BA(Hons) Architecture Dissertation | Newcastle University (2019-20) | Olyvia Tam

OLYVIA

香 港 多 元 性 格 的 育 成

RECREATIONAL

CLUBS

JING

TAM

SHAPING HONG K O N G ‘S HYBRID IDENTITY

2

CLUBS RECREATIONAL

香 港 多 元 性 格 的 育 成

SHAPING HONG K O N G ‘S HYBRID IDENTITY

BA

ARCHITECTURE

NEWCASTLE JING

OLYVIA

DISSERTATION

UNIVERSITY TAM

170244440

3

4

ABSTRACT

The British colonization of Hong Kong played a huge role in shaping Hong Kong’s history and cultural identity. During this period, the British established various recreational clubs that hugely contributed to the city’s hybrid identity, the conflicting relationship between the British and Chinese, and changed the ways the two races interacted with each other. Little research has been done to study the effects these clubs had on the people and society, but they are often perceived to flaunt wealth and elitism of the British, and consequently, to oppress the Chinese. This dissertation uses four recreational clubs – The Hong Kong Club, The Helena May, Young Men’s Christian Association, and The Hong Kong Country Club – as case studies to test these perceptions, examining the extent to which clubs reinforce racial segregation and encourage prejudice against the local Chinese community.

This investigation reveals subtle features of both the physical geography and architecture of clubs which may promote racial discrimination, but conscious attempts by many to combat this by manipulating these characteristics to promote diversity in membership structures and social good. Through the architectural lens of recreational clubs, this exploration highlights that these clubs are integral in documenting not only the evolution of Hong Kong’s identity, but also its societal attitudes and principles.

5

TIMELINE

Figure 1: Timeline of Hong Kong’s history of colonization and recreational clubs

6

7

Abstract Timeline Acknowledgements List of Illustrations Abbreviations

5 6 9 15

Chapter 1: Introduction

17

CONTENTS

1.1 Research Intent and Background 1.2 Focus and Scope 1.3 Research Gap 1.4 Theoretical Framework 1.5 Methodology

8

18 19 19 20 23

Chapter 2: The gulf between races 2.1 British Governance: Ignorant or Incompetent?

2.2 Chinese Response: Reclusion and Resistance 2.3 An Anglo-Chinese Hybrid?

27 28 30 32

Chapter 3: Topography of the city and club locations 3.1 Residential Segregation: The Peak 3.2 Catering to the elite: The Helena May 3.3 Catering to amenities: The YMCA

35 38 40 44

Chapter 4: Architectural styles and patterns of occupation 4.1 The English Club or The Hong Kong Club?

4.2 Different Perspectives: The Helena May 4.3 A New Era: The Hong Kong Country Club

49 50 56 62

Chapter 5: Conclusion

69

Bibliography

72

Ethics form

76

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to take this opportunity thank my supervisor Juliet Odgers for the valuable guidance and discussions that were extended to me.

I would also like to acknowledge all the individuals for taking the time to participate in interviews that enriched the research of this dissertation: Mr. Peter Ho, CEO of the YMCA, council members of The Helena May, Dr. Jennifer Lang, architectural professor at The University of Hong Kong, and my mother, Patricia Whong.

I am also grateful to my parents for the continuous support throughout the process of researching and writing this dissertation, and for giving me the opportunity to pursue architecture at Newcastle University.

Last but not least, I would like to thank Robb, for his constant encouragement and patience, and for always believing in me.

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Figure 1: Timeline of Hong Kong’s history of colonization and recreational clubs By the author (2019) Figure 2: Mimicry diagram By the author (2019)

LIST

OF

ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 3: Cultural hybridity diagram By the author (2019)

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Figure 4: Comparison of surrounding landscapes between Tung Wah Hospital (left) and Supreme Court Building (right) By the author (2019) – traced from map found on Gwulo: Old Hong Kong [online].1957 map of Hong Kong and Kowloon. In Gwulo: Old Hong Kong [n.d.], <https://gwulo.com/atom/27270> [Accessed 06 October 2019] Figure 5: Sir David Tang Jermaine Francis [online]. Tracy Emin & Sir David Tang. In Jermaine Francis [n.d.], <http://jermainefrancis.co.uk/?portfolio=tracy-sir-david-tang> [Accessed 17 January 2020] Figure 6: 1914 map of Victoria Peak Gwulo: Old Hong Kong [online]. The Peak – Map 1924. In Gwulo: Old Hong Kong [n.d.], <https://gwulo.com/atom/13017> [Accessed 06 October 2019] Figure 7: British gentlemen leaving Matilda on a rickshaw pulled by Chinese runner Wright, Adam, ‘Incredible images of Hong Kong’s Victoria Peak from 19th century – sedan chairs, the Peak tram – in new book’, South China Morning Post, 8 April 2018, <https://www.scmp.com/culture/books/article/2140376/ incredible-images-hong-kongs-victoria-peak-19th-century-sedan-chairs> [Accessed 17 January 2020] Figure 8: Facade of THM Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006) Figure 9: Analysis of THM site By the author (2019) – photograph obtained from interviews with THM council members

Figure 10: The Peak tramline in proximity to the THM (to the right). Staircase connecting the tram to THM is shown.

The Hong Kong Heritage Project [online]. PEAK TRAMWAYS (1920S-1940S).

In The Hong Kong Heritage Project [n.d.],<https://www.hongkongheritage. org/Pages/picture_gallery.aspx?tCYWZd5WMuXL8amLiIZa+BqDjDiVXkvB0aqeoftAB2qU17xuwDI+rurJ24eunu2j> [Accessed 17 January 2020] Figure 11: May Road Station (named after Sir Henry May), 1942 The Hong Kong Heritage Project [online]. PEAK TRAMWAYS (1920S-1940S).

In The Hong Kong Heritage Project [n.d.],<https://www.hongkongheritage. org/Pages/picture_gallery.aspx?tCYWZd5WMuXL8amLiIZa+BqDjDiVXkvB0aqeoftAB2qU17xuwDI+rurJ24eunu2j> [Accessed 17 January 2020] Figure 12: Analysis of YMCA site - Salisbury Road By the author (2019) – traced from map found on Gwulo: Old Hong Kong [online].1957 map of Hong Kong and Kowloon. In Gwulo: Old Hong Kong [n.d.], <https://gwulo.com/atom/27270> [Accessed 06 October 2019] Figure 13: 1950 photograph of Victoria Harbour waterfront South China Morning Post, ‘Hong Kong Victoria Harbour in 120 years’, South China Morning Post, 27 June 2018, <https://www.scmp.com/photos/ hong-kong/2100430/hong-kong-victoria-harbour-120-years?page=5> [Accessed 17 January 2020] Figure 14: 1945 nolli map of HK island and Kowloon By the author (2019) – traced from map found on Gwulo: Old Hong Kong [online].1957 map of Hong Kong and Kowloon. In Gwulo: Old Hong Kong [n.d.], <https://gwulo.com/atom/27270> [Accessed 06 October 2019] Figure 15: Palmer and Turner’s second generation HKC building Time Out Hong Kong, ‘Hong Kong’s lost buildings’, Time Out Hong Kong, 23 January 2019, <https://www.timeout.com/hong-kong/attractions/hongkongs-lost-buildings> [Accessed 17 January 2020] Figure 16: Elevation drawing of the HKC’s facade – exhibits the grandeur of the symmetrical Greek columns and Roman arches England, Vaudine, Kindred Spirits: A History of the Hong Kong Club (Hong Kong: Royal Asiatic Society, 2017)

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Figure 17: Pall Mall’s library Robertson, John Martin, ‘The story of The Travellers Club, the oldest club on Pall Mall and a home-from-home for globetrotters for 200 years’, Country Life, 24 February, 2019, <https://www.countrylife.co.uk/architecture/ travellers-club-home-londons-globe-trotters-past-200-years-192719> [Accessed 12 December 2019] Figure 18: Pall Mall’s interior landings and corridors The Travellers Club [online]. ‘Architecture.’ In The Travellers Club [n.d.], <https://thetravellersclub.org.uk/architecture> [Accessed 12 December 2019] Figure 19: HKC’s Blue Room England, Vaudine, Kindred Spirits: A History of the Hong Kong Club (Hong Kong: Royal Asiatic Society, 2017) Figure 20: HKC’s Red Room England, Vaudine, Kindred Spirits: A History of the Hong Kong Club (Hong Kong: Royal Asiatic Society, 2017) Figure 21: HKC’s atrium England, Vaudine, Kindred Spirits: A History of the Hong Kong Club (Hong Kong: Royal Asiatic Society, 2017) Figure 22: Arches along HKC’s hallway England, Vaudine, Kindred Spirits: A History of the Hong Kong Club (Hong Kong: Royal Asiatic Society, 2017) Figure 23: Corinthian columns along THM’s facade Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006) Figure 24: Patio Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006) Figure 25: English library in the basement Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006)

