class citizen, there is now a commonality of a general belief system that the woman’s place is best in the kitchen (Allanana, 2013). This discrimination against women has led to challenges in acquiring formal education, being mistreated, and perpetually kept as 22 | P a g e

house helps; this has led to a view of women as available objects for prostitution, forced/child marriages, street-hawking, instruments of a range of trafficking and as misfits in the society (Allanana, 2013). This view has purported an associated irrelevance with the status of women in the society at large and has reduced an average woman to a mere inferior commodity (Allanana, 2013). This sort of view of womanhood is becoming more mainstream in Nigerian politics and is a great challenge to the Nigerian political arena in terms of gender inequality and a level playing ground for all. Finally, “gender violence has emerged as a cross cutting theme that impacts on women and girls in their homes and in every sphere of their lives” (British Council Nigeria, 2012: 61).

2.7 Theoretical Framework and Relevance of the Theory: - the conceptual theoretical framework of the study is the “standpoint feminism theory” (Wikipedia, 2021).

Which elaborates that feminist social science should be practiced based on the standpoint of women or particular groups of women (Wikipedia, 2021). Some scholars such as Patricia Hill Collins and Dorothy Smith say that women are better equipped toward understanding some aspects of the world, and a feminist or women’s standpoint proposes to make women’s experiences a course of action, in addition to and sometimes instead of that of men (Wikipedia, 2021). Dorothy Smith came up with this theory in 1977, after recognizing from the consciousness raising exercises and encounter groups initiated in the 1960s and 1970s by feminists about the immediate concerns expressed by women on their personal lives having a commonality of themes (Lumen, 2021). The theory focuses on the 23 | P a g e

immediate and fundamental experiences of social life from childbirth to who washes the dishes to the experience of sexual violence; many times, being invisible or regarded as unimportant politically or socially (Lumen, 2021). Her development of the standpoint feminism theory became a key innovation in sociology and enabled the issues mentioned above to become visible and tackled in a systematic manner by examining one’s position in life (Smith, 1977 as cited in Lumen, 2021).

Smith’s proposition hinged on the argument that sociological analysis should not start from the abstract point of view of institutions or systems but should start from the actualities of the lived experiences of women’s lives in the immediate local setting of everyday and every night life (Lumen, 2021). Criticisms of Dorothy Smith’s theory however emanate from postmodern feminists whose argument says there is no concrete women’s experience from which to construct knowledge; meaning that the lives of women across geographical spaces and time are completely diverse making it impossible to generalize about their experiences – this assertion has gained ground to some extent where the standpoint feminism theory is concerned (Wikipedia, 2021). Contemporary standpoint feminism observes that it is more a relational standpoint rather than arising inevitably from the experience of women and therefore because of the many differences that divide women; it is impossible to claim one single or universal women’s experience (Wikipedia, 2021). The theory argues that it is important to view these issues in relation to other systems of domination and to analyze how it interacts with such 24 | P a g e

things as racism, homophobia, colonialism, and classism in a matrix of domination (Wikipedia, 2021). The relevance of this theory to the study is based on its goal, which is to find ways within which “to situate women and men within multiple systems of domination in a way that is more accurate and more able to confront oppressive power structures – this is also known as Kyriarchy” (Wikipedia, 2021).

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CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY 3.1 Introduction This chapter outlines and discusses the research methodology implemented in the research study. It elaborates this based on the following sub-headings: research design, the population, sample and sampling procedures of the study, data collection instrument and validation, methods of data analysis and the limitations of the methodology.

3.2 Research Design: - the research design shows the framework chosen by a researcher especially based on methods and techniques (QuestionPro, 2021). Therefore, in accordance, the researcher has built up a research process to include identification of the problem, review of literature as related to the research context, forming the research objectives, formulation of hypotheses and research questions, collection of data, analysis of collected data, testing of hypotheses, and attempting to answer the research

questions,

generalizations/interpretations,

report

presentation

and

submission. In this light, the researcher has adopted the four key characteristics of a successful research design which include: neutrality, reliability, validity, and generalization (QuestionPro, 2021). The researcher adopted a descriptive, crosssectional survey for the research study, which will be quantitative in nature. The reasons being that one can collect answers regarding specific and essential questions and one

26 | P a g e

can ask these questions in multiple formats based on the target audience and the intent of the survey, which can be used to draw analytical insight (QuestionPro, 2021).

