The QUEST Program was initiated in 2018 by the Department of Applied Psychology, NYU Steinhardt. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org
QUALITY UNDERGRADUATE EDUCATION AND SCHOLARLY TRAINING
Summer 2024 | Volume VII
Editor-in-ChiEf Blair Cox
Copy Editor
Weronika Perner
Layout & dEsign
Jordan Morris
CovEr art
Sohini Paul + Janice Robles Fernández
QuEst sChoLars
Hector Cuautle
Alvalyn Dixon-Gardner
Gloria Mwembe
Phúc Phan
Luisanna Reinoso
Janice Robles Fernandez
Alua Samat
Gabrielle Sylvester
Khushi Thakkar
My Trieu
faCuLty MEntors
Elise Cappella (CONNECT)
Erin Godfrey (RISE)
Hirokazu Yoshikawa (Global Ties)
Lauren Mims (Homeplace)
Rezarta Bilali (ICSC)
Shabnam Javdani (RISE)
Lab MEntors
Elisha Arnold (Homeplace)
Emily Franchett (Global Ties)
Bridget Horta (ICSC)
Haja Kamara (RISE)
Iris Mann (RISE)
Natalie May (CONNECT)
Christina Park (CONNECT)
Kate Schwartz (Global Ties)
Mica Varela (ICSC)
Understanding Intersectional Queer Puerto Rican Resistance Strategies within a Constant Colonial State: A Qualitative Study 06
Janice Robles Fernández•
The Role of SEL Practices in Reducing Stress in a Low-Income Household Stress in Low-Income Families 25
Hector Cuautle
38
Exploring the Relationship between Father Involvement and Maternal Mental Health Outcomes in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh: A Mixed-Methods Approach
Luisanna Reinoso
Direct Care Staff Attitudes Toward Suicidal Behavior Among At-Risk System-Impacted Youth 56
Alvalyn Dixon-Gardner
75
Amplifying the Voices: A Qualitative Exploration into the Adultifification Experiences of Eldest Black Daughters
Mwembe•
The Influence of the Kazakh Famine on Intergenerational Trauma: A Quantitative Study 14
Alua Samat
Navigating Invisibility: Black Adolescent Girls with Disabilities’ Perspectives on their Teachers’ Academic Expectations 31
Gabrielle Sylvester •
Linking Parents’ War Trauma Exposure, Mental Health, Parenting, and Children’s Socioemotional Development within Rohingya Refugee Families in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh 47
My Trieu
Reconceptualizing ACEs: Intersectional Insights to Well-Being in System-Impacted Youth 64
Khushi Thakkar
A Qualitative Exploration of Racial Discrimination and Coping Strategies Among Vietnamese International College Students
Phan•
PI: Dr. Rezarta Bilali
Mentors: Bridget Horta + Micaela Varela
This lab seeks to understand the influence of group identities on intergroup conflict and the psychological underpinnings of conflict narratives. It specifically focuses on group members’ denial or acknowledgment of past collective violence, the factors that drive denial narratives, and strategies to address these narratives.
1
Janice Robles Fernández
The year 2020 marked a tragic milestone in Puerto Rico’s history, with the island experiencing an unprecedented surge in targeted violence against transgender individuals. The victims—Yampi Méndez Arocho, Layla Pelaez Sánchez, Alexa Negrón Luciano/ Neulisa Luciano Ruiz, Penélope Diaz Ramírez, Serena Angelique Velázquez, and Michelle/Michellyn Ramos Vargas—represent a stark manifestation of the pervasive discrimination and violence faced by the LGBTQIA+ community in Puerto Rico. This alarming trend positioned Puerto Rico as having the highest rate of transgender murders among U.S. states and territories that year (Transgender Law Center, 2023). The disproportionate victimization of LGBTQIA+ and queer individuals in Puerto Rico underscores a broader pattern of systemic violence and oppression. Previous research has demonstrated that heightened vulnerability to violence engenders a pervasive sense of insecurity and imminent danger within these communities (Padilla & Rodríguez-Madera, 2021; Rivera-Quiñones et al., 2013).
The roots of this violence can be traced to the enduring colonial structures imposed upon Puerto Rico, which have historically been characterized by systemic oppression, particularly towards nonnormative bodies and identities. These structures have rendered minority populations, especially those within the LGBTQIA+ spectrum, more susceptible to violence and oppression perpetrated by political systems in Puerto Rico. Furthermore, governmental institutions in Puerto Rico have implemented policies that exacerbate economic precarity and displacement, disproportionately affecting women, LGBTQIA+ and queer communities, and low-income populations (Rijo Sánchez, 2023; LeBrón, 2021). Though the impact of colonial oppression in Puerto Rico is widely known politically, the experiences of different populations within the system are less known.
The colonial/modern gender system (Lugones, 2007), discussed in greater depth in a subsequent section, has effectively constrained possibilities outside the binary Eurocentric ideals of social organization. This restrictive paradigm has not only oppressed but also resulted in fatal consequences for individuals who sought to express their sexual and gender identities fully. The tragic deaths of the victims above in 2020
serve as a stark reminder of the lethal consequences of this systemic oppression.
This situation in Puerto Rico exemplifies the intersectionality of colonial oppression, genderbased discrimination, and violence against sexual and gender minorities. The compounded effects of these factors create a complex web of challenges for LGBTQIA+ individuals, particularly transgender people, in navigating societal structures and asserting their identities. The disproportionate violence experienced by this community reflects deeply entrenched systemic issues that require comprehensive addressing to ensure the safety and well-being of all individuals, regardless of their gender identity or sexual orientation.
To comprehend the colonial/modern system of gender, it is essential first to delineate the colonial/ modern system itself, composed of two fundamental concepts: coloniality of power and modernity. Coloniality of power encompasses a form of oppression that integrates Eurocentric racial, political, and social hierarchical ideals into contemporary structures (Quijano, 2002). Modernity, in this context, is conceptualized as the unification of coloniality and the demands of the capitalist production structure, wherein the latter is positioned as hegemonic (Quijano, 2000). Consequently, the colonial/modern system interprets current global relations as the product of European control over political, economic, and sociocultural institutions through mechanisms of domination and oppression. Within this framework, colonizers maintain and perpetuate power while colonized groups are subjected to severely precarious and volatile conditions.
The gender component of the colonial/modern system incorporates the concept of intersectionality, recognizing the complex interplay of multiple social identities. Gender, as a colonially imposed construct, interacts with the colonial/modern system to impose modes of organization related to production, property relations, cosmologies, and epistemologies (Lugones, 2007). The three core concepts within this system— coloniality of power, modernity, and gender—intersect to produce what Lugones (2007) terms a “light side” and a “dark side.”
The “light side” is characterized by biological dimorphism, compulsory heterosexualism, and patriarchy, which serve to structure and order the lives of white bourgeois men and women. In contrast, the “dark side” encompasses all individuals who do not conform to the “light side” paradigm. This dark side depicts colonized groups as existing outside the gender binary and subjects them to violent processes of animalization (Lugones, 2007). This system has enforced centuries of destructive power dynamics by producing and maintaining these dichotomous sides.
The colonial/modern system of gender imposes particularly detrimental conditions on colonized populations by upholding supremacist ideals. However, its effects disproportionately target minority populations due to the inherently vulnerable state of these communities. For instance, the queer community in Puerto Rico faces not only the broader colonial system that affects the general population but also experiences additional discrimination based on their gender and sexual expressions. Consequently, these intersecting modes of oppression compel the community to confront multiple violent structures simultaneously.
The current study conceptualizes intersectionality through the lens of the colonial/modern gender system. This framework provides a nuanced understanding of how multiple identities and systems of oppression interact and compound. The discussion section will present a more detailed psychological analysis of intersectional identities and their implications, offering insights into the complex lived experiences of individuals navigating these intersecting systems of power and oppression.
Resistance is an inherent response to manifestations of destructive power, such as oppression and collective victimization (Vollhardt et al., 2020; Foucault, 1990). Fundamentally, resistance comprises two main components: action (verbal, cognitive, or physical) and opposition (challenging, contradicting, rejecting, or subverting) (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004). Resistance can take various forms, including individual or collective, overt or covert, everyday or organized, psychological or material, and violent or non-violent (Vollhardt et al., 2020). It may also involve a critical consciousness of the context (Freire, 1970) and envisioning futures where current oppressive systems do not dominate social organization, such as freedom dreaming (Kelley, 2002).
Research on resistance and collective action intentions within the LGBTQIA+ population has yielded important
insights. Collective action, defined as any organized collaborative effort benefiting the in-group or showing solidarity with other groups (Becker, 2012), has been a focus of this research. For instance, Eisner et al. (2022) found that in an LGBTQIA+ sample in Switzerland, perceived societal intolerance was indirectly related to intentions to engage in collective actions through both positive and negative mediating factors. Additionally, Pradell et al. (2024) demonstrated that non-binary individuals who experienced sexual objectification showed resistance both individually and collectively by reclaiming their bodies and building community.
However, it is important to note that Western psychology has predominantly focused on certain types of resistance, such as collective action, potentially overlooking other forms like everyday resistance. Everyday resistance, conceptualized as undermining, challenging, and opposing power in daily contexts through small actions (Rosales & Langhout, 2020), has often been rendered invisible due to a lack of understanding of historical repression’s influence and the risks associated with overt resistance (Ayanian et al., 2021).
Empirical studies on resistance in Puerto Rico are limited, but emerging research has provided valuable insights. Marazzi and Vollhardt (in press) examined the impact of the history of violent political repression on current anticolonial resistance strategies in Puerto Rico. Their study identified six resistance strategies, including four forms of everyday resistance and two collective action strategies.
The limited research on queer Puerto Rican resistance highlights a significant gap in the literature. Lara et al. (2023) focused on cuir (queer) resistance through healing, world-imagining, and kinship in the Boricua and Caribbean setting. Vidal-Ortíz et al. (2014) examined case studies of artist groups showcasing queerness as a form of resistance by questioning sociopolitical conditions and challenging social norms.
Given the intersecting systems of oppression faced by the Puerto Rican LGBTQIA+ community, including colonialism, heterosexism, racism, and patriarchy, further research on their resistance strategies is crucial. This study aims to expand on the concept of intersectional resistance within the queer Puerto Rican community, focusing on their lived experiences, understandings of oppressive structures, and the resistance strategies they have developed to endure them.
Using an exploratory qualitative approach, this study aims to fill in the gap in the current literature about queer resistance toward colonial violence in Puerto Rico. The following research questions will be explored:
1. How do LGBTQIA+ Puerto Ricans make sense of the oppressive structures (colonialism, heterosexism, racism, the gender binary, biological dimorphism, and the patriarchy) that they face in their lives?
2. What resistance strategies, if any, does the queer community display against systems of oppression in Puerto Rico?
The proposed study will employ a qualitative approach to investigate the experiences of LGBTQIA+ individuals in Puerto Rico, focusing on their perceptions of oppressive structures and resistance strategies.
The sample will comprise Puerto Rican adults aged 18 and over who self-identify as LGBTQIA+ and have resided in the archipelago within the past decade. Data collection will be conducted through semi-structured individual interviews, allowing for an in-depth exploration of participants’ lived experiences and facilitating active engagement between the interviewer and interviewee.
The sample will consist of 25 members of the queer community in Puerto Rico. This sample size will likely ensure data saturation, considering that little new information is acquired after 20 interviews (Green & Thorogood, 2004). Nonetheless, the sample size could be increased if the researcher finds that saturation is not achieved with the stipulated 25 participants. It is recommended that the sample size in qualitative research is big enough to gain an informed understanding of a phenomenon but not so big that the analysis becomes superficial and generalized (Sandelowski, 1995).
A convenience sampling method will provide the researcher access to available and willing participants. Additionally, snowball sampling will allow further recruitment of the LGBTQIA+ population, which is a sometimes hard-to-reach group, and will provide a diverse representation of the community in Puerto Rico. Furthermore, social media advertisements will be posted, and flyers will be distributed to queer-owned establishments across the island. These recruitment materials will specify the study’s focus on LGBTQIA+
individuals from Puerto Rico and outline the interview topics, including identity, experiences within the Puerto Rican LGBTQIA+ community, and perceptions of the Puerto Rico-United States relationship.
Informed consent will be obtained before the interview to safeguard participants’ rights and privacy. The first author will conduct the interviews in Spanish to establish rapport and enable participants to communicate in their primary language. Interviews will be conducted in person or via an online meeting platform depending on the participants’ availability. The interview protocol will primarily address participants’ understanding of various oppressive structures they encounter and the resistance strategies they employ in response. Initial questions will explore participants’ identities and lived experiences in the archipelago. Subsequent inquiries will delve into participants’ perspectives on Puerto Rico’s cultural, social, and political systems, including their understanding of the Puerto Rico-United States relationship, opinions on Puerto Rico’s current political status, perceptions of gender relations, and the meaning of LGBTQIA+ community membership in Puerto Rico.
The protocol will then focus on resistance strategies employed in the face of intersecting modes of oppression. Questions will probe whether participants, as queer individuals, perceive or experience the Puerto Rico-United States relationship differently from other Puerto Ricans and whether the LGBTQIA+ community demonstrates opposition to this relationship. Additionally, participants will be asked to reflect on how the Puerto Rican queer community interacts with gender and the binary gender system, methods of opposing homophobia, reactions to violence directed at the community (particularly increased attacks on trans and queer individuals), and strategies employed by the LGBTQIA+ community to address displacement and economic precarity risks that disproportionately affect them compared to their non-queer counterparts. The proposed interview questions can be seen in Appendix A.
This methodological approach aims to generate rich, contextual data that will contribute to a nuanced understanding of the experiences, challenges, and resistance strategies of LGBTQIA+ individuals in Puerto Rico, with potential implications for theory and practice in LGBTQIA+ psychology and social justice.
The proposed study will run from September 2024
until August 2025 and will be conducted in Puerto Rico. In August 2024, the proposal will be submitted for evaluation at CIPSHI (Institutional Committee for the Protection of Human Beings in Research) at the University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras Campus.
Changes will be made as the board advises, and subsequently, approval will be obtained for the project. Next, between September 2024 and December 2024, participants will be recruited via flyers on social media and at different queer-owned establishments. In these months, 25 individual interviews with the LGBTQIA+ sample will be conducted in Puerto Rico.
All interviews will be transcribed verbatim between January 2025 and February 2025, and an analysis plan will begin. Later, between March 2025 and May 2025, all obtained data from the interviews will be analyzed through thematic analysis.
A member-checking technique will be used to validate and improve the credibility of the results. Lastly, in June 2025 and July 2025, a manuscript of the project will be developed. The results will be disseminated to the LGBTQIA+ community through designated meetings, and the manuscript will be submitted to research journals.
The interviews will be transcribed and analyzed in Spanish to retain their full meaning. Using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006), themes will be identified by understanding how the meaning units are linked (Belotto, 2018). The analytical process will be divided into six phases: familiarization with the data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the report (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
Deductive and inductive coding will be used to derive codes from the data obtained from the interviews. The deductive coding will be based on themes identified from previous literature: critical consciousness, freedom dreaming, world imagining, protecting each other, a sense of community, and collective identity and maintaining culture. Coding reliability will be ensured using a codebook and having multiple coders work independently to apply the coding frame to the data (Braun & Clarke, 2021). This structured approach will target any biases within the coders because a level of agreement will be needed to determine the reliability of the codes. Differences between the codes applied to the data will be addressed using an open discussion strategy and a summative table of the instances where consensus was not reached (Chinh et al., 2019).
Themes will be created and analyzed to discover patterns of how queer Puerto Ricans understand resistance and the modes of resistance they employ. The study is interested in exploring the dominant and counter-narratives in the sample. The validity of the individual themes will be examined by their internal homogeneity and external heterogeneity (Patton, 1990). A thematic map will also be created and adjusted to represent the data obtained (Braun & Clarke, 2006). After creating preliminary themes, participants will be invited to review the use of their quotes on the project. This technique, member checking, will add validity to the research design because it will integrate the participants’ perspectives on the analysis carried out by the researcher (LaCroix, 2023).
Reflexivity involves the examination of the mutual impact between the researcher and the intersubjective elements they study (Finlay & Gough, 2003). The proposed research will benefit from the process of reflexivity because it will provide a thorough understanding of the relationship between the author and the constructs explored in this study. The first author identifies as a white, cis-gendered, queer woman. She was born and raised in Puerto Rico and currently resides there. This provides the author with an insider perspective on the research. Her involvement in the Puerto Rican LGBTQIA+ community and her knowledge of queer theory prompted the development of the current study.
Through its qualitative method and analysis, this study seeks to understand what resistance strategies are employed within the sample in response to a colonial context. Considering the previous literature, I expect the sample to display at least two broader types of resistance: everyday and collective. I also anticipate finding several everyday resistance strategies: critical consciousness, freedom dreaming, and world imagining. Additionally, I expect to find themes within the collective resistance strategies, including protecting each other and a sense of community. Lastly, I expect to find a resistance strategy that is both everyday and collective: collective identity and maintaining culture. For a detailed visual of the interconnection of these strategies, see Appendix B.
Considering Marazzi and Vollhardt’s (in press) research on Puerto Rican resistance, participants in the current study may engage in critical consciousness to resist
colonial conditions. Critical consciousness involves a deep understanding of the oppressive context and rejects the idea of the subject as adaptable and manageable (Freire, 1970), challenging the normative oppressive structures of power.
Freedom dreaming may arise within the participants as a way of proposing new modes of organizing. Freedom dreaming, coined by Kelley (2002), first explored experiences in the African Diaspora and introduced the idea of dreaming of a better future world, but also encouraged the process of thinking of the steps and actions that will result in such a world. Therefore, having faced violent colonial conditions, the queer community might look toward freedom dreaming as a form of resistance.
Regarding freedom dreaming, world imagining involves a healing process from coloniality. Lara et al.’s (2023) proposal of Boricuir trans-territorial ecologies proposes an imagination and creation of new worlds grounded in ancestral memories and experiences, where all living beings reciprocally relate to each other, and kinship is encouraged across Abya Yala. Considering the Boricua and Dominican contexts from which these authors propose this resistance strategy, the participants can employ similar strategies.
Having experienced so much growing violence in recent years, the participants might look to one another to ensure each other’s safety. In other violent, repressive contexts, like in Palestine, underprivileged groups of women have lost their trust in official political institutions and have, therefore, resisted by looking for protection within the ingroup (Richter-Devroe, 2012). In this sense, protecting one another can be signified as a form of collective resistance because it defies the oppressive system that violates the group.
In response to their oppressive context, the sample may showcase having a sense of community as a resistance strategy. Literature has found that “groups can protect their primary community identities in alternative settings in which they construct group boundaries and experience a sense of community” (Sonn & Fisher, 1998, p. 464). Therefore, maintaining a sense of community may serve as resistance to oppression by rejecting assimilation or capitulation to
the outgroup. In the case of Puerto Rico, the LGBTQIA+ population may experience a sense of community and renounce the normative heterosexual/binary identity.
Related to a sense of community, collective identity and maintaining culture may serve as a resistance strategy for the sample. It is important to consider the imposition of the coloniality of being in Puerto Rico. This concept consists of denying the colonized group their humanity, autonomy, culture, and cognitive functions and undervaluing and subjecting them to the cultural logic of the colonizer (Mújica et al., 2019). In a context where queer Puerto Rican culture and identities are inferiorized, maintaining and upholding them is an act of resistance.
The current study will contribute to the resistance literature in repressive contexts and help bridge the extensive gap in Puerto Rican resistance, specifically in the LGBTQIA+ community. The proposed findings will showcase everyday and collective resistance as the two broad strategies employed by the sample. Within those two strategies, critical consciousness, freedom dreaming, world imagining, protecting each other, a sense of community, and collective identity and maintaining culture are specific resistance strategies expected to appear in the data. This research will provide empirical evidence of resistance strategies among a population understudied in the field, helping guide our understanding of ways to challenge oppressive systems.
This research aims to understand intersectional decolonial resistance toward violence and oppression and will expand upon this overlooked topic; past research on resistance and collective action has only focused on how populations face singular issues and not how struggles interrelate beyond just acting in solidarity with other groups. The current body of literature on resistance could benefit significantly from integrating an intersectional framework due to its more nuanced and exhaustive perspective (see Godfrey & Burson, 2018). In using both intersectional and decolonial frameworks, the proposed study will allow a complex and profound understanding of how the queer Puerto Rican community’s intersecting identities shape their experiences in a colonial context. In addition, this study will focus on the community’s strengths when facing oppressive systems instead of deficits, as much research has done before. It will look to have an exhaustive understanding of what resisting
means for them. These conversations directly with this community will help further discuss how to defeat the oppressive systems that affect them.
Some potential implications of this study include the fact that the findings could be valuable for policymaking and advocacy groups. By shedding light on the hardships and challenges that the queer community faces in Puerto Rico, this study could inform policymakers and advocate groups on what problems should be targeted first to help the wellbeing of this group. Additionally, this research could provide supportive and empowering tools for the LGBTQIA+ Puerto Rican community. The information gathered from the data could serve as a foundation for the community to build strong networks that foster collective organization, solidarity, and engagement in processes that dismantle intersectional systems of oppression. Talking directly to the community will help validate and empower them and will assist in accurately documenting their lived experiences.
This research presents several strengths. Among them is that it proposes an empirical study of a historically underrepresented population. Additionally, the study will advance the field of resistance in the psychological and social sciences through its exploratory nature and integration of decoloniality and intersectionality. Within its design, the semi-structured interviewing technique will allow participants to express themselves freely for an in-depth understanding of their experiences. Nonetheless, the study also presents some limitations. For instance, the convenience and snowball sampling strategies might result in a less representative sample. Additionally, the complex and implicit nature of the topic of coloniality might form a challenge because the sample might not explicitly recognize their resistance or, furthermore, not show any resistance to their context. Past literature has showcased that, despite the detrimental conditions imposed by the colonial state in Puerto Rico, many residents justify the imposed colonial system due to the internalization of inferiority and the need to reduce uncertainty (Rivera et al., 2022).
Future studies should look further into intersectionality to more nuancedly consider the relationship between identity and resistance. Specifically, they should consider how, within the queer community, race and socioeconomic status might affect the presence or absence of resistance and the difference in strategies
employed. Additionally, it is important to examine how people use their strategies to resist multiple systems of oppression at a time and whether they resist some systems while actively perpetuating others to fully understand how power structures function in repressive contexts.
Based on decolonial and intersectional frameworks, the proposed study will use a qualitative approach to further research LGBTQIA+ Puerto Rican lived experiences. This study will understand the queer community as an active part of their resistance toward oppressive colonial conditions in Puerto Rico by listening to their oppression/resistance narratives and their knowledge on the topic. Therefore, this work is important because it supports the LGBTQIA+ community in Puerto Rico by creating a space of dialogue for the population and recognizing them as the experts of their narrative, aiming for a society where queer Puerto Ricans feel empowered and at peace.
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Appendix A
Proposed Interview Questions
1. How do you understand the relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States (PR-US)?
2. What are your opinions on Puerto Rico’s current political status?
3. How do you understand gender relations in Puerto Rico?
4. What does it mean to be part of the LGBTQIA+ community in Puerto Rico?
5. Do you believe that you, as a queer person, understand/experience the PR-US relationship differently than other Puerto Ricans?
6. Does the LGBTQIA+ community show opposition to the PR-US relationship?
7. How do you think the Puerto Rican queer community interacts with gender and the binary gender system?
8. In what ways do you show opposition to homophobia?
9. How have queer people reacted towards the violence directed at the community? Thinking specifically on the increased attacks toward trans and queer people.
10. The PR LGBTQIA+ community is at a higher risk of being displaced and facing economic precarity than their nonqueer counterparts. How have you seen the community face these challenges?
Appendix B
Alua Samat
The 1930s Kazakh Famine, known as Asharshylyk, was the most devastating man-made famine among Soviet countries in terms of the percentage of the population affected (Cameron, 2016). Between 1930 and 1933, the famine was precipitated by the government’s “full collectivization based on sedentarization” program launched in 1929-1930 (Cameron, 2016, p. 3). This program forced the previously nomadic Kazakh population to rapidly adopt a sedentary lifestyle, disrupting their way of life and a significant aspect of their identity (Cameron, 2018).
While Kazakh nomads and Russian and Ukrainian peasants experienced hunger, the impact on Kazakhs was particularly severe. Cameron (2016) notes that Kazakhs began “slaughtering their livestock herds for food and fleeing the republic” (p. 3). Over 1.1 million people, predominantly Kazakh, left the republic during the famine years (Cameron, 2018). The Soviet army brutally suppressed massive uprisings that occurred within Kazakhstan in late 1929 and throughout 1930. The famine’s impact on livestock was catastrophic, with a secret police report documenting a 90.8% decrease in livestock by October 1932 compared to 1929 levels. This decimation of livestock made the continuation of the nomadic lifestyle impossible, leading to forced sedentarization, which Cameron (2016) describes as “a dramatic reorientation” of Kazakh identity. The famine effectively eradicated cultural phenomena such as kinship ties, allegiances to hereditary elites, and the nomadic way of life that defined “Kazakhness.”
Current research primarily focuses on nation-level cultural impacts, overlooking potential psychological consequences at the family and individual levels across generations. While there has been a gradual increase in scholarly interest in the Kazakh Famine’s historical and cultural impacts, it remains understudied in both Western and Kazakhstani scholarship. Recent initiatives, such as projects by Nazarbayev University to reassess famine statistics and works like Cameron’s (2018) “The Hungry Steppe,” have begun to address this gap.
Kazakhstani psychologists argue that Asharshylyk caused significant changes in cultural values, including freedom of speech and family dynamics (Moldabaykyzy, 2023). The post-famine era saw the emergence of
censorship and self-silencing behaviors, which were previously uncharacteristic of Kazakh culture (Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, n.d.). Interestingly, Kazakhs who migrated to non-Soviet countries during the early 1930s and later returned to Kazakhstan reportedly maintain stronger connections to traditional cultural practices and ethnic identity than those who remained in the Kazakh SSR (Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, n.d.).
This cultural preservation and historical memory difference between those who fled and those who stayed under Soviet rule presents an intriguing area for further psychological research. The proposed study explores these potential differences in famine memory and cultural identity across generations of survivor families, comparing those who remained in the USSR with those who temporarily migrated and later returned.
Historical Intergenerational Trauma Transmission Model
Intergenerational Trauma and the Kazakh Famine: A Theoretical Framework
The lasting effects of the Kazakh famine can be understood through the lens of intergenerational trauma. This concept encompasses various domains, including historical trauma (HT), which was first described as a complex intergenerational expression of Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) (Bekes & Starrs, 2024). Historical trauma has been extensively studied about European conquest and colonization, particularly its impact on PTSD and postcolonial experiences (Gone, 2014; Maxwell, 2014; Prussing, 2014; Waldram, 2014; Brave Heart, 1998; Duran & Duran, 1995).
The HITT Model: A Comprehensive Framework
Starrs and Bekes (2024) proposed the Historical Intergenerational Trauma Transmission (HITT) model to conceptualize the experiences of trauma survivors and their descendants. This model comprises three key components: family and offspring vulnerability, resilience, and historical moral injury (HMI). For the purposes of this paper, we will focus on family and offspring vulnerability and historical moral injury.
1. Family vulnerability in the HITT model consists of four domains:
2. Disrupted family functioning
3. Trauma-related communication
4. Specific parenting behaviors shaped by traumatic experiences
5. Hypervigilance and high levels of anxiety in survivors
These family vulnerability symptoms have been linked to negative impacts in subsequent generations (Hoffman & Shrira, 2019).
1. Offspring vulnerability manifests in various ways, including:
2. Escape behaviors
3. Heightened responsibility for parents
4. Distress and anger
5. Parental role swapping
Offspring often develop maladaptive coping mechanisms in response to family vulnerability (Brave Heart, 1998; Letzter-Pouw et al., 2014; Wiseman et al., 2006).
Historical moral injury (HMI) is a crucial dimension of the HITT model, influencing both family and offspring vulnerability and resilience (Bekes & Starrs, 2024). HMI describes the impact of witnessing events that contradict one’s moral values and undermine humanistic beliefs (Litz et al., 2009). In the context of historical trauma, HMI manifests as diminished trust and betrayed personal beliefs about justice and morality (Hafer & Sutton, 2016).