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Figure 26: British motifs expressed through building gates Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006)

Figure 27: Plan of ground floor (1970s) Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006) Figure 28: Building gates 2 Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006) Figure 29: Arches incorporated in the loggias Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006) Figure 30: Chinese porcelain patterns incorporated in THM’s interior décor Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006) Figure 31: Interior columns Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006) Figure 32: Blue Room Morris, Esther, Helena May: The Person, The Place and 90 Years of History in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2006) Figure 33: Chinese rectangular motifs in room divider screens Pacific Rim Construction, ‘Refurbishment works completed at The Helena May Club’, Pacific Rim Construction, 27 June 2016, <https://www.prc-magazine.com/refurbishment-works-completed-at-the-helena-may-club/> [Accessed 17 October 2019] Figure 34: Chinese porcelain prints in the Blue Room Pacific Rim Construction, ‘Refurbishment works completed at The Helena May Club’, Pacific Rim Construction, 27 June 2016, <https://www.prc-magazine.com/refurbishment-works-completed-at-the-helena-may-club/> [Accessed 17 October 2019] Figure 35: Table displaying quota system for membership (The percentages in brackets represent some of the quota changes made in a 1962 general committee meeting.)

Heady, Sue, The Hong Kong Country Club: The First 30 Years (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Country Club, 1992) 13

Figure 36: HKCC’s main façade Heady, Sue, The Hong Kong Country Club: The First 30 Years (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Country Club, 1992) Figure 37: Lower ground floor plan Heady, Sue, The Hong Kong Country Club: The First 30 Years (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Country Club, 1992) Figure 38: Ground floor plan Heady, Sue, The Hong Kong Country Club: The First 30 Years (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Country Club, 1992) Figure 39: Feng Shui inspired arches Heady, Sue, The Hong Kong Country Club: The First 30 Years (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Country Club, 1992) Figure 40: Verandahs exhibiting the repeated Feng Shui inspired motif Heady, Sue, The Hong Kong Country Club: The First 30 Years (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Country Club, 1992) Figure 41: Patio exhibiting HKCC’s culturally neutral design Heady, Sue, The Hong Kong Country Club: The First 30 Years (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Country Club, 1992)

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ABBREVIATIONS

HK

Hong Kong

HKC

Hong Kong Club

HKCC

Hong Kong Country Club

HSBC

Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation

THM

The Helena May

TWHC

Tung Wah Hospital Committee

TTC

The Travellers Club

YMCA

Young Men’s Christian Association

YWCA

Young Women’s Christian Association 15

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1 CHAPTER

INTRODUCTION 17

1.1

RESEARCH INTENT & BACKGROUND

Mark, Hampton, Hong Kong and British Culture, 1945-97 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016) p. 76 1

Recreational clubs have been a long-standing symbol of the British colonization in Hong Kong (HK). Their presence is not only limited to HK and is a common occurrence in other British colonies - it is often said that setting up a club for recreation and sports is the first thing the British do upon colonizing a place.1 The British colonization of HK lasted between 1841 to 1941 and 1945 to 1997, where prevalent cultural and racial hierarchal issues arose and are still not resolved till this day.

Being born and raised in HK, as well as having received a British education, I have and still am experiencing this amalgamation of cultures. As HK can be considered a meeting point between Western and Eastern cultures, I feel that people in HK often struggle with finding an identity as HK is neither British nor Chinese. As seen from current protests, cultural identity is still a pervasive issue, despite the colonization being more than two decades ago.

These are the circumstances that led to my interest in exploring the effects of colonization through an architectural lens.

This dissertation seeks to explore HK’s cultural identity, more specifically the contrasting British and Chinese ideologies that make up the city’s melting pot of cultures. It aims to do so by examining the effects recreational clubs had on society, as they are a physical manifestation that links the two cultures. Prevalent racial hierarchy issues will be revealed through the exploration of these clubs, in turn depicting the race’s conflicting relationship.

The main research question that will be explored is: How do recreational clubs from the period of the British colonization articulate and accommodate practices of hierarchical racial segregation in Hong Kong? Throughout, the colonizer will be referred as the British, and the colonized being the Chinese. This exploration anchors itself in the social values promoted by recreational clubs and their significance to various communities in HK.

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1.2

FOCUS & SCOPE

The scope of this dissertation is to articulate the effects recreational clubs had on HK society, as well as to challenge the idea that these clubs always value wealth and the elite, contributing to racial segregation. These values will be studied through, at a larger scale, the topography of the city in relation to club locations; and at a smaller scale, the architecture and interior of the club buildings, looking specifically at how membership structures inform the functional space. These themes will seek to investigate if such values were intended for or an indirect result of other factors.

Four recreational clubs will be drawn upon as case studies: • The Hong Kong Club (HKC; 香港會) • The Helena May (THM; 梅夫人婦女會) • Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA; 香港基督教青年會) • The Hong Kong Country Club (HKCC; 香港鄉村俱樂部) These clubs were specifically chosen to illustrate various perspectives on their contribution to society. They all have different missions and ethoses that dictate how the institutions are run and what they stand for. Ultimately, they will evaluate whether the existence of recreational clubs encouraged racial segregation.

1.3

RESEARCH

GAP

There is a multitude of information related to British colonialism and British-Chinese interactions during the colonization rooted in a historical or social sciences context, but none specifically on the architecture or social value of recreational clubs. Where referenced, they have been a passing remark in publications related to the colonization, often aligning them with elitism. Where published, articles specialize in particular clubs, and are usually published by the institution themselves, allowing for potential bias.

This dissertation attempts to close this research gap by shedding light on the clubs’ symbolic meaning, their social value, and their influence on HK’s cultural identify, or lack thereof. By identifying the complexity of HK’s identity, I hope to highlight areas for future research.

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1.4

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Amardeep, Singh, ‘Mimicry and Hybridity in Plain English’, Amardeep Singh [online], 08 May 2009 <https://www.lehigh.edu/~amsp/2009/05/mimicry-and-hybridity-in-plain-english.html> [Accessed 27 October 2019] 2

Felipe, Hernández, Bhabha for Architects (Abington: Routledge, 2010) p.58-59 3

4

Ibid.

Esmaeil, Zohdi, ‘Lost-Identity; A Result of “Hybridity” and “Ambivalence” in Tayeb Salih’s Season of Migration to the North’, International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature, 7 (2018), 146-151 <DOI: 10.7575/ aiac.ijalel.v.7n.1p.146> [Accessed 26 October 2019] p.146 5

Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (Abingdon: Routledge, 1994) p.86 6

Hernández, p. 64

8

Zohdi, p.147

20

7

My arguments are informed by Homi K. Bhabha’s theories surrounding cultural hybridity, particularly mimicry and the ‘Third Space’. Cultural hybridity is defined as the merging of two cultures to make up a new identity, an idea predominantly applied to those exposed to Western colonization and have become torn between Eastern and Western cultures.2 Frequently perceived as negative, it results from a combination of elements that were once pure or original, hence society does not have the same regard for it as it would the ‘original’.3 However, Bhabha redefines the term as a process and the site of cultural productivity, referred to as the ‘Third Space’.

Mimicry refers to when colonized subjects imitate the colonizer’s way of life (their fashion, language, activities etc.) to reclaim authority.4 It occurs when a person is conflicted between two sets of cultural ideals, resulting in a tendency to suppress one’s original culture, subconsciously or not. The intense interaction with a foreign culture may leave one with no sense of identity, or may result in the development of a dissonant identity.5 Bhabha describes mimicry as ambivalent. He highlights that the aim of colonial mimicry is to create a class of people who are “almost the same, but not quite”.6 It ‘trains’ the colonized to develop a British way of life, yet also provides a constant reminder of their unachievable differences. Mimicry becomes ambivalent as Anglo-European knowledge becomes normalized when colonizers create doubles of themselves, threatening the uniqueness and superiority of their culture.7 Hence, whilst mimicry is used by colonizers to consolidate power, it also simultaneously undermines the status of their own culture. Mimicry, in this sense, is the process of creating a subject who does not quite belong to either culture, and hybridity is the result. The ‘Third Space’ is where the process of mimicry occurs. It is mimicry spatialized, the in-between, transitionary space where a colonized subject is wedged between two cultures, determining whether a merged, confused, or lost identity is formed.8

Figure 2: Mimicry diagram

21

Figure 3: Cultural hybridity diagram

9

Hernández, p.11

10

Ibid.

