Q.U.E.S.T. Research Journal Volume VI

The QUEST Program was initiated in 2018 by the Department of Applied Psychology, NYU Steinhardt. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License.

To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org

Q.U.E.S.T. QUALITY UNDERGRADUATE EDUCATION AND SCHOLARLY TRAINING

Summer 2023 | Volume VI Editor-in-ChiEf Blair Cox

Copy Editor Aiyana Ruiz

Layout & dEsign Jordan Morris

CovEr art Haolun Liu QuEst sChoLars

Anuj Gandhi Aysha Khan Blake Altamirano Christina Beavers Danna Rojas Danqi Li Fatima Jatoi Kelly Kwong Rodney Jerome Stephanie Medina Tahlya Holness Tahjanee Givens

faCuLty MEntors

Elise Cappella (CONNECT) Erin Godfrey (RISE) Doris Chang (CARA/ABRA) Natalie Brito (ISLAND) Shabnam Javdani (RISE) Rezarta Bilali (ICSC) Sumie Okazaki (CARA/ABRA) William Tsai (CEH)

Lab MEntors

Aakriti Prasai (CARA/ABRA) Christine Park (CONNECT) Gianina Perez (ISLAND) Iris Mann (RISE) Jen Ang (CEH) Lissete Gimenez (ISLAND) Micaela Varela (ICSC) Nari Yoo (CARA/ABRA) Natalie May (CONNECT) Uma Guarnaccia (RISE)

contents

Research Proposals 06

Acculturation and Depression among First-Generation Mexican-American Adults • Blake Altamirano•

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Cross-Cultural Losses, Political Identity, and Mental Health of First-Generation Chinese Immigrant Young Adults with Temporary Statuses in the U.S.: A Qualitative Study • Danqi Li •

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What is the relationship between the Bounce Back intervention and the emotional regulation of Black and Latinx first graders who have experienced trauma?

• Aysha Khan •

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Preventing Bullying Against Elementary School Students with ADHD • Christina Beavers •

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Child Affect and Parental Responsiveness in Mother-Infant vs. Father-Infant Interactions During Still-Face Activity among African American Families • Rodney Jerome •

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Social Support and Familism: Potential Associations for Latina Mothers During COVID-19 • Tahlya Holness •

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Changing the Narrative: How Historical Narratives Impact Collective Memory • Stephanie Medina •

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The Function of Structural Framing in Building Intraminority Solidarity • Tahjanee Givens •

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A Sonali’s Choice: The Effect of Globalization-Based Acculturation on Mental Health Treatment Attitudes in Indian Young Adults •Anuj Dhaval Gandhi•

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The Moderating Role of Ethnic-Racial Identity in the Relationship between Vicarious Discrimination and Mental Health Outcomes among Asian American Adults •Kelly Kwong•

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Dreams, Decolonization, and Decarceration: Evaluating the Impact of TraumaInformed Care Training Rooted in a Decolonial Praxis to Shift Staff Perceptions of System-Impacted Girls/Gender Non-Conforming (gnc) Youth • Danna Rojas •

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How Does Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF-CBT) Within the Juvenile Justice System Impact Emotional Regulation in Youth • Fatima Jatoi •

QUEST Scholars

C.E.H. Culture, Emotion, and Health Lab

PI: William Tsai Mentor: Jen Ang The Culture, Emotion and Health Lab studies how people regulate their emotions, cope with stress, and how these processes lead to health and well-being. Their research questions focus on how cultural tendencies and values can shape the development and use of these processes

Acculturation and Depression among First-Generation Mexican-American Adults Blake Altamirano

B

etween 2010 and 2020, the Latinx population in the US grew substantially from 16.3% to 18.7% of the total U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020). In a process known as acculturation, many Latinx people struggle to adopt aspects of the dominant US culture while preserving elements of their own cultural identity due to factors like migration, language shifts, cultural norms, identity negotiation, and experiences of discrimination (Schwartz et al., 2006). Acculturation experienced by immigrant families of Latinx origin has been recognized as a significant stressor affecting the psychological well-being of all family members (Pimentel et al., 2022). Recent developments in the literature on the Family Stress Model (FSM) highlight the adverse mental health outcomes, such as depression and internalizing/ externalizing behaviors, observed among children raised in these households (Miller & Csizmadia, 2022).

When parents report stress associated with pressure to assimilate to mainstream culture and simultaneously teach their children their traditional Latino values, it hinders parent-child communication and increases conflict in the household (Wu et al., 2020). Wu and colleagues’ research on the FSM for Latinx families found that compared to families with no acculturative stress, children in families navigating acculturation are considerably more susceptible to depression (Wu et al., 2020; Jones et al., 2022). In order to address this mental health issue in the US, it is crucial to gain insight into how acculturation operates within Latinx families and its effects on mental health.

Latinx values can be protective for mental health concerns among first-generation Latinx young adults.

The most prominent of those values is Familismo, a core cultural value in Latinx households, which plays a pivotal role in providing social support and managing stress associated with acculturation and bicultural identity (Knight et al., 2010; Ayón et al., 2010).

Familismo is characterized by a strong obligation to the immediate and extended family, creating a secure sense of belonging and well-being (Santiago-Rivera, 2003). However, immigrant families raising children in the United States may face challenges maintaining familismo when divergent cultural views arise. For example, mainstream US society values independence and self-reliance, while Latinx communities value Familism support and obligations (Knight et al., 2010).