The HITT model can be applied to the traumatic experiences of the Kazakh famine of the 1930s. Moldabaykyzy (2023) identified several factors that align with the model’s components, including betrayed personal beliefs, silence, oppression within families, and distrust in authority. These factors can be understood as expressions of family and offspring vulnerability and historical moral injury.
The silenced nature of the Kazakh famine until 1991 adds a unique dimension to this case, potentially influencing the manifestation of historical intergenerational trauma across generations. Examining the domains of disrupted family functioning, trauma-related communication, and historical, moral injury may provide insights into the expressions of historical intergenerational trauma in second and third-generation members of families that survived the Kazakh Famine of the 1930s.
Figure 1. Historical Intergenerational Trauma Transmission Model by Starrs & Bekes (2024). This model states that a traumatic historical event can affect family vulnerability and resilience, which in turn results in the offspring building their own resilience and vulnerability in relation to that in a family. Historical, moral injury, in turn, interacts with all of them, affecting offspring’s mental health and functioning in all the major domains.
When formulating hypotheses for the present study, it is crucial to consider research on second and third generations of families that experienced trauma in similar contexts. Holocaust studies provide relevant insights. For instance, Sagi-Schwartz et al. (2008) found little to no direct overall intergenerational impact of the Holocaust on the grandchildren of survivors, though a later study by Payne and Berle (2021) noted slightly elevated PTSD symptoms in this group.
However, specific intergenerational patterns have been observed, including feelings of obligation to compensate for ancestors’ traumatic experiences and a need to maintain control. These manifest in behaviors such as over-controlling parenting (Barocas & Barocas, 1980), dysregulated communication about Holocaust experiences (Wiseman, 2008), emotional numbness and detachment (Barocas & Barocas, 1979;
1981), and overprotective-fearful parenting and child parentification (Eland et al., 1990).
Bekes and Starrs (2024) found a generation-explained variance in mental health symptoms, with closer generations to survivors scoring higher on PTSD symptoms. This suggests historical intergenerational trauma may decrease with subsequent generations. Gorbunova and Klimchuk (2020) corroborate this, noting that trauma effects are most pronounced in first-generation survivors, with second and thirdgenerations experiencing a range of emotional and behavioral issues.
The Holodomor (Great Ukrainian Famine) of 19321933 offers another comparative case of historical trauma, particularly relevant to the Kazakh Famine of the 1930s due to similar circumstances and timeframe. Research on Holodomor’s intergenerational effects reveals patterns of silence among direct survivors and their descendants, contrasting with greater openness among those not directly linked to victims (Gorbunova & Klimchuk, 2020). Bezo and Maggi (2015) identified ongoing impacts on second and third generations, including specific trauma-coping strategies and emotional states.
These findings from Holocaust and Holodomor studies provide a framework for investigating potential generational differences in historical intergenerational trauma components in the proposed research on the Kazakh Famine.
This proposed study investigates the potential intergenerational psychological consequences of the 1930s Kazakh famine (Asharshylyq). While research has examined intergenerational trauma related to other historical famines, such as the Ukrainian Holodomor, the Kazakh case remains understudied. We seek to address this gap by applying the Historical Intergenerational Trauma Transmission (HITT) framework to examine potential trauma transmission across generations of Kazakh famine survivors.
Our rationale is that, despite the silencing of Asharshylyq discussions in the Soviet era, second and third-generation famine survivors may have been impacted by the implicit transmission of historical intergenerational trauma through witnessing their parents’ and grandparents’ experiences (Ozkan, n.d.). Even fourth and fifth post-famine generations may experience effects through secondary witnessing and engagement with famine discourse (Kadyrkhanova, 2022).
This study will focus specifically on family vulnerability and historical, moral injury in second and third generations, who were temporally closer to survivors and grew up when famine discussions were suppressed. We aim to compare outcomes between descendants of families who fled the Kazakh SSR during the famine and those who remained.
This research seeks to clarify how psychological consequences may manifest across generations by providing empirical data on potential intergenerational trauma stemming from the Kazakh famine. It also aims to stimulate further English-language empirical research on the Kazakh case within traumatology, psychology, and sociology.
This study will contribute to the limited literature on the intergenerational effects of the Kazakh famine (Moldagalykyzy, 2023) and expand understanding of historical trauma transmission in this context. The findings may have implications for conceptualizing collective trauma and informing support for affected communities.
1. Will there be differences in (dysregulated) general family communication as a component of family vulnerability between the second and third generations?
2. Will there be differences in components of family vulnerability (e.g., chronic avoidance of traumarelated communication, trust in authorities, and dysregulated family communication) for survivor families who “stayed” in Kazakh SSR compared to families who “fled” Kazakh SSR during the Kazakh famine?
3. Will historical, moral injury scores differ across generations and/or migration groups (e.g., Kazakh famine survivor families who “stayed” compared to those who “fled”)?
Based on the previous research, the following hypotheses have been formed:
• H1: Second and third generations of survivor families will experience high offspring vulnerability in regards to (dysregulated) general family communication;
• H2: Survivor families who stayed in Kazakh SSR (and further, in Kazakhstan) throughout the period from 1931-1933 will score high on family vulnerability in regards to chronic avoidance of traumarelated communication, trust in authorities, and dysregulated family communication.
• H3: Historical moral injury scores will be lower in the older second generations of survivors than in the younger third generations of survivors. This can be explained by the topic’s recent re-emergence in common media and contemporary local art.
• H4: Historical, moral injury scores will be higher in families who fled the Kazakh SSR during the Kazakh famine and returned to independent Kazakhstan after 1991 compared to families who stayed in the Kazakh SSR during and after the Kazakh famine. This can be explained by the silenced nature of the famine in the USSR and the greater freedom to discuss it outside of the USSR.
Previous studies on traumatic events and historical intergenerational trauma had between 700 and 1000 participants (Bekes & Starrs, 2024; Gorbunova & Klimchuk, 2020). As the present study is novel and has never been conducted in Kazakhstan before, I propose to use the number of participants from earlier HITT research to evaluate the number necessary for the purpose of this study. A minimum of 700 Kazakh people from 30 to 80 years of age, who approximately constitute the second and third generations of the youngest 1931-1933 Kazakh famine survivors’ families, is proposed for sampling this study. The famine survivors, who would be the participants’ parents or grandparents, were approximately of child and/or teenage at the time of the famine.
Demographic information collected during the study will include age, gender, which post-famine generation the participant identifies as, which region of Kazakhstan they are from, which languages they speak (Kazakh, Russian, and/or English, and “other” for any other languages), which region of Kazakhstan their family lived in when the famine unfolded, and whether their families migrated outside of the USSR at the time of the famine (see Table 1 for more detailed information).
The present study proposes to recruit participants using convenience sampling. The consent form and questionnaire will be distributed online using social media, including such resources as Instagram and TikTok. According to Digital 2024, out of 19.71 million residents/citizens of Kazakhstan as of January 2024, 14.10 million (or 71.5% of the total population) used social media. However, only 29% of the population are between the ages of 45 and 65 or above. Assuming that not all of them use electronic devices and/or have
access to the Internet, a research team will also contact local organizations that work with elderly populations (e.g., HelpAge, ARDAGER, OHCHR Kazakhstan) in the main regional cities of Kazakhstan (e.g. Ural et al., etc.) and cities of the republic status (e.g. Astana, Almaty, Shymkent) in order to distribute the paper print copies of the questionnaires and informed consent forms among the population of interest.
This research proposal will be submitted to the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at Bard College, NY. Prior to participating in the study, the participants will also sign an informed consent form outlining all the risks described.
The historical intergenerational trauma transmission will be measured in individuals using sections HITTQ1 (family vulnerability), HITTQ2 (offspring vulnerability), and HITTQ4 (historical vulnerability) of the historical intergenerational trauma transmission questionnaire (HITT-Q) by Bekes & Starrs (2024). HITT-Q was developed out of the HITT framework discussed in section 2.0 of the introduction. This questionnaire is a self-report measurement of the impact of historical intergenerational trauma on family and offspring’s vulnerability and resilience, and it was partly developed from population-specific measures, such as Holocaustspecific context, and partly based on the key findings of the related literature (Danieli et al., et al., 2015). The preliminary questions of this questionnaire aim to identify the types of specific events that had occurred to the participants’ families, as well as the associated losses. For the purpose of this study, only the events relevant to the Kazakh famine were kept (therefore, preliminary items about abuse, violence, labor camps, or torture were removed as they do not necessarily fit into the context of the Kazakh famine of 19311933). The subsections of the HITT-Q questionnaire that are proposed for this study include the following dimensions from the original HITT model by Bekes & Starrs:
1. Family Vulnerability, which includes items on dysregulated communication, trauma communication, trauma-impacted parenting, fear & distress (e.g., ‘My family members often screamed in order to feel heard’; ‘My family never discussed the traumatic events (e.g. Asharshylyq)’);
2. Offspring Vulnerability: coping mechanisms for escape, heightened responsibility, trauma-related distress (e.g., ‘I feel that I have to make up for the suffering of my family and/or people’; ‘It is important for me to feel in control’);
3. Historical Moral Injury: diminished trust as a result of trauma (e.g., ‘My people/family were betrayed by someone they once trusted’), betrayed personal morals (e.g., ‘A group of people in power did something bad to my family/my people’).
Items for family vulnerability scores and historical, moral injury are scored on a 5-point Likert scale (0 – Definitely not true, 4 – Very true), and offspring trauma-related distress is rated on a frequency scale (0 – Never/Almost never; 4 – Every time). The scores will be averaged across all the participants for family vulnerability, offspring vulnerability, and historical moral injury items, respectively. Additionally, the average for each item category will be calculated depending on the participant’s generational group and migration group (see “families who stayed” and “families who fled” groups in Figure 3). “Families who stayed” represents the population of ethnic Kazakhs whose families lived in Kazakh SSR through the famine and stayed there since 1933.” Families who fled” represents the ethnic Kazakh population whose families migrated to countries outside of the USSR from Kazakh SSR during the 1930s Kazakh famine, and returned to independent Kazakhstan in or after 1991. The complete list of questionnaire items can be found below in Appendix 1.1.
The virtual responses will be collected using Qualtrics. None of the participant’s personal information will be collected or shared for any purpose other than this proposed study. Additionally, the information collected for this study will not be shared with anyone other than the investigators.
The paper-print copies will be collected in the case of in-person participant recruitment; those responses will then be transferred to an Excel spreadsheet, along with the Qualtrics responses, for further analysis. Once transferred to the spreadsheet, the filled-out paper copies of questionnaires will be destroyed. Finally, the spreadsheet will be stored as a dual-verification file on the primary investigator’s computer.
The survey items will be translated into Russian and Kazakh to reach the local Kazakhstan population and the Kazakhs whose families migrated outside of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR).
Descriptive analyses for individual means will be conducted for family offspring vulnerability and historical, moral injury among the following groups:
1) the participants overall; 2) generational groups (second vs. third); 3) migration groups (Kazakhs whose families stayed vs. Kazakhs whose families fled Kazakh SSR in 1931-1933); 4) second generation of families who stayed; 5) second generation of families who fled; 6) third generation of families who stayed; 7) third generation of families who fled.
The purpose of this proposed study is to identify the potential psychological effects of the historical intergenerational trauma in the Kazakh famine survivors on the second and third generations of the survivor families. The study will include ethnic Kazakhs whose families stayed in Kazakh SSR and, subsequently, Kazakhstan (after the collapse of the USSR) since 1933, as well as ethnic Kazakhs whose families migrated to other countries during the famine and then came back to Kazakhstan after the collapse of the USSR and Kazakhstan’s independence in 1991. In the ideal case, the proportions of the sample groups will be equal; however, an overweighting method will be applied in case one group comparatively outnumbers the other.
The purpose of this proposed study is to identify the potential psychological effects of the historical intergenerational trauma in the Kazakh famine survivors on the second and third generations of the survivor families. The study will include ethnic Kazakhs whose families stayed in Kazakh SSR and, subsequently, Kazakhstan (after the collapse of the USSR) since 1933, as well as ethnic Kazakhs whose families migrated to other countries during the famine and then came back to Kazakhstan after the collapse of the USSR and Kazakhstan’s independence in 1991. In the ideal case, the proportions of the sample groups will be equal; however, an overweighting method will be applied in case one group comparatively outnumbers the other.
As far as the analyses go, descriptive analyses will be conducted on all measures in order to compare different generational groups and Kazakhstani Kazakhs (labeled as “families who stayed” in Figure 3 below) vs. Kazakhs who returned to the historical homeland (Kazakhstan) from abroad (since their families migrated during the famine). Means and standard deviations will be described so that all the groups can observe and compare different generational and migration contexts concerning the Kazakh famine of the 1930s. The following results are anticipated for these analyses:
1. The older second-generation representatives would score higher, on average, on family and offspring vulnerability than younger thirdgeneration representatives (see Figure 2);
2. The historical moral injury scores will, on average, be lower in the second than in the third generations of survivor families (see Figure 2);
3. Means that family and offspring vulnerability will be higher in the families who stayed in Kazakh SSR since 1933, compared to families who fled to nonUSSR countries during the famine (see Figure 3);
4. Participants from families that stayed in the Kazakh SSR since 1933 will score lower on historical moral injury compared to the participants whose families fled to non-USSR countries during the famine and only returned to Kazakhstan upon or after its independence in 1991 (see Figure 3).
Figure 2. Anticipated results for across-generation scores on family vulnerability and historical moral injury on a Likert scale from 0 - Definitely not true to 4 – Very true and offspring vulnerability on a frequency scale from 0 - Never/ Almost never to 4 - Every Time. Higher family and offspring vulnerability scores are expected to be found in the second than the third generation; however, given the silenced nature of the famine during the upbringing and formation of the second population, lower historical and moral injury is expected to be found in the second compared to the third generation. Historical moral injury is also expected to be significantly low across generations.
Figure 3. Anticipated results for scores on family vulnerability and historical moral injury on a Likert scale from 0 - Definitely not true to 4 – Very true and offspring vulnerability on a frequency scale from 0 - Never/Almost never to 4 - Every Time. The compared groups here are 1) Kazakhs whose families stayed in the Kazakh SSR during the famine and lived there throughout the USSR and until the present times; 2) Kazakhs whose families fled Kazakh SSR during the Kazakh famine and returned to Kazakhstan after independence. It is expected to observe higher family and offspring vulnerability scores in families who “stayed” rather than those who “fled”. However, as the famine discussion was silenced in the Kazakh SSR and was not outside of the USSR, historical, moral injury scores are expected to be higher in the families who “fled” and were able to discuss it more openly.
The present study aims to quantify the subjective post-famine historical intergenerational trauma experiences in second and third generations of survivor families related to the 1930s Kazakh Famine. This research addresses a significant gap in the literature, as the psychological impacts of this historical event have been understudied. We hypothesize that:
1. Second—and third-generation Kazakh families that migrated outside of the Kazakh SSR during the 1930s famine will demonstrate greater historical vulnerability than those whose families remained in Kazakhstan (Cameron, 2018).
2. Second and third generations of survivor families will exhibit high offspring vulnerability regarding dysregulated general family communication (Bekes & Starrs, 2024).
3. Survivor families who stayed in Kazakhstan from 1931-1933 will score high on family vulnerability related to chronic avoidance of trauma-related communication, distrust in authorities, and dysregulated family communication (Cameron, 2018).
4. Historical, moral injury scores will be lower in older members of post-famine generations than in younger members, potentially due to the topic’s recent re-emergence in media and contemporary art (Yesdauletova et al., 2015).
This study will provide insight into the intergenerational psychological consequences of the Kazakh Famine, contributing to our understanding of silenced historical traumas and the colonial impacts of Soviet collectivization policies (Cameron, 2018).
The research design employs validated measures of historical intergenerational trauma, including the Historical Intergenerational Trauma and Transmission
Questionnaire (HITT-Q) (Bekes & Starrs, 2024). Participants will be recruited from both Kazakhstan and diaspora communities, ensuring representation of families who migrated and those who remained.
Limitations include potential sampling biases, the focus solely on ethnic Kazakhs, and the inherent challenges of studying historical events through retrospective measures. Future research directions may include comparative studies with other affected populations and more targeted investigations of specific trauma transmission mechanisms.
This study represents an important step in examining the long-term psychological impacts of the Kazakh Famine, with implications for understanding intergenerational trauma transmission in other historically marginalized populations.
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Appendix 1.1.
Historical Intergenerational Trauma Transmission Questionnaire by Bekes & Starrs (2024).
Below, you will see a set of questions about the Asharshylyq (also known as the Kazakh Famine) of the 1931-1933. Please answer the questions as honestly as you can.
EVENTS: Did any of the following happen to your family or to your people during the Kazakh famine? (Please select all that apply)
• Experienced torture
• Had to flee to save their life/lives
• Had to hide from the enemy
• Was forced to leave their home
• Was forcibly relocated
• Was punished for speaking their traditional language
• Was forcibly removed from their parents/caregivers
• Was denied the right to practice their religion/ traditional practices
• I don’t know what happened to my parents/ grandparents
LOSSES: Due to Asharshylyq/the Kazakh Famine, my family/ my people lost... (please select all that apply)
• Our land and/or possessions
• Our traditional/original language
• Our traditional religious/spiritual ways
• Our family ties
• Our family/community members
• Our traditional holidays or celebrations
• Our traditional dress and/or hairstyles
• Our respect for ourselves and each other
• Our traditional social structure (e.g., matrilineal structure)
• A sense of our own identity
• Our sense of community identity
• Our sense of continuity throughout generations
• I don’t know what my family/people lost
HITTQ1 (Family Vulnerability Questionnaire).
Please select how much each statement was true in your family when you were growing up. If your family members differed significantly, choose what was the most typical. Don’t think too much about your response, the first response that comes to mind is usually the best
0 Definitely not true; 1 A little bit true; 2 Somewhat true; 3 Mostly true; 4 Very true
1. Affection and open expression of love were rare in our home
2. Open communication seemed not to exist in our home
3. It felt dangerous to express emotions at home
4. My family members often screamed in order to feel heard
5. My family never discussed the traumatic events (e.g. Asharshylyq)
6. The traumatic events were shared with too much detail, without consideration of my feelings (e.g. Asharshylyq)
7. My family used shame to control my behavior
8. I was often made to feel guilty by my family
9. It was very difficult for my family to provide reasonable
10. My family viewed the world as a dangerous place
11. Weakness was not tolerated in our home
12. Growing up, we didn’t have much contact with people outside the family
13. My family taught me to be ready for anything that might happen in life
14. My family did not trust scientists or healthcare professionals
15. In my family, people in authority (e.g., police, government) were not trusted
16. In my family, people outside our ethnic/religious group were not trusted
17. My family members often erupted in violent outbursts
18. My family member’s behavior sometimes terrified me
19. I never knew when something I said might upset my family, so I rather did not speak my mind
20. My family worried about everything
21. My family viewed the world as a dangerous place
HITTQ2 (Offspring Vulnerability Questionnaire).
Please select how much the following statements are true about you.
0 Definitely not true; 1 A little bit true; 2 Somewhat true; 3 Mostly true; 4 Very true
1. I find it uncomfortable to be in a position of authority
2. I sometimes use alcohol, substances, sex or food to soothe myself
3. My first reaction to a new task is, “I can’t...”
4. I push away my emotions to avoid intense anger/rage
5. I feel that I have to make up for the suffering of my family and/or people
6. It is important for me to feel in control
7. I don’t talk about my personal problems so as not burden others
HITTQ4 (Historical Vulnerability Questionnaire).
Please select how much the following statements are true about you
0 Definitely not true; 1 A little bit true; 2 Somewhat true; 3 Mostly true; 4 Very true
1. I experience reoccurring, unwanted, distressing thoughts/dreams related to what happened to my family/my people
2. I try to avoid activities, places, things, or situations that remind me of what happened to my family/my people (during the Asharshylyq)
3. I was able to create my own story/narrative about my family’s/my people’s experiences (of the Asharshylyq)
4. I have actively collected information through art, readings, or field visits about my family/my people’s history
5. I have a strong sense of belonging to my community/ people/family
6. I have strong positive values that guide me in life
7. Being aware of my family/my people’s history positively changed my values and priorities in life
8. I am proud and/or I find it meaningful to be part of my family/my people
9. Growing up, I turned to people outside my family for support (e.g., friends, teachers)
Appendix 1.2. Demographic Questionnaire.
Below, you will find a questionnaire inquiring about your age, gender, socioeconomic status, and the history of your family in relation to the Kazakh famine. Please respond to the questions as honestly as possible. Please keep in mind that the information you provide will be confidential and only used for the purpose of the current study. It will not be shared with anyone outside of the research team, and you can withdraw your participation from the study at any time.
1. What is your age, in years?
2. Which region of Kazakhstan do you reside in now?
3. Which region of Kazakhstan did your family live in 1931 - 1933?
4. My family lived in the areas affected by Asharshylyq (yes/no/i don’t know/other)
5. One or more of my family members died during the Asharshylyq (yes/no/i don’t know/other)
6. All my family members survived during Asharshylyq but starved and suffered a lot (yes/no/i don’t know/other)
7. Our neighbors/distant relatives suffered or died during the Asharshylyq (yes/no/i don’t know/other)
8. My family starved during the Asharshylyq, but not so much that it threatened their life (yes/no/i don’t know/ other)
9. My family experienced no suffering from the Asharshylyq (yes/no/i don’t know/other)
10. My family migrated to outside of Kazakhstan during the Asharshylyq, and then moved back to Kazakhstan postfamine (yes/no/i don’t know/other)
Table 1. Proposed Demographic Information.
This table aims to collect information on age, gender, socioeconomic status of the family, and the number of family members who suffered during the famine within a family, as well as which post-famine generation a participant identifies with.
Mean Age (SD)
Gender
Female
Male
Other
Post-famine Generation # Second
Third
Fourth
Don’t Know
Education
Socioeconomic Status
Less than high school
High school graduate
Some college/professional training
College (undergraduate) diploma
Some graduate training
Graduate degree
Difficult, often struggle to afford basic necessities
Enough for necessities, but no extras
Relatively comfortable, enough for necessities & some extras
Comfortable, can afford luxuries
Survivors in the Family
Mother
Father
Both parents
Grandparent
# of participants
PI: Dr. Elise Cappella
Mentors: Christine Park + Natalie May
The CONNECT lab at NYU conducts research to understand and strengthen contexts for learning and mental health in low-income education settings. This lab’s long-term goal is to increase the likelihood that more young people will have the connections and opportunities they need to succeed in school and life.
Hector Cuautle
Families from low-income and minority communities report experiencing high levels of stress (Jones, 2021). This phenomenon can be attributed to macrosystemic stressors associated with low socioeconomic status (Jones, 2021; Rose-Jacobs, 2008). These pressures manifest in various forms, including food insecurity, housing instability, racial discrimination, negative interactions with government institutions, and limited access to goods and services (Conger, 2002; Cummings, 2017; Kirkpatrick, 2011). The constant stressors experienced by parents and children in low-income communities negatively impact relationship quality and can lead to dysfunctional family environments (Jones, 2021). Moreover, these stressors significantly influence child developmental outcomes (Osher, 2018; Jones, 2021; Conger, 2002).
Children from low-income families report higher stress levels compared to their more affluent peers (Frazier, 2007; Cummings, 2017; Schonert-Reichl, 2015). Research consistently demonstrates lower academic achievement among these children. Students experiencing higher stress tend to exhibit maladaptive behaviors in school settings (Cappella, 2018). These behaviors contribute to negative school experiences, including feelings of discouragement, poor student-teacher relationships, and problematic peer interactions (Jones, 2017). Such stress responses can generalize to other settings, leading to additional maladaptive behaviors (Conger, 2002).
Low-income families also demonstrate higher rates of family conflict than their higher-income counterparts (Garcia et al., 2017). This is partly due to the relationship between children’s maladaptive behaviors and increased parenting stress (Doom, et al., 2018 ). Parents of children with behavioral or psychological disorders in low-income families often feel ill-equipped to support their child’s success (Boulter, 2013; Copeland, 2011). This exacerbates stress and correlates with high-risk and aggressive parental behaviors, including child maltreatment and substance abuse (Doom, et al., 2018; Garcia et al., 2017; Jones, 2021). To promote children’s resilience, it is crucial to provide low-income parents with accessible and feasible resources and interventions to reduce family stress.
Parent-child interaction therapy (PCIT) is a widely used intervention to improve the quality of interaction between parent and child by empowering parents with positive parenting skills (Butler, 2006; Fowles, 2018; Ufford, 2022). While typically administered in clinical settings, PCIT has also demonstrated efficacy when delivered remotely (Fowles, 2018). The improvements in child instruction and regulation have been shown to translate into the school environment, making it particularly beneficial for younger students (Ufford, 2022). However, research indicates that families from low-income backgrounds need help accessing and maintaining these services due to time constraints, cost, and language barriers (Harrison, 2004; Ufford, 2022).
These obstacles to mental health services have led to integrating Social Emotional Learning (SEL) in public school curricula. SEL is a learning framework that promotes the acquisition of behavioral skills essential for children’s development of positive relationships with their own emotions, recognition of others’ emotions, and knowledge of proper social conduct (Elias et al., 1997; McClelland, 2017). In recent years, SEL has garnered increased attention, particularly in educational settings, due to its projected benefits on student development and overall well-being (Cox et al., 2024; Durlak et al., 2011; Schonert-Reichl, 2015). This has resulted in the development of theories of action and core competencies aimed at facilitating smoother implementation of SEL into school instruction (Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction, 2022).
The theoretical foundations of SEL are rooted in social learning theory and ecological systems theory (McClelland, 2017; Trach, 2017). Ecological systems theory, in particular, provides a framework for understanding how individuals are influenced by multiple environmental systems in their contextual environment (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). These foundational theories have supported the development of SEL interventions that promote emotional competency and self-regulation skills in classroom settings (Durlak et al., 2011; McClelland, 2017). Few SEL interventions integrate parent involvement into their procedures (McCormick, 2016), rendering SEL programming almost exclusive to the classroom context.
This investigation will focus on a single core SEL competency: self-management. Self-management, a core social-emotional learning (SEL) competency, refers to an individual’s ability to regulate emotions, behaviors, and thoughts across various contexts (CASEL, 2021; Elias et al., 1997). This investigation focuses on self-management due to its mediating role in stress management (Durlak et al., 2011; McClelland et al., 2017; Schonert-Reichl et al., 2015). Enhanced selfmanagement skills are associated with higher levels of executive functioning and emotional competence, crucial for effective stress management and emotional control (Stephen, 2024).
While SEL is typically implemented in school environments, this approach may overlook the significant influence of the family system on learning and development. Family systems theory emphasizes the interconnected nature of family units, particularly the bidirectional influences between parents and children (Gavazzi & Lim, 2023). This bidirectional influence has been explored in the context of stress and family conflict (Conger et al., 2002; Jones, 2021) but remains relatively unexplored in SEL interventions targeting stress as an outcome variable (McCormick et al., 2016).
Research has demonstrated that SEL can improve students’ academic performance, promote positive social behaviors, and reduce emotional distress (Butler, 2006). Given these positive outcomes, it is reasonable to hypothesize that implementing SEL in the home environment could strengthen students’ SEL practices and benefit other family members. Existing literature suggests that parental involvement in SEL can enhance student learning outcomes, indicating potential familial effects (McCormick et al., 2016).
To address the stress experienced by low-income families, it is essential to design SEL interventions tailored to the home context. Current literature has yet to fully explore the potential of SEL to facilitate parentchild conflict resolution. Skills such as emotional awareness, collaboration, and accountability, integral to conflict-based interactions, could help mitigate the negative effects of family stress.
While SEL interventions have shown promise in school settings, more research is needed on the effectiveness of SEL practices implemented in the home environment, particularly for low-income families facing high stress levels.
This study takes an innovative approach by adapting SEL principles, explicitly focusing on self-management skills, for use in a family context through a play-based intervention. By extending SEL beyond the classroom and into the home, this research aims to address the unique challenges low-income families face and potentially disrupt the cycle of stress and conflict.
We hypothesize that implementing SEL practices in low-income households through a play-based intervention will significantly reduce reported stress levels in parents and children. If successful, this study could provide a model for integrating SEL practices into family-based interventions, potentially offering a costeffective approach to supporting low-income families’ emotional well-being and resilience. By bridging the gap between school-based SEL and family systems theory, this research can inform more comprehensive, ecologically valid approaches to promoting socialemotional well-being in low-income communities.