11

Bhabha, p.86

Lastly, Bhabha highlights that cultures cannot be thought as ‘homogenous totalities’.9 People in a culture are often grouped together to form a homogenous group that negates any inherent differences within the culture itself, such as, class, gender, and religion.10 The divisions within the Chinese community itself during colonization should not be overlooked. Explained in greater detail in chapter 2.3, subgroups of well-educated Chinese would elevate their social standing by distancing themselves from the local Chinese community to align with the British. Alongside subjugation by the British, it is likely that this internal separation led to further hatred for the British and intensified the racial gap. Being aware of this helps to prevent bias, emphasizing the varying opinions within the colonized community that could have contributed to the segregation, rather than simply placing blame on the colonizer.

Mimicry is paramount to HK’s cultural development as whilst sometimes confusing, the mixing of cultures allows for a constant rise of new ideas and practices. The colonization introduced new cultural influences and whilst many clashed with traditional Chinese principles, it contributed to HK’s identity. Resonating with Bhabha’s argument, the colonization created a class of people who were neither English nor Chinese – “almost the same, but not quite”.11 I will ultimately argue that HK recreational clubs are a manifestation of the ‘Third Space’, as the clubs were arguably one of the first places where British presence was formally established in the city.

The exclusivity of some clubs during the colonization framed the British as being a discrete class, which encouraged mimicry to prevail, as these clubs extended the figurative separation between the races to a literal one.

The physical barriers reinforced exclusivity and antagonized those Chinese wanting equality with the British, which consequently led to further mimicry. Thus, this dissertation will seek to explore HK’s identity by studying the effects of recreational clubs underpinned by Bhabha’s theories.

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1.5

METHODOLOGY

This dissertation will utilize primary and secondary research methods, including referencing existing publications, newspaper articles, journals, as well as on-site documentation and mapping, although it is noted that in some cases (such as THM) limited documentation is available as much was lost or ruined during the war.

In order to further understand the club sites and history, bespoke interviews were also conducted with the following stakeholders: • Mr. Peter Ho – CEO of YMCA • Council members of THM • Dr. Jennifer Lang – Architectural conservation and heritage profeseor at The University of Hong Kong and member of THM • Ms. Patricia Whong – Mother (firsthand, personal experiences of living in HK as a Chinese woman during colonization) The interview schedule revolved around four categories, specific to the themes explored: General questions: Mainly concerns the vision that underpins each club and how each club compares and differentiates itself from others in the city.

Site and topography: Investigates what each club’s site offers, why it was chosen, surrounding context, if the British held priority over land rights, and racial zoning laws.

Architectural styles: Focuses on distinctive features of the club buildings’ architecture, key ideas that drove the designs, economical and cultural influences, and whether evoking superiority and grandeur was a key objective.

Patterns of occupation: Explores how the interior spaces were arranged, any changes to the spaces and décor post colonization, functionality, and the correlation between spaces and membership structures.

Whilst few interviewees specialized in architectural styles and patterns of occupation, including these categories within the interview schedule allowed for an investigation into the beliefs of a diverse group of stakeholders. At their request, anonymity of council members of THM have been 23

maintained throughout, and as such recordings of these interviews are unavailable.

Whilst visiting the clubs, I documented information using photographs and sketches in an attempt to capture the atmosphere and character of each club however due to changes in clubs’ building and interior décor over time, as well as a lack of archival documentation from the clubs themselves, reliable first-hand information regarding architecture styles and décor of the original club buildings was sparse. Being on site also allowed me to interrogate what each club location offered – advantages and disadvantages of the site, transportation routes, surrounding buildings etc.

Historic maps of HK were studied and reinterpreted to highlight important aspects of HK’s topography and club locations. The clubs’ own publications were particularly useful as they provided photographs and technical drawings, which helped with analyzing the building’s architecture, the décor, and arrangement of interior spaces, although the possibility of bias was noted throughout.

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25

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2 CHAPTER

THE GULF RACES

BETWEEN 27

HK has always embodied a perplexing identity, as the mix of Western and Chinese ideas caused uncertainty as to what constitutes as HK culture, and what it means to be from HK. The ongoing conflicting relationship between the British and Chinese will be studied and introduced in this chapter, particularly the reasons for the races’ strong divide. This chapter will consider precipitating factors contributing to HK’s complex identity and the impact of British colonization on HK by considering two angles of the colonization: British intentions and methods used to govern the Chinese, and the Chinese response to this.

2.1

BRITISH GOVERNANCE: IGNORANT OR INCOMPETENT?

Elizabeth, Sinn, Power and Charity: The Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989) p.7 12

Munn, Christopher, Anglo China: Chinese People and British Rule in Hong Kong, 1841-1880 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009). p.3 13

Ibid. p.3

15

Ibid. p.2

16

Sinn, p.29

17

Ibid. p.23

18

Ibid. p.26

28

14

When dealing with issues of colonization, colonizers are often vilified without their intentions being fully understood. Thus, this sub-chapter will review the varying perspectives of different authors and historians to critically analyze British colonization to challenge this vilification, emphasizing the ‘segregate and control’ aspects of British policy, as well as ‘communicate and equalize’ tendencies of the British government. The aim of this review is to humanize the British, and to highlight that they had some good intentions despite being executed inadequately.

According to author Elizabeth Sinn, segregation was present throughout colonization in HK – it “was a tacitly agreed principle in the[ir] co-existence”.12 The driving force was the lack of understanding of the Chinese community, creating a communication gap which manifested in exceedingly harsh and dictatorial British policies towards the Chinese. Historian G.B Endacott refutes Sinn’s argument by stating that equality and non-racial discrimination were, in fact, encouraged through ‘indirect rule’ in the 1860s.13 Indirect rule refers to a less top-down form of government where British advisors indirectly rule the colony through local authorities.14 Sir John Bowring, fourth governor of HK, had ambitious plans to develop the city into a trade hub between the East and West, and most importantly, a “display case for the superior civilization to the west”, exhibiting the success of the British empire.15 In addition, he proposed to involve the Chinese in government work, as it was recorded that the local Chinese community had no representation on the Legislative council in 1850.16 However, no progress was made as the European community constantly questioned the Chinese’s ‘moral quality’.17 Governor William Robinson, who governed HK from 1891 to 1898, also acknowledged the lack of communication and attempted to reach out to the Chinese by publishing the Chinese Gazette to communicate the government’s policies and plans.18

It was intended to eradicate misunderstandings or preconceived misconceptions of the colonial government.19 Although apparent that Robinson tried to connect with the Chinese, Sinn reflects that Robinson failed to realize that the language barrier was not the sole impediment. Either he was ignorant of the local community’s management of Chinese internal affairs (further explained in chapter 2.2), or he overlooked their significance in bridging the two cultures.20

19

Sinn, p.29

20

Ibid. p.26

21

Ibid. p.117

22

Ibid.

23

Ibid.

The evolution of the role of the Registrar General, a position charged with managing records and mediating between the British and Chinese, also demonstrated disregard for the Chinese community. The 8th governor of HK, Sir John Pope Hennessy, diluted the position’s authority because of cost, distributing funds and duties to the police department, Harbour office, and the Treasury.21 Whilst some argue Hennessy was attempting to eliminate racial discrimination by removing this role (effectively uniting British and Chinese under one common governance structure),22 by diminishing its role as ‘Protector’, more power was given to the police and thus increasingly violent policies.23 It ultimately stripped the Chinese from having voice, inevitably heightening racial segregation.

24

Munn, p.3

25

Ibid.

26

Ibid. p.3-4

Although Robinson and Hennessy both attempted to reduce segregation, the approaches used expose their lack of care towards the Chinese community. Whilst both avoided overtly racist approaches, neither were willing to recognize existing channels of communication with the Chinese – Robinson was either oblivious or dismissive of the Chinese elite, and Hennessy reduced the protecting provided by the Registrar General. Subsequently, both passed well-intended but superficial policies to reduce segregation whilst having little impact, suggesting the possibility that such policies could have been about promoting their own public images.