The acculturation gap hypothesis suggests that such cultural discrepancies disrupt communication and closeness in the parent-child relationship, thereby impacting the mental health outcomes of children.

Moreover, for Latinx, it can mean losing out on a fundamental part of one’s cultural identity, a secure family unit (Bámaca-Colbert et al., 2019; Roche et al., 2022).

It is important to note that the existing literature on cultural values differences primarily focuses on mental health outcomes for children in immigrant families up until adolescence (Masarik & Conger, 2017; Wu et al., 2020). These studies suggest that cultural differences between parents and children corresponded with more depressive symptoms during childhood and adolescence. Consequently, a gap in the literature exists regarding the persistence of these outcomes into adulthood. The current proposal aims to bridge this gap and investigate whether the aforementioned negative mental health outcomes and cultural differences persist as first-generation Mexican-American young adults transition into adulthood. Latinx adults are a highrisk group for life-long depression, depending on how they manage this acculturative process (Torres, 2010).

Emerging adulthood is a vital stage in development that can determine one’s lifelong psychological wellbeing. A negative trajectory induced by mental health disorders can begin when individuals lack economic and social support (Wood et al., 2018). Latinx adults are among the poorest in the US (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020), making this demographic prone to life-long difficulties with mental health, especially when lacking family support and managing acculturative stress.

While Latinx populations share many common cultural values, differences may exist depending on their country of origin. Therefore, to highlight the experiences of one community as distinct from others, the present study will apply the FSM only to Mexican-American immigrant families since they are the largest and fastest-growing subgroup comprising nearly 60% of the total Latinx population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020). Additionally, the availability of a culturally relevant assessment tool, the Mexican-American Cultural Values Scales (MACVS) for Adolescents and Adults (Knight et al., 2010), makes this population ideal and easy to assess. This fiftyitem scale assesses aspects of individuals’ Mexican and Mexican-American identities. Above all, this scale

Altamirano

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evaluates key components of Familismo, including familism obligations, support, and referents that are fundamental components of a Mexican-American identity that this study aims to assess.

This study uses the MACVS in conjunction with a model similar to Lawton and Gerdes (2014) that incorporates differences in cultural values, individual and environmental factors as moderators, and mental health outcomes. Although this approach provides a more comprehensive understanding of the factors that influence outcomes, the present study utilizes the fundamental relationship of the model that cultural differences between first-generation Mexicans and their parents can increase depressive symptomatology.

Greater cultural differences indicate that the children are less likely to adopt protective familism values making them more susceptible to these adverse mental health outcomes.

The present study addresses the gaps in the literature by evaluating the differences in cultural values between first-generation Mexican-American adults and their parents using the MACVS. Additionally, first-generation Mexican adults’ depression symptomatology will be assessed in relation to the cultural differences between their parents. It is expected that individuals who differ significantly from their parents’ MexicanAmerican cultural values will report more symptoms of depression.

Participants

Method

Participant Characteristics Demographic information will be collected, including age, gender, education level, and socioeconomic status.

Participants will also be asked about their country of origin and their parent’s country of origin.

Measures Mexican-American Cultural Values Scale This study utilizes three subscales of the MexicanAmerican Cultural Values Scale (Knight et al., 2010).

The subscales include Familism Support, Familism Obligations, and Familism Referents. Familism Support measures the degree to which an individual wants to maintain close family relationships. Familism Obligations assess the value placed on meaningful exchanges of family care. Familism Referents captures the reliance on family and community to define the self. Each subscale is measured using five indicators.

Indicators included the following statements: “Parents should teach their children that the family always comes first” (Familism Support). “Children should be taught that it is their duty to care for their parents when their parents get old” (Familism Obligations); “It is important to work hard and do one’s best because this work reflects on the family” (Familism Referents).

Participants indicate their level of agreement with each statement on a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much). An average score will be calculated as the mean of scores reported for each subscale.

Sampling

Mental Health Outcome Measures

The target population for this study will be firstgeneration Mexican-American emerging adults (aged 18-25) and their parents. Convenience sampling will be used to recruit participants from diverse regions within the United States using advertisement posters published on social media platforms and university campuses. These posts will indicate that the study seeks first-generation Mexican Americans.

To evaluate depressive symptoms, this study uses the Center for Epidemiologic Studies-Depression (CES-D) Scale. This 20-item self-report measure assesses depressive symptomatology experienced in the past week (Radloff, 1977). Items include the following statements: “I was bothered by things that usually don’t bother me,” “I did not feel like eating; my appetite was poor.” Scores on this scale range from 0 to 60, with higher scores indicating more severe symptoms. Consistent with previous research on Latinx populations by Lucas Torres (2010), depression scores will be categorized into three risk groups: low, medium, and high. Low-risk scores are less than 16, medium-risk scores are between 16 and 24, and high-risk scores are 24 or higher. Prior studies have shown that depression scores greater than 24 indicate a higher likelihood of being diagnosed with major depressive disorder (Le et al., 2004).