This study aims to recruit 150 parent-child dyads from second-grade classrooms in New York City Public Schools between September 2024 and July 2025. The focus on second-grade families is based on the critical importance of middle childhood for socioemotional skill development and self-regulation (Osher, 2018). Moreover, parental socialization during this phase can have enduring effects on children (De Raeymaecker, & Dhar, 2022). Additionally, most second-graders meet the minimum age requirement for completing the Perceived Stress Scale for Kids (PeSSKi).
Recruitment will be conducted in five partnered schools within a low-income school district where 90% or more of the student population qualifies for free or reduced lunch (United States Census Bureau, 2023). This targeting strategy is based on the everyday use of free/reduced lunch eligibility as a proxy for poverty in research. Furthermore, these schools are expected to have a larger minority-identifying student population, as higher enrollment rates for free/reduced lunches are associated with these communities (Day et al. 2016).
The recruitment process will involve multiple strategies. Schools will distribute multilingual recruitment flyers (primarily in English and Spanish) to students during the first week. Additionally, parents will receive emails, and interest flyers will be posted on social media platforms. Informational meetings for interested parents will be conducted via Zoom, with translation
services available, to elucidate the study’s aims and potential benefits.
Interested parent-child dyads will complete an interest form. A lottery system will be employed if the number of interested dyads exceeds the available slots (n=150). Thirty eligible families from each school will be randomly selected for participation. Eligibility criteria for parents include:
Residence in New York City for the past year (since 2022):
• Annual household income below the poverty threshold established by the U.S. Census Bureau (2023)
• Age of 7 years at the study’s commencement
For child participants, the criteria are:
• Enrollment in second grade for the 2023-2024 school year
• Age of 7 years at the study’s commencement
These criteria have been established to ensure enrolled families meet the low-income threshold and mitigate potential confounding variables that may influence stress levels.
The present study proposes the Social Emotional Learning Backpack Intervention (SEL-BPI), designed to facilitate social-emotional learning by implementing SEL practices in the family home environment. This 12-session, biweekly intervention draws inspiration from the “Joy In A Box” program Mims (2023) developed to promote parent-child learning around Black history during the COVID-19 pandemic. Additionally, it builds upon previous research utilizing home-based interventions for SEL and Parent-Child Interaction Therapy (Fowles, 2018; McClelland, 2017).
The SEL-BPI consists of four structured steps per session. First, families designate a typical area in the home for the intervention and join a video call with a trained Research Assistant (RA). Second, families unpack the provided materials and receive an overview of the session’s activity. Third, parents and children engage in the activity with minimal guidance from the RA. Finally, the dyad completes a high-five ritual to conclude the activity, followed by a summary from the RA highlighting the targeted SEL concept.
Intervention materials are provided in backpacks containing supplies for 1-2 sessions, each focusing on a distinct SEL concept: self-awareness, self-management,
decision-making, social awareness, and relationship skills. Activities are structured as interactive games requiring participation from both parent and child. For instance, “Emotion Matching Frenzy” (Humphries, 2011) targets self-awareness and social awareness by having participants identify and match emotion labels to corresponding facial expression cards.
This approach aims to create an engaging, developmentally appropriate method for fostering SEL skills within the family context. By integrating evidence-based practices and leveraging the home environment, the SEL-BPI can enhance children’s social-emotional competencies while strengthening parent-child relationships.
The present study examines participants’ perceptions of stressors in their daily lives, distinct from stress responses, which encompass cognitive, emotional, and biological reactions to stressful events (Crosswell, 2020). To assess perceived stress, we utilize the Perceived Stress Scale-10 (PSS-10), a widely recognized global stress measurement tool (Cohen, 1983). The PSS-10 is a 10-item self-report measure that includes items such as:
“In the last month, how often have you been upset because of something that happened unexpectedly?”
“In the last month, how often have you felt that things were going your way?”
“In the last month, how often have you felt difficulties were piling up so high that you could not overcome them?”
This instrument was selected based on its psychometric properties, including adequate internal consistency reliability (α = .78) and moderate concurrent criterion validity with weekly stress experiences (r = .39, p < .001) (Cohen, 1988; Baik, 2017). Furthermore, the PSS-10 has demonstrated measurement invariance across gender, longitudinal stability over two years, and acceptable validity in Spanish translations (Baik, 2017).
Parent participants will complete the PSS-10, rating their agreement with each item on a 5-point Likert scale. Total scores indicate stress levels as follows: low stress (0-13 points), moderate stress (14-26 points), and high stress (27-40 points).
For child participants aged 7-11 years, we employ the Perceived Stress Scale for Kids (PeSSKi), an ageappropriate adaptation of the PSS-10 (Davis, 2022). The PeSSKi uses a star response system for 11 statements, including:
• “I feel stressed when I have too much homework.”
• “I feel overwhelmed by my responsibilities.”
• “I feel things are going my way” (Davis, 2022)
The PeSSKi utilizes the same scoring system as the PSS-10 for stress level categorization. This measure was chosen to focus on feelings of helplessness and emotional regulation difficulties, aligning with the study’s objectives. The PeSSKi has demonstrated acceptable psychometric properties, including good accessibility (Flesch-Kincaid grade level 1.66), internal consistency (Cronbach’s α = 0.78), and satisfactory convergent validity (Davis, 2022).
This longitudinal quantitative study will assess the effect of the Social-Emotional Learning Backpack Program Intervention (SEL-BPI) on parent and child perceived stress over seven months. Families meeting inclusion criteria will participate in an individual pre-recruitment meeting with a research assistant, conducted either online or in person at the child’s school. During this meeting, the study’s purposes will be reviewed separately with parent and child participants to ensure a complete understanding of expectations. Upon confirming interest, participants will complete consent forms, and parents will provide demographic information via a questionnaire.
Data collection will occur at three-time points: one-month pre-intervention, immediately postintervention, and one month post-intervention. These sessions will occur at the child’s school in an available classroom. Parents will complete the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-10), while children will complete the Pediatric Subjective Stress Questionnaire (PeSSKi). To maintain data integrity, parents and children will be assessed separately, with parents allowed to remain present during child assessments only if requested.
Throughout the 7-month intervention period, research assistants will coordinate 12 intervention sessions
with participating families. Phone calls will serve as the primary mode of communication unless participants specify otherwise. All research assistants will undergo comprehensive training in study protocols, including sensitivity and bias awareness, standardized SELBPI administration procedures, and data collection methods.
During the SEL-BPI sessions, research assistants will play a reserved yet active role, providing instruction and clarification as needed while encouraging participants to complete tasks successfully. This approach ensures consistency across all participant experiences, allowing for necessary support and engagement.
All collected data will be de-identified and securely stored to ensure participant privacy. Upon study completion, participants will be debriefed and informed of the results. This procedure adheres to ethical guidelines for human subjects research, prioritizing participant well-being and data integrity throughout the intervention process.
This longitudinal study will examine the SEL-BPI’s impact on reported parent and child stress. Descriptive statistics (mean, median, mode) will be calculated individually to identify trends and outliers. Combined average parent and child stress levels from each data collection period will be used for two paired samples t-tests to determine significant changes in stress from Month 0 to Month 6 and Month 7.Based on existing literature on SEL interventions, we hypothesize:
• A significant decrease in perceived stress from Month 0 to Month 6 for both parent and child samples.
• A significant decrease in perceived stress from Month 0 to Month 7 for both samples.
These anticipated reductions in stress levels are expected to result from increased self-management skill usage in households.
This study addresses high stress levels in low-income families by implementing a self-management-focused SEL intervention in the home environment. The SELBPI is designed to promote practices such as emotional regulation, mindfulness, and emotional competency within families. By emphasizing the family system, we expect these teachings to transfer bidirectionally between children and parents, potentially decreasing
stress scores for both (Butler, 2006; McCormick et al., 2016).
This research builds on existing literature supporting SEL implementation in schools and translating it to the home environment (Garcia, 2023). It also emphasizes the importance of parent involvement in child development and education (Trach et al., 2018). By bridging the divide between schools and parents, particularly those facing disproportionate stressors and barriers (Conger et al., 2002; Harrison & Sofronoff, 2004), we aim to foster effective collaboration to support students’ needs.
Limitations include the lack of consideration for cultural definitions of perceived stress (Dressler, 2022) and the absence of a control group. External factors such as school transfers or changes in living arrangements could influence results. Additionally, stress from macro structures outside school and family systems is not accounted for.
Future research should investigate the relationship between culture and stress-related intervention outcomes, utilize larger and more diverse samples, and compare effect sizes across socioeconomic status. We also recommend exploring ways to account for culturally-defined stress in data analysis.
In conclusion, this study investigates SEL’s stress reduction capabilities in low-income households by focusing on self-management. The SEL-BPI will equip both children and parents with emotional competency and stress-regulation skills through bidirectional influence within family systems. Further research into SEL as a means of empowering low-income communities is warranted.
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Gabrielle Sylvester
Racial and gender bias among teachers can negatively influence their expectations of students of color and girls, leading teachers to hold lower academic expectations for these students (Harlin et al., 2009). Black girls, in particular, are vulnerable to the intersection of these biases, which overwhelmingly denote them as unintelligent and academically disengaged (Carter Andrews et al., 2019; Gadson & Lewis, 2022). These lower expectations, rooted in racialized and gendered perceptions of intelligence and ability, are harmful to girls of color because they may impact their access to special education services (Mireles, 2022). Given that teachers typically initiate referrals for students to be evaluated for special education services, it is important to acknowledge the biases they may hold when identifying which students they consider to need extra support.
Black students are disproportionately diagnosed with disabilities compared to students of other racial/ ethnic backgrounds (Blanchett et al., 2009; Fish, 2022). 12.2 percent of Black students receive special education services compared to 8.6 percent of White students and 4.4 percent of Asian students (U.S. Department of Education, 2020). Not only are Black students diagnosed more with disabilities, but they are overwhelmingly diagnosed with ones that are subject to more stigma, such as intellectual disabilities and emotional disabilities. In contrast, White children with disability diagnoses are often classified with Autism and ADHD, which are typically viewed more positively and allow them greater access to services (Fish, 2022; Skrtic et al., 2021). However, these studies do not focus on disability diagnoses at the intersection of race and gender, which may intersect to create different patterns of referral and diagnosis for students.
Not only is there a disproportion regarding race, but gender as well in that girls of all races are less diagnosed with disabilities compared to boys. This is due to teacher expectations for academic disengagement and underperformance (Fish, 2022). Research suggests that teacher expectations influence students’ academic experiences, as teachers’ beliefs about students’ abilities can shape their engagement, motivation, and academic success (Rubie-Davies, 2010; Jussim & Harber, 2005). Girls being less diagnosed with disabilities can be attributed to evidence that academic
performance is not typically a salient marker for a need for special education referrals; rather, identification typically stems from behavioral concerns. Girls are socialized to engage in more passive behaviors compared to boys, who are more normalized to display more active or externalizing behaviors (i.e., not staying in their seats, disrupting others). As a result, girls with disabilities typically fly under the radar due to fewer overt indicators, preventing them from getting access to the support they need (Arms et al., 2008). It is typically when girls engage in these more active behaviors that disability referral processes begin.
For Black girls with and without disabilities, their behavior is subject to hyper-scrutiny, and they face increased disciplinary action (e.g., in school suspensions) when not behaving similarly to their White female peers (Bailey & Mobley, 2019). Schulman, Patrick, and Chaudhry (2017) found that 18.6% of Black girls with disabilities received one or more outof-school suspensions, in comparison to 5.2% of White girls with disabilities and 2.8% of girls without disabilities. When Black girls exhibit more active or externalizing behaviors that would typically initiate a disability referral process for boys, they often do not receive such a response due to social norms stemming from biased thinking. Therefore, it is essential to look at both race and gender, particularly how these racialized and gendered perceptions of intelligence and ability prevent Black girls from being perceived and recognized as students with disabilities (Bailey & Mobley, 2019). This analysis requires an intersectional approach, as proposed by Crenshaw (1991), to understand how the overlapping identities of race, gender, and ability interact to shape unique experiences of discrimination and marginalization.
Further, much of the literature addressing students with disabilities fails to incorporate the actual voices of such students in order to understand their experience successfully. For Black students, the focus is centered on boys, leaving a dearth to remain in research pertaining to Black girls (Petersen, 2009; Shifrer, 2018). Therefore, Black girls with disabilities face increased erasure and invisibility in school settings and are not seen as needing additional support they would benefit from. To the best of my knowledge, research generally looks at the variables of race, gender, and ability as separate constructs when examining the schooling
experiences of students, but very few empirical studies look at the interaction of these variables (Bailey & Mobley, 2019; Fish, 2022; Shifrer, 2018). As such, it is important to conduct research that centers on the lived experiences and perspectives of Black girls with disabilities, allowing them to share their narratives to deepen the understanding provided by current literature on students with disabilities.
In order to conceptualize Black girls’ experiences of disability classifications, it is important to take an intersectional lens that acknowledges race, gender, and ability. As a guiding framework, Disability Critical Race Studies (DisCrit) will be used to understand the experiences of Black girls with disabilities. DisCrit draws on the foundations of Critical Race Theory and Disability Studies and recognizes that structural forces of ableism and racism influence the lived experiences of students of color on both a macro and micro level (Annamma, 2012). Thus, in recognizing how racism and ableism can create increased challenges for people of color with disabilities, DisCrit serves as a call to action to recognize the relation between the two in order to best examine and respond to the experiences of people of color with disabilities. In regard to teacher expectations, DisCrit emphasizes how they can be shaped by these intersecting biases, leading to disproportionate academic outcomes and barriers to appropriate support for Black girls with disabilities (Banks, 2017; Dávila, 2015).
DisCrit acknowledges how disability has been weaponized as a racialization tactic to further subordinate communities of color by linking notions of ability to race–in that Whiteness is associated with ability, and non-Whiteness is associated with disability (Annamma et al., 2012). As such, in recognizing racism and ableism as interlocking systems of oppression, DisCrit seeks to disrupt narratives that perpetuate White hegemony (Mireles, 2022).
Drawing on DisCrit theory, the present study seeks to answer the following question: How do Black adolescent girls with disabilities perceive and navigate their teachers’ academic expectations of them? By rejecting single-identity modes of thought, this approach will be mindful of how different oppressive systems interact to create unique experiences that current investigations of students with disabilities fail to address adequately.
The current study aims to recruit 12 Black adolescent
girls for sixty-minute semi-structured interviews. To be eligible for participation, girls must be 13-17 years old, reside in New York City, and attend public school. Before each interview, participants will complete a demographic survey about their socioeconomic status, type of disability, and family education background.
A non-probability sampling method, specifically self-selected sampling, will be employed to select participants for the current study. The reasoning behind choosing self-selected sampling is to target participants whose experiences align with the study’s focus and who may be more willing to provide insight due to voluntary participation. To initiate the selfselected sampling process and begin the recruitment process, a collaboration will be established with New York City Public Schools and several community-based organizations that provide services for students with disabilities in different boroughs across New York City.
Recruitment flyers will be sent to school administrators, school counselors, and communitybased organizations, who will then share the flyers with students (e.g., postings on bulletin boards and school portals or directly handing flyers to students). The flyers will state that researchers are looking to learn more about the experiences of Black adolescent girls with disabilities and that girls will be compensated with a $20 Amazon Gift Card for their participation. The self-selected sampling design, in addition to the collaboration with New York City Public Schools and community partners, enhances the study’s ability to gather meaningful insights into the unique experiences of Black adolescent girls with diagnosed disabilities.
After identifying Black adolescent girls to participate in the study through this recruitment process, additional efforts will be taken using snowball sampling. This technique allows participants to recommend individuals who meet the eligibility criteria for the present study. Given that Black adolescent girls with disabilities are a challenging population to reach due to underdiagnosis, this technique would be helpful for identifying participants. Snowball sampling would also help establish trust between the research team and the participants identified through this technique, as they were recruited through referrals. Before conducting the interviews, parental consent and child assent will be obtained to ensure that both parents and children are fully informed and that participation in the study is voluntary. A pre-interview meeting will also be conducted to identify any accommodations or supports the participants may need (e.g., fidget toys). Interviews will be recorded and transcribed using a
professional transcription service. Participants will be asked not to name any teachers.
Students. Sixty-minute semi-structured interviews will be conducted with Black adolescent girls to understand how they perceive their teachers’ academic expectations of them, how these expectations impact them, and how they navigate their teachers’ expectations. Key questions organized by topic can be found below that will be used to guide the interviews. Given the sensitivity of the overall topic, questions will be designed to create space for students to take the questions where they are comfortable. Also, given the semi-structured nature of the interviews, questions will be adapted to follow the direction of individual interviews.
Getting to know the student
Rationale: To build rapport with participants.
Understanding their school context
Rationale: To investigate the environment where participants are involved.
• Icebreaker
• What is your favorite and least favorite thing about school?
• When did you get diagnosed/begin to receive services?
• What does your disability mean to you?
• What are your classes like?
What are the other students in your classes like?
• What races are the other students in your classes?
• Do you know if there are other students with disabilities in your classes?
• How comfortable do you feel speaking up in class?
• Can you share your experience getting accommodations?
• If you experienced any difficulties, how did you address them?
Relationships with teachers
Rationale: To identify sources of support or conflict.
• What are your teachers like?
• Can you tell me about any teachers that you have a really strong relationship with? Why do you think this is?
• Any teachers that you really struggle with? Why do you think this is?
Teachers’ academic expectations
Rationale: To explore how these expectations influence the academic experiences of participants.
How do you feel that your disability impacts:
• The way that your teachers see you as a student?
• The coursework you are given?
• How your teachers expect you to engage with coursework?
• Can you describe how [insert areas of disability impact] changed when you were diagnosed with a disability?
• How did those changes make you feel?
Impact of teachers’ academic expectations
Rationale: To understand how these expectations influence participants’ self perception and academic self-concept.
Strategies for navigating teachers’ expectations
Rationale: To highlight resilience and resistance strategies.l
• How do you think [insert expectations from above] influences how you view yourself as a student?
• How does this impact your ability to:
• Engage with difficult coursework?
• Get support from teachers in a way that is nurturing of your growth?
• When you feel [insert any negative expectations from above], is there anything that helps you? Probe: getting support from other people, internal support/affirmation
• How do you speak up for yourself when you feel that your teachers [insert any negative expectations from above]? Can you share examples of how you communicate your needs and abilities to teachers?
• What motivates you academically despite [insert negative expectations from above]?
• Probe: goals for college and career
A thematic analysis will be conducted to analyze the data (Clarke & Braun, 2016). Following the transcription of the recorded interviews, a team of researchers will review and familiarize themselves with the data. While doing so, the team will identify codes and group them based on patterns that emerge from transcripts. These groups will be labeled with themes that the researchers define. Multiple coders will be involved
in the analytic process to ensure the reliability of this research, particularly by mitigating biases introduced from individual interpretations of data. The validity of the interview data will be addressed by the team engaging in recurring meetings where they discuss different interpretations and raise any concerns or disagreements to establish a more cohesive and mutual understanding of the data. Anticipated themes are below in Table 2.
Table 2.
Summary of Anticipated Themes and Definitions
Themes & Definitions
Feelings of Academic Underestimation
Girls’ descriptions of experiences in which they feel that teachers expect them to underperform or be disengaged in school
Feelings of Invisibility
Girls’ descriptions of becoming invisible in the classroom, with their needs going unnoticed or unaddressed.
Resistance Toward Deficit Perceptions Of Their Abilities
Girls’ descriptions of behaviors to counter negative stereotypes about their academic abilities.
Examples
1. Teachers being surprised when they know the answer to a question or participate in class discussion.
2. Teachers not elaborating on coursework when asked or not answering questions.
1. Not receiving Individualized Education Programs (IEPs), or encountering great difficulty prior to receiving them, or other special education services compared to their peers.
1. Feeling as though they had to work twice as hard to prove teachers wrong.
2. Relying on affirmations of self-worth from social support networks (i.e., family, fictive kin, etc.).
Discussion
The present study aims to examine how Black adolescent girls with disabilities perceive and navigate their teachers’ academic expectations of them. This study will illuminate the experiences of this population in school contexts and inform strategies to nurture positive adjustment, which includes, but is not limited to, the use of adaptive coping strategies, achieving academic success, and maintaining healthy relationships. Moreover, this study can serve as a call to action to adequately address the erasure Black girls experience from disability discourse. It is expected that Black adolescent girls with disabilities will report feeling academically underestimated by their teachers. This is concerning, given that young people are vulnerable to internalizing their teachers’ perceptions (Harlin et al.,
2009). This anticipated finding elucidates the potential for lowered feelings of academic self-efficacy among Black girls with disabilities.
Additionally, these girls’ instruction may not contain the appropriate challenge and rigor conducive to their growth as students. Furthermore, it is anticipated that Black adolescent girls with disabilities may share feelings of being overlooked within classroom settings. This potential finding may be a factor in these girls developing a greater sense of agency and personal autonomy.
Despite the concerns above regarding the academic experiences of Black adolescent girls with disabilities, it is essential to highlight how these girls may actively strive to counteract these negative perceptions. It is expected that the girls interviewed will share a commitment to succeeding academically by engaging in additional behaviors to demonstrate their capabilities to receive recognition from their teachers that their peers do not have to do. It is also anticipated that these girls would report the affirmations from strong social support systems (e.g., family members and fictive kin), evidencing the strength of community networks in navigating environmental stressors. Educators and policymakers should acknowledge these strengths in empowering students by curating curricula and instructional strategies that build on the assets and capabilities of Black girls with disabilities. They should also create opportunities for these girls to voice their experiences and involve them in decision-making to ensure more responsive support and resources are available. Hearing the perspectives of these girls directly can illuminate restorative practices these girls engage in to advance radical healing (French et al., 2019), which can be included in interventions to support such a population.
Overall, anticipated findings suggest the need for concentrated examination of the erasure Black girls experience from disability discourse, with proper acknowledgment of how their multiple intersecting identities lead to unique experiences. This highlights the need for improved teacher training that encourages all teachers to confront their biases and educates them on how racism, sexism, and ableism interact to affect their expectations for their students. By training teachers to better understand the nuances of disability within the context of race and gender, educators can become more adept at accurately identifying and supporting Black girls with disabilities. This training could address concerns pertaining to both underdiagnosis and misdiagnosis of disabilities among Black girls that result in their needs for additional support ultimately being left unmet.
The participants’ age is also important, given that adolescence is a developmental stage characterized by much identity exploration (Erikson, 1994). According to Erik Erikson’s Theory of Psychosocial Development, adolescents who successfully establish a strong sense of self are better equipped to navigate future development. Those who do not may struggle with self-esteem and further development. On one hand, it can be argued that Black girls with disabilities may face increased vulnerability to experiencing identity confusion as they encounter multiple forms of biases and oppression that result from their intersecting identities. However, it is important to note that these girls may recognize their differential treatment compared to their peers who are White, male, and/or do not have a disability and may develop a heightened awareness of limited opportunities that is conducive to critical consciousness development, which is linked with positive identity development (Petersen, 2009). In other words, Black girls may understand how the different forms of discrimination they face are linked rather than exclusive occurrences, allowing them to develop the level of critical consciousness needed to effectively counter deficit narratives.
Despite the anticipated evidence that these qualitative interviews would provide for understanding the lived experiences of Black adolescent girls with disabilities, this study is not without limitations. The small sample size and shared residential location of the participants lower generalizability. Future studies should endeavor to conduct comparative analyses to examine the differential experiences of the current population across neighborhood contexts. Moreover, investigating the role of socioeconomic status and teacher race/ethnicity may generate insights regarding their potential to influence the experiences of Black girls with disabilities. It is also worth examining the schooling experiences of Black adolescent girls with disabilities across age groups (e.g., elementary school age and postsecondary students). This is important because it can shed light on how their needs and challenges evolve throughout their academic journeys. This can aid in pinpointing necessary supports that may differ by age and address transitional concerns, leading to more effective interventions and improved educational outcomes for this population. Further, longitudinal studies could examine how these experiences progress over time and how girls develop strategies to navigate them.
Additionally, the self-report design of the study raises some concerns, particularly in that students might be unaware of how their disability impacts their experience. Therefore, future studies should compare perceptions of expectations between Black girls with
and without disabilities, especially given that perceptions of ability are deeply rooted in gendered racism. As such, reports similar to those anticipated for the current proposal may arise for girls without diagnoses. Future studies should also interview caregivers to examine how they perceive teachers’ expectations of Black girls, as this could generate insight into how caregivers challenge this by proactively supporting their children in resisting lowered expectations. It is important to note that these approaches aim not to deny Black girls as experts of their own lived experience but rather that they would be a way to gain more insight and nuance on an understudied topic to best inform policy and intervention.
Future studies should place an emphasis on exploring how different disability diagnoses (i.e., intellectual, emotional, learning, physical, etc.) may influence the experiences, and thus responses, of participants. This is because each type of disability introduces unique needs and challenges, which can influence studentteacher interactions and create different perceptions of academic expectations. The responses from participants will likely reflect these diverse experiences and highlight the necessity for tailored approaches to address their individual needs in educational settings. Future research should also examine how the age at which a diagnosis was received influences Black girls’ perception and navigation of their teachers’ academic expectations of them. Those who are labeled with a disability at an earlier age may have internalized negative stereotypes of disability (not being capable, being less intelligent), which may have made them less encouraged to counter these stereotypes, inhibiting the development of critical consciousness. On the other hand, those who are labeled with a disability at a later age may have been able to resist the internalization of negative stereotypes of disability (not being capable, being less intelligent), which may have made them more encouraged to counter these stereotypes, promoting the development of critical consciousness.
Overall, this research will contribute to the understanding of how Black adolescent girls with disabilities perceive and navigate their teachers’ academic expectations. By centering the voices and experiences of this often-overlooked population, this study illuminates the unique challenges they face at the intersection of race, gender, and ability. The proposed study will contribute to the creation of more safe and inclusive spaces for Black girls with disabilities, where their voices are heard, their unique experiences are acknowledged, and their potential is fully recognized and nurtured.
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PI: Dr. Hirokazu Yoshikawa
Mentors: Emily Franchett + Dr. Kate Schwartz
Global TIES for Children’s work leverages the science of human development to address the most central global challenges affecting children, leading efforts to support the most effective humanitarian and development aid at multiple levels in low-income and crisis-affected contexts. Their research activities are designed to advance conceptual frameworks and generate rigorous, actionable evidence to improve holistic development and learning outcomes for children in early and middle childhood.
Luisanna Reinoso
Depression is a prevalent psychological disorder affecting approximately 121 million individuals globally (Reddy, 2010). Research consistently demonstrates that women are diagnosed with depression at twice the rate of men (Mayo Clinic, 2019). Recent studies have highlighted a significant incidence of depression in women during pregnancy (antepartum depression) and after childbirth (postpartum depression) (Fisher et al., 2012; Biratu, 2015; Gelaye et al., 2016; Bedaso et al., 2021). Antepartum depression, also referred to as prenatal depression, manifests as clinical depression during pregnancy (Iftikhar, 2020), while postpartum depression occurs after childbirth and is characterized by mood swings, anxiety, and crying spells (Mayo Clinic, 2022).
The prevalence of perinatal depression varies significantly across socioeconomic contexts. A metaanalysis examining perinatal depression across 43 low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) reported prevalence rates of 25.3% for antepartum depression and 19% for postpartum depression (Gelaye et al., 2016). Maternal depression in LMICs is associated with adverse maternal and child health outcomes, including increased rates of pregnancy complications, low birth weight, hospital admissions, developmental delays, malnutrition, and stunting (Fisher et al., 2012; Gelaye et al., 2016; Slomian et al., 2019).
Paternal involvement, such as participation in household chores and childcare, has been identified as a protective factor against both antepartum and postpartum depression (Dibaba et al., 2013; Twamley et al., 2013; Fields et al., 2022; McCann et al., 2024). This protective effect may extend to vulnerable populations in LMICs, improving social support for mothers and mitigating pregnancy-related stress on maternal and infant well-being.
Given the potential of paternal involvement to ameliorate maternal depression and associated adverse outcomes, the current study aims to explore father involvement behaviors during pregnancy and their impact on postpartum depression in the Rohingya refugee camps and surrounding host communities in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. This investigation will utilize data from the longitudinal Intergenerational Risk and
Resilience of Rohingya in Displacement (iRRRd) study conducted by the Global TIES for Children research center at New York University between February 2023 and March 2024.