3.3 Area of the Study: - the area in which the research focuses, is Nasarawa State.

Located on latitude 90 25’ (N) to the North and longitude 90 37’ (E) to the East. It has 13 Local Government Areas, and 18 Development Areas with an estimated population size of 1, 826, 883 (Official Website of Nasarawa State Government, 2021). Lafia the state capital is the heart of Nasarawa State where all developmental efforts are domicile especially where political undertakings are headquartered and crucial. Nasarawa North Development Area Shabu will be the startup and key focus area as it is observed how so many women have been disenfranchised and serves as an immediate access point to the target population.

3.4 The Population of the Study: - According to the National Population of Nigeria (web) and the National Bureau of Statistics (web), Nasarawa state has a projected population size of 2,523,400. Lafia alone has 445,330 persons. Since the researcher has adopted a cross-sectional survey for the study, the population of the study will be limited to 50 respondents – (25 being male and 25 being female) that cuts across the different ethnic groups and statuses of people living in the focus areas.

3.5 Sampling and Sample Size Determination: - Stratified sampling accounts for the sampling technique of the study, where it is expected that measurement of interest will vary reasonably between the different sub-groups and equal representation must be 27 | P a g e

ensured from the formulated sub-groups (Health Knowledge, 2021). Based on these, the sample size will be determined by an age group of 20 – 55 years, male and female of both working and non-working class.

3.6 Data Collection Instrument and Validation: - Being a quantitative research, the researcher adopted the use of a questionnaire as the main instrument for data collection of particularly primary data. The questionnaire was designed under the guidance of industry experts and professionals and therefore accounts for almost 95% validity. The questionnaire presents structured closed-ended questions for the sake of specificity (See Appendix I). The researcher also adopted the internet (World Wide Web) as the instrument for secondary data collection, simple dialogues with appropriate personnel served as validation points for the secondary data. The researcher administered the questionnaires personally to the respondents and explained the questions where necessary without influencing the response of the respondent. All ethical considerations were observed including the privacy of the respondent and the freedom to opt out of the research at any given point in time that they feel necessary.

3.7 Method of Data Analyses: - to be able to draw insight, the data that was gathered through primary and secondary means was analyzed. Data analysis tools such as SPSS, Stata, R, and Microsoft Excel were adopted to analyze the data using percentages, standard deviation, mean, median and mode distributions and descriptive statistics in a nutshell. Time was devoted in analyzing the data by accessing, assessing, and coding.

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The analyzed data was presented in the form of tables, diagrams, graphs, and charts for the purpose of inciting insight to the audience in clear and understandable form.

3.8 Limitations of the Methodology: - the limitations of this methodology revolve around finance, the COVID-19 pandemic situation, and according to Chetty, (2016): improper representation of target population, lack of resources for data collection, inability to control the environment, limited outcomes in the use of structured closedended questions, expensive and time consuming, difficulty in data analysis and the requirement of extra resources to analyze the results. Despite these limitations, the researcher believes meaning insight can be obtained from the use of Quantitative survey research.

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CHAPTER FOUR DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSES 4.1 Introduction Chapter Four presents the data that was collected and analyzed by the researcher. The data analysis tool used is the Microsoft Office Excel, which has a wide range of distribution in most PCs and Laptops. It offers flexibility of use and provides results visualizations in the form of tables, charts, and other very insightful forms. The pivot table and other embedded statistical functions such as the COUNT, COUNTIFs, and mean, median, mode and standard deviations were also used in the analysis of the collected data. 25 questionnaire questions were coded accordingly as: Q1, Q2, Q3,Q4, Q5, Q6, Q7, Q8, Q9, Q10, Q11, Q12a – Q12l, Q13a – Q13l, Q14, Q15, Q16, Q17a – Q17f, Q18, Q19, Q20, Q21a – Q21j, Q22, Q23, Q24a – Q24h, and Q25 (SEE APPENDIX II). All responses were entered in numeric form ranging from 1 – 12 as the case allowed (SEE APPENDIX III). 50 copies of the questionnaire for data collected were distributed according to the proposed research design, however 19 males responded instead of 20, and 31 females responded instead of 30. The following table and chart show the distribution of respondents accordingly.

4.2 Distribution of Respondents: the distribution of respondents is done according to age group, sex, students, and workers. Table 1 shows distribution according to age group. 49 out of 50 respondents indicated their age groups.