Sample Size Prior to final recruitment, participants and one parent will complete three subscales of the Mexican American Cultural Values scales for adults to determine their cultural values and sort them into one of two participant groups: Participants who have similar cultural values to their parents, indicated by not differing significantly on the subscales. Participants with dissimilar cultural values to their parents are indicated by differing significantly on the subscales.

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QUEST C6

Procedure Prior to taking the cultural value assessments, participants must meet the following criteria: Participants must self-identify as first-generation Mexican Americans and be willing to participate, and parents must be immigrants from Mexico and be willing to participate. Eligibility will be assessed using a brief email screener with the criteria above. If eligible, participants, including parents, will be sent the Spanish and English versions of the MACVS subscales.

After completing the subscales, parent participants will be compensated and thanked for their time.

Adult participants will then be asked to fill out the CES-D self-report scale. Once completed, they will be compensated for their participation in the study.

Results

scores on the CES-D scale (M = [mean], SD = [standard deviation]) compared to participants with dissimilar cultural values (M = [mean], SD = [standard deviation]).

A Pearson correlation will be run to examine the relationship between the acculturation gap and CES-D scores with the expectation that higher CES-D scores will be associated with a greater acculturation gap. It is expected that the relationship will be positive and statistically significant (r(58)=[correlation coefficient], p < [alpha]). Additionally, after controlling for family income, age, and gender, a regression analysis is expected to show that the acculturation gap is significantly related to depressive symptoms. Thus, supporting the hypothesis, we expect the findings to indicate that emerging adults who share similar cultural values with their parents experience less depressive symptomatology compared to those with dissimilar cultural values.

Discussion

Acculturation Gap Scores The acculturation gap, measured as the difference score between parent and child cultural values using the subscales of the Multidimensional Acculturation Cultural Values Scale (MACVS) (Knight et al., 2010), will be calculated for each participant. The acculturation gap scores’ mean and standard deviations were computed for dissimilar and similar cultural value groups. Table 1 will present the descriptive statistics of each group’s acculturation gap scores and CES-D scale scores.

Table 1: Descriptive Statistics of Acculturation Gap Scores and CES-D Scale Scores Cultural Value Groups

Acculturation Gap Scores (Mean ± SD)

CES-D Scale Scores (Mean ± SD)

Dissimilar

[mean ± SD]

[mean ± SD]

Similar

[mean ± SD]

[mean ± SD]

Depressive Symptomatology The CES-D scale scores will be used to assess depressive symptomatology among emerging adults. Independent sample T-tests will be conducted to examine whether significant differences existed between participants in the dissimilar and similar cultural value groups regarding their CES-D scale scores.

It is expected that the results of the independent sample T-tests reveal a significant difference in depressive symptomatology between the dissimilar and similar cultural value groups (t = [t-value], df = [degrees of freedom], p < [alpha]). Participants with similar cultural values to their parents will exhibit significantly lower

The present study builds upon existing literature on acculturation, cultural values, and mental health outcomes among Latinx populations, specifically focusing on first-generation Mexican-American adults.

The findings of this study should be consistent with previous research that has highlighted the negative mental health consequences of acculturation stress and cultural discrepancies within immigrant families.

The literature has consistently emphasized the challenges Latinx individuals and families face in navigating the acculturation process (Bámaca-Colbert et al., 2019; Lawton & Gerdes, 2014; Miller & Csizmadia, 2022; Pimentel et al., 2022; Taskin et al., 2023). The acculturation process involves balancing the adoption of mainstream US culture with the preservation of one’s cultural identity. Previous studies have shown that factors such as migration, language shifts, cultural norms, identity negotiation, and experiences of discrimination can significantly impact the acculturation process and, subsequently, the psychological wellbeing of Latinx individuals (Schwartz et al., 2006).

The present study extends the existing literature by focusing on the persistence of these mental health outcomes into adulthood. While previous studies have primarily examined mental health outcomes for children and adolescents in immigrant families (Masarik & Conger, 2017; Wu et al., 2020), there is a dearth of research on how these outcomes manifest in adulthood. This study fills this gap by investigating the depressive symptomatology of first-generation Mexican-American emerging adults as they transition into adulthood.

Altamirano

Familismo, a core cultural value in Latinx households, has been identified as a protective factor against the negative consequences of acculturation and bicultural identity (Knight et al., 2010; Ayón et al., 2010). The present study aligns with previous research highlighting the importance of familismo in promoting social support, managing stress, and maintaining a sense of belonging and well-being within Latinx families (Santiago-Rivera, 2003). This study reveals the acculturation gap between parents and their children on familismo values and how that gap is associated with increased susceptibility to depression. In line with the existing literature, the findings of this study support the relationship between cultural value congruence and mental health outcomes. First-generation MexicanAmerican emerging adults who share similar cultural values with their parents will report lower levels of depressive symptomatology. These results emphasize the importance of cultural value congruence within families as a protective factor against depression and highlight the potential benefits of maintaining strong family relationships and meaningful exchanges of family care.

While this study contributes to the literature, it is essential to acknowledge its limitations. The convenience sampling method may limit the findings’ generalizability to the broader population. Future research should strive to include larger and more diverse samples beyond Mexican Americans to understand the generalizability of Familism as a Latinx value. Additionally, using self-report measures introduces the potential for response biases and social desirability. Future studies could incorporate multiple informants or objective measures to strengthen the validity of the findings.