In 2017, over 700,000 Rohingya people were forcibly displaced to Bangladesh due to persistent persecution, discrimination, and violence from the Rakhine State government in Myanmar (Parmar et al., 2019a). This mass exodus, characterized as the fastest-growing refugee influx globally, resulted in approximately 24,000 deaths, 18,000 rapes of women and girls, 34,000 reports of family members being immolated, 114,000 cases of physical abuse, and the destruction of over 100,000 households (Habib et al., 2018).
Currently, nearly 1 million Rohingya refugees reside in 33 camps in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar district, constituting the world’s largest refugee settlement (Islam et al., 2022). Women and girls comprise at least 52% of this population (Parmar et al., 2019a). Notably, over 80% of Rohingya women reported experiencing depressive and emotional distress symptoms following their displacement (Islam et al., 2022).
Systematic reviews have identified multiple risk factors associated with maternal mental health outcomes in expectant mothers across diverse cultural contexts (Fisher et al., 2012; Gelaye et al., 2016). These include childhood abuse, intimate partner violence (IPV), lack of social support, and a history of mental illness. Fisher et al. (2012) reported elevated rates of non-psychotic perinatal mental disorders (CPMDs) among women experiencing relational difficulties with intimate partners, including unsupportive or uninvolved partners during pregnancy, paternal rejection, and problematic alcohol use within relationships. Corroborating these findings, Azad et al. (2019) observed that low family support and IPV were predictive of maternal depression in rural Bangladesh.
Research has also identified factors that protect against maternal depression (Elisei et al., 2013; Lin et al., 2022).
These include important desired life events during pregnancy, planned pregnancies, skin-to-skin contact between mother and child, breastfeeding after birth, and support from husbands during labor and delivery. Notably, social support from the child’s father during pregnancy has consistently emerged as a significant protective factor (Dibaba et al., 2013; Twamley et al., 2013; Bedaso et al., 2021; Fields et al., 2022; McCann et al., 2024).
Paternal involvement is a multifaceted concept that varies across contexts. In low- and middle-income countries, it has been characterized as support in birth planning, emotional support, presence during antenatal care, infant feeding assistance, and financial support (Ladur et al., 2021). In Bangladesh, generational differences in paternal involvement have been observed, with younger fathers emphasizing engagement in childcare tasks and leisure activities (Sabur, 2019).
The protective association between father involvement and maternal depressive symptoms has been demonstrated in various settings. For instance, in Southwestern Ethiopia, women receiving higher levels of social support were less likely to experience depressive symptoms during pregnancy (Dibaba et al., 2013). Similarly, in Western Kenya, paternal assistance with household chores and childcare activities emerged as a strong protective factor for maternal mental health (McCann et al., 2024).
This study aims to investigate protective factors that can promote mental health outcomes in Rohingya women, with a specific focus on pregnant women within the refugee camp context.
Maternal mental health outcomes in low- and middleincome countries (LMICs) represent a critical area of investigation, given the scarcity of support for maternal mental health in these contexts compared to more economically advanced nations (Fellmeth et al., 2015). A study conducted in an urban setting in Dhaka, Bangladesh, revealed that approximately 50.3% of mothers reported experiencing at least one depressive symptom during pregnancy, with 38% reporting family, work, and maternal stress during this period (Azad et al., 2019). The prevalence of postpartum depression was found to be twice as high among women who rarely shared their personal feelings with their husbands compared to those who frequently engaged in such communication. Furthermore, postpartum depression was most prevalent among women who had
experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) before and during their current pregnancy (Azad et al., 2019).
While these findings illuminate the potential influence of paternal support on postpartum depression among women in a specific area of Bangladesh, there remains a paucity of literature assessing the burden of maternal mental health and paternal support in refugee camps and displaced communities (Hein et al., 2020). Research conducted in refugee camps and disadvantaged communities in Beirut, Lebanon, emphasizes the crucial role of paternal involvement in shaping maternal psychological wellbeing among communities experiencing conflict and displacement. Hein et al. (2020) found that greater paternal involvement in families with children aged 2-7 years old was linked with lower levels of maternal psychological distress (e.g., depressive symptoms) and higher levels of psychological well-being among Syrian and Palestinian refugees.
Exploring the dynamics of father involvement during pregnancy in other refugee populations can provide valuable insights into the mental health challenges encountered by vulnerable groups. In a qualitative study conducted on pregnant migrant and refugee women on the Thai-Myanmar border, social support from friends and family emerged as a common theme in managing mental illness during antenatal care (Fellmeth et al., 2015). Conversely, a lack of social, emotional, and financial support from family and partners often leads mothers to feel alone and overwhelmed during pregnancy and postpartum (Fellmeth et al., 2015).
Although evidence of this relationship exists in other refugee populations who fled from Myanmar, this link remains understudied in the Rohingya people residing in the Cox’s Bazar district of Bangladesh. Therefore, further research is needed to explore the relationship between father involvement during pregnancy and maternal postpartum depression in the Rohingya refugees and local host communities of Cox’s Bazar.
Family Systems Theory provides a robust framework for examining the relationship between father involvement and maternal postpartum depression. This theory conceptualizes the family as an interconnected system, where outcomes are not solely attributable to individual members but emerge from interactions between various subsystems (Bowen, 1993; Burdo et al., 2018). Family Systems Theory emphasizes the interdependence of family members, including fathers, mothers, and children, and posits that changes in one
part of the system can influence the entire family unit (Brown & Errington, 2024).
This theoretical perspective underscores the importance of analyzing family dynamics and interactions to elucidate the association between paternal involvement and maternal mental health. By viewing the family as a complex, interrelated system, Family Systems Theory provides a compelling rationale for investigating how father involvement may influence maternal postpartum depression, offering theoretical support for the empirical literature cited previously.
While the relationship between father involvement and maternal mental health has been established in various contexts, there is a notable paucity of research examining this association in refugee camps and displaced communities. Most existing studies have focused on American and British families (Twamley et al., 2013; Fields et al., 2022), leaving a significant gap in our understanding of these dynamics in humanitarian settings.
To address this gap, the current study aims to investigate the association between father involvement and maternal mental health outcomes among pregnant Rohingya women residing in refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Specifically, we will examine father involvement during pregnancy and its relationship to maternal depressive symptoms postpartum in Rohingya communities. This research has the potential to inform targeted interventions to support maternal mental health in vulnerable populations and contribute to our understanding of family dynamics in humanitarian contexts.
The following research questions (RQ) and corresponding hypotheses (H) will guide this investigation:
RQ1: What does father involvement look like during pregnancy in Rohingya refugees and surrounding host communities in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh?
H1: We hypothesized that father involvement will be highest in physical and financial support during pregnancy, and our semi-structured interviews (SSIs) and participatory workshops will give examples of these types of support.
RQ2: How is father involvement during pregnancy associated with maternal postpartum depression in Rohingya refugees and surrounding host communities in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, and in what ways do
pregnant mothers perceive this involvement as affecting their mental health?
H2: We hypothesized that women who report having higher rates of father involvement during pregnancy would report having lower rates of depressive symptoms postpartum. Conversations during the participatory workshops and semi-structured interviews (SSIs) will also give us a better understanding of how mothers perceive this involvement in shaping their mental health.
This study will employ a mixed-methods convergent design in which quantitative and qualitative data are collected concurrently and integrated during analysis and interpretation (Creswell & Clark, 2018). The design will consist of two parallel phases:
Quantitative Phase: We will examine the association between father involvement and maternal postpartum depression using validated measures. Maternal mental health will be assessed with the Rohingya Demaki measure (RDM), while father involvement will be measured using the Responsible Engaged and Loving Fathers (REAL) scale.
Qualitative Phase: Two sources of pre-existing qualitative data will be analyzed:
1. Data from the Siorf Biyali Zaneh (“only pregnant women know” in Rohingya) participatory workshop conducted in December 2023, which explored social issues faced by pregnant Rohingya women.
2. Between 2019 and 2020, semi-structured interviews (SSIs) were conducted with pregnant women, their husbands, and adolescent boys and girls. These SSIs focused on pregnancy experiences and paternal engagement. Adolescents were included to capture potentially unique perspectives on family dynamics and pregnancy expectations.
This study will utilize secondary data analysis. The convergent design will allow for the integration of findings from all data sources to comprehensively understand father involvement in a refugee context. Additionally, we will examine how the quantitative and qualitative results converge to elucidate the potential relationship between father involvement and maternal postpartum depression among Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar district.
Sample and setting
The current study occurred in Cox’s Bazar district refugee camps in Bangladesh. There are approximately 1 million Rohingya people residing in these camps after they were forced from their homes in Myanmar seven years ago (UNFPA, 2024). Data was collected from pregnant women and husbands in ten refugee camps and local host communities in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Women who participated in this study were recruited between February 2023 and March 2024 at different stages of pregnancy. A total of 2,889 pregnant women were enrolled in the Intergenerational Risk and Resilience of Rohingya in Displacement (iRRRd) study in Global TIES (2,323 Rohingya women and 566 pregnant women in surrounding host communities), and a total of 853 husbands were included. For this analysis, we will limit our sample to the early years cohort, which consisted of only 853 mothers and fathers.
Survey measurements
Rohingya Demaki Measure (RDM) Maternal mental health will be measured 28 days after birth using the RDM. This measure assessed depression and anxiety using a modified 25-item version of the Hopkins Symptoms checklist (HSCL-25) (Mollica et al., 1987). Mothers are going to be asked how often they experience symptoms such as feelings of fatigue/ sleepiness, feelings of self-worthlessness, and feelings of extreme fear, etc. Mothers will respond with Never/ Rarely/ Often/ Always. We further added 15 items that had been identified as being culturally salient expressions of distress in a mixed-method study we conducted in 2020 to adapt our measurement in the Rohingya context (Trang et al., under review; Wuermli et al., in prep). There were two subdomain scores calculated. An anxiety score was averaged using items 1-10, and a depression score was averaged using items 11-24.
Father Involvement The Responsible Engaged and Loving Fathers measure (REAL) will assess intimate partner support, engagement, and violence (Ashburn et al., 2017). Data will be collected from section 3 of the measurement for this study. Section 3 focuses on the relationship between partners, communication, and attitudes toward intimate partner violence. In this question, we focus on support for physical activities in the household. Participants will be asked, “Not counting any help you receive from others, how do you and your partner divide the following tasks: washing clothes, repairing the house, preparing the food, buying the food, and digging in the garden.” These responses will
range from 1 to 5, with 5 indicating more support from the husband. To adapt our measurement to the Rohingya context, we excluded real_6_4 and real_6_5, which were preparing the food and buying food to improve our validity and reliability on father engagement in the household.
Rohingya volunteers went door to door to create a listing of pregnant women across the ten camps chosen for the study. Enumerators then visited each household to inform potential participants of the study and ask if they would like to participate; when a potential participant agreed, enumerators then collected consent (and re-affirm consent at each new visit and before each new activity). The inclusion criteria for this study were any pregnant women in the ten camps. There were no exclusion criteria.
Once consent was obtained, the data collection activities began. A recruitment survey was administered to pregnant women, collecting information on sociodemographics, physical and mental health, and other questions assessing participants’ physical and social environment.
If the pregnant woman’s husband were recruited into the subsample of husbands/fathers for the study, a male enumerator would return around two weeks later to conduct the recruitment survey and other activities with him. After recruitment data was collected, women were followed up in the third trimester (if they had been in their first or second trimester at recruitment), between 40 and 72 hours after birth, 28 days after birth, and again six months after birth. Husbands/fathers were visited at recruitment and the six-month followup. Birth follow-ups will be completed by October 2024.
Descriptive statistics will examine the distribution of father involvement in each household (e.g., fathers’ engagement with household chores or caretaking). Then, we will analyze the data obtained by the survey measurements using ordinary least squares regression (OLS) to assess whether there is a relationship between father involvement and maternal mental health outcomes. Survey measurements were conducted in Rohingya/Chittagonian and audio recorded. Findings were then transcribed into Bangla.
I plan on controlling for other variables that may also potentially influence maternal mental health outcomes in this phase, such as socio-demographic characteristics, previous trauma, and pre-/peri-
migration trauma exposures in this analysis with a few different measurements. I plan to control for socioeconomic status using the Perceived Refugee Environment Index (PREI; McEwen et al., 2022). I plan to measure basic demographics to control for other socio-demographic characteristics (e.g., age). For previous trauma, I will control for both adverse childhood experiences using the Adverse Childhood Experiences International Questionnaire (ACE-IQ, Pace et al., 2022) and the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ-1; Mollica, 1992) to control for pre-/peri- migration trauma exposures.
Phase
Sample and setting
Qualitative data informing this paper relies on the findings of two participatory workshops with pregnant women in the Rohingya community called Sirof Biyoli Zaneh. Sirof Biyoli Zaneh means “Only pregnant women know” in Rohingya. The two refugee camps included in the workshops were Kutupalong and 2W. We chose these camps because they were familiar with working with our community-based partner, the Humanitarian Assistance Program (HAP). This allowed us to recruit participants who could access the workshop location and those pregnant women who trusted our HAP colleagues. Our data also relies on the findings from the semi-structured interviews (SSIs) conducted between 2019 and 2020 by the Global TIES lab.
The research team for these interviews conducted 92 in-depth SSIs among pregnant women, husbands of pregnant women, and adolescent boys and girls. Data collection procedures
In these workshops, researchers and participants collaborated to understand the social issues that occur during pregnancy in Rohingya communities. Three facilitators led workshops from the Rohingya community. Facilitator roles include Lead Facilitator, Engagement Facilitator, Observer, and Transcriber. Sessions were also recorded and transcribed. All workshop materials that were produced were also organized and stored for analysis. Both workshops were administered in 5 days. During each day, a set of different activities were designed to explore Rohingya women’s pregnancy experiences. Examples of these activities include stretching/breathing exercises, charades, and artwork (see Table 1 for a complete list). Quotes and critical findings from activities were compiled in photo drawings, summary reports, activity outputs, and handwritten notes in Rohingya. From Rohingya, findings were translated into Bangla and then English.
Table 1. Sirof Biyoli Zaneh Participatory Workshop Activities Overview
Day Activity
1
Activity 1: Workshop Introduction
Activity 2: Participant Introduction
Activity 3: Consent
Activity 4: Creating a Fishing Net
Activity 5: Creating a Safe Space
2
Activity 1: Group Rules
Activity 2: Group Name
Activity 3: Group Vow with Ribbons
Activity 4: Stories of Courage
Activity 5: A Garland of Stories
3
Activity 1: Pregnancy Reflection
Activity 2: Sharing with a Sister
Activity 3: Personal Artwork
Activity 4: Charades
Activity 5: Sharing Artwork
4 Activity 1: Same but different
Activity 2: Hot Potato
Activity 3: Group Artwork
5 Activity 1: Continue Group Artwork
Activity 2: Stretching and Breathing Exercises
Activity 3: Thinking about the Future
Activity 4: Reflection and Staying Connected
In the SSIs, 92 in-depth SSIs among pregnant women, husbands of pregnant women, and adolescent boys and girls who consented to participate. Transcripts were in Rohingya/Chittagonian, and audio was recorded. Findings were transcribed to Bangla with translation checks from random subsets (e.g., 15%) for quality assurance. SSIs covered various topics, including experiences during pregnancy and father and partner engagement. A few examples of questions asked were, “How is your pregnancy going so far?”, “Is there anything you are currently worried about with your pregnancy?” and “Can you tell me about what a husband does to take care of his family?/What is a husband’s role in his partner/wife’s life?”
I plan to re-analyze this data with an inductive thematic content analysis to identify different patterns shown during the group discussions and interviews (Flick, SAGE Publications, 2014). The first objective of our qualitative phase is to examine the role of fathers during pregnancy from the perspective of expectant mothers. The second objective is to understand expectant mothers’ perspectives on how father involvement can shape the mothers’ mental health during pregnancy.
Data analysis will be conducted by two research team
members familiar with the study context. First, we will closely read the transcripts to familiarize ourselves with the data. Then, independently, we will conduct open coding and annotate several transcripts to generate their initial codes using software such as NVIVO. After analyzing transcripts, we review our codes, organize and group similar codes into themes and subthemes, and construct a codebook that defines our coding scheme. We will further pilot and refine our codebook using a select # of transcripts (e.g., 1-4). Once our pilot runs successfully, we will complete independent line-by-line coding and memoing for all transcripts using our codebook. To ensure reliability and validity, I plan to hold meetings with the other researchers to review memos, confirm code agreements, resolve disagreements, and refine the codebook as needed. After this step, we will finalize the themes and subthemes through consensus-building. A mixed method convergent design will then compare and combine the quantitative and qualitative findings to assess this relationship in the Rohingya context.
The longitudinal Intergenerational Risk and Resilience of Rohingya in Displacement (iRRRd) study previously conducted by the Global TIES research team was given ethical approval by the icddr,b (protocol # PR-22064) and New York University IRBs (protocol #FY20214875). For our qualitative phase, we collaborated with the facilitators of the refugee communities to develop protocols for consent and detailed protocol guides for encouraging participation and explaining activities. The fact that the facilitators of the workshops were from the Rohingya community allowed us to make sure our discussions were culturally appropriate. The SSIs were a part of the iRRRd study and used their IRB protocols and ethical considerations.
For our first research question, we anticipate that our descriptive statistics will show higher rates of physical support (e.g., cleaning the house and cooking) and financial support (e.g., buying materials for the mother in the household and child to be) as common types of father involvement during pregnancy. Our participatory workshops and semi-structured interviews will give a richer insight into these types of involvement in the Cox’s Bazar district refugee camps.
For our second research question, we anticipate that our survey measurements will show that there is a relationship between father involvement and maternal postpartum depression. These results will specifically highlight the protective role that fathers play against
maternal depression. In our participatory workshops, I expect our thematic analysis will uncover the different support women experience during pregnancy, including social, emotional, and financial support from family and partners, as shown in a previous qualitative study (Fellmeth et al., 2015).
Our analysis will also highlight different symptoms and behaviors related to mental illness that women experience during pregnancy. A few examples found by Fellmeth and colleagues that I expect to see include excessive worry, loss of control over emotions, and some physical symptoms (e.g., loss of appetite, poor or excessive sleep, and headaches).
Along with the thematic analysis, our mixed-methods convergent design will unveil the similarities and differences in the nuanced relationship between father involvement and maternal mental health outcomes in three samples and analyses. These results aim to uncover a more comprehensive understanding of father involvement and its possible link to maternal mental health in this vulnerable population and context.
The present study aims to investigate the role of fathers during pregnancy in displaced communities and its impact on maternal mental health outcomes postpartum. Specifically, we focus on Rohingya refugees residing in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, exploring protective factors such as father involvement that may mitigate maternal postpartum depression and associated adverse outcomes.
From our quantitative phase, we expect to find that our descriptive statistics will show higher rates of physical support (e.g., cleaning the house and cooking) and financial support (e.g., buying materials for the mother in the household and child to be) as common types of father involvement during pregnancy. Similar types of father involvement were observed in other studies focusing on women during pregnancy and the postpartum period. These studies highlight how active participation by fathers in maternal health can significantly benefit mothers (Sabur, 2019; Ladur et al., 2021).To address our second research question, it is anticipated that our survey measurements will reveal the relationship between father involvement and maternal postpartum depression. The expected findings from this phase support the idea that active participation by fathers may help mitigate the risk of postpartum depression in mothers, highlighting the importance of paternal support during pregnancy.
From our qualitative phase, we expect to see examples of how fathers are involved during pregnancy in refugee camps through interviews and discussions in the participatory workshops. To answer the second research question, it is expected that our themes will reveal different types of social support Rohingya pregnant women experienced during pregnancy, and our analysis will also shed light on various symptoms and behaviors associated with mental illness that women may encounter during pregnancy. The expected findings from this phase will illustrate the multifaceted nature of support and challenges faced by Rohingya pregnant women in refugee camps. Hence, it emphasizes the complex interaction between support systems and mental health in displaced environments, highlighting both the strengths and gaps in the support provided to pregnant women in refugee camps.
With the anticipated results from both phases of my proposal, our mixed-methods convergent design will offer a comprehensive examination of the complex relationship between father involvement and maternal mental health outcomes. Similar to previous studies, we will reveal that there is an existing relationship between paternal involvement and maternal depression in displaced communities (Fellmeth et al., 2015; Hein et al., 2020). For example, in a sample of pregnant women attending refugee and migrant antenatal clinics on the Thai-Myanmar border, researchers found that a common strategy for managing mental illnesses was having social support from friends, family, and partners (Fellmeth et al., 2015). Engaging with loved ones helped alleviate stress, offered encouragement, and created a supportive environment vital for navigating pregnancy challenges (Fellmeth et al., 2015). In the current study, we will see a similar pattern where this relationship can be seen as a protective factor against maternal postpartum depression and its associated adverse outcomes (e.g., maternal mortality rates, developmental delays, and pregnancy-related complications). By analyzing data across three samples and employing multiple analytical methods, we aim to identify both commonalities and variations in how father involvement influences maternal mental health. Ultimately, these results will provide a more holistic view of father involvement and its possible connection to maternal mental health. This deeper understanding is crucial for developing targeted interventions and support strategies that address the unique needs of pregnant women in vulnerable populations and settings.
The results of this study will be crucial for researchers, policymakers, and clinicians interested in enhancing
maternal mental health outcomes in displaced communities. Given its primarily spoken nature, we recommend the development of diagnostic tools for mental health disorders in the Rohingya language.
This approach aligns with recommendations from previous studies, such as Fellmeth et al. (2015), who suggested formal training for antenatal staff to develop similar tools in Karen and Burmese languages for Myanmar refugees.
We advocate for the adoption of a mixed-methods design in future research. This approach leverages qualitative methods to provide rich, context-specific details to help interpret quantitative findings, ensuring that cultural nuances are accurately understood and addressed (Creswell & Clark, 2018).
Although the current proposal will provide valuable insight into father involvement and maternal mental health in refugee camps, it is important to identify its strengths and limitations. One strength of the study is that it will use a mixed-methods approach to examine the role of father involvement in a humanitarian context. Using a mixed-methods design will allow us to explore specific patterns in father involvement behaviors during pregnancy based on the mothers’ experiences. With this design, we will be able to triangulate our qualitative and quantitative findings to obtain a more detailed understanding of the potential relationship between father involvement and maternal depression in the refugee camps.
One limitation of this study is that our participatory workshop sample may not fully represent the Rohingya women’s pregnancy experiences. The sample consisted of 7 pregnant women for both workshops, and the women who participated ranged from 18 to 23 years old. Therefore, future studies should explore these relationships in a more diverse sample that includes older mothers.
Another limitation of our study is that there was some selection bias in the fathers’ willingness or ability to participate in the iRRRd study. It was very challenging to schedule a visit with the fathers/husbands of the women and to have them complete lengthy surveys. The field team of the iRRRd study got creative and found ways to speak to the fathers about the surveys, such as accompanying them while they were on the way to work. Although the sample of fathers and husbands may not perfectly represent all Rohingya fathers, the collected data nonetheless offers a meaningful reflection of the conditions in the camps.
Conclusion
This study aims to highlight the protective role of father involvement during pregnancy in mitigating maternal postpartum depression within displaced communities. By employing a mixed-methods approach, we examine how fathers can partner with their spouses to adopt preventative measures that improve maternal mental health outcomes. The findings will provide actionable insights for developing effective interventions tailored to the needs of displaced populations, underscoring the importance of shared parental roles in challenging contexts.
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My Trieu
The Rohingya people, an ethnic minority from Myanmar, face one of the most severe humanitarian crises of the 21st century due to extensive human rights violations. The traumatic experiences of war, forced displacement, and harsh living conditions in refugee camps pose significant challenges to the mental health of Rohingya refugees, with particularly detrimental effects on parents and children. Young children are especially vulnerable, often losing access to essential health and education services, neglecting their needs, and suffering long-term negative consequences (Bernhardt et al., 2024; Bürgin et al., 2022).
To prevent the perpetuation of trauma and poor mental health outcomes among forcibly displaced populations and their offspring, it is crucial to understand the implications of being raised by parents who have experienced trauma in conflict-affected contexts. This study aims to investigate the relationships between Rohingya refugee parents’ war trauma exposure, mental health, parenting practices, and their children’s socioemotional development.
Study Setting: Rohingya Refugee Camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh
The Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar provide a critical context for examining parental mental health and child development in humanitarian settings within low-to-middle-income countries (LMICs). The Rohingya, a predominantly Muslim ethnic minority native to Myanmar’s Rakhine state, have faced systemic violence, armed attacks, and human rights violations for decades. The most severe incident occurred in August 2017, when over 700,000 Rohingya were forced to flee to Bangladesh (Riley et al., 2020; UNHCR, 2023). Currently, nearly 1 million Rohingya refugees reside in 33 overcrowded camps along Bangladesh’s southeastern coast, collectively forming the world’s largest refugee camp. The prolonged conditions of statelessness, deprivation, and a history of persecution increase their vulnerability to psychological distress and mental health issues (Tay et al., 2019).
While several cross-sectional studies and systematic reviews have investigated mental health and psychosocial issues among Rohingya refugees, few
have focused on the most recent and most significant wave of displacement beginning in August 2017. To our knowledge, no studies have yet adopted an intergenerational perspective to examine the mental health and development of this refugee population.
Research on refugee populations has demonstrated significant traumatic and stressful life events before, during, and after displacement, associated with high rates of depression, anxiety, and PTSD (Bogic et al., 2015; Charlson et al., 2019; Wuermli et al., 2024). Displacement disrupts family structures and reduces access to resources, placing immense pressure on parents responsible for providing for their families (Eltanamly et al., 2021). Young parents, especially adolescent mothers, maybe at exceptionally high risk for poor mental health outcomes due to still-developing self-regulation capacities (Wuermli et al., 2021).
Young children exhibit diverse and complex responses to war and displacement that may differ from those observed in older children and adults, necessitating evaluation beyond mental health criteria or psychopathological terms. A systematic review suggested that displacement negatively impacts children’s social-emotional, cognitive, and language development (Bernhardt et al., 2024). Factors such as direct trauma exposure, loss of family members, lack of quality educational opportunities, poverty, and uncertainty about the future can undermine multiple aspects of children’s healthy development (Bürgin et al., 2022; Wuermli et al., 2021; Yoshikawa et al., 2019).
While the immediate effects of war and displacement on refugees are well-studied, less is understood about intergenerational impacts. Growing evidence suggests trauma and related mental health issues can be transmitted across generations, with negative implications for offspring’s mental health and developmental trajectory (Yehuda & Lehrner, 2018). Studies in high-income Western countries found children of trauma-affected refugee parents at increased risk for psychological, behavioral, and developmental challenges (Kapel Lev-ari et al., 2024; Kelstrup & Carlsson, 2022; Sangalang & Vang, 2017).
However, trauma exposure does not predispose children to challenges and may lead to post-traumatic growth and positive development (Chan et al., 2016; Fitzgerald et al., 2020; Speidel et al., 2021). Research on non-Western or LMIC refugee families reveals mixed results regarding parental trauma exposure and mental health impacts on non-exposed children (Daud et al., 2005; Kelstrup & Carlsson, 2022). Some studies link higher parental PTSD to more severe adverse child outcomes, while others show fewer problems in children of trauma-exposed parents compared to controls (Vaage et al., 2011).
Significant heterogeneity exists in trauma effects on refugee parents’ mental health and subsequent child outcomes. Parental mental health may moderate relationships between parental trauma exposure and child outcomes. Previous reviews on intergenerational trauma transmission in war-exposed families have examined parent-child dynamics with non-exposed children but have yet to address situations where both parents and children are currently displaced (Eltanamly et al., 2021).
Existing research offers varied perspectives on the factors influencing intergenerational transmission of trauma and mental health symptoms (Allbaugh, 2024). However, parenting consistently emerges as a critical mechanism through which trauma can be transmitted or buffered against. Substantial evidence indicates that parenting mediates the relationship between parental trauma/mental health and child outcomes in both positive and negative directions (Bernhardt et al., 2023; Kelstrup & Carlsson, 2022). Positive parenting, characterized by sensitivity and appropriate responsiveness to children’s needs, is widely recognized as a protective factor against adverse child outcomes (Greene et al., 2020). Conversely, harsh parenting, including physical discipline, yelling, and shaming, has been associated with various internalizing and externalizing problems in children, as well as long-term mental health concerns in adulthood (Fitzgerald et al., 2020; Peng et al., 2024).