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Table 1: Age Distribution of Respondents according to Percentages Age Group 20 - 25 26 - 30 31 - 35 36 - 40 41 - 45 46 - 50 51 - 55 GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 7 10 8 9 7 4 4 49

Percentages 14% 20% 16% 18% 14% 8% 8% 98%

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 Chart 1: Age Distribution of Respondents according to Percentages 25% 20% 20%

18%

Frequency

16% 15%

14%

14%

10%

8%

8%

46 - 50

51 - 55

5% 0% 20 - 25

26 - 30

31 - 35

36 - 40

41 - 45

Age Distribution

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The age group distribution shows that the most relevant groups were captured in the distribution of the questionnaires. The most relevant in the sense that, these group of individuals are conscious of political activities as obtained in Nasarawa State, Nigeria, and other parts of the world. This also means that they are aware of the distinctions.

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Table 2: Distribution of Respondents based on percentages according to sex.

Sex Females Males GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 31 19 50

Percentages 62% 38% 100%

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 Chart 2: Distribution of Respondents based on percentages according to sex.

70% 62% 60%

Frequency

50% 38%

40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Females

Males

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 It can be observed that more females than males were selected in the distribution of the questionnaires, this is because the study pertains more to females and needed that number of males to support the outcome of the study where females are concerned.

The following table and chart further show the distribution of respondents according to sex in the form of percentages.

To further enhance the relevance of the respondents to the study, ensuring validity and reliability of data, students were selected to find out about gender equality in the school 32 | P a g e

front, and workers were selected to find out about gender equality at the work front, with both parties being able to attest for gender equality issues at the home front.

Table 3: Distribution of number of Respondents according to occupation based on percentages.

Occupation Students Workers GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 17 33 50

Percentages 34% 66% 100%

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 Chart 3: Distribution of number of Respondents according to occupation based on percentages.

70%

66%

60%

Frequency

50% 40%

34%

30% 20% 10% 0% Students

Workers

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

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4.3 Results Presentation Research Question 1: Factors accounting for gender inequality in Nigerian Politics.

In a world that so dismisses women when it comes to political and democratic aspirations, this research question aimed at finding out the factors accounting for this inequality in Nigerian politics by investigating through Q4, Q5, Q6, Q7, Q8, Q9, Q12, Q13, and Q14. Meanwhile, an attempt was made to find out the awareness of the respondents on the meaning of gender, gender equality, and gender inequality. The following table and chart present their responses. This is significant in the sense that the researcher got an idea regarding respondents’ awareness on the issue.

Table 4: Responses of respondents on the meaning of gender, in percentages Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 35 15 50

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

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Percentages 70% 30% 100%

Chart 4: Responses of respondents on the meaning of gender, in percentages 80% 70%

70%

Frequency

60% 50% 40% 30%

30% 20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 On the question about knowing what gender equality is, the following table and chart present the responses.

Table 5: Responses of respondents on knowing what gender equality is, in percentages.

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 34 16 50

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

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Percentages 68% 32% 100%

Chart 5: Responses of respondents on knowing what gender equality is, in percentages.

80% 68%

70%

Frequency

60% 50% 40%

32%

30% 20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

Table 6: Responses of respondents on knowing what gender inequality is, in percentages.

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 33 16 49

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

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Percentages 67% 33% 100%

Chart 6: Responses of respondents on knowing what gender inequality is, in percentages.

80% 67%

70%

Frequency

60% 50% 40%

33%

30% 20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The researcher attempted to find out if a gender inequality issue existed in Nasarawa State, Nigeria using Q25. The following responses, indicate that there is a gender inequality issue in Nasarawa State, Nigeria.

Table 7: Responses of respondents on giving women fair political opportunities, in percentages.

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 45 3 48

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

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Percentages 94% 6% 100%

Chart 7: Responses of respondents on giving women fair political opportunities, in percentages.

100%

94%

90% 80%

Frequency

70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 6%

10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 These responses confirm that there is an existing gender equality issue, given that the responses believe that it is only fair to give women political opportunities, shows to a large extent that currently, that is not what is obtainable – indicating to a reasonable extent some level of gender inequality. Therefore, in attempting to uncover some of the factors accounting for gender inequality in Nigerian politics, the researcher asked some female/male oriented questions that helped discover some of the elemental factors responsible for gender inequality especially in Nasarawa State. The following table and chart give insight through the responses of the respondents.

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Table 8: Elemental Factors accounting for gender inequality, male oriented.