With indirect ruling, government work is typically left to local authorities, promoting cohesion between colonizer and colonized. The British attempted this, but struggled to secure control over the Chinese population, and as such couldn’t display the colony as proof of British wealth or success.24 The resulting direct rule meant intrusive laws that aggressively dictated the lives of the Chinese, widening the gulf between the British and Chinese substantially. The Chinese were subjected to nightly curfews, police searches, and had to carry a lantern from eight to ten in the evening (Light and Pass Ordinance, 1888)25 – they “lived under a constantly changing, labyrinthine of intrusive regulatory laws and policing practice”.26 Under such harsh conditions, the Chinese began to resist the colonizer’s power, conflicts between the British and Chinese justice system arose and led to greater segregation of races.

29

2.2

27

Sinn, p.82

28

Ibid. p.82

CHINESE RESPONSE: RECLUSION AND RESISTANCE When faced with discrimination, it is only natural for the people of HK to look inwards, to seek refuge amongst themselves. This tendency can be observed through the way justice was dealt within the Chinese community and its clashes with the English Supreme Court.

Judiciary systems are tasked with directly imposing a culture’s morals and beliefs on the community. The division between the two justice systems was made blatantly clear both in ideology and geography. Following the decommissioning of the Registrar General role, the Chinese elite that Robinson failed to acknowledge, known as the Tung Wah Hospital Committee (TWHC), took over settling Chinese disputes.27 The TWHC was a necessary organization as British judiciary practice didn’t account for Chinese culture – there were no Chinese members or translators on the legislative council or supreme court.28 Loyalty from the Chinese community made the TWHC a significant part of society, despite it holding no legitimate authority. The close relationship between the TWHC and the Chinese community is also evident geographically (figure 4). The hospital building is situated within the dense urban landscape, whereas the supreme court building sits aside, next to the seafront and amongst other colonial buildings.

Figure 4: Comparison of surrounding landscapes between Tung Wah Hospital (left) and Supreme Court Building (right)

30

The Chinese looked towards the TWHC when disputes arose, as they often revolved around social practices and beliefs that the British were not accustomed to,29 and feared British law would not adequately handle it.

Thus, the committee enabled the Chinese to mete justice themselves, reclaiming their locus of control. For example, whilst the British “recognized all adults as free agents”, the Chinese believed in subservience regarding wives, concubines, and apprentices.30 From this, it can already be inferred that household cases would be viewed drastically different, and British law would inevitably take precedence.

Despite the lack of legitimate authority, the British were threatened by the loyalty the Chinese had for the TWHC, and the priority it was given by the local. “It would arbitrate and persuade where its influence and moral authority sufficed, and appeal to the state’s coercive power where it did not”.31 Although this may seem manipulative and disingenuous, the committee was of great significance as it was able to uphold Chinese principles, ultimately bringing dignity back to the Chinese community.32

29

Sinn. p.96

30

Ibid.

31

Ibid.

32

Sinn. p.120

Sarah, Lazarus, ‘When death came calling: how the plague swept through Hong Kong’, South China Morning Post, 21 June 2014, <https://www.scmp.com/ magazines/post-magazine/article/1535499/when-death-camecalling-plague-hong-kong> [accessed 14 November 2019] 33

34

Sinn, p.181

35

Ibid, p.183

Even with the existence of the TWHC, the Chinese still received backlash when the bubonic plague emerged in 1894. The plague originated in China and spread to HK, with most infected cases reported in Tai Ping Shan, where most Chinese resided in clustered houses with no ventilation nor sewage or draining systems.33 This created further division between British and Chinese, embellishing the “inferior” perception of the Chinese held by the British with one of illness and death. Under direct ruling, the Chinese were subjected to house inspections, expulsions, and cleansing, all in the name of anti-sanitary measures, despite some infections within the European community.34 The negative perceptions of the Chinese resulted in a group of well-educated, English speaking Chinese distancing themselves from the committee.35 This gave rise to mimicry, as the formation of this ‘elite’ Chinese group caused an internal division within the Chinese community, eventually shaping a confusing, hybrid identity somewhere between British and Chinese.

31

2.3

AN ANGLO-CHINESE HYBRID? Professor Mark Hampton coined the term ‘Chinese Britishness’ to describe the attitudes of this ‘superior’ Chinese group, saying “Hong Kong was a canvas on which particular British values were projected”,36 resonating strongly with Bhabha’s theory of mimicry.

Many Chinese were adamant in improving their social standing with the British and to further this end, many wealthier Chinese chose to give their children a British education. A prominent example, Sir David Tang, who founded the internationally known fashion and homeware brand Shanghai Tang, spoke both English and Chinese, and was one of few Chinese who advocated the improvement of British-Chinese relations. Although his British education provided him with British values and a distinct English accent, he did not “feel British in the slightest”.37 He attributed this to the never-ending separation between the races, embodying the hybrid identity previously discussed - “almost the same, but not quite”.38

Figure 5: Sir David Tang

36

Hampton, p.160

37

Ibid. p.164

Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (Abingdon: Routledge, 1994) p.86 38

Hampton, p.163

40

Ibid.

32

39

In contrast, some Chinese may have tried to ‘match up’ to the British due to Chinese chauvinistic values. Substantial research has highlighted the importance of Chinese pride and patriotism, challenging Fanon’s inferiority complex. British civil servant, Austin Coates, wrote that “A foreigner in China is inferior. He is inferior because more than 700,000,000 people all around him think so.”39 Similarly, scholar Joseph Agassi and philosopher I.C. Jarvie both stated that the Chinese believed that “simply having been born Chinese amounts to being inestimably superior to all other forms of life”.40 Hence, it can be speculated that the Chinese actively adopted British cultural values to simply make the point that they can, too, behave like ‘British gentlemen’. By assimilating aspects of British culture and language whilst maintaining their own Chinese identity, this group evidences their superiority to the British by demonstrating their ability to “have it all”. By being this hybrid group, the ‘superior’ Chinese, it allowed them to dissociate from the hospital committee and thereby the local Chinese community as a whole in order to rid themselves of the negative perceptions of the Chinese held by the British.

From the analysis of the two cultures and their dyadic responses, it emphasizes the complexity of identity in HK. The people of the city are wrapped up in the constant back and forth between two cultures, revealing the different layers that need dissecting in order to unpick what constitutes a HK identity.

33

34

3 CHAPTER

TOPOGRAPHY OF THE AND CLUB LOCATIONS

CITY

35

36

Government residences and quarters Hospitality and recreation Public services and education Religious Transport Figure 6: 1924 map of Victoria Peak

37

This chapter will discuss the location of recreational clubs in terms of the social topography of racial privilege and separation. As HK’s terrain consists of mountainous steep slopes, there is a distinct difference in land elevation heights. There is that implication in HK that higher land equates to better land: the population is less dense resulting in less air and noise pollution. This will be introduced through the elite residential sector, Victoria Peak, in the first half of this chapter. This idea of racial zoning will be studied and challenged through THM and YMCA, addressing why clubs were given their specific sites, site advantages and disadvantages, and the extent to which sites actively restrict Chinese access.

3.1

RESIDENTIAL THE PEAK

John M. Carroll, Edge of Empires: Chinese Elites and British Colonials in Hong Kong (London: Harvard University Press, 2005) p.90 41

42

Ibid.

43

Ibid.

44

Ibid.

Bryna, Goodman, and David S. G., Goodman, Twentieth-Century Colonialism and China: Localities, the everyday, and the world (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012) p. 82 45

J.E. Spencer, and W. L. Thomas, ‘The Hill Stations and Summer Resorts of the Orient’, Geographical Review, 38 (1948), 637-651. p.649 46

47

University of Toronto, ‘Collection Highlight: The China Mail’, Richard Charles Lee Canada-Hong Kong Library, <https://hongkong. library.utoronto.ca/event/collection-highlight-china-mail-%E5%B E%B7%E8%87%A3%E8%A5%B F%E5%A0%B1> [accessed 18 November 2019]

38

Victoria Peak (太平山) was the most blatant manifestation of racial segregation during colonization. It was a hill station and exclusively British residential district, its identity reinforced by English houses, villas, hotels, churches etc.41 (see figure 6) With the exception of Chinese servants and staff, no Chinese were permitted residence at the Peak.42 This segregation was enacted by the Hill District Reservation Ordinance (山頂區保留條例) in 1904, and the Peak District (Residence) Ordinance in 1918.43 These zoning laws were justified through the bubonic plague mentioned previously – it was a way to isolate the ‘infected’ (Chinese) from the British, who it was believed would “lose their health, energy and cultural orientations if they remained in the tropics for too long”.44 By withdrawing to the Peak, not only did they retain a sense of community and colonial prestige in a foreign environment, it also helped to combat heat, humidity, and diseases such as cholera and malaria, which occurred less frequently on higher elevations.45 As such, it was seen that Chinese residence on the Peak would cause both direct (exposure to infection) and indirect (impetus to move) threats to British wellbeing.