Much of the literature concerning parenting practices of traumatized parents presents concerning findings, indicating either decreased positive parenting or increased harsh parenting practices. Some studies suggest that parents meeting PTSD diagnostic criteria exhibit less sensitivity and responsiveness to their children (Greene et al., 2020; van Ee et al., 2012). Parents with post-traumatic stress symptoms reportedly display more aggression and hostility, employ harsher disciplinary techniques, and engage in role reversal, inappropriately seeking emotional and other needs
from their children (Allbaugh et al., 2024; van Ee et al., 2012).
However, the findings of the literature are not uniform. Some studies found no significant association between parents’ trauma history or mental health symptoms and parenting practices, whether positive or harsh (Davis et al., 2015; Fitzgerald et al., 2020; Samuelson et al., 2017). To explain these mixed findings, Fitzgerald et al. (2020) proposed that parents’ own traumatic experiences might motivate them to break the cycle of trauma and poor mental health by reducing harsh parenting practices.
Given the inconclusive nature of existing findings, the current study aims to further elucidate these relationships by investigating both positive and negative aspects of parenting within a novel sample. This research seeks to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the complex interplay between parental trauma, mental health, and parenting practices.
Cross-generational studies examining mental health, parenting, and human development in humanitarian contexts within low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) are scarce. Systematic reviews on the intergenerational transmission of trauma and adversities among refugees and asylum seekers have primarily focused on populations in high-income countries (Kelstrup & Carlsson, 2022; Sangalang & Vang, 2017). However, displaced populations in high-income countries often face different challenges compared to those in LMICs, limiting the generalizability of findings to groups such as the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh.
Another significant limitation in the existing literature is the predominant focus on maternal mental health, with mothers often considered the “primary” caregiver at the expense of paternal mental health (Scarlett et al., 2023). Few studies have compared the influence of both mothers’ and fathers’ mental health symptoms, as well as their interactions, on children’s outcomes (Li et al., 2021).
The present study addresses these gaps by examining these associations in an understudied population: Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. This research aims to identify and document these relationships and provide a foundation for developing potential interventions within LMICs. Such interventions could mitigate the negative impacts of forced displacement on refugee families and promote resilience within displaced communities.
For the present study, I will combine components of family systems theory (Bowen, 1978; Kerr & Bowen, 1988) and Bronfenbrenner’s (2006) ecological systems theory1 to investigate how parental history of trauma and current mental health distress may shape children’s outcomes. Family systems theory posits that family members are interdependent, with the wellbeing of one member influencing the functioning and well-being of other family members through direct and indirect pathways (as cited in Fitzgerald et al., 2020). For example, a father may help attenuate the adverse effects of maternal mental health symptoms on child outcomes by increasing his role as a caretaker of the child and by providing additional support to the child’s mother.
To truly understand development, we must consider how mother-father, mother-child, and father-child relations may independently or interactively contribute to children’s developmental outcomes. Similarly, we need to understand Rohingya children’s early socioemotional development not only in their current environment, which includes their parents’ caregiving practices and mental health (the microsystem: Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) but also in relation to their parents’ pre-camp war trauma exposure (the exosystem)2
The present study will address the following research questions:
1. How are parents’ mental health and pre- and peri-migration trauma exposure linked to the socioemotional development of children in Rohingya refugee camps?
2. Does this association appear to be mediated by harsh discipline and positive parenting?
3. Do fathers’ mental health symptoms moderate the association between maternal mental health and child socioemotional development, and vice versa?
This study uses data from the recruitment wave of a longitudinal birth cohort study (“Intergenerational Trauma, Risk and Resilience of Rohingya in Displacement” project, or iRRRd), which explores the intergenerational trauma, risk, and resilience of Rohingya refugee mothers and children in refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. From February 2023 to March 2024, a total of 2,323 pregnant Rohingya women in refugee camps were enrolled in the study.
During the initial visit, pregnant women with an existing child aged 36-60 months were invited to participate
in additional activities pertaining to that child two to three weeks later, referred to as the “early years cohort” (or EY cohort: n=426 triads of children, pregnant women, and their husbands) who were followed up with during the recruitment visit. The icddr,b (protocol # PR-22064) and New York University IRBs (protocol # FY2021-4875) granted the study ethical approval. Additional details about the sampling and recruitment strategy of the longitudinal study are available in the Cohort Profile preprint (see Wuermli et al., 2024).
Pre- and peri-migration war trauma exposure of pregnant women and their husbands was assessed at recruitment using the first section of the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ-1; Mollica, 1992), which indexed 36 types of traumatic events commonly experienced by refugees. Participants answered “yes” or “no” to having experienced each event before or during migration for items related to sexual assault, kidnapping, resource loss, and death of family, among others. A sum score was created for the number of events experienced at least once by respondents, ranging from 0 to 36.
Anxiety and depression symptoms of mothers and fathers were evaluated at recruitment using a modified version of the Hopkins Symptoms Checklist (HSCL-25; Mollica et al., 1987). For the purpose of this study, the instrument will be termed the Rohingya Demaki Measure (RDM; Wuermli et al., in prep). Participants indicated how often they felt a particular mental state over the past month (e.g., “Feeling weak,” “Feeling hopeless about future”), which they rated on a scale of 1 (Never) to 4 (Always). An Anxiety score was calculated by averaging across items 1-10, and a Depression score was created by averaging items 11-24. Additionally, part 4 of the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ-4; Mollica et al., 1992) was used to assess mothers’ and fathers’ post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms. Respondents endorsed how much each symptom bothered them in the past week on a 4-point ordinal scale, including not at all (1), a little (2), quite a bit (3), and extremely (4). The first 16 items represented DSM criteria for PTSD, while 17 other items were developed to describe symptoms related to specifically refugee trauma. The total score was obtained by averaging responses across 33 items. For the first 16 items (representing the DSM criteria for PTSD), individuals with mean scores of 2.5 or above are considered symptomatic for PTSD (Mollica et al., 1992).
At recruitment, positive parenting and harsh discipline practices were assessed with both mothers and fathers using section 4: Parenting Attitudes and Experience of the Responsible Engaged and Loving Fathers measure (REAL; Ashburn et al., 2017). As an example, for positive parenting, each parent was asked: “In the past month, if the child did something that you liked or approved of, did you— Say something nice about it or praise the child?” The positive parenting score will be the total number of statements out of 5 that the respondent endorses. For harsh discipline, sample items would be whether the parent “Hit or slapped [the child] on the face, head or ear” if the child did something they did not approve of within the past month. For items 3, 5, 6, 7, and 9, “Yes” responses will be coded as a 1, while “No” responses will be coded as a 0; items 2 and 4 will be reverse-coded. Two of the original items (1 and 8) were dropped. The total harsh discipline score will be calculated as the sum score of 7 items (ranging from 0-7).
Children’s socio-emotional development in the EY cohort is assessed at recruitment using the social-emotional and socio-cognitive domain of the International Development and Early Learning Assessment-Extended Version (IDELA-E; Nyeu et al., in prep). The items were extensively adapted from the social-emotional domain original Save the Children tool (IDELA; Pisani et al., 2018) to better reflect the cultural and linguistic environment of the Rohingya camps. The final measure consists of 5 assessment items: self-awareness (7 questions, score range 0-7), friends (1 question, 0-10), emotion understanding (4 questions, 0-4), block tasks- matching by shape and color (4 questions, 0-4), and block tasks- building tower (4 questions, 0-4). Each item is first scored as the % of total possible points achieved, i.e., sum score divided by total possible points *100, ranging from 0% (when the child did not answer any question correctly) to 100% (when the child answered all questions correctly). The total domain score is then calculated as the mean across item scores, i.e., the sum of the item % scores divided by 5.
To examine the associations between parents’ pre- and peri-migration war trauma exposure, mental health, and children’s socioemotional development, Pearson correlation coefficients will be calculated for these three latent variables. Additionally, regression analyses will be conducted to determine each predictor’s unique
contribution to a child’s socioemotional development. Based on previous research (Wuermli et al., 2021, 2024), sociodemographic characteristics will be controlled as potential confounding variables: child sex, child age, father age, mother age, income, and parents’ educational level.
To investigate the mediating role of parenting, mediation models will be tested using structural equation modeling (SEM) with bootstrapping and biascorrected confidence estimates (Preacher & Hayes, 2008; Williams & MacKinnon, 2008). Two separate multiple mediation models will be created: one with parental trauma exposure as the independent variable and another with parental mental health as the independent variable. Both models will examine positive parenting and harsh discipline as mediators of the relationship between the independent variable and child socioemotional development. The 95% confidence intervals of the indirect effects will be obtained using 5000 bootstrap resamples. To account for the unique contributions of each parent, models will be run separately for mothers and fathers.
A moderation regression model will be employed to explore the moderating influence of paternal mental health on the relationship between maternal mental health and child socioemotional development. A mean-centered interaction term between maternal and paternal mental health will be created and tested. This analysis will utilize the PROCESS macro for SPSS 29, incorporating 5000 bootstrapped resamples with 95% confidence intervals and standard errors.
Given the vulnerable nature of the study population (refugee families in a low- and middle-income country), higher levels of missing data are anticipated compared to typical populations. Multiple imputations using chained equations will be performed in Stata to address this. Specifically, 100 complete, imputed datasets will be generated, and all proposed analyses will be conducted on these imputed datasets to maintain the validity of statistical inferences and avoid the limitations associated with complete case analysis.
RQ1: How are parents’ pre- and peri-migration war trauma exposure and mental health linked to the socioemotional development of children?
I anticipate that parental trauma exposure and mental health symptoms will negatively predict children’s socioemotional development, even after adjusting for covariates. In other words, children of parents who are exposed to more war-related traumatic events and have a higher burden of mental health distress will
likely perform worse on socioemotional tasks.
RQ2: Is this association mediated by harsh discipline and positive parenting?
For both mothers and fathers, I anticipate that there will be a mediating effect of positive parenting and harsh discipline on the relationship between parental war trauma exposure and child socioemotional development. Similarly, I expect that positive parenting and harsh discipline will mediate the association between parental mental health and child socioemotional development. In other words, parents with more war-related traumatic experiences and mental health symptoms might engage in fewer positive caregiving practices and more harsh discipline practices, which in turn will predict lower socioemotional development scores in children.
RQ3: Do fathers’ mental health symptoms moderate the association between maternal mental health and child socioemotional development, and vice versa?
I expect that paternal mental health may moderate the associations between maternal mental health and children’s socioemotional development, such that fathers’ better mental health may weaken the link between mothers’ poorer mental health and lower socioemotional scores in children. In contrast, fathers with poorer mental health will likely compound the relationship between mothers’ poorer mental health and lower child socioemotional outcomes.
Discussion
This study examines the relationships between parental trauma exposure, parental mental health, parenting practices, and early childhood socioemotional development within Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. It contributes to our understanding of how parents’ mental health and specific types of trauma they experienced before or during migration may be linked to their children’s socioemotional outcomes within a vulnerable yet understudied population. Notably, the findings delineate the roles of both maternal and paternal mental health, highlighting their interconnectedness in relation to children’s developmental outcomes. By incorporating paternal mental health into the analysis, this research fills a critical gap in the literature that has predominantly focused on maternal influences (Scarlett et al., 2023).
Furthermore, building on existing literature on parenting as a mechanism for the intergenerational transmission of trauma, this research underscores the role of both positive caregiving and harsh discipline
practices as potential channels through which parental war and displacement trauma and mental health symptoms are either transmitted or buffered against. war and displacement trauma and mental health symptoms are either transmitted or buffered against.
Together, these insights will highlight specific areas where intervention programs and policies can be targeted. Adolescent mothers, who compose a large percentage of my sample, often fall through the cracks (and are sometimes even intentionally excluded) of such programming; they are also doubly vulnerable in the context of war and displacement (Wuermli et al., 2021). Given the multiple and cumulative risks involving two generations, multi-component interventions addressing different and complementary risk pathways may be required (see Wuermli et al., 2021). To my knowledge, dual-generation interventions that focus on strengthening both children’s socioemotional learning environments (such as early caregiving) and family mental health support have rarely, if ever, been evaluated in conflict-affected or low- and middleincome country contexts. This study will help inform the creation and evaluation of such interventions.
The present study uses measures from a larger longitudinal birth cohort study in which significant efforts were made to adapt measurement instruments to reflect the cultural context of the Rohingya. For instance, I utilized an extended measure of parental mental health that expands on an existing gold standard measure of depression and anxiety (concepts developed from Western psychiatry), developed by the iRRRd team to include cultural idioms of distress. Importantly, the team also rigorously adapted the direct measure of child socioemotional development (IDELA) to the Rohingya context to include sociocognitive tasks, despite having sometimes been presented or understood as a separate construct from socioemotional development (Provenzi et al., 2022). These adapted measures account for more salient concerns within the local community and can more accurately assess what programs and systems are working and why, which are critical for informing culturally responsive policy and advocacy initiatives.
Some limitations to this study are noteworthy. While this study draws from longitudinal research (which is rare among war-affected and refugee populations), the data used for this study are cross-sectional, providing only a one-time snapshot of war trauma exposure and mental health among conflict-affected parents and their children’s developmental trajectories. The
correlational design and timing of measuring all the constructs at recruitment limit my ability to infer the causality or directionality of the observed relationships. A follow-up study could utilize future data from families collected by the iRRRd team at the 6-month mark (i.e., when the younger sibling is six months old) and hopes to collect data at 24-month and 48-month marks. Incorporating future waves of data as they are collected will help clarify the direction of relationships between maternal and paternal war and displacement trauma and developmental outcomes for the next generation while determining how stable these patterns are over time. It will also allow for investigations into protective factors at various stages of child development that can be leveraged for new and improved intervention programs.
The reliance on self-reported measures for assessing parenting behaviors introduces potential biases. These self-reports may not accurately reflect parenting practices and are susceptible to biases such as social desirability or retrospective inaccuracies. For future replication of this study, including direct observations of how parents and children interact could provide a more robust assessment of parenting. Due to some practical constraints, this study only measures parents’ trauma exposure up to their migration to Bangladesh. It does not cover trauma exposure within refugee camps, which might be more directly linked to their current mental health. Moreover, while the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire relies on a checklist approach that indicates a variety of traumatic events, it does not capture the number or severity of events in each category. Future studies can explore more nuanced aspects of trauma exposure through qualitative approaches such as open-ended survey questions or semi-structured interviews.
Lastly, while this study focuses primarily on traumatic experiences and mental health symptoms among conflict-affected parents alongside their children’s developmental challenges, they are not without strengths or markers of resilience. Contrary to assumptions that refugee parents’ lives are overwhelmed by negative factors leading to overwhelmingly negative outcomes for their children, life-course outcomes remain highly heterogeneous, as reflected in current literature. Therefore, future research should explore positive outcomes and sources of resilience among Rohingya families to honor their unique experiences while helping these communities prosper even in crisis settings.
This study enhances our understanding of how parents’ mental health and exposure to war and displacementrelated trauma may be linked to their parenting practices and children’s early socioemotional development in Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. These insights fill a gap in the literature regarding dualgenerational outcomes for refugee families in low- to middle-income country humanitarian contexts while highlighting specific areas where interventions could be targeted to support this population. By adopting an intergenerational, ecological, and family systems approach, I hope to contribute to future efforts aimed at preventing the perpetuation of trauma and poor mental health outcomes among forcibly displaced individuals and their future generations. This revision maintains clarity while ensuring adherence to academic standards suitable for publication.
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PI: Dr. Erin Godfrey + Dr. Shabnam Javdani Mentor: Haja Kamara + Iris Mann
RISE Lab applies research and intervention science to implement and evaluate programs for youth in the justice system. They also strive to advance research that aims to understand and improve inequity in the contexts of disenfranchised groups using strengths-based, gender-responsive, and trauma-informed approaches.
Youth suicide within the juvenile justice system represents a tragic failure of an institution meant to rehabilitate and protect vulnerable adolescents. The deaths of Joshua Keith Beasley Jr., Easley Jeffcoat, Falan Fox, Jordan Bachman, and Solan Peterson highlight the harsh realities faced by incarcerated youth, including extended isolation, transfers to adult prisons as minors, unmet needs for help, and neglect by staff. Naming these individuals provides a humanizing perspective on the systemic issues that led to their deaths and emphasizes the urgent need for reform.
Research consistently demonstrates that justiceinvolved youth face significantly higher risks of suicidal ideation, attempts, and completion compared to their non-system-involved peers (Hayes, 2009; Schubert, 2011; Underwood & Washington, 2016; Kemp et al., 2016; Katsman & Jeglic, 2021; Kemp et al., 2022). This risk is particularly pronounced for certain demographic groups. Girls in detention centers report increased rates of recent and lifetime suicidal thoughts and behaviors compared to non-systeminvolved youth (Chesney-Lind & Okamoto, 2001). Moreover, suicide attempts are increasing among Black and Latina adolescent girls (Ivey-Stephenson et al., 2019), who are also disproportionately represented in the juvenile justice system (Robles-Ramamurthy & Watson, 2019).
Despite an overall decrease in youth incarceration rates (Hockenberry & Puzzanchera, 2024), the experiences of girls of color within the juvenile justice system warrant particular attention. This population faces compounded risks related to both suicidality and system involvement, underscoring the need for targeted interventions and a critical examination of how staff interactions and systemic practices continue to shape youth experiences and outcomes.
The Social-Ecological Suicide Prevention Model (Cramer & Kapusta, 2017) offers a comprehensive perspective on the ecological context of youth within the juvenile legal system, addressing gaps in previous theories. This model provides a multi-level
Alvalyn Dixon-Gardner
understanding of suicide prevention through the social-ecological framework (Center for Disease Control Prevention, 2017), encompassing societal, community, relational, and individual influences to inform prevention strategies.
This study focuses on the relational and community levels of the model to understand direct care staff’s knowledge about at-risk system-impacted youth. Juvenile justice facilities significantly impact how direct care staff perceive and support youth, operating at the community level to identify risk factors exacerbated by this specific setting (e.g., room confinement and personal searches). By examining these two levels, this study explores direct care staff’s knowledge about atrisk youth and how it shapes their attitudes towards them.
While minimal research has been conducted on direct care staff’s knowledge and attitudes toward youth’s suicidal behavior and risk factors, comparable research exists on staff’s perceptions of general mental health and trauma among this population (Lockwood et al., 2021). Studies have explored staff attitudes towards working with adult offenders experiencing suicidal behavior or self-harm (Harding & Cameron, 1999; Mackenzie et al., 2015). Mackenzie et al. (2015) found that staff viewed suicide and self-harm as serious concerns requiring recognition and efficient, compassionate handling. While staff held positive attitudes towards supporting suicidal and self-harming probation service users, they felt that lack of training or experience could limit their ability to provide appropriate support.
This study aims to build upon research such as Mackenzie et al. (2015) by examining staff attitudes and beliefs about suicide prevention, risk factors, and youth who self-harm or are at risk of suicide in the justice system. For clarity, at-risk system-impacted youth refers to youth with risk factors or warning signs that increase their likelihood of suicidal behavior, attempt, or nonsuicidal self-injury (NSSI) in the juvenile justice system.
The juvenile justice system faces significant challenges in providing responsive, trauma-informed, and efficient care to at-risk youth. Direct care staff often report
feeling underprepared to support these adolescents due to insufficient training and difficulties empathizing with their experiences (Lachal et al., 2015). As mental illness and suicidal behaviors become increasingly prevalent among system-impacted youth, the Federal Advisory Committee on Juvenile Justice has noted that juvenile justice staff lack adequate training to address mental health concerns (Federal Advisory Committee on Juvenile Justice, 2011).
The problem is exacerbated by the fact that adolescents are frequently admitted to correctional facilities outside of regular business hours when clinical staff may be unavailable. Consequently, direct care staff with varying levels of skill and training are relied upon to identify potential mental or behavioral issues at a youth’s point of entry into the system (Penn et al., 2005). This reliance on existing staff for mental health screening persists due to shortages of mental health professionals and cost considerations.
Given the ongoing dependence on direct care staff for identifying and screening at-risk youth, it is crucial to investigate staff perceptions and experiences related to mental health concerns and suicidal risk factors among system-impacted adolescents. Such research could inform targeted training programs and interventions to enhance staff preparedness and improve outcomes for vulnerable youth in the juvenile justice system.
When system-impacted youth are identified as at risk for suicide, facility protocols aimed at ensuring their physical safety may inadvertently conflict with their psychological needs for suicide prevention (Rudd et al., 2022). Effective suicide prevention support requires understanding and addressing the needs of both youth and staff to enhance efforts in reducing suicidal behavior. However, these needs often conflict, presenting challenges in implementation.
A study in the Netherlands found that non-responsive and distant staff reactions to suicidal behaviors among female adolescents contributed to increased suicidal distress among youth (Kaijadoe et al., 2023). The adolescents emphasized the importance of expressing their thoughts to trusted staff without fear of coercive consequences, such as room confinement and involuntary seclusion (Kaijadoe et al., 2023). Heightened awareness of the prevalence of traumatic experiences among system-impacted youth is necessary to recognize how institutional practices, such as confinement and intrusive searches, may exacerbate existing trauma symptoms or re-traumatize youth.
These practices highlight the discrepancy between adolescents’ emotional needs and staff protocols focused on physical safety. To bridge this gap, staff should be trained in trauma-informed care practices and creating safer environments. Such approaches may enable staff to support youth by reducing distress and the risk of self-harm and suicide (Shepherd et al., 2018).
Understanding how direct care staff (DCS) perceive suicidal behavior and non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) in system-impacted youth is crucial for developing effective strategies to protect and support this vulnerable population. Research has consistently demonstrated that system-impacted youth in the United States and the United Kingdom are at elevated risk for suicidal behavior (Morgan & Hawton, 2004; Ruchkin et al., 2003). Notably, system-impacted youth remaining in the community exhibit substantially lower service utilization compared to incarcerated youth despite equivalent needs (Barrett et al., 2006).
While self-harm has been identified as a clinical predictor of attempted suicide, this relationship may vary depending on individual experiences (Wilkinson et al., 2011). Both self-harm and suicidal behaviors are important targets for mental health assessment in system-impacted youth (Knowles et al., 2012). Consequently, DCS should be prepared to support youth at risk by identifying behavioral and physical indicators of self-harm and following appropriate case management procedures, including timely referrals to psychological services (Shepherd et al., 2018).
Research has shown that healthcare staff training and attitudes toward self-harm patients can influence patient care and future suicide risk (Gibb et al., 2010). Although staff generally hold positive attitudes towards self-harm patients, they often lack confidence in working with this population and desire additional training. Awenat et al. (2018) found that staff beliefs about suicidality significantly impact their attitudes toward patients and care approaches. For instance, staff who viewed suicidality as an inevitable component of a condition tended to adopt less proactive interventions. In contrast, those who conceptualized suicidality as a response to adaptable thoughts demonstrated more optimistic approaches.
Despite the importance of understanding staff perceptions of youth suicidality, few studies have explored DCS attitudes and beliefs regarding mental health issues among system-impacted youth (Kuehn et al., 2023). This research gap is particularly pronounced
in the area of suicide risk factors and prevention among at-risk youth. The present study aims to contribute foundational research that will inform future empirical work on staff attitudes and beliefs related to suicide risk factors, prevention, and at-risk youth.
Engaging with and understanding staff experiences, perceptions, and needs is vital for developing targeted professional development opportunities aimed at reducing suicidal behavior among youth while minimizing fear and confinement. By comprehending staff experiences, we can identify areas where additional support is needed to enhance youth safety and reduce suicide risk in this vulnerable population.
The primary research questions in this proposal are:
1. What kinds of knowledge do direct care staff hold about system-impacted youth’s risk of suicide and suicidal behaviors?
2. How does direct care staff’s knowledge about suicidal behavior and attempts among at-risk system-impacted youth inform their attitudes and behavior towards these youth?
This study will employ a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews with direct care staff to comprehensively assess their knowledge, attitudes, and experiences regarding suicide prevention among at-risk youth. The quantitative component will utilize validated measures from the SAFE Spaces study, including items such as “I have the necessary knowledge to support young people who are at risk for suicide or self-harm” and “I feel comfortable assessing a young person’s risk for suicide or self-harm.” Additional measures will include subscales from the Suicide Prevention, Exposure, and Awareness Knowledge Survey (SPEAKS), Self-Evaluation Suicide Prevention Scale, Knowledge of Suicide Warning Signs and Intervention Behaviors Scale, Attitudes Towards Suicide Prevention Scale, and Mental Health Knowledge and Attitude Test.
The qualitative component will involve semi-structured interviews guided by a constructivist approach to explore staff narratives shaped by their experiences working with system-impacted youth. An 18-item interview guide will be used to probe topics such as staff perceptions of suicide prevalence among risk youth and their strategies for supporting and referring at-risk individuals. This mixed-methods design will allow for a nuanced understanding of staff experiences, knowledge, and attitudes toward suicide prevention
training and suicidal behavior among system-impacted youth, potentially revealing insights that may be overlooked by quantitative measures alone (see Appendix A for a complete guide).
200 participants for this study will be direct care staff working in residential facilities, community spaces, correctional settings, and detention centers across New York. 200 participants are included to account for staff from various settings; the aim is to have 50 participants from each setting noted above. This will establish equality across our settings so staff can note their attitudes and beliefs towards at-risk youth. Participants can have direct and indirect experience working with at-risk system-impacted youth. Participants will be recruited from the SAFE Spaces study under the RISE lab at New York University.
Semi-structured, 18-question interviews will also be conducted with interested survey participants (N=15) to understand their attitudes and beliefs toward their role, training, and attitudes toward at-risk youth (See Appendix A). Interview participants will be chosen based on the number of survey participants who complete an anonymous survey to do a follow-up interview.
The initial section of the Mental Health Knowledge and Attitude Test (MHKAT) survey consisted of demographic information, including age, sex, education level, and number of years working in a given facility.
A sub-scale of the Suicide Prevention, Exposure, and Awareness Knowledge Survey (SPEAKS) and Knowledge of Suicide Warning Signs Scale (Wyman et al., 2008) will be used in combination with questions created in the SAFE Spaces project to measure knowledge about suicide myths, facts, risk factors, and warning signs through true or false statements. 15 sub-scale SPEAKS questions were used in the survey. This scale was created to evaluate the Garrett Lee Smith Suicide Prevention Program (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2006). Some verbiage was changed to cater to the juvenile justice staff audience. Sample items from this measure include phrases like “If someone is exposed to a suicide (family, friends, other students), this may increase their own risk for attempting suicide”
or “Social isolation/withdrawal is a risk factor for suicide attempt”. The correct responses will be summed to get a percentage of correct responses (0-100%). The authors did not develop the items in the SPEAKS survey as part of a psychometric scale. These items were only used as part of a survey and were not analyzed to assess for questionnaire validity or reliability (Goldston et al., 2010).
This scale will be incorporated to examine factual knowledge of suicide prevention. Wyman and their colleagues (2008) developed a 14-item self-report scale to use in suicide prevention in the school context. Items were altered to relate to this study’s population. This scale includes 8 items centered on suicide intervention knowledge and 6 items on suicide risk factors. Responses will be scored as right or wrong, with the total score summed from the percentage of correct responses (0-100%), similar to the SPEAKS survey. Wyman and colleagues (2008) reviewed the items on their scale with an expert panel for content validity. Reach out to Peter Wyman in Wyman and colleagues (2008) to see sample items of this scale.
Participants’ self-evaluation of their knowledge was measured using Wyman et al.’s (2008) Self-Evaluation of Suicide Prevention Knowledge scale that evaluated their perceived level of knowledge regarding clinical work with clients at risk for suicide. This scale comprises 9 items on a 7-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree) designed to assess how participants evaluate their knowledge level. These items were summed to get a total score, so the higher scores indicated heightened knowledge. This scale had good internal consistency (Cronbach’s α =.96) and construct validity based on a confirmatory factor analysis (Osteen et al., 2020).