Q12. What Annoys you most about a male?

Student

They can be domineering and controlling They feel they are stronger than females They discriminate females They beat up females They feel females are no good They feel females are only objects of sex They feel females cannot be leaders They are not fair They are stingy They feel this is a man's world They can be so unloving and misunderstanding Nothing

Worker

Female

Male

5 5 5 2 1 1 1 0 0 2

11 4 5 4 1 5 4 2 0 4

12 7 6 5 2 3 2 0 0 3

4 2 4 1 0 3 3 2 0 3

0 1

1 2

0 1

1 2

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 This table shows particularly how females perceive and view males in the relationships that exist between them. These relationships vary from a romantic relationship, blood relationship to platonic relationships.

The measure within which this can affect gender equality is significant enough to exhibit some of the factors that contribute to a state of gender inequality in any given community of people.

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Chart 8: Elemental Factors accounting for gender inequality, male oriented.

14 12

12

11

Frequency

10

8

6

4

2

7 6 5

5 4

55 4

5 4

5

4

4 33

2

2

3

2 1

1

Worker

2

2

2 1

0

Female

2

1

0

Student

33

2

11

0

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4

Male

0

0000

0

1 0

1

2 1

Table 9: Elemental Factors accounting for gender inequality, female oriented.

Q13 What irritates you most about a female?

Student

They are weak and troublesome They are dumb They are lazy They are careless They have no regard for superiors They can be very misunderstanding They are cheats They are slow learners and slow learners can achieve nothing They were created to be helpers, but they refuse to help They are created for giving birth to children and caring for home, but they are reluctant They can be flirts Nothing

Worker

Female

Male

2 1 2 1 4 5 1

2 0 3 4 3 6 1

1 1 4 2 6 6 1

3 0 1 3 1 5 1

1

1

1

1

2

3

4

1

3 1 6

0 2 9

3 3 10

0 0 5

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 This table shows particularly how males perceive and view females in the relationships that exist between them, this is a reverse of table 8. These relationships vary from a romantic relationship, blood relationship to platonic relationships as well. At times, a sadistic relationship can also be part of these.

The measure within which this can affect gender equality is significant enough to exhibit some of the factors that contribute to a state of gender inequality in any given community of people.

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Chart 9: Elemental Factors accounting for gender inequality, female oriented.

12

10

10

9

Frequency

8 6

6

5 4

4

2

0

3

4

3

22

3

2 1

1

1 0

6 5

5

4

4 3

3

2 1

1

3

3

3

2 1

1111

0

1111

2 1

1 0

Student

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66

Worker

Female

Male

0

0

When asked the most annoying things about males, the general response was 32 respondents representing 64% who felt males can be domineering and controlling, 20 respondents representing 40% felt they discriminate against females, and 18 respondents representing 36% felt males feel stronger than females. On the other hand, when asked the most irritating things about females, 30 respondents representing 60% felt nothing, while 22 respondents representing 44% felt females can be very misunderstanding. Thus, it is very vivid to note that factors accounting for gender inequality as deduced by this study are inclusive of the male oriented domineering and controlling attitudes, discrimination against and the feeling of being stronger than females; this is coupled with misunderstanding that is purely female oriented.

In a more psychological approach, the respondents were asked if they ever felt overlooked at home, with friends or in school, the following table and charts show their responses.

Table 10: Responses of respondents on being overlooked, in percentages.

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 29 19 48

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

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Percentages 60% 40% 100%

Chart 10: Responses of respondents on being overlooked, in percentages.

70% 60%

60%

Frequency

50% 40%

40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Yes

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

No

The significant percentage of those who responded yes, being 60% shows to a large extent how psychological factors can influence gender inequality. The feeling of being overlooked can create a sense of timidity and that of dominance. Evidently, a higher percentage of males believe that they do not have more rights than females and therefore human rights is out ruled as a factor accounting for gender inequality. The following table and chart present the responses.

Table 11: Responses of male respondents as to having more rights than females, in percentages.

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 8 10 18

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

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Percentages 44% 56% 100%

Chart 11: Responses of male respondents as to having more rights than females, in percentages.

60%

56%

50%

44%

40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The research study attempted to investigate if the roles of females as mothers and wives affected their political and leadership ambitions. The following responses from the respondents showed to a significant level that the roles of women in their homes affects their political and leadership positions. The following table and chart show the responses of the respondents in relation to this.