Ibid. p.650

48

49

SEGREGATION:

Goodman, and Goodman, p. 81

The idea of hill stations combating the ills of living in a semi-tropical climate had not existed prior to the British colonization.46 It is important to note that simply because the locals were adapted to the climate, they were not immune to the humidity, heat, or diseases.47 Yet segregation laws overlook this and tacitly relay that British lives were more valuable. As the China Mail, an English newspaper owned by Scotsman Andrew Dixon who advocated Chinese rights,48 observes, “the Peak looks down on everything and everybody”.49 Residing at the Peak became symbolic of elitism, as residents could afford distance from the overcrowded city. The fact that the Peak exists denotes clear fortification of segregation in HK through zoning. This led me to wonder if there was a similar pattern in club locations – if they were given ‘prime’ locations solely because they were British institutions.

Figure 7: British gentlemen leaving Matilda on a rickshaw pulled by Chinese runner

39

3.2

CATERING TO THE THE HELENA MAY

Helena May Institute, By-laws and short history of The Helena May Institute (Hong Kong: Ye Olde Printerie, Ltd., 1963) p. 10 50

51

Ibid.

ELITE:

One club situated near the Peak is THM, a club for British expatriate women working in HK. It was founded in 1914 by Lady May, wife of Governor Sir Henry May (governed HK from 1912 – 1918), who was concerned by women’s working conditions in the city.50 Having a good address was crucial for employment, and with financial help from Mr. Ellis Kadoorie, they were able to establish a safe, reputable, and affordable home for working girls prior to marriage.51 Thus, club members were not necessarily wealthy and THM was not branded an exclusive nor elite club. As THM aimed to provide for British expatriates, Chinese women were not accepted until post Japanese occupation. As such, THM did somewhat discriminate against the Chinese through membership, however this chapter explores whether its location had a more nuanced approach in excluding Chinese members.

Figure 8: Facade of THM

40

In interview, THM council members described originally having several site options, but many were deemed either too busy due to proximity to office buildings, or being too steep a hill.52 Garden Road (花園道) in Central district was eventually selected as it was far enough from the business district yet still accessible. It was also proximate to St. John and St. Joseph Churches, the residences of the Hongkong Bank’s manager and assistant manager, and importantly, the bottom of the Peak tram (figure 9), making it extremely convenient for members who lived on the Peak.53 This was significant because although the primary purpose was to provide lodgings for expatriate women, the club also had dining and lounge facilities and a membership that went beyond the residents. To further cater to the Peak elite, the club had a staircase at the rear of the building that visitors could immediately access upon alighting the tram.54 (figure 10) As stated by Nan Severn, the wife of a colonial secretary, “They like Peak people to use it as much as possible, as the more we use it, the more popular it is with other kinds of people”55 – ‘other kinds of people’ referring to big names such as wives of governors and secretaries who contributed to THM’s success.

The significance membership from ‘Peak people’ is reinforced by the fact that the May family themselves resided at Mountain Lodge (1910-1920),56 a summer residence for British governors at the Peak’s summit. Although the club’s mission did not concern providing for the elite, it acknowledged the benefits of having wealthy members. Importantly however, as the site was at the bottom of the tramline and not within the boundaries of the Peak, racial restrictions of the zoning laws did not apply, explaining the later acceptance of Chinese women. Nevertheless, its proximity to the tramline promoted popularity amongst the Peak’s residents, allowing the club to further integrate into the social structures of elite colonial power and indirectly promoting racial segregation in the city.

Figure 9: Analysis of THM site The Helena May Council Members, Interview with Helena May Council Members (interviewed by Jing Olyvia Tam) (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2019) 52

53

Ibid.

54

Ibid.

Heaver, Stuart, ‘The Helena May turns 100: how an exclusive women’s club earned its place in Hong Kong’s history’, South China Morning Post, 20 February 2016, <https://www.scmp. com/magazines/post-magazine/ article/1913888/helena-may-turns100-how-exclusive-womens-clubearned-its> [accessed 10 October 2019] 55

Vaudine, England, The Quest of Noel Croucher: Hong Kong’s Quiet Philanthropist (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1998) p.100 56

41

57

THM council members

58

Ibid.

59

Helena May Institute, p.10

Figure 10: The Peak tramline in proximity to the THM (to the right).

Staircase connecting the tram to THM is shown.

42

Lastly, since THM was founded by Lady May, her acquisition of the land should also be considered. The site was originally auctioned off to raise money for the colony,57 which implies an indirect bias to foreign bidders, as they possessed the majority of wealth in HK. The site was priced at $4495, a substantial sum at the time.58 Since Kadoorie offered Lady May $150,000 for establishing any institution bearing her name, provided that a similar amount of money could be gained in two years’ time, they were able to afford the site.59 This suggests that, in the case of THM, there may be some evidence of indirect racial bias (given the distribution of wealth).

It can be inferred that Lady May’s prestigious reputation was the primary factor to obtaining this exceptional location.

The analysis of THM’s site and its acquisition reveals a degree of unintentional segregation of the Chinese. Being outside Peak boundaries relieved THM of zoning laws’ physical restrictions, yet its proximity to the Peak tramline revealed its desire to attract influential women. Lady May’s direct involvement allowed the club to effortlessly acquire a location that allows THM to serve and gain from the Peak. Hence, although THM’s location did not overtly discriminate against the Chinese, it did so through seeking association with the Peak, purposed to separate the races.

Figure 11: May Road Station (named after Sir Henry May), 1942

43

3.3

CATERING TO THE YMCA

Peter Ho (CEO of Young Men’s Christian Association), Interview with Peter Ho (interviewed by Jing Olyvia Tam) (Hong Kong: The Yong Men’s Christian Association, 2019) 60

61

Ibid.

Gwulo: Old Hong Kong [online].

Tst YMCA opened. In Gwulo: Old Hong Kong [n.d.], <https://gwulo. com/atom/27270> [Accessed 09 October 2019] 62

Figure 12: Analysis of YMCA site Salisbury Road

44

AMENITIES:

The YMCA appears to be a club that challenges racial zoning, as there are various reasons for its location at Salisbury Road, Tsim Sha Tsui. Akin to THM, YMCA was intended to provide hospitality to young men, predominantly military men based in barracks nearby. Mr. Peter Ho, current CEO of YMCA, highlighted that YMCA has never restricted membership by race, but required members to speak fluent English.60 This requirement, alongside the constant presence of British military men portraying YMCA as a British-only association, drove the Chinese away.61 The similarity in ethos between YMCA and THM can be attributed to the founders, as Sir Henry May took part in establishing the former in 1901. Unlike THM, this plot of land, along with many other sites, were offered by the government due to May’s involvement.62 With financial motivations removed, the choice of site is arguably associated with other factors, such as transport and scenery.

A likely reason for its location was due to excellent transport links. Salisbury Road directly faces HK’s Victoria Harbour (維多利亞港), which played a huge role in the area. Known for its deep waters and proximity to the South China Sea, it was the perfect trade hub. The Chinese saying, “水深港阔” (deep waters, wide harbour) adequately summarizes its distinctive features.

As the waters’ depth allowed large cruise and trading ships access to the

harbour,63 the ocean terminal “Kowloon Wharf” (九龍倉集團), a vital drop off and pick up point, became a major area of intersection. Ships were also crucial as overseas transport due to the lack of airplanes,64 contributing to the harbour’s significance. The site was also next to the local train terminal, “Kowloon Canton Railway” (九廣鐵路).65 As YMCA’s purpose was to provide hospitality services, not only did it need proximity to military barracks, but also to multiple means of access. As seen in figure 12, the Whitfield barracks were situated nearby and soldiers from Shek Kong barracks would often travel by train to stay at YMCA,66 emphasizing transportation as a dominant factor on site.

YMCA’s surrounding buildings were also a defining aspect of the site, namely the Peninsula Hotel. YMCA had the privilege of sharing the same view of the Victoria Harbour as the five-star hotel, which was and still is amongst the most expensive hotels in the world.67 By sharing the same harbour view, transportation network, and metropolitan environment and atmosphere, the location of the YMCA demonstrates its importance to the city and people.