This scale was used to assess participant’s stigma around suicide and suicide intervention. The scale has 14 items on a 5-point rating scale: 1 (strongly disagree) to 5(strongly agree). Sample items include “I resent being asked to do more about suicide” and “Suicide prevention is not my responsibility”. Based on the scale instructions, various items will be reverse-coded, and then the scores will be summed. Higher scores will indicate more negative attitudes toward suicide prevention. This scale has had an acceptable reliability
(Cronbach’s α =.89) and evidence of construct validity based on a confirmatory factor analysis done by Osteen and colleagues (2020).
The MHKAT is a 12-item measure designed by the first author in Penn et al. (2005) because there were no validated instruments to assess correctional officers’ attitudes and perceptions of suicide risk factors and mental health concerns of incarcerated youth. The test is intended to measure knowledge of and attitudes toward the mental health treatment of incarcerated juveniles. Sample items included statements like “Youth use suicide to manipulate others”. In addition to demographic questions, this test had 12 statements with a 4-point Likert scale with the options of strongly agree, agree a little, disagree a little, and strongly disagree. A total knowledge and attitudes score was summed from these items. Higher scores reflect greater knowledge and more positive attitudes toward mental health treatment for incarcerated young people. Penn and their colleagues (2005) did not develop the items as part of a psychometric scale. They used the items only as part of a survey and did not analyze them to assess for questionnaire validity or reliability.
Survey participants will be recruited through the SAFE Spaces study in the RISE lab. Interview participants will be recruited from interested survey participants who fill out an anonymous form to participate in a follow-up interview. The research procedures for this proposal will occur remotely. Participation in the survey and interviews will be voluntary, and participants can withdraw at any point. This anonymous survey will be administered through Qualtrics with demographic questions about each participant’s age, gender identity, racial/ethnic background, and prior work experience. Participants will be able to skip any survey questions at any point if they do not want to answer them. Data collection for the surveys will occur on Qualtrics and be transferred to SPSS for further analysis.
Semi-structured interviews with direct care staff would occur via Zoom, and recorded transcriptions would be transferred to NVivo for further analysis. These interviews would allow me to understand direct care staff attitudes and beliefs towards suicidality among young people. The interview questions will undergo pilot testing with a small sample of direct care staff to ensure content validity. Qualitative themes will be
created and coded based on the overarching themes in direct care staff conversations. To account for interrater reliability, two coders will view the staff transcriptions and cross-examine each other’s code to agree on the themes’ significance. Sample interview questions include “What do you know about the prevalence rate and nature of suicide among at-risk youth?” or “Have you directly or indirectly supported youth who have had suicidal behaviors, attempted, or died by suicide?”. To review the complete list of semi-structured interview questions, see Appendix A.
In this exploratory study, I hope to find that more direct care staff have increased rates of factual and perceived knowledge of suicide risk factors and suicidal behaviors among system-impacted youth as assessed by the following measures: Self-Evaluation of Suicide Prevention Knowledge Scale, Knowledge of Suicide Warning Signs and Intervention Behaviors Scale, MHKAT, and SPEAKS Survey. I hypothesize that the SAFE Spaces items will showcase that more direct care staff have increased confidence in at-risk youth. This hypothesis will also be explored through semistructured interviews. Using the measures focused on knowledge, I believe that staff who have higher levels of factual and perceived knowledge of suicide prevention and risk factors will have decreased levels of stigma and reluctance to engage in suicide intervention for at-risk youth, which was measured in the Attitudes to Suicide Prevention Scale. Additionally, I hypothesize that staff’s knowledge of suicide, suicide risk factors, and attitudes towards at-risk youth may be influenced by various demographic and professional background variables, such as years of experience, age, gender, or prior mental health or suicide prevention training. Descriptive statistics will be run to illustrate how demographic factors like staff’s gender or years of experience may influence their knowledge of suicide risk and prevention factors among at-risk youth.
These interviews will give direct care staff space to express their attitudes and beliefs on suicide among atrisk system-impacted youth. The following anticipated themes were generated from prior literature.
Similar to prior literature, I will find that more staff have increased confidence levels towards at-risk populations (Mackenzie et al., 2015) but have lower levels of self-efficacy to support youth. Therefore, staff may continue to seek out additional training to
strengthen their understanding and engagement with suicide prevention and intervention strategies (Harding & Cameron, 1999; Gibb et al., 2010). The interviews may propose additional findings on what specific advances staff would like to see in their training. For example, staff may seek out trauma-informed training with components on cultural humility to assist staff in understanding how trauma appears differently based on one’s cultural, ethnic, and socioeconomic status. Additionally, it will be beneficial for staff to gain training on the ways trauma and cultural and socioeconomic factors influence suicide risk and prevention strategies. Another training advancement may focus on self-care strategies created and implemented by direct care staff in ways that work best for them to minimize burnout and maintain effectiveness in their role.
The second theme highlights how participants may note the importance of collaborations across disciplines, promoting the creation of an interdisciplinary team where staff feel more supported in identifying, screening, and talking to at-risk youth and youth who self-harm (Harding & Cameron, 1999). This may present on a facility level where all direct care staff in a given facility are taught to work collaboratively with mental health professionals and other stakeholders to strengthen their understanding of legal matters, risk assessment, risk management, and services to provide comprehensive care to youth. Additionally, direct care staff might establish a bi-weekly open forum where they can meet with fellow staff members and other facility personnel. This designated space allows them to debrief and share their opinions and experiences about the youth while ensuring that no confidential information about any child is compromised. These meetings act as an additional measure to help reduce staff burnout, given the heavy caseloads they manage on a daily basis. The incorporation of these suggestions may strengthen the staff’s level of preparedness to support at-risk youth and navigate staff burnout.
The existing literature on supporting at-risk systemimpacted youth has largely overlooked the perspectives and experiences of direct care staff. This study addresses this gap by emphasizing staff’s first-hand experiences through semi-structured interviews. By exploring where staff are flourishing and where they may need additional support, we can gain valuable insights into improving care for at-risk youth.
This research builds upon and expands the work of Penn et al. (2005), who examined direct care staff
supporting at-risk system-impacted youth. Our study may corroborate findings from Mackenzie et al. (2015) regarding staff perceptions of suicide and non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) as serious concerns. However, we extend this work by using in-depth interviews to identify staff-perceived training and professional development needs to support at-risk youth better.
Understanding staff perceptions of suicidal behavior among at-risk youth can inform targeted suicide prevention trainings and program modifications. This information may be valuable for organizational stakeholders, such as the Office of Court Administration and Division of Criminal Justice Services, in developing evidence-based suicide prevention initiatives incorporating staff perspectives.
Given the understudied nature of this area, several directions for future research emerge. These include:
1. Investigating staff needs for additional guidance and support
2. Exploring the relationship between staff attitudes (e.g., empathy, concern, frustration) and interagency collaboration
3. Examining potential links between staff attitudes, professional development, and training in suicide prevention and mental health
4. Analyzing staff decision-making processes and identifying additional risk factors for youth suicidal and non-suicidal self-injurious behaviors
Future work should also consider system entry points as a critical variable within an ecological framework. Research has shown that suicidal behavior prevalence varies based on the youths’ stage in the juvenile justice process (Stokes et al., 2015; NCCHC, 2019). High-risk situations may arise during periods of decreased staff supervision or pending release, particularly when youth lack adequate discharge plans or support systems (NCCHC, 2019).
This study’s limitations include its small sample size, which may restrict generalizability, and the absence of youth perspectives. Future research should directly engage with at-risk system-impacted youth, similar to Kaijadoe et al. (2023), to understand their experiences and perceptions of staff support. Additionally, selfreport biases may influence participant responses, potentially impacting the validity of results.
This exploratory research has implications for researchers, practitioners, juvenile justice staff, and youth. It underscores the need for further empirical work examining staff and youth experiences, attitudes, and beliefs towards suicidal behavior and self-harm across various points of justice system involvement.
Building on previous research advocating for enhanced connections between direct care staff and mental health services (Harding & Cameron, 1999), future studies should investigate effective ways to promote this collaboration.
In conclusion, this study aims to illuminate staff perceptions of at-risk youth and suicide prevention training. As staff increasingly play a role in identifying and screening youth (Penn et al., 2005), understanding their experiences and perceptions of suicidality and mental health is crucial. Findings from this research may inform the development of specialized interventions and training programs to support juvenile justice staff in New York better, ultimately improving the care and outcomes for at-risk system-impacted youth.
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Interview Questions
Interviews with direct care staff were guided by this topic guide, which included questions about participants’ background experiences, understanding towards suicidality, and youth. However, participants were encouraged to incorporate additional important information not addressed by the topic guide.
Background Experiences
1. What is your role?
2. How long have you worked here?
3. Have you done similar work with system-impacted adolescents before?
4. What does your educational background look like?
5. Have you had suicide prevention or mental health training in your role? a) If so, did you find the training useful? If not, what could have made the training better?
6. How confident do you feel in your ability to support atrisk youth?
Suicidality Understanding
1. What do you know about the prevalence and nature of suicide among at-risk youth?
2. What are your attitudes towards youth who experience suicidal behaviors?
3. How do you assess the risk of suicide and self-harm?
4. How do you support youth who are at risk of suicide? What resources or referrals do you make?
Suicidality Training
1. Do you believe that it is a part of your role to assess suicidal behavior among the youth you work with?
2. How do you feel about the current training and support provided to address mental health issues, including suicidal behaviors, among youth?
3. Are there additional educational and professional development trainings (i.e. on suicide risk factors or mental health) that you would like to receive? If so, what would you like to see more of?
4. In your opinion, what improvements could be made to enhance suicide prevention efforts within juvenile justice facilities?
Experiences around Youth Suicidality
1. Have you directly or indirectly supported youth who have had suicidal behaviors, attempted, or died by suicide? Would you feel comfortable expanding on this experience?
2. How has working with at-risk youth impacted you? How has it impacted your perception of your position?
Staff Support
1. What role do you think mental health professionals should play in supporting direct care staff in addressing suicidal behaviors among at-risk youth?
Khushi Thakkar
When examining childhood adversity, the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) framework has been a central tool in public health and child development research (Kelley-Irving et al., 2019). Initially conceptualized to support children in complex social environments, ACEs have provided a foundational understanding of how early exposure to trauma influences developmental outcomes. However, this framework has demonstrated significant limitations. While it was adapted to guide interventions, the ACEs model often oversimplifies the complex experiences of marginalized populations and has been misapplied in psychological diagnoses. For instance, 63.9% of youth in the United States have encountered at least one adverse childhood experience, ranging from violence to family dysfunction (Swedo et al., 2023). These experiences jeopardize developmental trajectories and are associated with immediate and long-term emotional, mental, and physical health challenges (Graf et al., 2021).
The consequences of ACEs extend far beyond childhood, often predicting adverse outcomes in adulthood, including substance abuse, mental health disorders, and interactions with systemic oppression (MosleyJohnson et al., 2019). Youth involved in systems such as the juvenile justice system are particularly vulnerable, with evidence showing that these youths are exposed to higher rates of ACEs compared to their peers in the general population (Belisle et al., 2024). Despite this, current literature lacks a comprehensive exploration of the impact of ACEs on the academic, legal, and psychological outcomes of justice-involved youth. This gap underscores the need for more informed behavioral interventions, as untreated trauma can exacerbate the risk of recidivism (Folk et al., 2021).
A more nuanced understanding of ACEs is critical for developing targeted interventions that address the specific challenges faced by vulnerable populations. However, the ACEs framework remains limited in its simplicity, particularly regarding risk factors, predictive variables, and the stigmatization of certain groups (Lacey & Minnis, 2020). The original ACEs study focused on ten adverse experiences, such as physical abuse, neglect, and household dysfunction (Gervin et al., 2021). While groundbreaking, this focus excludes
that marginalized children—especially justice-involved youth—often face, including community violence, racism, and chronic poverty (Kelley-Irving et al., 2019). The cumulative risk model of ACEs, which posits that the number of ACEs correlates with adverse outcomes, fails to account for the variability in how different adversities impact children (Mersky et al., 2016). For example, two children with the same number of ACEs might experience vastly different outcomes depending on the nature of their adversities and the availability of supportive resources. This highlights the importance of recognizing individual contexts and supports, which the current framework overlooks.
The intersection of race, ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic status further complicates the ACEs framework. These factors significantly influence how children experience ACEs and their subsequent impact on health and well-being. Minority groups, for example, are more likely to experience specific ACEs, such as community violence and systemic discrimination, which are not adequately captured in the traditional ACEs framework (Mersky & Janczewski, 2018). Moreover, societal responses to ACEs are often shaped by these intersecting identities, leading to varying levels of support and stigma. These intersecting systems of oppression exacerbate the effects of adverse childhood experiences for marginalized populations, amplifying the complexity of their developmental outcomes (Crenshaw, 1991).
Expanding the ACEs framework to account for intersectionality is essential for developing a more comprehensive understanding of childhood adversity (Strompolis et al., 2019). By considering overlapping social identities, we can more accurately address the unique ways ACEs impact individuals, which is critical for creating more effective interventions and support systems.
The limitations of the ACEs framework are most apparent when examining how systems of oppression perpetuate inequality, discrimination, and limited
access to resources. Intersectionality theory explains how overlapping social categorizations, such as race, ethnicity, and gender, create interdependent disadvantage systems (Nash, 2008). For example, systemic racism can increase exposure to community violence and decrease access to quality education and healthcare for minority children. Gender discrimination can compound trauma by reducing emotional support, while socioeconomic disparities limit access to safe environments and mental health services.
The intersection of race and gender is particularly relevant in understanding how ACEs affect marginalized groups. Research has shown that Black and Hispanic youth in the justice system not only face higher rates of adversity but also experience more severe consequences compared to their White counterparts due to systemic inequities and ongoing discrimination (De La Rue & Ortega, 2019). For example, Black boys often encounter stereotypes that label them as dangerous or aggressive, resulting in harsher punishments in schools and unfair treatment in the justice system. Similarly, Black girls face hypersexualization and adultification biases, leading to distinct forms of mistreatment and trauma, such as discriminatory school policies that target their cultural attire and natural hair (Morris, 2016).
These examples illustrate how intersectional identities shape the experience of specific ACEs. For instance, a Black boy experiencing physical abuse may also contend with societal stereotypes that view him as inherently violent, leading to less empathy and more punitive responses from authority figures (Goff et al., 2014). In contrast, a Black girl facing physical abuse may struggle with hypersexualization and adultification, resulting in her emotional needs being overlooked (Epstein et al., 2017). Such nuanced differences underscore the need for an ACE framework that captures youth’s unique, intersectional experiences.
By integrating intersectionality into the study of ACEs, we can better understand how overlapping social identities and systemic inequities influence the diverse experiences of childhood adversity. This approach not only provides a more accurate depiction of how various forms of oppression interact but also highlights the need for targeted interventions that address the specific needs of marginalized groups. Effective interventions must consider how race, gender, and socioeconomic status shape a child’s exposure to and processing of traumatic experiences (Joseph-McCatty et al., 2024).
Research has demonstrated that incorporating intersectionality into the study of ACEs is critical for developing interventions that account for the multifaceted nature of adversity (Crenshaw, 1991). For example, measures that capture experiences of discrimination and social exclusion, along with traditional ACEs, would allow for a more comprehensive understanding of how childhood adversity impacts marginalized populations. Such measures would better inform culturally competent, trauma-informed interventions that address both immediate and longterm needs.
This study utilizes a mixed-methods approach, integrating quantitative and qualitative data to explore the experiences of system-impacted youth. Quantitative data is drawn from the ROSES (Resilience, Opportunity, Safety, Education, Strength) program, a trauma-informed initiative aimed at girls and overseen by the Researching Inequity in Society Ecologically Lab at New York University (Javdani et al., 2023). Qualitative research complements these analyses by examining personal narratives, recovery patterns, and the effects of interventions. This mixed-methods design enables a comprehensive understanding of how child adversity and systemic factors, such as race/ethnicity, gender, and justice system involvement, influence youth wellbeing.
The quantitative component will include 300 systemimpacted youth aged 12 to 18 from the ROSES research program. Recruitment will occur over six months through partnerships with schools, juvenile justice centers, and community organizations that serve youth exposed to childhood adversity. A stratified sampling method will ensure diversity across race, ethnicity, gender, and other marginalized identities. Recruitment will target both urban and rural areas to maximize demographic representation. Before participation, informational sessions will be held for youth and their guardians, explaining the study’s purpose and benefits. The sample size is calculated to provide statistical power for detecting significant associations between ACEs and well-being across intersectional identities.
Qualitative Sample
A subset of 50 participants from the quantitative sample will be recruited for in-depth qualitative interviews. The interviews will be dyadic, including the youth participant and a parent or guardian. Stratified sampling will ensure representation from diverse marginalized groups, enabling a holistic exploration of experiences shaped by intersecting identities. These qualitative data will provide deeper insights into the challenges, systemic interactions, and support mechanisms experienced by these youth.
In utilizing scales such as the Adolescent Masculinity Ideology in Relationships Scale (AMIRS) and Attitudes Towards Women Scale for Adolescents (AWS-A) we can assess beliefs on gender roles and relationship dynamics to understand control and power dynamic exposure. Following, the Conflict in Adolescent Dating Relationships Inventory (CADRI) is implemented to recognize abusive behaviors within relationships. The CRAFFT Screening Test aids in identifying risky substance use patterns within youth and in their households. The Daily Life Experiences Scale (DLE) measures discrimination and social exclusion due to existing identities. Emotional and Behavioral Responses in Social Interactions questions aim to examine internalization patterns. Lastly, the Schedule of Sexist Events scale will evaluate gender-based discrimination.. The implementation of these measures will allow for a more nuanced and holistic understanding of the impacts of ACEs and the effectiveness of various interventions.
This measure will capture the frequency and severity of disciplinary actions experienced by participants using a Likert scale ranging from “Never” to “Very Often.” Statements include “I got in trouble for not following school rules,” “I was put on in-school suspension,” and “I was transferred to another school for disciplinary reasons.” This scale is chosen for its relevance in assessing school discipline, which is critical for understanding the educational challenges faced by system-impacted youth. Previous studies have established its reliability and validity in similar populations.
Adolescent Masculinity Ideology in Relationships Scale (AMIRS)/Attitudes Toward Women Scale for Adolescents (AWS-A)
These scales assess beliefs about gender roles and dynamics within relationships. Participants rate questions like “My partner tells me what to wear” and
“When my partner and I disagree, he gets his way most of the time” from “Strongly Agree” to “Strongly Disagree.” These measures are crucial for understanding gender role attitudes and the power dynamics in relationships among adolescents. Both scales have demonstrated high reliability (Cronbach’s alpha > 0.80) and validity in diverse adolescent populations.
in Adolescent Dating Relationships Inventory (CADRI)
This inventory assesses physical and emotional abuse within relationships using a frequency scale. Participants report the frequency of incidents such as “I kicked, hit or punched him/her” or “He/she threw something at me” with responses ranging from “Never” to “Always.” This measure is vital for identifying abusive behaviors in adolescent relationships. CADRI has been widely validated and shown to be reliable in capturing the prevalence of dating violence (Cronbach’s alpha > 0.85).
This yes-no questionnaire assesses personal and household substance use with questions like “Have you ever gotten into trouble while you were using alcohol or drugs?” It is chosen for its ability to identify risky substance use patterns among adolescents, with strong psychometric properties (sensitivity > 0.80, specificity > 0.75).
Daily Life Experiences Scale (DLE): This scale measures discrimination and social exclusion using a frequency scale. Items like “Being treated rudely or disrespectfully” and “Being stared at by strangers” will be rated from “Never” to “Frequently.” This scale helps in understanding social challenges related to race, ethnicity, or other identity factors. It has demonstrated reliability (Cronbach’s alpha > 0.90) and validity in measuring experiences of discrimination.
Conflict in Adolescent Dating Relationships Inventory (CADRI)
This inventory assesses physical and emotional abuse within relationships using a frequency scale. Participants report the frequency of incidents such as “I kicked, hit or punched him/her” or “He/she threw something at me” with responses ranging from “Never” to “Always.” This measure is vital for identifying abusive behaviors in adolescent relationships. CADRI has been widely validated and shown to be reliable in capturing the prevalence of dating violence (Cronbach’s alpha > 0.85).
This yes-no questionnaire assesses personal and household substance use with questions like “Have you ever gotten into trouble while you were using alcohol or drugs?” It is chosen for its ability to identify risky substance use patterns among adolescents, with strong psychometric properties (sensitivity > 0.80, specificity > 0.75).
This scale measures discrimination and social exclusion using a frequency scale. Items like “Being treated rudely or disrespectfully” and “Being stared at by strangers” will be rated from “Never” to “Frequently.” This scale helps in understanding social challenges related to race, ethnicity, or other identity factors. It has demonstrated reliability (Cronbach’s alpha > 0.90) and validity in measuring experiences of discrimination.
This measure evaluates gender-based harassment and discrimination using a frequency scale. Participants respond to statements like “Called you a nasty or demeaning name related to being a girl.” This measure has been validated for use in adolescent populations and is reliable in capturing experiences of genderbased discrimination (Cronbach’s alpha > 0.85).
A Likert scale will capture participants’ emotional and behavioral responses in social interactions, such as “I feel like it’s my fault when I have disagreements with my friends.” This scale provides insights into the internalization of interpersonal conflicts and has been validated in various studies.
This measure includes questions on a frequency scale about household substance use and related stressors, such as “Do you ever use alcohol or drugs to relax, feel better about yourself, or fit in?” Each measure is chosen for its relevance to the experiences of systemimpacted young people and its ability to provide a comprehensive view of the participants’ experiences.
The qualitative component will employ semi-structured interviews to explore the nuanced and multifaceted nature of adversity. These interviews will be designed
to capture the intersectional experiences of youth, focusing on how race/ethnicity, gender, and systemic involvement intersect to shape their lives. Parents or guardians of the participants will also be interviewed to provide additional context regarding the systemic interactions and support mechanisms available to the youth.
Sample interview questions include:
• For youth: “Can you describe any difficult or traumatic experiences you have had during your childhood or teenage years?” followed by, “How do you think your race/ethnicity or gender influenced these experiences?”
• For parents: “Can you describe any experiences where your child was treated differently by authorities (e.g., teachers, police) because of their race or gender?”
Several validation strategies will be utilized to ensure the credibility, reliability, and validity of the thematic analysis. Triangulation will involve multiple data sources, including interviews with youths and their parents and multiple researchers in the analysis process. Peer debriefing will engage external experts to review and critique findings, while member checking will involve sharing results with participants to verify accuracy. Reflexivity will be maintained through a journal documenting the researchers’ thoughts and potential biases. Thick description will enhance transferability by providing detailed accounts of the data and context. A consensus coding procedure will identify inconsistencies and refine the coding scheme. An audit trail will maintain transparency by documenting all research steps, and negative case analysis will ensure comprehensive representation by discussing data that contradicts emerging themes. These strategies will ensure a robust and trustworthy thematic analysis that accurately reflects participants’ experiences and offers valuable insights into the intersectional impacts of ACEs on marginalized youth.
Surveys will be administered online through Qualtrics, with participants recruited via partner organizations. Compensation will be provided upon completion of the surveys. Detailed instructions will accompany the surveys, and assistance will be available to ensure clarity and high response rates. Data collection will be closely monitored to maintain data quality.
Qualitative interviews will be conducted via Zoom, each session lasting approximately 60 minutes. Interviews will follow a semi-structured guide to ensure consistency while allowing participants to share their unique experiences. All sessions will be recorded with participant consent, and the recordings will be transcribed verbatim. Transcriptions will be stored in a password-protected database to ensure confidentiality.
Descriptive statistics will be calculated for all measures, including means and standard deviations. ANOVA and hierarchical regression models will analyze the relationships between ACEs and well-being outcomes. These models will explore how intersectional factors, such as race/ethnicity and gender, moderate the effects of ACEs. The cumulative impact of multiple ACEs will also be considered, with higher numbers of adverse experiences expected to correlate with more severe outcomes. All analyses will be conducted using R statistical software. The reliability and validity of the scales will be confirmed using Cronbach’s alpha and confirmatory factor analysis.
Thematic analysis will be used to analyze the qualitative data, employing NVivo software for coding and identifying key themes. Multiple trained coders will ensure consistency and interrater reliability, meeting regularly to discuss coding decisions and resolve discrepancies (Boyatzis, 1998). Validation strategies will include triangulation through multiple data sources and peer debriefing with external experts. Member checking will also be employed to ensure the accuracy of the findings. Reflexivity will be maintained by documenting researchers’ thoughts and potential biases throughout the analysis.
This study aims to explore the impact of childhood adversity on system interactions and the well-being of youth, particularly considering the intersectionality of race/ethnicity and gender. The research integrates quantitative and qualitative methodologies to explore how these intersecting identities influence experiences and outcomes among system-impacted youth. The findings are expected to provide critical insights to inform the development of targeted interventions and support strategies.
Quantitative Analysis: Descriptive statistics will be obtained for each measure, including mean scores and standard deviations. ANOVA and regression models will be employed to reveal significant relationships between ACEs and well-being outcomes, with a focus on how intersectionality factors like race/ethnicity and gender moderate these relationships. The analyses will consider the cumulative effect of multiple ACEs, recognizing that a higher number of adverse experiences can lead to more severe outcomes. Analyses will be conducted using R statistical software to handle complex models effectively. The reliability and validity of each measure will be evaluated using Cronbach’s alpha and confirmatory factor analysis. The planned quantitative analyses will begin by obtaining the descriptive statistics for each measure, including the mean score and standard deviation from the survey data, to establish a foundational understanding of the dataset. By utilizing scales such as the Adolescent Masculinity Ideology in Relationships Scale (AMIRS), Attitudes Towards Women Scale for Adolescents (AWS-A), Conflict in Adolescent Dating Relationships Inventory (CADRI), CRAFFT Screening Test, Daily Life Experiences Scale (DLE), Emotional and Behavioral Responses to Social Interactions, and the Schedule of Sexist Events (SSE) scale, this study aims to delve deeper into the extensive experiences of systemimpacted youth. Each scale has been selected for its specific focus: AMIRS for gender roles (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.82, indicating good reliability), AWS-A for attitudes towards women (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.85, indicating strong reliability), CADRI for relationship dynamics (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.88, indicating strong reliability), CRAFFT for substance use (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.80, indicating good reliability), DLE for experiences of discrimination (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.87, indicating strong reliability), and SSE for experiences of sexism (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.92, indicating excellent reliability). These scales provide a more comprehensive and holistic understanding than the traditional ACEs checklist.
Thematic analysis of interview data is expected to provide deeper insights into how ACEs and intersecting identities shape the experiences of system-impacted youth. By analyzing qualitative narratives, the study will likely identify recurring themes that explain how race, gender, and other social identities influence interactions with systemic institutions and affect wellbeing outcomes. This analysis will offer a nuanced understanding of the effectiveness of current support and intervention strategies and how they might be improved to account for intersectional challenges.
Themes
Navigating Gender Expectations
Racial Discrimination in Systemic Settings
Coping Mechanisms and Resilience
Systemic Barriers and Support
Interpersonal Relationships and Power Dynamics
Identity and Self-Perception
Subthemes
1. Societal Expectations: Experiences related to societal expectations of gender roles.
2. Cultural Norms: Impact of cultural norms on behavior and self-perception.
1. Educational Bias: Instances of racial bias in educational settings and their effects on academic outcomes.
2. Justice System Bias: Racial discrimination in the justice system and its impact on social outcomes.
3. Professional Bias: Effects of racial bias in professional environments on career development.
1. Emotional Strategies: Techniques used by young people to manage emotional distress from ACEs.
2. Social Support: Role of social networks in building resilience.
3. Personal Strengths: Individual strengths and characteristics that aid in overcoming adversity.
1. Educational Challenges: Barriers within the educational system.
2. Justice System Challenges: Obstacles faced within the juvenile justice system.
3. Support Systems: Effectiveness and availability of support within these systems.
1. Control Dynamics: Influence of power dynamics in relationships.
2. Abuse and Trauma: Impact of abusive relationships on well-being.
3. Cultural Influences: Role of cultural context in shaping interpersonal relationships.
1. Intersectional Identities: How intersecting identities shape self-perception.
2. Mental Health: Influence of ACEs on mental health and self-esteem.
3. Identity Challenges: Unique challenges faced due to the intersection of multiple identities.
The primary objective of this study is to examine the impact of Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) on the well-being of system-impacted youth, with a specific emphasis on the moderating role of race/ethnicity and gender. By recontextualizing the ACEs framework through the lens of intersectionality, this research aims to provide a more nuanced understanding of how childhood adversity disproportionately affects marginalized groups and to inform the development of trauma-informed interventions tailored to these populations.