Table 12: Responses of the respondents on the role of women at home, in percentages.

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 34 15 49

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

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Percentages 69% 31% 100%

Chart 12: Responses of the respondents on the role of women at home, in percentages.

80% 70%

69%

Frequency

60% 50% 40% 31%

30% 20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The roles of women therefore in their homes is a factor accounting for gender inequality in Nigerian politics.

Research Question 2: How gender inequality has impacted on Nigerian Politics.

Gender inequality comes along with its impact on society. This research study has aimed at answering the research question 2 in a bid to find out the impact gender inequality has on the Nigerian Politics. To answer this, the following questions in their respective codes have been adopted: Q10, Q11, Q15, and Q20. The respondents were asked based on their sex, if they could do the work conventionally suited for their opposite sex. The responses are presented in the table and chart below.

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Table 13: Responses of male respondents on doing a female’s work, in percentages.

No of Respondents 13 5 18

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

Percentages 72% 28% 100%

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 Chart 13: Responses of male respondents on doing a female’s work, in percentages.

80%

72%

70%

Frequency

60% 50% 40% 28%

30% 20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 Table 14: Responses of female respondents on doing a male’s work, in percentages.

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 25 5 30

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

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Percentages 83% 17% 100%

Chart 14: Responses of female respondents on doing a male’s work, in percentages.

90%

83%

80% 70%

Frequency

60% 50% 40% 30% 17%

20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

It can be seen clearly that the effect of this on Nigerian politics from the feminine perspective is that women have not been allowed to freely participate in political undertakings where it is possible that they have comparative advantage and are willing to. Rather, Nigerian politics prefer that a man should assume that role even if the woman would have done better.

The true test for this was Q15, where respondents were asked about the political performance of women who have or had been or are in key political positions. The following table and chart present the responses.

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Table 15: Responses of respondents on performance of women in key political positions, in percentages.

No of Respondents 39 10 49

Responses True False GRAND TOTAL

Percentages 80% 20% 100%

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 Chart 15: Responses of respondents on performance of women in key political positions, in percentages.

90% 80%

80%

70%

Frequency

60% 50% 40% 30%

20%

20% 10% 0% True

False

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The overwhelming response in support of most women not failing when given key political positions shows to a large extent how the positive contribution of women to Nigerian politics has been kept at bay.

Q20 was further adopted to test the universality of women in politics and the following table and chart present the responses.

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Table 16: Responses of respondents on support for women in politics universally, in percentages.

No of Respondents 39 8 47

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

Percentages 83% 17% 100%

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 Chart 16: Responses of respondents on support for women in politics universally, in percentages.

90%

83%

80% 70%

Frequency

60% 50% 40% 30% 17%

20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 This further shows a growing support for women in politics, which should not only be theorized, but practicalized.

Research Question 3: The challenges posed by gender inequality to sustainability of democracy in Nigeria.

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In answering research question 3, Q16, Q17, and Q21 where adopted. The following table and chart present the responses.

Table 17: Responses of respondents on standing for gender equality in Nigerian politics, in percentages.

No of Respondents 42 5 47

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

Percentages 89% 11% 100%

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 Chart 17: Responses of respondents on standing for gender equality in Nigerian politics, in percentages.

100% 90%

89%

80%

Frequency

70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20%

11%

10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The first thing to test for here, is if gender equality is something that can be stood for in Nigerian politics. The overwhelming majority responded in favor of this, therefore this does not stand as a challenge.

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Table 18: Responses of respondents on reasons why to stand for gender equality.

Q17 Why do you think gender equality is something that needs to be stand for in Nigerian politics?

Student

There is no sense in gender equality men are the only ones who should lead The economy and democracy of the Nation will be better There will be more peace and tranquillity Corruption will end Corruption will be more intense

Worker

Female

Male

1 3

2 1

2 2

1 2

5 4 2 4

19 5 3 2

15 5 3 5

9 4 2 1

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The all-encompassing reason why gender equality should be seen as reasonable to be stand for in Nigerian politics is the fact that women are also capable of doing the things that men do in the arena of politics.

It is incumbent to note that this research study has centered on the liberation of women to participate freely in lawful undertakings and be given their full rights if they are successful rather than be compressed and overpowered by the sheer force of the masculine gender.

In any case however, it is important to listen to the voices of the people where they are most capable of showcasing where their most pressing issues radiate from. This research study has therefore taken time to investigate in the people’s view why gender equality should be stand for in Nigerian politics.