The implications of these findings will be relevant for mental health practitioners and policymakers working with Latinx populations. Recognizing the role of cultural values and acculturation stress in mental health outcomes can inform the development of culturally sensitive interventions that promote cultural value congruence and support of traditional familism values. Further research is warranted to deepen our understanding of cultural values, acculturation, and mental health outcomes within diverse Latinx populations across different stages of adulthood.

This study expands upon the existing literature on acculturation, cultural values, and mental health outcomes among Latinx populations, focusing on first-generation Mexican-American adults.

The findings underscore the importance of cultural value congruence within families in promoting mental wellbeing.

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References Ayón, C., Marsiglia, F. F., & Bermudez-Parsai, M. (2010).

Latino Family Mental Health: Exploring The Role of Discrimination and Familismo. Journal of Community Psychology, 38(6), 742–756.

Bámaca-Colbert, M. Y., Henry, C. S., Perez-Brena, N., Gayles, J. G., & Martinez, G. (2019). Cultural Orientation Gaps Within a Family Systems Perspective. Journal of Family Theory and Review, 11(4), 524–543.

Gomez, J., Miranda, R., & Polanco, L. (2011). Acculturative Stress, Perceived Discrimination, and Vulnerability to Suicide Attempts among Emerging Adults. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 40(11), 1465–1476.

Jones, B. L., Grendell, M. K., Bezzant, J. M., Russell, K. A., Williams, B. W., Jensen, L., Peterson, C., Christensen, J., Pyper, B., Muh, J., & Taylor, Z. E. (2022). Stress and Health Outcomes in Midwestern Latinx Youth: The Moderating Role of Ethnic Pride. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 19(24).

Knight, G. P., Gonzales, N. A., Saenz, D. S., Bonds, D. D., Germán, M., Deardorff, J., Roosa, M. W., & Updegraff, K. A. (2010). The Mexican American Cultural Values scales for Adolescents and Adults.

The Journal of Early Adolescence, 30(3), 444–481.

Knight, G. P., Virdin, L. M., & Roosa, M. (1994). Socialization and Family Correlates of Mental Health Outcomes among Hispanic and Anglo American Children: Consideration of Cross‐Ethnic Scalar Equivalence.

Child Development, 65(1), 212–224.

Lawton, K. E., & Gerdes, A. C. (2014). Acculturation and Latino Adolescent Mental Health: Integration of Individual, Environmental, and Family Influences.

Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, 17(4), 385–398.

Le, H.-N., Muñoz, R. F., Soto, J. A., Delucchi, K. L., & Ippen, C. G. (2004). Identifying Risk for Onset of Major Depressive Episodes in Low-Income Latinas During Pregnancy and Postpartum. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 26(4), 463–482.

Masarik, A. S., & Conger, R. D. (2017). Stress and child development: A review of the Family Stress Model.

Current Opinion in Psychology, 13, 85–90.

Miller, M., & Csizmadia, A. (2022). Applying the family stress model to parental acculturative stress and Latinx youth adjustment: A review of the literature. Journal of Family Theory & Review, 14(2), 275–293.

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Pimentel, E. C., Delbasso, C. A., & Kuperminc, G. P. (2022).

Acculturative Stress and Psychological Distress Among Latinx Youth: Moderating Role of Family Cohesion and Conflict. Journal of Early Adolescence.

Radloff, L. S. (1977). The CES-D Scale: A Self-Report Depression Scale for Research in the General Population.

Applied Psychological Measurement, 1(3), 385–401.

Roche, K. M., Lambert, S. F., Partovi, R., & Little, T. D. (2022).

A longitudinal test of acculturative family distancing theory explaining latino/a/x adolescents’ adjustment. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 81.

Santiago-Rivera, A. (2003). Santiago-Rivera, A. L. (2003). Latinos, value, and family transitions: Practical considerations for counseling. Journal of Counseling and Human Development, 35, 1-12.

Schwartz, S. J., Montgomery, M. J., & Briones, E. (2006).

The Role of Identity in Acculturation among Immigrant People: Theoretical Propositions, Empirical Questions, and Applied Recommendations. Human Development, 49(1), 1–30.

Taskin, T., Torres, L., Roncancio, A. M., Valente, M. J., Fernandez, A., Rahman, A., Nehme, L., Okeke, D., Lozano, A., Ruiz, E., West, A. E., & Cano, M. Á.

(2023). Acculturative Stress and Self-rated Health among Hispanic Emerging Adults: Examining the Moderating Effects of the Social Environment and Social Support. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health.

Torres, L. (2010). Predicting levels of Latino depression: Acculturation, acculturative stress, and coping.

Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 16(2), 256–263.

U.S Census Bureau 2020 Census Illuminates Racial and Ethnic Composition of the Country.

Census.Gov. Retrieved July 1, 2023, from https://www.census.gov/library/ stories/2021/08/improved-race-ethnicitymeasures-reveal-united-states-population-muchmore-multiracial.html Wood, D., Crapnell, T., Lau, L., Bennett, A., Lotstein, D., Ferris, M., & Kuo, A. (2018). Emerging Adulthood as a Critical Stage in the Life Course. In N. Halfon, C. B. Forrest, R. M. Lerner, & E. M. Faustman (Eds.), Handbook of Life Course Health Development (pp.