The anticipated findings are expected to highlight the profound impact of ACEs on the well-being of marginalized youth, with particular emphasis on the compounded challenges faced by youth of color and gender-nonconforming individuals. By adopting an intersectional approach, this research addresses the shortcomings of a one-size-fits-all model. It emphasizes the need for interventions sensitive to the unique experiences of different demographic groups. The expected outcomes also point to the critical role of systemic discrimination and bias in exacerbating the effects of childhood adversity.
The qualitative analysis of interview data is expected to provide high-level insights into the experiences of system-impacted youth. These insights will reveal how intersecting identities and systemic factors compound the difficulties faced by marginalized youth, making it clear that existing interventions may need to be rethought. Recognizing these unique challenges is essential for developing more effective support systems that cater to the diverse needs of these populations, thereby improving their overall well-being and reducing disparities.
The findings of this study will have significant implications for community-based organizations, practitioners, and policymakers. By framing ACEs within the context of intersectionality, this research underscores the need for interventions tailored to the specific challenges marginalized youth face.
• Community: Culturally competent and intersectional trauma-informed care is essential (Mersky & Janczewski, 2018). Community organizations must be equipped to address the compounded effects of systemic discrimination, racial biases, and gendered racism, particularly for marginalized individuals.
• Practice: Support systems should be sensitive to the unique needs of diverse demographic groups (De La Rue & Ortega, 2019). Training for caregivers, educators, and practitioners should include modules on intersectional cultural competence and gender dynamics. Incorporating peer support and restorative justice practices can create a more equitable and supportive environment. Understanding the resilience strategies employed by these youths can inform the design of workshops that promote mental health and reinforce positive behaviors (Joseph-McCatty et al., 2024).
• Policy: From a policy perspective, there is a need to integrate intersectionality into the development and implementation of programs addressing childhood adversity. Programs for Black and Hispanic youth in the justice system must consider the compounded effects of racial discrimination and systemic biases. At the same time, initiatives targeting girls of color should address gendered racism and hypersexualization (Joseph-McCatty et al., 2024). Policymakers should ensure that interventions are inclusive and tailored to the unique needs of marginalized groups, emphasizing reducing systemic biases in education and justice systems.
This proposed study anticipates several limitations that must be acknowledged. Firstly, it is expected that the sample population of gender non-conforming youth from the ROSES study may be too small to draw comprehensive conclusions about their unique experiences and needs. This limitation highlights the necessity for future research to aim for more extensive and more representative samples of gender non-conforming youth to understand their specific challenges better.
Moreover, the study will rely on self-reported data, which can introduce biases and inaccuracies. Participants may underreport or overreport their experiences due to memory recall issues or social desirability bias. Additionally, the anticipated reliance on a secondary data set may limit the ability to comprehensively explore all relevant dimensions of ACEs and their impacts. The available data might not capture some potentially critical variables and nuanced experiences.
Another predicted limitation is the cross-sectional nature of the data, which may restrict the ability to make causal inferences about the relationships between ACEs and well-being outcomes. Longitudinal studies would be needed to understand ACEs’ longterm effects and the evolving nature of intersectional
identities over time.
Lastly, while the study aims to incorporate an intersectional perspective, it is anticipated that it may still fall short in fully capturing the diverse and dynamic experiences of marginalized youth with a focus on the intersectionality of race/ethnicity and gender. The complexity of intersectionality requires continuous refinement of research methods and frameworks to ensure all relevant factors and identities (e.g., socioeconomic status, disability status, sexual orientation, religion) are adequately represented and understood.
This study underscores the critical need to reconceptualize the ACEs framework to account for intersectional identities. By providing a detailed understanding of how ACEs disproportionately impact marginalized youth, the research offers valuable insights for the development of targeted, traumainformed interventions. Addressing systemic inequities and providing comprehensive, culturally competent support will be essential for improving the well-being of system-impacted youth.
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A
Quantitative Measures
School-related Experiences
- School Discipline and Challenges:
- “I got in trouble for not following school rules.”
- “I was put on in-school suspension.”
- “I was suspended or put on probation.”
- “I was transferred to another school for disciplinary reasons.”
Close Relationships (ASAI)
- Inappropriate Physical Interactions:
- “Has a boy/girl ever put his/her hands under your clothing?”
- “Have you ever put your hands under a boy/girl’s clothing?”
- “Have you and a boy/girl ever been undressed together?”
- “Have you ever played games with boys/girls where you touched each other’s bodies or showed each other private parts of your bodies?”
Attitudes towards the Role of Men and Women (AMIRS, AWS-A)
- Control and Power Dynamics
- “My partner tells me what to wear.”
- “My partner always wants to know where I am.”
- “My partner has more influence than I do about important decisions that affect us.”
- “When my partner and I disagree, he gets his way most of the time.”
Relationship Conflict and Abuse (CADRI)
- Physical and Emotional Abuse:
- “I touched him/her sexually when he/she didn’t want me to.”
- “He/she touched me sexually when I didn’t want him/her to.”
- “I destroyed or threatened to destroy something he/she valued.”
- “He/she destroyed or threatened to destroy something I valued.”
- “I threw something at him/her.”
- “He/she threw something at me.”
- “I kicked, hit or punched him/her.”
- “He/she kicked, hit or punched me.”
- “I slapped him/her or pulled his/her hair.”
- “He/she slapped me or pulled my hair.”
- “I threatened to hurt him/her.”
- “He/she threatened to hurt me.”
- “I threatened to hit him/her or throw something at him/ her.”
- “He/she threatened to hit me or throw something at me.”
- Household and Personal Substance Abuse
- “Have you ever ridden in a car driven by someone who was high or had been using alcohol or drugs?”
- “Do your family or friends ever tell you that you should cut down on your drinking or drug use?”
- “Have you ever gotten into trouble while you were using alcohol or drugs?”
Sensitive Questions (F)
- Sexual Abuse
- “Before you were a teenager, did an older person (at least five years older) ever fondle you in a sexual way?”
- “Before you were a teenager, did an older person (at least five years older) ever touch your sexual organs?”
- “Before you were a teenager, did an older person (at least five years older) ever have you touch their sexual organs?”
- “Before you were a teenager, did an older person (at least five years older) ever attempt to have sexual intercourse with you?”
- “Before you were a teenager, did an older person (at least five years older) ever have oral, anal, or vaginal intercourse with you?”
- “Since you’ve been a teenager, has anyone around your age ever forced you to have sexual intercourse against your will?”
Discrimination and Social Stress (DLE)
- Experiences of Discrimination and Social Exclusion
- “Being ignored, overlooked or not given service (in a restaurant, store, etc.).”
- “Being treated rudely or disrespectfully.”
- “Being accused of something or treated suspiciously.”
- “Others reacting to you as if they were afraid or intimidated.”
- “Being observed or followed while in public places.”
- “Being treated as if you were ‘stupid,’ being ‘talked down to’.”
- “Having your ideas ignored.”
- “Overhearing or being told an offensive joke.”
- “Being insulted, called a name or harassed.”
- “Others expecting your work to be inferior.”
- “Not being taken seriously.”
- “Being left out of conversations or activities.”
- “Being treated in an ‘overly’ friendly or superficial way.”
- “Other people avoiding you.”
- “Being stared at by strangers.”
- “Being laughed at, made fun of, or taunted.”
- “Being mistaken for someone else of your same race.”
- “Being disciplined unfairly because of your race.”
Gender-based Harassment (ESS)
- Sexual Harassment and Gender Discrimination
- “Called you a nasty or demeaning name related to being a girl.”
- “Was teased about your appearance related to being a girl.”
- “Was told an embarrassing/mean joke about girls/women.”
- “Received inappropriate or unwanted romantic attention by a boy/man.”
- “Received unwanted physical contact by a boy/man.”
- “Teased, bullied, or threatened with harm by a boy/man.”
Emotional and Behavioral Struggles
- “I feel like it’s my fault when I have disagreements with my friends.”
- “When my friends ignore my feelings, I think that my feelings weren’t very important anyway.”
- “I usually tell my friends when they hurt my feelings.”
- “I wish I could say what I feel more often than I do.”
Household Stressors
- “Do you ever use alcohol or drugs to relax, feel better about yourself, or fit in?”
- “Do you ever forget things you did while using alcohol or drugs?”
- “Have you ever gotten into trouble while you were using alcohol or drugs?”
Qualitative Interview Questions
Youth Interview Questions
Experiences of Adversity
1. Can you describe any difficult or traumatic experiences you’ve had during your childhood or teenage years?
2. How do you think your race/ethnicity or gender influenced these experiences?
3. Have you experienced any type of abuse or neglect? How did it affect you, and how do you believe your identity influenced these experiences?
Systemic Interactions
1. Have you ever felt treated differently by authorities (e.g., teachers, police) because of your race or gender? Can you give an example?
2. How did these interactions impact your sense of safety and wellbeing?
3. Have you faced challenges in school related to discipline or academic support? How do you think your race or gender influenced these experiences?
Support Systems and Resources
1. What kind of support did you receive from your family, community, or school when facing these adversities?
2. Were there any barriers to accessing this support, and if so, what were they?
3. How effective do you feel the support systems were in helping you cope with your adversities?
Coping and Recovery
1. How have you managed to cope with these challenging experiences?
2. Are there any specific programs or resources that have been particularly helpful or unhelpful in your recovery?
Gender-Specific Experiences
1. For girls: Have you faced any particular challenges or stereotypes because of your gender? How have these affected you?
2. For gender-nonconforming youth: Have you faced any challenges or stereotypes related to your gender identity? How have these affected your behavior or emotions?
Parent Interview Questions
Systemic Interactions
1. Can you describe any experiences where your child was treated differently by authorities (e.g., teachers, police) because of their race or gender?
2. How did these interactions affect your child’s sense of safety and well-being?
3. Have you observed your child facing challenges in school related to discipline or academic support? How do you think their race or gender influenced these experiences?
Support Systems and Resources
1. What kind of support did you receive from the community, school, or social services when your child was facing adversities?
2. Were there any barriers to accessing this support, and if so, what were they?
3. How effective do you feel the support systems were in helping your child cope with their adversities?
Coping and Recovery
1. How has your family coped with the challenges your child has faced?
2. Are there any specific programs or resources that have been particularly helpful or unhelpful in supporting your child’s recovery?
Gender-Specific Experiences
1. For parents of girls: Have you observed any particular challenges or stereotypes your daughter has faced because of her gender? How have these affected her?
2. For parents of gender-nonconforming youth: Have you observed any challenges or stereotypes your child has faced related to their gender identity? How have these affected their behavior or emotions?
PI: Dr. Lauren Mims
Mentors: Elisha Arnold
The Homeplace Research Collective (Homeplace) studies the brilliance of Black children and their families through community-engaged, child-centered Black child development research. Homeplace conducts mixed methods research that explores how sociocultural stressors impact Black and other minoritized children’s learning and development, with the goal of identifying and amplifying the strengths and assets of children, families, and schools. At the Homeplace Research Collective, we “freedom dream” (Kelley, 2002) with Black and other minoritized children and their families, and then use that brilliance to guide the development of new research, policies, practices, and narratives that both identify and ameliorate inequities facing minoritized children and their families today and tomorrow.
Gloria Mwembe
The home environment plays a crucial role in children’s development, with various factors influencing their experiences and outcomes. Birth order has emerged as a significant factor with developmental implications for children’s identity and well-being (Carballo et al., 2013). Recent research indicates that the oldest children are often assigned greater household responsibilities than their younger siblings (Bah & Kagotho, 2023; Chatterjee, 2024). While sharing responsibilities can benefit youth development, inappropriate or excessive tasks can harm children’s well-being (Burton, 2007; Garber, 2011, 2021).
Researchers have introduced the concept of adultification to conceptualize children’s experiences with adult responsibilities. This phenomenon refers to the transference of responsibilities that exceed a child’s abilities, positioning them as partners to adults. These responsibilities can encompass both emotional (e.g., mediating family conflicts and managing parental emotions) and practical (e.g., running errands and cooking) tasks (Burton, 2007; Garber, 2011, 2021). Burton (2007) proposes different forms of adultification, with parentification being one manifestation. While similar to adultification, parentification typically focuses on children assuming caregiving roles, often omitting the emotional responsibilities and perceived adulthood that characterize adultification (Garber, 2011, 2021).
Adultification and parentification are particularly prevalent in eldest daughters. An ethnographic study examining gendered adultification revealed that eldest daughters are disproportionately assigned caregiving roles (Burton, 2007). However, existing research on adultified children predominantly includes White participants, underrepresenting children from minority groups who face similar circumstances. For instance, in a study investigating the relationship between marital conflict and parentification in adolescents, 79% of participants were of European American descent (Peris et al., 2008). Furthermore, research has demonstrated that assigned responsibilities and expectations for adultified and parentified children differ significantly based on gender (Bah & Kagotho, 2023; Dodson & Dickert, 2004).
Considering the importance of intersectionality in adultification literature, there is a notable lack of research exploring the experiences of Black daughters within their households, particularly eldest Black daughters. This gap in the literature warrants further investigation to better understand this population’s unique challenges and experiences.
Intersectionality, a concept introduced by Kimberlé Crenshaw, describes how multiple identities intersect to reflect interconnected systems of oppression and privilege that impact individuals’ lives (Crenshaw, 2019). An intersectional lens is crucial when examining Black eldest daughters’ adultification experiences, as Black girls face gendered racism—discrimination based on both gender and race. Adultification manifests differently for Black girls compared to non-Black peers due to racism and persistent stereotypes (Rosenthal & Lobel, 2016).
Historically, women have faced societal pressure to assume motherly roles due to traditional gender norms (Collins, 2005). This pressure is intensified for Black women, who are held to higher scrutiny and standards. They are expected to be consistently “strong,” make sacrifices for their children, adhere to White standards of motherhood, and are often blamed for hindering their children’s academic achievement (Collins, 2005). Racist stereotypes about Black women as mothers, such as “Mammy,” “welfare mother,” and “matriarch,” have persisted in American history (Collins, 2005).
Consequently, Black mothers feel compelled to make sacrifices, demonstrate resilience, and remain vigilant to protect their children (Elliott et al., 2013). They believe they are equipping their daughters with skills for independence and self-sufficiency to face the oppressive demands placed on Black women (Collins, 1987). One such method is fostering independence through increased responsibilities. However, the pressure to succeed may be heightened for Black eldest daughters who have observed their mothers’ sacrifices while being taught to be strong and competent. This pressure may lead to increased responsibility and self-scrutiny as they strive to fulfill their role and meet parental and societal expectations.
Given the unique intersectional experiences of Black eldest daughters, we propose investigating their specific adultification experiences and the impact on their identity. Intersecting identities can magnify or reduce the effects of situations individuals experience. For Black girls, the intersection of race and gender often results in more harmful outcomes related to adultification (Epstein et al., 2022; Rosenthal & Lobel, 2016). Black girls are frequently portrayed as more sexually liberated and assumed to be mothers (Rosenthal & Lobel, 2016). Media depictions often align with these adultification patterns, portraying Black women as “hos and strippers” (Muhammad & McArthur, 2015). The public’s adultification of Black girls can be characterized as sexualizing and degrading, whereas White girls are depicted as pure and in need of protection (Epstein et al., 2022; Rosenthal & Lobel, 2016).
To comprehensively understand the adultification experiences of Black girls, it is essential to employ an intersectional lens that acknowledges intersecting identities. Burton (2007) emphasizes that the intersection of a child’s attributes in the familial context influences their adultification experiences. While existing literature on adultification examines various covariates, few studies investigate the intersection of gender, race, birth order, and adultification experiences. Therefore, it is crucial to examine adultification through a critical intersectional lens, which will contribute to the literature on these variables and aid in studying the adultification experiences of eldest Black daughters.
Research suggests that birth order influences children’s identity development and family dynamics (Kaemra & Singh, 2021). Firstborns often face higher parental expectations, being viewed as leaders among siblings (Bah & Kagotho, 2023; Burton, 2007; Kaemra & Singh, 2021). Parents tend to socialize firstborns into leadership and caregiving roles, shaping their identities to align with familial perceptions. In contrast, younger siblings typically experience greater freedom in developing their personalities and identities (Kaemra & Singh, 2021).
Identity development, a normative process during late childhood and adolescence, is significantly influenced by parental and familial support. While positive support fosters high self-esteem and healthy to understand
identity development (Chatterjee, 2024; Masiran et al., 2023), emotional parentification can lead to adverse outcomes (Masiran et al., 2023). The experiences of the eldest Black daughters warrant further investigation to understand how their unique circumstances shape their identities.
Parentified children may struggle to balance their intersecting identities within and outside the home, potentially leading to identity loss and uncertainty about conforming to familial expectations (Bah & Kagotho, 2023). Eldest Black daughters who have experienced parentification may face additional challenges in other settings, feeling compelled to modulate certain aspects of their identities to avoid reinforcing harmful stereotypes about Black women (Bah & Kagotho, 2023).
Limited research exists on the adultification experiences of Black girls. However, an international study exploring these experiences in sub-Saharan Africa found that eldest daughters must balance the pressures of being Black women and being perceived as maternal figures. In African immigrant households, mothers are typically expected to be primary caregivers and household managers (Bah & Kagotho, 2023). Consequently, firstborn African daughters in traditional households are often socialized from an early age to assume motherly roles (Bah & Kagotho, 2023).These cultural expectations may exacerbate the adultification experience for eldest Black daughters, potentially complicating their identity formation. Failure to master the homemaker role may be perceived as failing their parents, adding another layer of complexity to their developmental process (Bah & Kagotho, 2023).
Despite extensive research on adultification, there is limited knowledge concerning the specific experiences of Black eldest daughters. Previous studies have revealed variations in the experiences of adultified Black children (Bah & Kagotho, 2023; Burton, 2007; Dodson & Dickert, 2004; Gilford & Reynolds, 2011; Masiran et al., 2023), but a significant gap remains regarding the unique experiences of eldest Black daughters and the impact of birth order.
The term “eldest daughter syndrome” has recently gained attention on social media platforms, with mental health professionals like Morton (2024) discussing potential signs of this phenomenon while emphasizing that it is not an official diagnosis. This syndrome refers to the collective adultification experiences of eldest
daughters across racial backgrounds (Chatterjee, 2024). However, research specifically focusing on eldest daughters from racial minority groups remains scarce.
This study addresses this gap by investigating the unique phenomenon associated with the adultification experiences of eldest Black daughters. The research questions guiding this study are:
1. How are the experiences of eldest Black daughters shaped by their adultification experiences?
2. How do eldest Black daughters construct their identities in the context of racism and adultification?
These questions will assist in examining how birth order, race, and identity formation intersect to create a compounding effect of adultification. We hypothesize that eldest Black daughters share a unique experience due to the intersection of racism, birth order, and gender. Additionally, we posit that they experience adultification in diverse ways due to various family variables, such as sibling composition, socioeconomic status, and parental marital status.
The theoretical framework for this study is grounded in Bowen’s Family Systems Theory (FST), which suggests that family members are affected by behaviors reinforced through family interactions (Johnson & Ray, 2016). FST emphasizes the importance of observing and comprehending family behavior patterns to understand dynamics and how an individual’s experiences may be connected to the broader family context.
By utilizing an intersectional lens and grounding the research questions in the FST framework, this study aims to elucidate how adultification impacts the experiences of eldest Black daughters and their family dynamics. This research contributes to the growing body of literature on adultification and addresses the critical need for studies focusing on underrepresented populations in psychological research.
This proposal aims to recruit 15–20 participants. The target population is Black female undergraduate college students identifying as the eldest daughter (aged 18-23). To recruit participants, flyers will be distributed at one college the first author attends. All participants must sign informed consent forms before the study takes place.
We will conduct three focus groups using semistructured interviews to understand the nature of participant experiences better. Focus groups were selected because having an open dialogue in the focus group will allow participants to share their experiences with others who can relate to them. This approach helps facilitate difficult conversations. Research has shown that participants can provide comfort and support to each other in these situations (Wellings et al., 2000). The researchers aim to help the participants recognize that they are not alone in their experiences and find a supporting community in the focus groups. We will facilitate the conversations in a lab setting.
First, participants will complete a demographic questionnaire inquiring about their race, ethnicity, age, and birth order. The questionnaire will be distributed via Qualtrics and will take 2-3 minutes to complete.
To understand the lived experiences of Black eldest daughters, we will use semi-structured interview questions in a focus group context. Interview questions will explore various themes, including stereotypes about Black girls, coping mechanisms, children’s attitudes toward their roles, and parent-child and sibling dynamics. Questions are also inspired and partially divided from pre-existing interview protocols (Lilly, 2024; Mims et al., 2024 [in preparation]). The interviews will be analyzed using inductive thematic analysis with the software Atlas.ti to understand the deeper meaning of the participant’s experiences. See the Appendix for exemplary interview questions.
The present study explores how adultification and racism shape the experiences and identity development of the eldest Black daughters within their households. Using semi-structured focus groups, we aim to investigate two primary research questions:
1. How do adultification processes influence the experiences of the eldest Black daughters in their families?
2. How do racism and adultification intersect to impact identity construction for these daughters?
We hypothesize that adultification experiences will vary based on socioeconomic status (SES), family structure,
and strength of familial relationships. Daughters from lower SES backgrounds may experience more intense adultification, potentially taking on caregiving or income-generating roles to support their families (Burton, 2007). Family structure may also moderate these effects, with daughters from single-parent households facing greater adultification pressures than those in two-parent families. We further anticipate that prolonged adultification may increase feelings of familial responsibility over time, similar to caretaker syndrome (Burton, 2007). However, some participants may experience burnout or emotional strain without adequate support.
Regarding identity construction, we expect participants to report complex experiences navigating racism and adultification simultaneously. Awareness of structural racism (e.g., disproportionate incarceration rates) may inform daughters’ understanding of their familial roles and responsibilities. This forced maturity may extend beyond the family context due to societal expectations and racial stereotypes. Eldest Black daughters may develop a form of double consciousness, balancing awareness of their racial identity in society with their roles within the family. This may manifest as internalized pressure to succeed academically and professionally to counter negative racial narratives. Previous research has shown that perceived maturity can increase adult responsibilities for Black youth (Burton, 2007).
By exploring these intersecting factors, we aim to uncover the nuanced ways eldest Black daughters experience and are influenced by adultification. Potential outcomes include daughters drawing strength from their experiences to develop resilient identities or, conversely, experiencing negative impacts on well-being and development. These anticipated results would contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of adultification processes among eldest Black daughters, informing future research on family dynamics and racial identity development in this population.
Various factors, including birth order, culture, individual perspective, and intersectional experiences, influence the adultification experiences of the eldest Black daughters in their households. This study investigates how these factors contribute to adultification as either an asset or liability in the lives of eldest Black daughters. By examining the experiences of this monoracial group, we expect to observe variability due to structural racism, duration of adultification, and individual responses.
This study adds to the limited literature on adultification experiences of Black daughters, specifically the eldest. Findings can inform clinical practice, allowing practitioners to incorporate Family Systems Theory (FST) when working with Black families1. Clinicians can use this research to provide targeted interventions while recognizing the broader systemic factors influencing family dynamics.
Policymakers can use this research to advocate for increased support for impoverished families, such as improved childcare, job opportunities, and affordable education1. Such policies could promote upward mobility and reduce reliance on adultification, typically in lowerincome and marginalized groups (Burton, 2007; Dodson & Dickert, 2004; Epstein et al., 2022).
Adultified children are at higher risk of developing mental health issues, including depression, anxiety, and chronic stress (Bah & Kagotho, 2023; Burton, 2007; Carballo et al., 2013; Chatterjee, 2024; Epstein et al., 2022). This study can inform therapists using FST to better understand their clients’ experiences while considering broader systemic factors.
1. Recruit larger sample sizes and focus on specific ethnic groups for more representative data.
2. To examine factors leading to adultification, the Sociohistorical Integrative Model for the Study of Stress in Black Families (Murry et al., 2018) should be utilized.
3. Investigate the adultification experiences of eldest daughters from various racial groups.
The small sample size and focus on college students aged 18-23 limit generalizability1.Future studies should expand the age range and remove the college student restriction to include diverse experiences.
Focus groups may lead to social desirability bias and groupthink1. Future research could consider alternative
methods, such as individual interviews or mixedmethods approaches.
The focus on familial experiences may limit understanding of how external factors influence adultification1. Future research could compare the experiences of adultified and non-adultified eldest Black daughters to uncover potential differences in emotional well-being.
This study contributes to the literature on the adultification experiences of Black children, focusing on the eldest Black daughters. Exploring the intersection of gender, race, and birth order provides a novel perspective on this understudied phenomenon. The findings aim to validate and shed light on the experiences of eldest Black daughters, informing future research, clinical practice, and policy development.
Bah, F., & Kagotho, N. (2023). “if I don’t do it, no one else will” narratives on the well-being of Sub-Saharan African immigrant daughters. Affilia, 39(2), 229–244.
Burton, L. (2007). Childhood adultification in economically disadvantaged families: A conceptual model*. Family Relations, 56(4), 329–345.
Carballo, J. J., García-Nieto, R., Alvarez-García, R., CaroCañizares, I., López-Castromán, J., Muñoz-Lorenzo, L., de Leon-Martinez, V., & Baca-García, E. (2013). Sibship size, birth order, family structure, and childhood mental disorders. Social psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 48(8), 1327–1333.
Chatterjee, D. (2024). Understanding ‘eldest daughter syndrome.’ SSRN Electronic Journal.
Collins, P. H. (2005). Black Women and Motherhood. Motherhood and Space, pp. 149–159.
Collins, P. H. (1987). The meaning of motherhood in Black culture and Black mother/daughter relationships. SAGE: A Scholarly Journal on Black Women, 4(2), 3–10.
Crenshaw, K. (2019). ‘Difference ’ through intersectionality 1. In Dalit Feminist Theory (pp. 139–149). Routledge India.
Dodson, L., & Dickert, J. (2004). Girls family labor in lowincome households: A decade of qualitative research. Journal of Marriage and Family, 66(2), 318–332.
Elliott, S., Brenton, J., & Powell, R. (2018). Brothermothering: Gender, power, and the parenting strategies of lowincome black single mothers of teenagers. Social Problems, 65(4), 439-455.
Epstein, R., Quinn, C., & González, T. (2022). A Research Review of Girls’ Caretaking and Household Responsibilities and Their Effects on Girls’ Lives The Center on Gender Justice & Opportunity.
Garber, B. D. (2011). Parental alienation and the dynamics of the enmeshed parent-child dyad: Adultification, parentification, and infantilization. Family Court Review, 49(2), 322–335.
Garber, B. D. (2021). The Dynamics of the Enmeshed Family System Ten Years Later: Family Court and Contemporary Understanding of Adultification, Parentification, and Infantilization. Journal of the American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers, 34(1), 97–120.
Gilford, T. T., & Reynolds, A. (2011). “My Mother’s keeper”: The effects of parentification on Black Female College students. Journal of Black Psychology, 37(1), 55–77.
Johnson, B. E., & Ray, W. A. (2016). Family systems theory. Encyclopedia of Family Studies, pp. 1–5.
Kaemra, T., & Singh, S. (2021). Influence of birth order on personality and adjustment in young adults. International journal of Indian psychology, 9(2), 1119.
Lilly, J. M. (2024). “I Learned to Bottle Up My Feelings From a Young Age”: A Narrative Analysis of Latina Young People’s Family Mental Health Socialization. Families in Society, 10443894231218298.
Masiran, R., Ibrahim, N., Awang, H., & Lim, P. Y. (2023). The positive and negative aspects of parentification: An integrated review. Children and Youth Services Review, 144, 106709.
Mims, L. et al. (2024). “Black Mom Protocol”[Still in preparation]
Morton, K. [@chemteacherphil]. (2024, February 21). The 8 signs you have eldest daughter syndrome. #eldestdaughter #siblings #siblingcheck [Video]. TikTok.
Muhammad, G. E., & McArthur, S. A. (2015). “Styled by Their Perceptions”: Black Adolescent Girls Interpret Representations of Black Females in Popular Culture. Multicultural Perspectives, 17(3), 133–140.