The responses of the respondents gave a good insight in relation to the reasons why they stand for the cause of gender equality gaining more grounds in Nigerian politics.

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Chart 18: Responses of respondents on reasons for standing for gender equality in Nigerian politics.

20

19

18

16

15

14

Frequency

12

10

9

8

6

5 4

4

2

5

5

5 4

4

3 2 1

3

2

2 1

2

2

3 2

1

2 1

0 There is no sense in gender equality

men are the only ones who should lead Student

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 53 | P a g e

The economy and There will be more Corruption will end democracy of the peace and tranquility Nation will be better Worker

Female

Male

Corruption will be more intense

However, responses to Q17 indicate that 48 respondents representing 96% believe gender equality when stood for will promote a better economy and the democracy of the Nation will be better. While 18 respondents representing 36% believe there will be more peace and tranquility. Interpreting these means that if gender equality is not stood for, part of the challenges to a sustainable democracy in Nigeria will be challenges of a poor economy and a miserable democracy; and of course, challenges with peace and tranquility, which are evident with the current growing insecurity and shrinking economy of the country. Q21 further established other elemental challenges of a sustainable democracy in Nigeria in relation to gender equality. The following table and chart present the responses.

Table 19: Responses of respondents to the challenges of gender equality.

Q21 What do you think are the challenges gender equality is facing in Nasarawa State?

Student

Illiteracy Religion Culture Tradition Society Ignorance Double Standards Poverty Wealth Others

Worker 1 10 1 2 0 0 1 4 0 1

Female 8 12 6 5 7 7 1 8 1 0

Male 3 13 2 2 2 0 1 9 0 1

6 9 5 5 5 7 1 3 1 0

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The challenges of gender equality as depicted by this research study, echoes the voices of several many, and is therefore important to give it a listening ear.

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14

Chart 19: Responses of respondents to the challenges of gender equality.

13 12

12

10

10

Frequency

9

9

8

8

8 7 6

6

7

7

6 5

5

5

5 4

4 3

3 2

2 1

2

2

2

1

1 1 1 1 0

0 Illetracy

Religion

Culture

Tradition Student

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 55 | P a g e

Worker

0

Society Female

1

0

Ignorance Male

0 Double Standards

Poverty

1 0

Wealth

1

1 0 Others

0

44 respondents representing 88% believe religious intolerance is a challenge posed by gender inequality to sustainable democracy in Nigeria, 24 respondents representing 48% agree that poverty is inclusive, and 18 respondents representing 36% believe that illiteracy is inclusive.

Research Question 4: What are the ways to entrenched gender equality in Nigerian politics?

Q18, Q19, Q22, Q23 and Q24 were utilized by the researcher to answer research question 4. Q18, and Q19, were asked to check the level of faith placed in women where political undertakings are concerned. The following table and chart present the responses.

Table 20: Responses of respondents on voting a woman in as president, in percentages.

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 34 15 49

Percentages 69% 31% 100%

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 An overwhelming majority answered in the affirmative to voting a woman in as president. The few respondents that negated that notion are insignificant enough to depict that it is an insensitive few that have created the undesirable notion that speaks on the fact that not all humans are equal.

This equality being spoken about of course refers to the disparity that exists between major actors in the arena of politics.

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Chart 20: Responses of respondents on voting a woman in as president, in percentages.

80% 70%

69%

Frequency

60% 50% 40% 31%

30% 20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

Table 21: Responses of respondents on the fitness of a woman to hold political office, in percentages.

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 40 9 49

Percentages 82% 18% 100%

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The table shows again an overwhelming majority that accepts women as fit for political office. This is significant in the sense that there are other questions that were answered in support to this.

This clearly shows that it is only a few of the people, with reference to Nigeria that are responsible for the sidelining of women in politics.

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Chart 21: Responses of respondents on the fitness of a woman to hold political office, in percentages.

90%

82%

80% 70%

Frequency

60% 50% 40% 30% 18%

20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 Table 22: Responses of respondents on voting a woman for governor in Nasarawa State, in percentages.

Responses Yes No GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 38 11 49

Percentages 78% 22% 100%

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 It is important to note that the pattern created here in trying to identify the faith placed in women in the arena of politics and governance is a positive pattern.

Again, the table shows that an overwhelming majority have faith in the governance and political ability of women against the insignificant few that have remained a great challenge to gender equality in Nigerian Politics.