Figure 13: 1950 photograph of Victoria Harbour waterfront

Patricia Whong (Mother), Interview with Patricia Whong (interviewed by Jing Olyvia Tam) (Hong Kong: N/A, 2019) 63

64

Ibid.

Peter Ho (CEO of Young Men’s Christian Association) 65

66

Ibid.

67

Patricia Whong (Mother)

The YMCA had a prime location due to convenient transport links and having the same amenities as the Peninsula. Like THM, the zoning appears more related to the importance of founding members than to racial hierarchy. The location was not prohibited to the Chinese – the convenient transport links make it even more accessible to the Chinese public. In this sense, YMCA could arguably be inclusive of the Chinese as its site does not even hint at segregation. It was somewhat exclusive in its membership requirement, but inclusive in its location. The site was considered the best for its purpose, without consideration to the perceived superiority of the Peak. Thus, YMCA challenges the notion that club locations were chosen or given according to race, but rather stemming from the luxuries the site was able to offer.

45

Figure 14: 1945 nolli map of HK island and Kowloon

46

47

48

4 CHAPTER

ARCHITECTURAL STYLES AND PATTERNS OF OCCUPATION 49

This final chapter studies patterns of occupation in relation to membership. It introduces racial issues surrounding membership structures and discusses how these influenced the activities supported by the clubs and the spaces provided. Three clubs will be referenced to articulate different arguments: Hong Kong Club (HKC) to reflect common stereotypes regarding exclusively British members, THM to examine Chinese attitudes towards these clubs, and Hong Kong Country Club (HKCC) to introduce a new club typology that contradicted the norm. Investigating membership structures allows greater scrutiny of how and why the interior spaces were designed the way they were, leading to conclusions concerning whether clubs had an active role in segregation.

4.1

THE ENGLISH CLUB OR THE HONG KONG CLUB?

69

Hampton, p.76

70

Ibid.

Vaudine, England, Kindred Spirits: A History of the Hong Kong Club (Hong Kong: Royal Asiatic Society, 2017) p.8 71

Figure 15: Palmer and Turner’s second generation HKC building

50

One of the most exclusive gentlemen club in HK is the HKC. Founded in 1846, it was the first club built, and consequently set the tone for all future clubs. HKC essentially served as a ‘home away from home’ for the British and promoted the image of British gentlemen and their prestigious status.

Professor Amy Milne-Smith emphasizes this by stating that clubs were a male space that served the purpose of affirming status.69 This is furthered by the June 1997 issue of the Hong Kong Tatler, which states that “wherever Englishmen gathered together, they were sure to form a club.”70 HKC was known for being exclusive to high ranking British men – government officials, traders, and professionals. Whilst Chinese members were admitted post-war, the club had a reputation as snobbish and arrogant for banning the Chinese in order to retain the elite social structure of the British community– “some chroniclers have wrongly called it the English Club to reflect assumptions about membership”.71

HKC has been housed in three premises, built by George Strachan (1846),72 Palmer and Turner (1897), and Harry Seilder (1980) respectively.73 As the most recognizable and longstanding base, this dissertation will focus on the second-generation building.

Figure 16: Elevation drawing of the HKC’s facade – exhibits the grandeur of the symmetrical Greek columns and Roman arches

With exclusively British members, the spaces were only designed for British activities, including a bowling alley, cards room, library, and billiard room.

The architecture of the building and its interior adopted a Greek Revival Style following Strachan’s first-generation building design.74 Photographs of the Blue Room, atrium, and hallway show the incorporation of classical Roman arches, a typical symbol of success and magnificence in European cultures, along with perfectly uniform Ionic and Corinthian columns. The repetitive and symmetrical nature of the interior emphasizes the Greek order that the building embraces. The appearance of the pillars reinforces the upper-class image portrayed by the club. This is certainly so in the minds of some club members as seen from the 1982 issue of HKC’s magazine, the pillars of the main entrance “seemed to close ranks behind us, their pitted faces giving an impression of strength and reliability and seeming to invite those who belonged to enter in the knowledge that the door was well guarded”.75 This architectural style adopted helped to portray the HKC as though it was a safe haven, from the ‘horrors’ of the outside world.

72

England, Kindred Spirits: A History of the Hong Kong Club, p.5 Cement and Concrete Association of Australia, ‘Hong Kong Club’, Constructional Review, 2 (1981), 12-19. p.12 73

74

Ibid. p.5

75

Hampton, p.77

51

The Travellers Club [online]. Architecture. In The Travellers Club [n.d.], <https://thetravellersclub. org.uk/architecture> [Accessed 12 December 2019] 76

John Martin, Robertson, ‘The story of The Travellers Club, the oldest club on Pall Mall and a home-fromhome for globetrotters for 200 years’, Country Life, 24 February, 2019, <https://www.countrylife. co.uk/architecture/travellers-clubhome-londons-globe-trotters-past200-years-192719> [Accessed 12 December 2019] 77

Figure 17: Pall Mall’s library Figure 18: Pall Mall’s interior landings and corridors

52

The home-from-home atmosphere is also conveyed in striking architectural similarities with London’s Gentlemen clubs, such as The Travellers Club (TTC) in Pall Mall. Designed by Sir Charles Barry in 1832,76 TTC also adopts the same Grecian Palladian style, reflected in both the arches and pillars, and through internal courtyards formed by the arrangement of arcade-like landings and corridors,77 visible in figures 17 and 21. This allowed greater incorporation of daylight, coming from skylights or the roman windows along their façades.

Comparisons between TTC and HKC can also be drawn from finer details.

Both clubs incorporate velvet and leather textures through sofas and armchairs, along with traditional British patterns decorating the walls of the Red Room in HKC and the library in TTC. The walls in HKC also have a similar pastel-like colour scheme as the TTC. Even from the rectangular dining tables in HKC – Chinese dining tables are circular to symbolize family and wholeness – it implies the overtly British character of the club. Given the interior similarities, one could not discern that the HKC building was situated in HK, emphasizing the manifestation of British presence in HK through these clubs.

Figure 19: HKC’s Blue Room

Figure 20: HKC’s Red Room

Figure 21: HKC’s atrium

53

Figure 22: Arches along HKC’s hallway

54

With traditionally British activities that the spaces were designed for, the Chinese inevitably felt rejected. Although Chinese members were accepted from the late 1970s, the club’s over-emphasized British way of life still maintained a sense of disparity between members. The club’s presence allowed the British to audaciously parade their culture in the city. Despite resistance from British members, Governor Sir Cecil Clementi, from 1925 to 1930, advocated cultural integration by attending mixed-race events, appointing the first Chinese to the executive council, being fluent in Cantonese, and attempting to end HKC prohibition on Chinese membership.78 To some extent, Clementi’s efforts prevailed, as the club’s British elitism appeared to diminish:

“Hong Kong had come of age in 1925: it was no longer simply a con

geries of various groups, composed of acquisitive, rootless, transient

individuals, but was beginning to coalesce into a community and, if all

racial divisions are included, into a plural society, its members bound

together, as it were, in a network of contractual arrangements. It had

begun to acquire an identity.”79

England, Kindred Spirits: A History of the Hong Kong Club, p.72 78

79

Ibid.

80

Hampton, p.77

The above quote highlights the ambivalence in Bhabha’s mimicry. HKC created a class of Chinese who relentlessly tried to assimilate British culture through membership. Exposed to the grandeur and wealth associated with British culture, those who ‘succeeded’ were accepted into HKC and neglected their own culture and subsequently created further conflict in their internal (self) and external (societal) identities. The resulting hybrid identity normalized British culture, and thus the British lost the power of being ‘superior’. Despite the eventual acceptance of Chinese members, suggesting a step towards racial inclusivity, the resulting threat to the club’s elite social structure may have negatively impacted integration, as British members may have become more hostile in enforcing their dominance – Author Susanna Hoe wrote in 1991 about dining at HKC, “if you are sensitive to issues of colonialism, race and gender is still to experience a slight shiver”.80 In this sense, HKC is arguably ‘Third Space’ exemplified, given how it has encouraged mimicry to occur. Despite this, it is apparent that the ‘hybrid’ identities formed through HKC were superficial and forced. HKC can be considered to be where the process of mimicry took place, but its role in truly nurturing cultural hybridity is questionable as a strong separation remained between the races. Thus, cannot be classified as hybrid to the full sense of the word.