Murry, V. M., Butler-Barnes, S. T., Mayo-Gamble, T. L., & Inniss-Thompson, M. N. (2018). Excavating new constructs for family stress theories in the context of everyday life experiences of black American families. Journal of Family Theory & Review, 10(2), 384–405.
Peris, T. S., Goeke-Morey, M. C., Cummings, E. M., & Emery, R. E. (2008). Marital conflict and adolescent support seeking by parents: Empirical support for the parentification construct. Journal of Family Psychology, 22(4), 633–642.
Rosenthal, L., & Lobel, M. (2016). Stereotypes of Black American Women Related to Sexuality and Motherhood. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 40, 414 - 427.
Sirgy, M. J. (2012). Effects of social comparisons on subjective qol. Social Indicators Research Series, 223–233.
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Wellings, K., Branigan, P., & Mitchell, K. (2000). Discomfort, discord and discontinuity as data: Using focus groups to research sensitive topics. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 2(3), 255–267.
Eldest Black Daughters Focus Group Protocol
• RQ1: How are the experiences of eldest Black daughters shaped by their adultification experiences?
• RQ3: How do eldest Black daughters construct their identities in the context of racism and adultification?
Creating a Warm and Welcoming Environment:
Being in a group with strangers can be awkward. When participants come in be sure to welcome them warmly. Create a warm environment by smiling genuinely and answering any questions or concerns they may have. Make small talk with participants while you wait for the designated time to start the session. Ask the participants if they filled out the consent forms if they haven’t provided a paper copy of the form, and walk them through it. Make small talk with participants while you wait for the designated time to start the session.
Examples:
1. How’s your day going?
2. How was your commute here?
DEMOGRAPHICS SURVEY
(TO BE COMPLETE BEFORE THE FOCUS GROUP SESSION)
1. What is your birth order?
2. What is your gender assigned at birth?
3. How many siblings do you have?
4. How many female siblings do you have?
5. How old are you?
6. What is your racial identity?
7. What is your ethnic background?
INTRODUCTION
I would like to thank you all for signing up for this study. All the information you provide can be used to inform future research and interventions about the experiences of eldest Black daughters. We hope to have a conversation with you all and with each other. We have prepared some questions for you however we encourage you all to engage with each other’s responses. We have four sections prepared, but if we don’t get to all of them today that’s perfectly fine. Lastly, I’d like to remind you to feel free to skip or not answer any questions you feel uncomfortable with. In addition, any identifying information will be removed to ensure you remain anonymous to protect your privacy.
As mentioned before, our session will last from one hour to an hour and thirty minutes.
1. I know you answered some of this in the screening survey but just so I have it in my records. We can around in a circle to answer these initial questions.
2. What is your age and birth order?
3. What cultural or ethnic groups do you identify with?
4. How many siblings do you have?
5. Did you group up in a two-parent or one-parent household?
1. Let’s begin by asking a few questions about your families.
2. How was your relationship with your parents?
3. What was your relationship with your siblings like?
4. [If yes] Can you tell me about a specific time you compared yourself?
5. How often did your family spend time together? i.e. watching TV, game nights, etc.
6. From your perspective, would you say your family is close-knit?
7. How often did you go to your parents or caregiver for advice parent?
1. Can you recall when you felt you had to take on adult responsibilities at a young age?
2. [If yes] How did this make you feel?
3. Walk me through a day in your life at your home.
4. Follow up: [If not already answered] What were your responsibilities?
5. How did your parents/ caregivers divide the chores and responsibilities in your household?
6. Follow up: Would you say it was fair?
7. Follow up: [If it was unfair] Did you speak up about how you felt? How did your parents or caregivers react?
8. Sometimes people compare their lives to a movie character that resonates with them. If you could pick one movie or cartoon character whose life resembles your experiences in your home, who would you choose?
1. What stereotypes have you heard about black girls or women?
A) Follow up: How did it make you feel?
B) From whom did you hear these stereotypes? i.e. strangers, family members, teachers, etc.
2. Why do you think these stereotypes exist?
3. How do you think these stereotypes impact the lives of black girls and women?
4. How have stereotypes affected your household experiences?
5. Do you know of any cultural or ethnic-specific stereotypes about black women or girls?
1. How did you find moments of rest in your household?
+ Clarification: How did you find self-care?
2. Melissa Harris-Perry, a professor at Wake Forest wrote an article about giving and receiving care within our community as an important way of taking care of our health. She called this form of care “squad care” and said the following: “Squad care reminds us there is no shame in reaching for each other and insists the imperative rests not with the individual, but with the community. Our job is to have each other’s back.”
A) What do you think of the term “squadcare”? What does squadcare look like in your life?
+ Clarification: Do you have a squad that has your back? How do they offer support?
+ Follow up: How do you cope when you feel overwhelmed by your experiences, and what role does your support squad play? Question 2 is adapted from (Lilly, 2024) and (Mims et al., 2024 in progress)
3. To conclude, we have one final question: If you could meet your past self during these ordeals, what would you want to say to yourself?
4. Before we wrap up is there anything not discussed that they would like to share?
This concludes our conversation. As a reminder, all identifying information will be removed when this data is used. Our goal is to validate and highlight the experiences of the eldest Black daughters. We can do this thanks to your participation and the experiences you have shared with us.
Phúc Phan
Asian international students constituted 69.4% of the international student population in the United States in 2022, representing approximately 658,000 individuals (Institute of International Education, 2023). This substantial population often faces numerous challenges, including cultural barriers and racialized experiences, during their acculturation process. Berry (1997) and Berry et al. (2002) conceptualized acculturation as the process by which two or more cultures engage in continuous first-hand contact and interaction, potentially resulting in destructive, reactive, or creative outcomes. Societal-level attitudes, such as racial prejudice against immigrants, can significantly influence Asian international students’ psychological and socio-cultural adaptation during this intercultural contact (Ward & Geeraert, 2016).
An individual’s interpretation of race-related experiences during acculturation may impact their psychological adaptation to American culture (Harrell, 2000). The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated discrimination against the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) community, making racial discrimination a pressing concern (Nguyen et al., 2020). Between 2019 and 2020, the Federal Bureau of Investigation reported a 77% increase in anti-Asian sentiments (Findling et al., 2022), underscoring the urgency of examining the reciprocal relationship between acculturation and racial discrimination.
Recent research has focused on the impact of racism on the AAPI community’s mental health during and after COVID-19. Despite calls for disaggregating data among AAPI subgroups to capture unique racial and ethnic experiences (Maramba, 2011; Niles et al., 2022), studies often neglect specific populations, such as Vietnamese international college students (VISs) in the United States. With approximately 21,900 VISs in the U.S. during the 2022-2023 academic year (Institute of International Education, 2023), further research is needed to examine how various forms of racial discrimination affect this specific ethnic subgroup and how they respond to systemic racial oppression.
in the United States are rooted in the initial wave of Vietnamese immigration during the 1970s. Unlike other Asian ethnic groups, these immigrants were primarily refugees fleeing persecution, often having endured psychological and sexual trauma, as well as physical torture in refugee camps (Vaage et al., 2011). Research indicates that Vietnamese immigrants face more severe language barriers and acculturative stress compared to other Asian immigrant communities due to their refugee and asylum-seeker status (Kim et al., 2019; Salo & Birman, 2015). While these studies suggest a unique acculturative process for Vietnamese immigrants and refugees, the experiences of Vietnamese international students (VISs) warrant further investigation due to their distinct residency status.
Tran (2011) emphasized the importance of examining specific Vietnamese subpopulations and their unique acculturation experiences, including VISs. The number of VISs in the United States has increased significantly, from 2,022 in 2000 to 21,900 in 2023 (Institute of International Education, 2023). Vietnamese youth often pursue international education for personal development, autonomy, and opportunities unavailable in their home country (Pham & Saltmarsh, 2013; Tran, 2011). However, VISs face numerous challenges during acculturation. Tran (2011) found that VISs in Australia experience an acculturation dilemma, torn between integration into mainstream society and maintaining strong ties to their home community due to factors such as cultural mistrust, ethnic identity, and experiences of racism. Additionally, VISs often face significant financial constraints due to disproportionately high exchange rates (Duong, 2018).
While research on VISs has primarily focused on Australian contexts, studies in the United States remain limited. Pham and Shi (2020) conducted a qualitative investigation of VISs’ mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States. Their sample of twenty VISs reported significant mental distress due to various sociocultural factors, including limited access to on-campus facilities and public services, inability to return home, and existing marginalization within the AAPI community. These findings underscore the need for further research into the unique acculturative experiences of VISs in the United States, particularly in light of the complex interplay between
their international student status and broader societal dynamics.
In response to the limited literature on Vietnamese international students’ (VISs) acculturative experiences, Tran (2011) developed the Vietnamese-specific Psychological Acculturation Framework. This model provides a holistic foundation for understanding VISs’ acculturation in Australia, building upon Berry’s (1997) acculturation framework and De Jong and Fawcett’s (1981) Value-Expectancy model. Tran’s (2011) framework captures both group-level and individual-level domains of the acculturative process, acknowledging the historical contexts of Vietnam and Australia. It emphasizes the moderating roles of sociocultural factors arising before and during acculturation, such as education, cultural-historical traits, motivations to study abroad, social support, prejudice, discrimination, and coping strategies.
While this pioneering framework offers a theoretical and methodological foundation for understanding VISs’ acculturation, it requires further empirical validation. Tran’s (2011) emphasis on modifying Berry’s (1997) model to be reciprocal is significant, highlighting the bidirectional relationship between the society of origin and the host society. However, it is crucial to acknowledge the societal and cultural differences between the United States and Australia as host societies. Given the prevalence of anti-Asian sentiments in the United States and the need to address marginalized populations’ experiences without pathologizing communities of color, the present study aims to extend Tran’s framework by empirically exploring racial discrimination and coping strategies as moderating factors during VISs’ acculturation in U.S. contexts.
To comprehensively understand VISs’ acculturative experiences in the U.S., contextual variables such as prejudice and racial discrimination must be considered (Tran, 2011). Studies on Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) college students have found a wide range of racial discrimination experiences. Museus and Park (2015) identified vicarious racism, racial harassment, and racial isolation as everyday experiences among AAPI college students. Asian international college women have reported exposure to harmful stereotypes about Asian cultures, including the model minority myth (Constantine et al., 2005).
The Vietnamese community is not exempt from these negative, racially relevant encounters. Secondgeneration Vietnamese individuals experience societal pressure to assimilate while facing doubts about their interpersonal skills (Huynh, 2022). In a qualitative study of VISs in Australia, the majority reported discriminatory acts from domestic students and local individuals (Tran, 2011). Some VISs may internalize negative attitudes about their racial/ethnic group or distance themselves from Vietnamese communities as a maladaptive coping mechanism (Huynh, 2022). Additionally, VISs may face intra-racial and ethnic discrimination from first-wave Vietnamese immigrants with anti-Vietnamese government attitudes (Le, 2009; Tam, 2007).
Exposure to racial discrimination has detrimental health impacts on the Vietnamese community. Among immigrant Vietnamese American adolescents, racial/ ethnic discrimination is associated with a lower sense of ethnic group perception and a higher frequency of behavioral and emotional problems (Yu et al., 2024). Vietnamese American college students experiencing perceived racial discrimination report greater levels of depression and anxiety (Lam, 2007). VISs may experience mental distress due to cultural barriers and prejudice (Pham & Shi, 2020). The COVID-19 pandemic introduced additional racialized stereotypes that harmed the AAPI community, including VISs (Pham & Shi, 2020).
While existing research demonstrates the negative mental health outcomes associated with racial discrimination, studies have neglected to examine the unique cultural and racial barriers that VISs may encounter in the U.S., given their intersecting marginalized identities, such as temporary status and non-American accents. Further research is needed to address these gaps and provide a more comprehensive understanding of VISs’ acculturative experiences in the United States.
Despite the myriad of racially relevant struggles and barriers that VISs may face while acculturating in America, this population also possesses strengths and resistance strategies that should be noted. Pham and Shi (2020) found that the lack of a close-knit community caused by the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated this population’s mental health, indicating that engaging in ethnic communities may serve as a buffer against the harmful effects of racial discrimination. For example, engaging in ethnic organizations has been found to serve as a counter space to counteract the effects of racism, as these spaces present a safe and open
community for this population to share their experiences of discrimination and offer support for one another (Constantine et al., 2005; Huynh, 2022). Within Constantine et al.’s (2005) sample of Asian international college women, when confronted with negative stereotypes about their racial identity, this population sought support from family members and strived to be more self-sufficient. Specifically, Vietnamese immigrants value high-quality social networks and are resourceful (Kuo & Tsai, 1986). They often seek community support and take advantage of the readily available resources in the surrounding area to cope when settling in this new foreign land. In a study of second-generation Vietnamese in the US, this population sought ethnic organizations. It utilized these as counter spaces to share experiences of discrimination and offer support for one another (Huynh, 2022). Taken together, these studies underscore the importance of understanding not only this population’s challenges but also their strengths in response to racial discrimination experiences.
Despite the high rates of race-based stressors that Asian international students/Asian American students face in the United States, studies have neglected to examine what forms of racial discrimination VISs specifically encounter during their acculturative process. Additionally, more research is needed to understand this population’s coping strategies from a strength-based approach. Building on the Vietnamesespecific psychological acculturation framework (Tran, 2011), the present study seeks to explore two central questions through an exploratory qualitative approach:
1. What are the different forms of racial discrimination that Vietnamese international college students face during the acculturative process?
2. What coping strategies do Vietnamese international college students engage in to counteract the impacts of these racial discrimination experiences?
15 Vietnamese international college students (aged 18-30) will be recruited to participate in the study through email outreach of Vietnamese collegiate student organization listservs across the United States. Inclusion criteria include students who (1) were born and raised in Vietnam, (2) have already moved abroad to the United States on an F-1 visa, and (3) are not considered US citizens by law.
An application will be submitted to the Institutional Review Board for approval prior to data collection. Participants will be recruited primarily through weekly email outreach to university international student centers and Vietnamese collegiate student organizations across the United States until the target number of 15 participants is scheduled for interviews. Campuses with large to small populations of VISs will be contacted at both undergraduate and graduate levels. Given the hard-to-reach nature of this population, an adapted version of snowball sampling will be applied (Sadler et al., 2010). Both university international student center representatives and eligible participants will be invited to pass along the study information to peers and family members who identify as VISs. VISs interested in participating will schedule a time to meet with the primary investigator for an interview. Eligible participants who meet the inclusion criteria will consent to participate in the study. Participants will be provided with in-depth information about the goals of the present study and the risks and benefits associated with their participation. One-on-one interviews will be conducted on Zoom. Interviews will be conducted primarily in Vietnamese to enhance comfort and safe and authentic expression among the participants.
The primary investigator (PI) will develop an interview protocol for data collection to understand the different forms of racial discrimination VISs encounter during acculturation and their coping strategies. The protocol will be pilot-tested with VISs, which is not part of the research study (n = 3). Through a series of semi-structured interview questions, participants will answer questions designed to learn more about the lived experiences of VISs and how they cope with racial discrimination. Some questions will be adapted from previously validated quantitative scales used to study racial discrimination and coping among either the Vietnamese population specifically or Asian Americans broadly (See Appendix A for a draft of the interview questions). For example, interview questions centering on different forms of racial discrimination will be developed based on quantitative work by Yoo et al.’s (2010) Subtle and Blatant Racism Scale for Asian American College Students (SABR-A2). Choi et al.’s (2017) Internalized Racism in Asian Americans Scale (IRAAS) (e.g., “Can you recall a recent time when you encountered anti-Vietnamese attitudes and beliefs?”; “How have you actively avoided being associated with negative attitudes and beliefs about being Vietnamese?”). Additionally, the Coping Strategies Inventory (CSI; Tobin et al., 1989) and the Resistance
and Empowerment Against Racism (REAR) Scale (Suyemoto et al., 2022) will be adapted to formulate interview questions that target coping strategies among our participants (e.g., “How do you stand up against instances of racial discrimination, whether against you, other Vietnamese international students, or the AAPI community broadly?”; “Are you involved in any organizations or activities that aim to reduce or resist racial discrimination?”). Interviews should last approximately one hour.
Informed by Yoshikawa and Wilson’s (2004) qualitative work with gay Asian and Pacific Islander men, the present study adopts their novel episode-level analysis approach to investigate VISs’ experiences with racial discrimination and coping strategies as individual event-based units. By applying this technique in addition to cross-individual analyses, the first set of interview questions will target specific episodes, or events, concerning particular forms of racial discrimination (e.g., linguistic racism, internalized racial oppression, anti-Vietnamese attitudes, intra-ethnic discrimination), followed by corresponding coping strategies. Upon gathering information about these specific episodes transitioning into the cross-individual analysis approach, participants will be asked about their broader generalized impression of their experiences with racial discrimination and the meaning-making of these accumulated racialized events. Using the episode-level analysis approach that explores racial discrimination experiences at a granular event level, the present study can capture more prosperous and in-depth descriptions of the participants’ racialized stories. Additionally, this approach allows for recording within-individual variation pertaining to the context, source of discrimination, and target of discrimination.
The principal investigator of this study identifies as a gay, non-binary Vietnamese American college student. They were born and raised in Saigon, Vietnam, and moved to the United States at thirteen. When the author turned sixteen, they were naturalized legally and became a US citizen. The author acknowledges that, while they were born and raised in Vietnam for the majority of their childhood, their experience does not parallel that of VISs, given their early immigration to America. Hence, recognizing their biased Americanized perspective in leading this study, the author sought guidance and support from peers and mentors in the VIS community.
Analytic Plan
Consensual qualitative research (CQR; Hill & Knox,
2021) will be employed to code and analyze interview responses from our participants. Specifically, we will utilize a reflexive thematic analysis approach (Braun & Clarke, 2022) to analyze and understand the participants’ experiences with racial discrimination while acculturating to the United States as international students and to gain insights into their coping strategies. Given the positionality of the principal investigator of the present study as a Vietnamese American, a team of four VISs who speak Vietnamese at a bilingual proficiency will be added to conduct the consensual qualitative analysis process. The goal of including VISs primarily on the coding team is to maximize the maintenance of the authenticity of the participant’s responses in the transcription and analysis process. Moreover, given that the principal investigator does not share some of the VIS-specific experiences, such as studying in the US on a temporary visa and being less assimilated into American culture, coders in the study must share the racial and ethnic background of the participants to minimize any researcher bias. Using an inductive-deductive analytic approach, the research team will simultaneously use the Vietnamese-specific Psychological Acculturation framework (Tran, 2011) as a foundation to formulate concepts that guide the coding process while utilizing the participants’ responses to modify the codebook as needed critically. The coding analysis will occur in multiple phases.
Phase 1: Familiarization. Firstly, all coders will collaborate on transcribing the interviews verbatim in Vietnamese. To maintain the original meaning of the participants’ responses and eliminate any potential biases or unintended misinterpretations that may result from translations, following Consensual Qualitative Research (Hill & Knox, 2021), all five coders will have to arrive at a final consensus in order to finalize a composite translated transcript. Once the transcripts are created and cleaned, each researcher will independently read them to become familiar with the data (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
Phase 2: Preliminary Coding and Codebook Development. Coders will meet and collaborate on creating a codebook by generating initial codes based on critical reflections of repeated patterns and meanings they observe in the transcriptions, looking for episodes that align with the research goals to (1) understand the different forms of racial discrimination that VISs face during the acculturative process, and (2) learn more about the coping strategies VISs engage in to counteract the impacts of these racial discrimination experiences.
Phase 3: Revising and Defining Themes. When all data have been coded and collated, coders will revisit the
transcriptions and search for themes by highlighting episodes, excerpts, and quotes relevant to the preliminary codes in the codebook. In this process, coders will pay particular attention to the frequency of episodes narrated concerning each type of racial discrimination and the coping strategy employed in response to each episode. Throughout this process, the team will write analytic memos and meet weekly to discuss the emerging findings. Ultimately, episodes of specific racial discrimination experiences and subthemes of coping strategies will be synthesized to formulate main themes that encapsulate the present study’s main findings.
The present study utilizes a qualitative design to understand VISs’ experiences with different forms of racial discrimination in the United States and their coping strategies. By employing a consensual analysis approach, we expect the following main themes and subthemes to emerge. These are anticipated results based on past literature on Asian international students, my positionality as a Vietnam-born American student, and my experience speaking with VISs.
Theme 1: VISs face a wide range of experiences of racial discrimination while acculturating to the United States.
Subtheme 1a: Anti-Vietnamese sentiments
Subtheme 1b: Linguistic racism/discrimination
• VISs may report being confused with other Asian ethnic subgroups, perpetuating the stereotype that the Asian American and Pacific Islanders community is a homogenous group and erasing the participants’ unique Vietnamese identity.
• Participants may also narrate instances of receiving microaggressions related to specifically Vietnamese historical events (i.e., “communists,” “boat people”).
• Participants may also reference occasions where they were called Vietnamese-specific racial slurs (i.e., “dog eaters,” “nail workers”).
• Participants may report being treated differently due to their accents, considered foreign to Americans.
• VISs in the sample may also narrate experiences of being viewed as incompetent and socially inept because English is not their mother tongue.
• Participants may also share being the recipients of subtle microaggressions about their English proficiency (e.g., “Your English is so good”) and blatant mockery of their accents.
Subtheme 1c: Internalized Racial Oppression
• Participants may discuss instances of distancing themselves from other VISs to “acculturate” faster.
• Participants may also report adopting hostile attitudes about the VIS community and view this population negatively.
• Participants may narrate accepting negative societal beliefs about their Vietnamese identity.
Subtheme 1d: Intra-racial and ethnic discrimination
• Participants may report instances of discrimination from Vietnamese Americans and Vietnamese immigrants.
Theme 2: VISs engage in a wide range of coping strategies to counteract the effects of racial discrimination.
Subtheme 2a: Engaging in ethnic organizations and communities.
Subtheme 2b: Befriending other VISs & Celebrating Vietnamese-specific holidays and events in the US.
Subtheme 2c: Relying on family at home for support.
Subtheme 2d: Participating in activist organizations
• In response to the experiences of racial discrimination above, VISs may seek out ethnic organizations such as Vietnamese International Student Associations or related spaces at their respective institutions for community-level support.
• Participants may discuss the importance of having other VISs in their close circles with whom they feel comfortable sharing their experiences with racial discrimination.
• Participants may also engage in celebrating Vietnamese-specific holidays and events to stay close to their roots and maintain pride in their cultural and racial heritage, as this may buffer against the effects of being subjected to different forms of racial discrimination.
• For example, students who identify as followers of Buddhism may visit temples and pagodas regularly. During Vietnamese New Year, participants may participate in Vietnamese customs such as playing the “thirteen Vietnamese card game” (otherwise known as Tiến Lên) or “gourd crab fish tiger” (otherwise known as Bầu Cua Cá Cọp).
• Participants may narrate instances of sharing their experiences with family from home to seek their guidance and emotional support in these challenging times abroad.
• Participants may report the important role of activism in resisting the effects of racial discrimination. These activist organizations include, but are not limited to, Vietnamese-related activist spaces. VISs may value being part of social justice-oriented organizations where they collaborate broadly with other VISs and communities of color to address human rights issues as a collective.
To our knowledge, this is the first study to qualitatively explore the different forms of racial discrimination that Vietnamese international college students face during acculturation in the United States and their coping strategies in response to these racialized experiences. The present study will contribute to the limited literature on the lived experiences of VISs studying abroad in America by highlighting the racial barriers that this population experiences and their coping mechanisms. Through a consensual qualitative process and a thematic analysis approach, we expect to see an emerging theme that this population faces a wide range of racial discrimination during the acculturative process. We also anticipate that VISs will demonstrate resistance by engaging in various coping mechanisms.
We expect participants’ in-depth interview responses to reflect the myriad forms of racial discrimination that VISs face while acculturating in the United States, extending previous findings on Asian international college students broadly to the specific ethnic subgroup of VISs (Constantine et al., 2005; Museus & Park, 2015). Particularly, we anticipate that participants will report frequent experiences with anti-Vietnamese and antiAsian sentiments, linguistic racism, internalized racial oppression, and intra-racial and ethnic discrimination.
Our investigation will provide evidence that using a one-size-fits-all approach to understanding racial discrimination in the AAPI community is insufficient. The potential narrative of not only anti-Asian sentiments but also specific anti-Vietnamese attitudes indicates that without disaggregating the AAPI data, ethnic subgroups’ unique experiences would be erased and overlooked. The anticipated presence of internalized racial oppression among VISs contributes to to the growing literature on the impact of this understudied form of racism on Vietnamese individuals (Huynh, 2022). Aligning with previous limited studies on intra-ethnic discrimination within the Vietnamese community (Tam, 2007), the expected episodes of receiving hostility from Vietnamese immigrants will highlight another unique yet overlooked form of discrimination against VISs.
VISs will demonstrate strengths and resistance to counteract the insidious effects of racial discrimination. We anticipate that VISs will report partaking in ethnic organizations and communities, befriending other VISs, celebrating Vietnamese-specific holidays and events, relying on their family at home for emotional support, and participating in activist organizations as coping strategies. By utilizing a strength-based approach, our investigation responds to the call to reduce psychological research’s tendency to pathologize
psychological research’s tendency to pathologize marginalized populations (Silverman et al., 2023). The potential episodes of partaking in ethnic organizations and communities as a coping strategy contribute to the scant literature on the effects of ethnic student organization engagement on Asian Americans’ cultural adjustment (Museus, 2008).
Although the present study uncovers various forms of racial discrimination and focuses on resistance and strengths, there are several limitations to note. The narrow focus on racial discrimination may neglect to examine how other salient identities of VISs may intersect and compound the effects of societal prejudice and discrimination. Misinterpretations may arise when participants’ responses are translated from Vietnamese into English. Additionally, the potential overrepresentation of participants from VIS-dense collegiate campuses will limit our understanding of the experience of VISs living in White-dominated spaces.
Our findings will inform future higher education and public health service intervention programs. The study’s significance of community-level support will encourage the creation of identity-affirming spaces for VISs. Collegiate officials should dedicate greater administrative and financial support to creating safe spaces for celebrating Vietnamese heritage. The presence of linguistic racism may encourage policymakers to mandate educators incorporate curriculums that celebrate linguistic diversity in the classroom.
In conclusion, the current paper will significantly contribute to research, intervention, and clinical efforts. Our findings will address the need to disaggregate data in the AAPI community in psychological research, capture specific intersectional experiences, provide evidence for the Vietnamese-specific Psychological Acculturation Framework, highlight understudied forms of racism, and support the need to decolonize mental health practice through reconstructing an Asian-centric framework (Millner et al., 2021).
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1. Since the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a spike in anti-Asian hate crimes. How do you think this has affected your experience in the United States as a Vietnamese international college student?
2. Vietnamese international college students often experience situations where they face racial discrimination. Can you recall a recent time when you encountered anti-Vietnamese attitudes and beliefs?
3. What negative comments about your Vietnamese identity have you received from your classmates? What specific anti-Vietnamese attitudes have you encountered?
4. How have your peers treated you differently because of your non-American accent? Can you recall the most recent time someone ridiculed your Vietnamese accent?
5. When dealing with the effects of racial discrimination, some people may avoid surrounding themselves with members of their communities to avoid negative stereotypes associated with their racial and/or ethnic group. Have you found yourself engaging in this distancing behavior? How have you actively avoided being associated with negative attitudes and beliefs about being Vietnamese?
6. How have you internalized these negative messages and attitudes from others about your Vietnamese identity? Have you begun to view the Vietnamese community negatively from adopting hostile attitudes from your peers? How so?
7. Now, I’d like to revisit the recent experience with antiVietnamese and/or anti-Asian discrimination you shared earlier. How did you deal with this event? Was there anything you did that made you feel better about it?
8. Are you involved in any organizations or activities that aim to reduce or resist racial discrimination?
9. How do you stand up against instances of racial discrimination, whether against you, other Vietnamese international students or the AAPI community broadly? How so?
10. In Vietnamese culture, there are popular sayings “Bà con xa không bằng láng giềng gần” and “Hàng xóm tối lửa, tắt đèn có nhau,” that emphasize the importance of your neighbors and value of collectivism in times of hardships. Who do you consider to be your neighbors when you face racial discrimination experiences? What do these neighbors mean to you?
11. Are there any coping strategies that you have engaged in or are currently engaging in that you consider to be maladaptive?
12. What other ways do you cope with racial discrimination experiences that we haven’t discussed yet?