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Chart 22: Responses of respondents on voting a woman for governor in Nasarawa State, in percentages.

90% 80%

78%

70%

Frequency

60% 50% 40% 30%

22%

20% 10% 0% Yes

No

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 All these responses show to a significant level, that there is a lot of faith placed in women in the political sphere. This is one way of entrenching gender equality in Nigerian politics. Q23, attempts to justify the inclusion of women in Nigerian politics through the weight of the advantages and disadvantages therein. The following table and chart present the responses.

Table 23: Responses of respondents on the advantages and disadvantages of women in politics, in percentages.

Responses Advantage Disadvantage GRAND TOTAL

No of Respondents 20 28 48

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 59 | P a g e

Percentages 42% 58% 100%

Looking at the table above, it is quite evident to see that the margin is not high between those who accepted that there are advantages to women in politics against those who accepted it as a disadvantage.

Chart 23: Responses of respondents on the advantages and disadvantages of women in politics, in percentages.

70% 58%

60% 50%

Frequency

42% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Advantage

Disadvantage

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The respondents believe that there is a significant disadvantage to having women in politics, which is a direct contradiction to the faith earlier placed in women in relation to political undertakings. In attempting to find out how this can be addressed, Q24 was used, and the table and chart below show the responses.

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Table 24: Responses of respondents on the solutions for entrenching gender equality in Nigerian politics.

Q24 If it is (D) - disadvantages that you selected, what are the solutions for entrenching gender equality in Nigerian politics?

Student

Overlook Culture Overlook Religion Overlook Tradition Reorient Society Invest more in education Empower women Be more understanding as men Review our constitution especially where women are concerned

0 4 1 0 0 3 0 3

Worker Female Male 4 5 3 3 4 5 1 2

1 6 1 0 1 4 0 2

3 3 3 3 3 4 1 3

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021 The table above shows the quarters from which these insignificant few stems from.

Most of the issues as seen directly from the table alone basis on religious extremism and the refusal to see women as people who can be empowered.

Against the backdrop of current trends and what is currently obtainable, where women have displayed a key characteristic in economic management, from the home front and the ability to coordinate and organize even more than men can.

What people fail to understand is that religion goes along with the times, in the sense that the times do not change religion, but religion already has taken into consideration the times and has depicted in the Holy books how pressing issues of the current times can be adequately and appropriately handled.

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7

Chart 24: Responses of respondents on the solutions for entrenching gender equality in Nigerian politics.

6

6

5

Frequency

5

4

4

5

4

3

3

4

3

3

3

3

4 4

3

3

3

3

2 2

2

1

1

0

1

1

0 Overlook Culture Overlook Religion

Source: Personal Study Insight (Data Analysis), 2021

1

0 Overlook Tradition

Student

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3

0

Reorient Society

Worker

Female

1

0 Invest more in education

Male

0 Empower women

1

0

Be more Review our understanding as constitution men especially where women are concerned

From the responses of the respondents, 18 respondents representing 36% believe religious constraints should be overlooked, and 16 respondents representing 32% believe women should be empowered. These therefore clearly shows from the study’s findings that when religion is overlooked for the empowerment of women, the gender equality in Nigerian politics can be more entrenched.

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CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.1 Summary The underrepresentation of women has become a growing spate in Nigerian politics (WIKIPEDIA, 2020). This has raised concerns over the exhibition of a gender bias which basis on socio-economic and political differences between men and women (Anikweze and Agu, 2019). Against several quarters in the international front (npr, 2020) that sees all humans having the freedom and right to develop their personal abilities and make relative choices in society without any limitations whatsoever (Anikweze and Agu, 2019), Nigeria has indeed become a sharp contrast. Using Nasarawa state as a periscope, the following research questions needed to be investigated and clarified.

1. What factors account for gender inequality in Nigerian politics?

2. In what ways has gender inequality impacted Nigerian politics?

3. What are the challenges posed by gender inequality to sustain democracy in Nigeria?

4. What are the ways to entrench gender equality in Nigerian politics?

This research investigation confirmed that there are several factors accounting for the current gender bias in Nigerian politics, it “unmasks political representation of Nigerian women and the factors that constrain women’s active political representation or participation” (Ekpenyong, Ibiam and Agha, 2015:2).