123–143). Springer International Publishing.

QUEST C6

Wu, S., Marsiglia, F. F., Ayers, S., Cutrín, O., & VegaLópez, S. (2020). Familial Acculturative Stress and Adolescent Internalizing and Externalizing Behaviors in Latinx Immigrant Families of the Southwest. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health, 22(6), 1193–1199.

Cross-Cultural Losses, Political Identity, and Mental Health of First-Generation Chinese Immigrant Young Adults with Temporary Statuses in the U.S.: A Qualitative Study Danqi Li

O

ver the past decades, with international migration continuing to grow worldwide (IOM, 2021), an increasing number of Chinese young adults have come to the U.S. seeking educational and employment opportunities. In 2021 alone, approximately 296,000 Chinese students were enrolled in higher education institutions in the U.S., while over 50,000 Chinese citizens were granted temporary work visas (Rosenbloom & Batalova, 2023).

Immigrant young adults often face a multitude of mental health challenges ranging from acculturative stress to language barriers (Wei et al., 2007; Xu & Chi, 2013; Yan & Berliner, 2011), racial or ethnic discrimination (Li et al., 2023), and a sense of “cultural homelessness” (Vivero & Jenkins, 1999). Temporary immigration statuses introduce an added layer of complexity to their experiences. Evidence suggests that immigrants with temporary statuses, including visa holders and those under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, experience significantly higher levels of depression, anxiety, isolation, and alienation compared to those with stable legal statuses, such as second-generation immigrants and native U.S. citizens (Alif et al., 2020).

Existing literature on psychological distress experienced by young immigrants living in a new country is mainly based on acculturation and integration theories (e.g., Wei et al., 2007; Xu & Chi, 2013). However, the acculturation theory often portrays immigration as a linear process with predetermined phases and stages, overlooking the complex and changing experiences new transnational immigrants face (Bhatia, 2008). For example, immigrants with temporary statuses, such as international students, political refugees, and migrant workers, often face uncertainty regarding whether to remain in the host country, migrate to another nation, or return to their home countries (Chapparban, 2020).

Therefore, the stress of acculturation is not the only determinant of their mental health since they may not necessarily be actively seeking integration into the host society (Fan et al., 2020).

Beyond Acculturation: Diaspora-Homeland Relations Framework This paper employs the conceptual lens of diasporahomeland relations to explore the complex factors that influence the mental health of young Chinese

immigrants with temporary statuses in the U.S., hoping to offer a perspective beyond the typical acculturation model found in the current literature on immigrant mental health. Diaspora can be defined as a group of people who have been dispersed from an original homeland to foreign host societies in search of opportunities or to escape conflict (Safran, 1991). A diaspora community is often characterized by a sense of disconnection and loss of belonging due to the experience of leaving their familiar sociocultural setting and the uncertainty of future residency (Chapparban, 2020). This term is applied in this paper to describe immigrants and overseas Chinese with temporary statuses since this lens highlights their unique challenges under precarious statuses. The theoretical framework of diaspora-homeland relations recognizes how the experiences of immigrants are also shaped by their relationship with their home country, in addition to the influence of the host society in which they now reside (Safran, 2011). The diaspora is ongoing, and sociocultural and political factors can influence the changing relationship with the homeland (Vardanyan, 2016). Informed by the diaspora-homeland relations framework, this study explores how Chinese immigrant young adults’ relations with their homeland affect mental health outcomes through two dimensions: cross-cultural losses and political identity. While migration leads to a lack of access to aspects of the homeland, such as familiar culture, environment, and people, resulting in a sense of loss and grief among the diaspora (Chang et al., 2015), the disconnection with the homeland also allows some members of the diaspora to distance themselves from the homeland’s political environment, which they found unfavorable or oppressive (Wackenhut & Orjuela, 2023). These factors may lead to a complex relationship between the diaspora and their homeland, potentially leading to stress or other impacts on the mental health of young immigrants as they navigate through living in the host society.

Cross-Culture Losses Cross-cultural losses, defined as the psychological, social, and spatial losses associated with leaving the homeland and living in a foreign country (Wang et al., 2015), significantly shape diaspora experiences and mental health. These losses can be particularly profound for Chinese immigrant young adults in the

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U.S., who are often first-generation non-citizens with their families remaining in China (Wackenhut & Orjuela, 2023). They experience cross-cultural losses at multiple levels, including the loss of access to tangible aspects of the home country, such as in-person access to family members, places, food, music, climate, and networks (Aroian et al., 1998), psychological losses such as a loss of sense of belonging and social competency, which have been shown to impact mental health among Chinese international students negatively (Gao, 2021; Tsai et al., 2017), and the loss of national privileges due to their non-citizen state, such as access to healthcare, loss of civil rights, and increased restrictions as foreigners (Wang et al., 2015). Wang et al. (2015) found that students who experience more perceived crosscultural losses reported more negative affect and less life satisfaction. However, expanding the dimensions of cross-cultural losses as well as examining their influence on other mental health outcome variables, such as depressive symptoms, anxiety, and overall daily functioning, is significant and requires more research (Wang et al., 2015).