55

4.2

DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES: THE HELENA MAY

81

THM council members

82

Helena May Institute, p.12

Figure 23: Corinthian columns along THM’s facade

56

Not all clubs promoted the same pompous atmosphere as HKC. Despite the initial restriction on Chinese members, THM’s rationale did not concern race. In what follows, my principal sources are the interviews that I conducted with council members and literature on THM, which are both self-reflective. Given the purpose of both literature and council members to represent the club, this analysis concentrates on how the club sees and portrays itself. This is relevant as this dissertation deals with issues of identity. Thus, there is a great focus on what THM embodies and how it presents that to the ‘outside world’ to differentiate itself from other British-founded clubs.

Council members of THM highlighted a myriad of reasons for the paucity of Chinese members, with cost and lack of assimilation the most apparent.

The Japanese occupation had a substantial impact on the country’s wealth, and recovery from the casualties suffered was slow. With the little money they had left, it was highly unlikely that the Chinese would use it for luxuries such as club membership.81 As previously mentioned, the Chinese were intent on doing things their own way and on their own accord and, given their previous relationship, many would avoid association with the British.

The activities provided may also have been undesirable, as musicals and tea dances have little significance in Chinese culture, and lectures on European subjects, such as astronomy and cinematographic displays would be delivered in English, creating further barriers. Hence, whilst the British didn’t ban the Chinese from membership, there was rarely desire or reason to join. Although THM can be viewed to have provided insufficient incentive for Chinese inclusion, it is also important to note that popular amongst the local community, the Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA; 香港 基督教女青年會) provided similar services for Chinese women.82 THM presents a conflicting case for this exclusionary behavior, as its mission was to provide a safe home for expatriate women. Whilst natural to condemn colonizers and victimize the colonized, the challenges of adapting to a new culture, climate and language are undeniable. Although THM did offer services to the wealthy, its mission was to empower expatriates to live and function in HK society, and as such encourage integration from the British, although ironically doing so through indirect exclusion of the Chinese community.

THM prides itself as a refuge for British women, but it was also a British refuge for the few Chinese members. Council members highlighted that due to the existence of the YWCA, Chinese members of THM actively sought integration. They appreciated the ‘Britishness’ of the club and favoured the consistency of the club’s culture.83 On November 8th 1968, Mei Ling, a buyer for a department store became the first recorded Chinese woman who lived in THM, to which the secretary of THM, Mrs. M. C. Miller responded, “We have never done anything to attract Chinese. The food, TV programmes and newspapers provided are all for Europeans and the fact that it costs girls $600 a month to stay has probably kept non-Europeans away”.84 This clearly summarizes the reasons for the lack of Chinese members, and the awareness of the ‘British inclusion thus Chinese exclusion’ paradox. Moreover, it emphasizes the interest Chinese members had in experiencing and understanding British culture, as prior to the membership vetting process, potential members must express interest.85

83

THM council members

84

Morris, p.90

85

THM council members

Figure 24: Patio Figure 25: English library in the basement

57

The Helena May, About the Helena May. In The Helena May [n.d.], <http://www.helenamay.com/Public/10_about_the_helenamay_intr. php> [Accessed 20 August 2019] 86

87

Ibid.

Jennifer Lang (professor at Hong Kong University), Interview with Jennifer Lang (interviewed by Jing Olyvia Tam) (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2019) 88

Figure 26: British motifs expressed through building gates

58

Due to the undeviating mission of THM and its activities, the interior of the building remained relatively consistent. Figure 27 is a plan of the ground floor in the 1970s, after a reconstruction that moved the English library to the basement. The ground floor contains all public spaces, whilst floors above are for residential purposes. The plan displays a dining room, main lounge, two tea/lounge rooms – the Blue Room and Green Room – a card room, kitchen and office; rooms designed for typically English activities.

Like HKC, classic British patterns, such as damask, Jacobean, and toile, are visible on curtains and cushions. These motifs are also expressed through the exterior building gates (figure 26 and 28). Corinthian columns and roman arches are also incorporated in the façade, along with loggias and verandahs to accommodate the warm climate (figure 29). Designed based on popular European architectural styles, it was described to be an “Edwardian Revival Style with Beaux Arts, Baroque and Mannerist features”.86 In 1993, THM was declared a heritage building and restorations were completed with consideration to the original dimensions and style.87 When asked about whether the interior décor has changed over time, perhaps due to the acceptance of Chinese members, Dr. Jennifer Lang, professor of Hong Kong University and a member of THM, pointed out that it was still “in keeping with the original design but more streamlined to adapt to a more contemporary style”,88 with the addition that today’s aesthetic reflects a combination of traditional English and Chinese décor, to reflect the geography. This is seen in figures 34 and 33, showing Chinese porcelain prints on sofas and pillows in the Blue Room, and Chinese rectangular motifs incorporated in the room divider screens, respectively. THM conveys that perhaps membership structures do not have as big of an impact as their mission. THM had a strong vision underlying the institution, and it was this continuous social good of providing homes that led to its success today.

Recreational clubs have long been a standing symbol of the British colonization in Hong Kong (HK), as they are a product of British existence from their time in the colony. Their presence is not only limited to HK and is a common occurrence in other British colonies – it is often said that setting up a club for recreation and sports is the first thing the British do when they colonize a place. The British colonization of HK lasted between 1841 to 1941 and 1945 to 1997, where prevalent cultural and racial hierarchal issues arose, conflicts that are still not resolved till this day.

Amardeep, Singh, ‘Mimicry and Hybridity in Plain English’, Amardeep Singh [online], 08 May 2009 <https://www.lehigh.edu/~amsp/2009/05/mimicry-and-hybridity-in-plain-english.html> [Accessed 27 October 2019]

Figure 27: Plan of ground floor (1970s)

Figure 28: Building gates 2

Figure 29: Arches incorporated in the loggias

59

Figure 30: Chinese porcelain patterns incorporated in THM’s interior decor

Figure 31: Interior columns

Figure 32: Blue Room

60

Figure 33: Chinese rectangular motifs in room divider screens

Figure 34: Chinese porcelain prints in the Blue Room

61

4.3

A NEW ERA: THE HONG KONG

Heady, Sue, The Hong Kong Country Club: The First 30 Years (Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Country Club, 1992) p. 2 89

Way, Denis, A Place of Social Resort: The Story of the Hong Kong Country Club (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Country Club, 2011) p.2 90

91

Ibid. p.3

92

Heady, p.16

93

Ibid.

Figure 35: Table displaying quota system for membership (The percentages in brackets represent some of the quota changes made in a 1962 general committee meeting.)

Categories

COUNTRY

CLUB

The HKCC stands aside from the others, setting precedent as the first multinational family social club. Opening in 1962, it was founded by J.R. Jones, a legal advisor to the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC), who took fifteen years to bring this idea to life.89 The founders placed substantial emphasis on the international inclusivity of the club, as they had concerns that it might develop into another rich man’s club.90 The main ethos of the establishment was summarized by Chief Justice Sir Michael Hogan, during the club’s opening:

“The Hong Kong Country Club will be a place where all nationalities and

communities can meet and relax in the pleasant, easy, companionable

atmosphere that one is accustomed to find in a club. Ideas can be inter

-changed, views expressed, and arguments deployed in an atmosphere

conductive to goodwill. When people relax and play together a common

sympathy is engendered. This Club will advance the aim and object of

bringing more people together in a common fold.”91

The international membership structure is displayed in the table below from 1961:92

Nationalities

Percentage of membership

Number of members Ordinary

Junior

Group A

American

10% (8%)

30

20

Group B

British

20% (20%)

60

40

Group C

Chinese

50% (55%)

150

100

Group D

Others Indian German/ Austrian Scandinavian/ Dutch Japanese Portuguese French/ Swiss/ Others

20% (17%) 4% (4%) 3% (3%) 3% (3%) 2% (2%) 2% (2%) 6% (6%)

60 12 9 9 6 6 18

40 8 6 6 4 4 12

By using a quota system, HKCC was able to monitor and maintain a diverse member group. An interesting note is the Japanese quota – following the Japanese occupation, there was much animosity between the two nations.

The Japanese quota demonstrates the conscious efforts in maintaining international inclusivity.93 62

Whilst members were racially diverse, Chinese members accounted for the majority, implying a greater emphasis on Chinese inclusion. This new club typology not only exaggerates Chinese exclusivity in previous clubs, but also demonstrates a newfound awareness to racial inclusivity, exemplifying HKCC as core to true cultural hybridization, a trait to which the club’s spatial organization directly contributes.