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The study further unmasks a strategy which is “within the confines of “Political Sociology” and “Development Sociology”, the affirmative action is an all-embracing strategy of improving the conditions of women” (Ekpenyong, Ibiam and Agha, 2015:7).

Answering the first research question revealed the awareness of gender, gender equality and inequality of the sample population to be high – an all-important factor in the research (McKay, 2002), and in essence showed that gender inequality issues existed in Nasarawa state, Nigeria. It was revealed that women needed a fair representation in politics. Factors accounting for their unfair representation included male and female oriented factors that included the domineering, controlling and muscle-based nature of men, and the misunderstanding, wifely and motherly roles of women. In addition, it was revealed that psychological imbalance contributed to the nature of gender inequality in Nasarawa state.

In answering research question two, it was confirmed that men and women shy away from doing work suited for the opposite sex even if it is an area where they have comparative advantage. The side effect especially on gender inequality issues has been the fact that the positive contribution of women to Nigerian politics has been kept at bay (Idike et al, 2020). This was contrasted by the embracing of women in political positions from a universal perspective.

Answering research question three unveiled some troubling facts about sustainability of democracy in Nigeria. Even though gender equality was strongly advocated for, but as premised by Idike et al (2020); genuine sustainability can only be possible where women 65 | P a g e

are mainstreamed in all political developmental structures and processes. Without these, it was unmasked that the economy and democracy of Nigeria will remain in a shambled state, without peace and tranquility. A key example can be cited from the Myanmar incidence of 2021. In addition, a major contributive challenge is believed to be religious intolerance and illiteracy.

Research question four was answered thereby unveiling a great level of faith placed in the competence of women in political positions. This confirms Idike et al’s (2020) submission. However, in contrast another significant level of submission showed that the disadvantages of women in politics are higher than its advantages. Nonetheless, this gave rise to suggested key solutions on how gender equality can be well entrenched in Nigerian politics. These key solutions were revealed to be: 1. Overlooking religious constraints/limitations; and 2. The empowerment of women.

5.2 Conclusion Overlooking the key findings of this research study is like not heeding the call to transformation. In conclusion, this research study has brought out some of the key elements that can help government take the efforts of a sustainable democracy in Nigeria to the next level. There should be no bias in discussing and practicalizing the suggested solutions this research study has unveiled. It is important to keep in mind the premise by Idike et al (2020) that genuine sustainability can only be possible where women are mainstreamed in all political developmental structures and processes.

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5.3 Recommendations The United States of America is a nation whose federalism Nigeria has tried to emulate to the letter over decades. That we can have a female as the very first Vice President of the United States is a great breakthrough for women universally inclusive of Nigeria. in many scenarios, women who tried to ascend to the levels of president of a country have been brought down in the most dramatic ways. Examples include Hilary Clinton who ran against Donald Trump in 2017 in the U.S and in Nigeria Obi Ezekwesili and Sarah Jibrin who ran at different times but never got past the primaries stage. The argument here is that the men suppressed them on the premise that this is a man’s world. This study has made clear that for our democracy to thrive in Nigeria the women must be given a chance. Therefore, the recommendation is that following the example of the U.S in allowing and advocating for the right to participation and dignity of women, Nigeria should emulate this properly and to the letter not just in parts.

5.4 Suggestions for Further Research Nasarawa State is one out of the 36 States of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This study focused only on Nasarawa State, and therefore it is possible that other factors as peculiar to other states in the country may not have been properly captured and may have eluded the researcher. Taking a deeper look where more time and other resources are adequately available will elicit the truest and best factors responsible for issues on gender equality. Further research can therefore focus on covering all the states of the federation.

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5.5 Policy Implications The research study as expected has unveiled key factors that account for gender inequality in Nasarawa state and how gender equality can be entrenched in the politics of Nigeria. it is believed that this can serve as a manual for the government and other institutional and organizational bodies on how to utilize the physiological and logical strength of a woman that is more laden with multitasking, emotional will power, influential control especially in the home front and the motherly nature of mother nature for the sake of democracy in Nigeria. It is time to end the muscle mania and dominating control of men, who feel political undertakings are strictly in the purview of a man’s world.

This template is one that will serve over time and must not be

overlooked but keyed into so that Nigeria will be rightfully seen as a country where the dignity and respect for woman intuition is as of a developed and democratically infused nation.

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KEY TO QUESTIONNAIRE – (APPENDIX II)

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RAW DATA AS ENTERED INTO EXCEL (APPENDIX III)

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