Political Identity In addition to cross-cultural losses, a diasporic community’s political identities profoundly influence their migratory experiences and well-being. Some immigrants do not return to their home country because their homeland is not a welcoming place to identify politically (Safran, 2011). Dissidents and antiauthoritarian activists often face additional stress from transnational surveillance and a sense of not fully belonging to their home or host countries (Wackenhut & Orjuela, 2023; Gao, 2023). Chinese immigrants in the U.S. who embrace more liberal and democratic political ideologies and who disagree with the current political system in China may find themselves excluded by their homeland due to their anti-authoritarian beliefs (Gao, 2023), while at the same time experience xenophobic racism in the U.S. (Fan et al., 2020), resulting in a sense of “double unbelonging,” the experience of exclusion and marginalization in both home and host countries (Gao, 2023).

Young first-generation Chinese immigrants who have grown up in China and recently moved to the United States experience complex encounters with the two political contexts, including experiences of heightened nationalism and conservatism in both countries over the past decade, the polarization of China-U.S. relations (Boylan et al., 2021), and the anti-Asian discrimination and racism faced during the COVID outbreak in the U.S. (Fan et al., 2020). These varied experiences and socialization in different sociocultural settings have contributed to the emergence of diverse political

QUEST C6

identities among young Chinese immigrants in the diaspora in terms of their perspectives on the Chinese political regime, level of engagement in social activism against authoritarianism and racism, and general political orientations (Gao, 2023). A few previous studies have looked at the different political identities among Chinese international students and developed the following categories: (1) nationalist/ conservative, encompassing those who endorse the authoritarian rules of the Chinese government and adopt conservative views of social issues within both home and host countries, (2) anti-authoritarian/ liberal, consisting of individuals advocating liberalism, human rights, and anti-authoritarian activism, (3) neoliberal, involving those who only engage with political topics when their interests are concerned, and (4) nonpolitical, referring to those who withdraw from any political engagement or discourse due to inadequate awareness or motivation (Gao, 2022; Gao, 2023). Despite the usefulness of these labels, this classification could potentially oversimplify the intricate nature of political identity by operating within the confines of the liberal-conservative dichotomy, which fails to consider immigrants’ political identity as a multidimensional spectrum (Jost, 2006). Also, the labels “liberal” and “conservative” have different connotations for different individuals and within varying sociopolitical contexts (Novis-Deutsch et al., 2022). Therefore, further research is needed to explore the diverse political identities of Chinese immigrants as a culturally nuanced spectrum. This study aims to complement the existing literature by exploring how Chinese immigrant young adults identify politically and how those identities might influence their mental health outcomes.

Despite its potential influences on mental health, the concept of political identity itself has been recognized as inherently difficult to measure or quantify (Valde, 1996).

However, political science and social psychology studies have tried to develop a better theory to conceptualize political identity (Gentry, 2017). A standard definition of political identity is one’s understanding of the self in a political world, or who they are politically, as a result of socialization and internalization of political knowledge (Greenstein, 1970). Aspects of the political self or identity may include a set of beliefs about political systems, identification (or dis-identification) with a regime, engagement in political behaviors that support particular beliefs, or orientations toward policies and political movements (Gentry, 2017; Gao, 2022).

The Present Study Using an exploratory qualitative approach, this study aims to fill in the gap in the current literature about

Li

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dimensions of cross-cultural losses, political identities, and their influence on diasporic mental health. The following research questions will be explored: 1. What types of cross-cultural losses are perceived among Chinese immigrant young adults with temporary statuses? How might perceived losses affect mental health outcomes, including stress and daily functioning?

2. What are some of the different political identities that Chinese immigrant young adults might have? In what ways might political identities influence their mental health outcomes?

3. Do some political identities affect the perception of cross-cultural losses? Reversely, does the experience of cross-cultural losses change how immigrants identify politically?

Method The study will conduct in-depth interviews with a sample of 25 participants. Recruitment will target Chinese young adults (aged 18-25) who have immigrated to the U.S. under temporary legal statuses, including individuals with student or work visas, those under the DACA program, and refugees. Before the interviews, informed consent will be obtained, ensuring participants’ rights and privacy. The interviews will be conducted in Mandarin Chinese since interviewing participants in their native language will allow them to express themselves more comfortably and accurately and minimize language barriers.

Cross-cultural losses Wang et al. (2015) developed the cross-cultural loss scale (CCLS) with three subscales to measure the losses experienced by immigrants. The items on the CCLS will be adapted into open-ended questions about the participants’ perceived losses associated with immigration. For example, “What losses or limitations, if any, do you perceive in your new environment?

How might this affect your level of stress or daily functioning?”

Political identity In the semi-structured interviews, researchers will ask participants questions to explore their political identities, mainly focusing on these aspects: 1. views on the political system in their home country, 2. selfdescription of political attitudes toward social issues, 3. possible influence of political attitudes and identity on mental health outcomes. Questions will be openended, such as “Can you describe your thoughts and perspectives on the political system in your home

country?” “Could you share your preference for living under your country’s political system instead of other systems? What factors contribute to this preference?”

“Do you participate in any social activism or movements?

What is your attitude toward pro-democracy and antiauthoritarian movements?” “What connections, if any, do you see between your perception of losses and your political attitudes?”