Figure 36: HKCC’s main facade

94

Heady, p.32

95

Heady, p.32

96

Ibid. p.41

Figure 37 and 38 show the ground- and lower-ground floor plans of the club, demonstrating that much consideration was given towards being racially and family inclusive. The ground-floor contains a mahjong room, American cocktail bar, and international kitchen, attentive towards multinational activities not demonstrated by other clubs. Notably, the mahjong room was specifically designed for this purpose rather than being reallocated general-purpose spaces. As the sound from the mahjong tiles hitting against the table were extremely loud, the room could only be accessed by first entering the bridge room, to avoid disrupting members in the lounge.94 This, combined with the presence of an American cocktail bar shows that spatial planning was meticulous in its inclusivity, breaking the stigma that recreational clubs are only reserved for the British. The cocktail bar acted as the central hub, serving the lounge, card rooms – reading and writing, mahjong and bridge – and dining hall, connecting most of the ground floor.

The 3400 square feet kitchen could serve “1000 meals of different cuisines”,95 not limited to British food unlike other clubs. The 1985 refurbishments led to a complete Chinese kitchen that served pig- and duck-roast, and a European kitchen equipped with a pastry kitchen.96 Food plays a significant role in Chinese cultures in bringing families together, with different foods holding different symbolic meaning. Providing good Chinese cuisine acts as a crucial driving force for Chinese members.

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Figure 37: Lower ground floor plan

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Figure 38: Ground floor plan

65

97

Way, p.3

Edward, Denison, Architecture and the Landscape of Modernity in China before 1949 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017) p.107 98

99

Ibid.

100

Way, p.3

101

Ibid.

102

Ibid.

Figure 39: Feng Shui inspired arches

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Being housed in a contemporary design by architect Eric Cumine, the architecture and décor of HKCC does not suggest any racial prejudice.97 Cumine was a prominent figure in HK throughout the 1950s to 1970s, and demonstrated first-hand experience of cultural hybridity. Born to a Scottish father and Shanghainese mother, at a time when interracial relationships were taboo “among the sanctimonious foreign communities cast adrift from distant homes”,98 Cumine rebels against the societal need to categorize himself as Chinese, British, or ‘foreign’.99 His empathy and understanding of cultural differences are reflected in his designs, as HKCC attests.

Cumine’s HKCC design stood out not only because multicultural influences were used, but also because it was rooted in the Chinse geomantic tradition, Feng Shui (風水). Perhaps due to Cumine’s upbringing and cultural sensitivity, he welcomed implementing principles of geomancy. The building’s site was Brick Hill (南朗山), adjacent to two mountains and Deep Water Bay (深水灣).100 The geomancer pointed out that having Deep Water Bay backing the building was a massive ‘Feng Shui jackpot’, as “wave after wave of water forming the shape of gourd water (giving) continuous longevity and good fortune”.101 The waves inspired the contemporary modernist arches that form the main façade entrance (figure 39), a motif that is reflected in other parts of the building, such as the verandahs (figure 40).102

The interior décor remains neutral with modernist accents, perhaps chosen due to international modernism’s ability to transcend cultures through the ‘form follows function’ principle. Cumine only applied this functional modernist approach after visiting HK.103 It is possible that he believed designs situated in cities with such perplexing identities such as HK should not overtly lean towards one specific culture but should relate to its context by subtly referencing cultural elements. Even though the architecture was inspired by Feng Shui, it was not done in an exaggerated manner. The symbolism behind the arches is subtle and tasteful, it implies the Chinese values without being expressed domineeringly.

HKCC is also an example of ‘Third Space’, however unlike other clubs, the club was designed to form true hybrid identities. Whereas HKC reflects ambivalence in mimicry, and THM the efforts to integrate into a foreign culture, neither club reaches the level of genuine hybridization that HKCC achieves. HKCC can be described to be the ‘Third Space’ where cultures truly interact and merge with each another, but without the never-ending superiority complex that often follows mimicry.

At its core, HKCC strives to be inclusive of all nationalities, exemplified in a design incorporating multicultural spaces, cuisine and Chinese symbolism in the building’s façade. This makes HKCC a lesson in how international membership structures can inform spaces for cultural diversity and integration to take place, allowing new cultural identities to form. It is Bhabha’s Third Space without the negative connotations of mimicry, by depicting all cultures as equal. HKCC’s international nature is represented sophisticatedly whilst still paying homage to the Chinese community , an example of successful cultural hybridization.

Figure 40: Verandahs exhibiting the repeated Feng Shui inspired motif

Figure 41: Patio exhibiting HKCC’s culturally neutral design

Charlie Q. L. Xue, Hong Kong Architecture 1945-2015: From Colonial to Global (Singapore: Springer, 2016) p.79 103

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CONCLUSION 69

Trying to determine HK’s cultural identity is an arduous task. A nation full of change and transition, HK is a combination of various ideas that conflict yet somehow coexist harmoniously. Recreational clubs are a well-established emblem of British colonization, a period that significantly shaped HK’s history and identity. As colonization brought about substantial racial segregation between the British and Chinese, this dissertation focused on studying the extent these clubs had on encouraging segregation and whether they can classify as examples of architectural exclusion.

The investigation of social value in recreational clubs is rooted in the question: How do recreational clubs from the period of the British colonization articulate and accommodate practices of hierarchical racial segregation in Hong Kong? The exploration was split between themes of a larger scale, club sites and its surrounding context, and a smaller scale, the architecture and spatial arrangement of club buildings. Chapter 2 explored British and Chinese relations in HK, and outlined the factors that contributed to the disdain for one another. Chapter 3 reflected on the topography of the city and reasons for club locations. It examined racial zoning through the Peak and identified unintended segregation by THM through its geographical location. YMCA demonstrated that some club sites were determined by their access to facilities – proximity to barracks, transport, and scenery – rather than racial discrimination. Chapter 4 studied the building facades and how spaces were designed to reflect membership structures. HKC illustrated overt segregation through allocation of spaces designed for British activities, and its décor bearing a striking resemblance to London gentlemen’s clubs. It also exemplifies as a ‘Third Space’ that greatly encourages mimicry but not the formation of fully hybrid identities. Whilst THM also strongly embodied a British identity by catering to British activities, its motive concerns hospitality, not retaining an elite social structure. THM proves to be another example of mimicry albeit a more progressive example of cultural hybridity, due to the genuine desire from members to understand British culture, instead of surpassing the British. Lastly, HKCC exemplifies the most hybrid attitude, reflected in the Feng Shui-inspired architecture and multicultural interior spaces.

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In conclusion, there is no definite answer as to whether recreational clubs encouraged racial segregation. This dissertation presents an exploration of the ways these clubs may or may not have encouraged the racial gulf. Whilst some clubs appeared to promote segregation, some actively worked to reduce it, both respectively through function, location, architecture, be it overtly or not. It is inferable that early social clubs aimed to flaunt British culture through architecture and décor, and to communicate British elitism through membership and location. However, later clubs appear to be more encouraging of social integration by incorporating mixed architectural styles, providing multinational spaces, and open membership structures, or at least working to that direction. The transition in club ethoses over time affects the extent in which cultural hybridization can take place, ultimately reflecting present societal attitudes. Whilst the philosophy, motivation and architecture behind recreational clubs in HK can vary greatly, it is evident from this dissertation that they have played a key role in communicating and shaping the hybrid identity of HK – “This world was neither fully Western nor fully Chinese; it was a third world: a Hong Kong Chinese bourgeois world.”104

John M. Carroll, and 高馬可 ‘Colonialism, Nationalism, and Bourgeois Identity in Colonial Hong Kong’, Journal of Oriental Studies, 39.2 (2005), 146-164 <www.jstor. org/stable/23500574> [accessed 10 May 2019] p.158 104

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Denison, Edward, Architecture and the Landscape of Modernity in China before 1949 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017) England, Vaudine, Kindred Spirits: A History of the Hong Kong Club (Hong Kong: Royal Asiatic Society, 2017)

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INTERVIEWS Lang, Jennifer (professor at Hong Kong University), Interview with Jennifer Lang (interviewed by author) (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2019) The Helena May Council Members, Interview with Helena May Council Members (interviewed by author) (Hong Kong: The Helena May, 2019) Ho, Peter (CEO of Young Men’s Christian Association), Interview with Peter Ho (interviewed by author) (Hong Kong: The Young Men’s Christian Association, 2019) Whong, Patricia (Mother), Interview with Patricia Whong (interviewed by author) (Hong Kong: N/A, 2019)

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