Mental Health Outcomes Questions that examine the depressive symptoms, stress level, and overall daily functioning of participants will be asked. Instead of assigning measures and scales, this qualitative method allows the participants to provide individual narratives of how cross-cultural losses and political positionalities might influence these psychological outcomes in their own words.

To ensure validity, multiple coders will be employed.

The inductive coding process will involve three stages: open, axial, and selective coding (Tolley, 2016). In the first stage, relevant phrases related to political identity, cross-cultural losses, and mental health outcomes will be identified, such as expressions like “social justice and human rights,” “I miss my family very much,” or “I experience depressive symptoms.” These preliminary codes will then be organized into broader categories.

In the final stage of selective coding, coders will refine the framework by selecting the most representative and significant quotes from each category or theme.

Besides thematic analysis, discourse analysis will be conducted to identify dominant discourses, conflicting narratives, and discursive shifts in relation to how crosscultural losses and political identity might respectively or interactively influence the mental health outcomes of the participants.

Anticipated Results This study uses a qualitative method to explore the relations between cross-cultural losses, political identity, and mental health outcomes among Chinese immigrant young adults.

Thematic analysis will uncover the types of crosscultural losses participants experience, possible themes including the loss of belonging, social competency, connection to family members, access to healthcare, opportunities for intimate relationships, familiar food, and civil restrictions as a foreigner, as explored in the Cross-Cultural Loss Scale (Wang et al., 2015).

Dimensions of loss not covered by the CCLS might also occur in participants’ narratives.

While previous research has distinguished four broad

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categories of political identities among Chinese immigrant young adults (Gao, 2022), this study operationalizes political identity as tendencies and potentially overlapping spectrums, which might include the following: • • • •

• •

Nationalist: having a strong sense of pride and attachment to China as their home country and support for the current regime (Gao, 2022).

Conservative: adopting a cautious approach to social change in China and support for the existing political system (Novis-Deutsch, 2022).

Anti-authoritarian/Dissident: disapproving of the one-party communist rule in China and showing support for anti-regime movements (Arneil, 2014).

Liberal/Democratic: valuing the promotion of individual freedoms, civil liberties, equality, and social justice and advocating for pro-democratic movements in China (Novis-Deutsch, 2022).

Neoliberal: prioritizing the increase of personal benefits with little interest in political engagement or movements in China (Gao, 2022).

Non-political: withdrawing from any political activism and discourse.

In conjunction with thematic analysis, discourse analysis will uncover dominant discourses, conflicting narratives, and discursive shifts related to how crosscultural losses and political identity influence the participants’ mental health outcomes. For instance, discursive shifts may manifest as participants articulate changes in their political identities when transitioning to a new country, potentially moving from disengagement to political activism (Gao, 2023). This shift might be linked to increasing anxiety due to the fear of risking personal safety or immigration status (Wackenhut & Orjuela, 2023). Participants might also narrate how their political identities interact with the perceived losses they experience during immigration and how these dynamics affect their psychological well-being.

For instance, experiences of exclusion and restrictions as foreigners in the U.S. may heighten nationalist sentiments (Gao, 2021). Reversely, the participants’ political identity may also impact how they cope with and interpret the cross-cultural losses they encounter.

Since a nationalist or conservative political identity usually links with a stronger attachment to their home country’s traditions and social structure (Herrmann & Segatti, 2019), participants with a strong nationalist tendency might perceive accentuated cross-cultural loss. Conversely, a neoliberal or non-political identity might drive a focus on adaptation to the new social context (Gao, 2022), mitigating the psychological impact of cross-cultural losses. Through qualitative analysis, this study aims to unveil the nuanced relationships and dynamics between these variables, shedding light

on the cultural and political complexities of the young Chinese diaspora’s experiences and mental well-being.

Discussion The existing literature on Chinese immigrants’ mental health often focuses on acculturation and integration into the host country, overlooking the influence of the complex relations with the home country on diasporic well-being (Safran, 2011). The results of this study will add significant insights to the cross-cultural psychology and diaspora literature by exploring the Chinese immigrant young adults’ unique cultural experiences and political identities in relation to their home country on their mental health outcomes, providing a counter-narrative to the traditional framework that all immigrant groups undergo the same kind of integration process (Bhatia & Ram, 2001).

Furthermore, since mainland Chinese immigrants are historically studied as a homogenous group based on their national identity (Guo, 2021; Gao, 2021), this study can shed light on the diverse experiences and identities within this population.

This paper also makes a meaningful contribution to the existing literature by contextualizing psychological challenges associated with immigration experienced by young Chinese adults in the transnational diaspora discourse as theorized in postcolonial studies (Bhatia, 2007). The diaspora lens is used in this paper to describe first-generation Chinese immigrants with temporary statuses since this concept highlights the complexity of their mental health vulnerability under both precarious legal statuses (Alif et al., 2020) and polarized global political climate (Gao, 2021).

Although the qualitative nature f the research might limit generalizability to the larger Chinese immigrant population, as the findings are context-specific for first-generation young immigrants moved from mainland China to the U.S., it offers in-depth insights into the experiences and perspectives of this group of new transnational diaspora. While this study provides insights into diverse cultural and political experiences within the young Chinese diaspora, the mental health disparities among immigrants with temporary statuses are not explored. Future research might benefit from looking at the within-group differences in perceived cross-cultural losses, political identities, and mental health outcomes between Chinese undocumented immigrants, visa holders, and DACA students (Alif et al., 2019) to gain a more nuanced understanding of the diasporic experiences of Chinese immigrant young adult with temporary statuses.

Given the scarcity of research in establishing and testing the measure for cross-cultural losses and categories of

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political identities among Chinese young immigrants, the qualitative findings of this study will provide valuable data to expand the current understanding of these concepts, which might contribute to developing a revised Cross-Cultural Loss Scale explicitly targeted for Chinese young immigrants (Wang et al., 2015).

The research can be further enriched in the future by collecting quantitative data on perceived crosscultural losses and mental health outcomes alongside the obtained qualitative findings. Also, conducting comparative research across other immigrant populations might be instrumental in deepening our insights into the variations of these factors within different cultural contexts. For example, comparing the political identities of the young diaspora from mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan might be beneficial for providing a more comprehensive understanding of how sociocultural and political factors influence migratory experiences and well-being.

Conclusion Based on a diaspora-homeland relations theoretical framework, this proposed study uses a qualitative approach to explore the challenges that young Chinese diaspora might experience as they navigate crosscultural losses and political identities in the U.S. This study will fill in the gap in the existing cross-cultural psychology literature about the culturally specific challenges faced by Chinese young diaspora.

References Alif, A., Nelson, B. S., Stefancic, A., Ahmed, R., & Okazaki, S. (2020). Documentation status and psychological distress among New York City community college students. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 26(1): 70.

Arneil, B. (2014). Global Citizenship versus Cosmopolitanism: Lessons Learned from Chinese Dissidents, Global Indigenous Peoples Movement and the Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities Cosmopolitanism and the Legacies of Dissent: 214233.

Bhatia, S., & Ram, A. (2001). Rethinking ‘Acculturation’ in Relation to Diasporic Cultures and Postcolonial Identities. Human Development, 44(1): 1–18.

Bhatia, S. (2007). Rethinking culture and identity in psychology: Towards a transnational cultural psychology. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology, 27-28(2-1), 301–321.

Casado, Banghwa Lee, & Leung, Patrick. (2001). Migratory grief and depression among elderly Chinese American immigrants. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, Vol 36(1-2), 5-26.

Chang, Christine Chih-Ting, “Migratory Loss and Depression Among Adult Immigrants of Chinese Descent” (2015). Dissertations. 1632. https://ecommons.luc. edu/luc_diss/1632 Chapparban, S. (2020). Psychology of Diaspora. SpringerVerlag GmbH Germany.

Corning, A. F., & Myers, D. J. (2002). Individual orientation toward engagement in social action. Political Psychology, 23(4), 703–729.

Fan J., Garrison L., Tan S., Pathtak N. (2020). I become a person of suspicion. https://www.nytimes. com/2020/04/10/podcasts/the-daily/racismchinese-coronavirus-asian-americans.html Gao, Z. (2021). Unsettled belongings: Chinese immigrants’ mental health vulnerability as a symptom of international politics in the COVID-19 pandemic.

Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 61(2), 198–218.

Gao, Z. (2022). Political identities of Chinese international students: Patterns and change in transnational space. International Journal of Psychology, 57 (4), 475–482.

Gentry, B. (2018). Political Identity: Meaning, Measures, and Evidence. In: Why Youth Vote. Springer, Cham.

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Han, E. (2019). Bifurcated homeland and diaspora politics in China and Taiwan towards the Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 45(4), 577-594.

Wang, K. T., Wei, M., Zhao, R., Chuang, C. C., & Li, F. (2015). The Cross-Cultural Loss Scale: development and psychometric evaluation. Psychological assessment, 27(1), 42–53.

Herrmann, R. K., Isernia, P., & Segatti, P. (2009). Attachment to the Nation and International Relations: Dimensions of Identity and Their Relationship to War and Peace. Political Psychology, 30(5), 721–754.

Wei, M., Heppner, P. P., Mallen, M. J., Ku, T.-Y., Liao, K. Y.-H., & Wu, T.-F. (2007). Acculturative stress, perfectionism, years in the United States, and depression among Chinese international students.

Journal of Counseling Psychology, 54(4), 385–394.

Jost, J. T. (2006). The end of the end of ideology. American P sychologist, 61, 651–670.

Li, Y., Kim, M., Dong, F., & Zhang, X. (2023). Racial discrimination, coping, and suicidal ideation in Chinese immigrants. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology. Advance online publication.

McAuliffe, M. and A. Triandafyllidou (eds.), 2021. World Migration Report 2022. International Organization for Migration (IOM), Geneva.

Novis-Deutsch, N., Keysar, A., Beit-Hallahmi, B., Sztajer, S., Klingenberg, M., Piltzecker, T. (2022). Conservative and Liberal Values in Relation to Religiosity. In: Nynäs, P., et al. The Diversity Of Worldviews Among Young Adults. Springer, Cham.

Padgett, D. K. (2012). Data analysis and interpretation. SAGE Publications, Inc., Rosenbloom, R., & Batalova, J. (2023). Chinese immigrants in the United States. Migration Policy Institute.

Retrieved from https://www.migrationpolicy.org/ article/chinese-immigrants-united-states Tolley, Elizabeth E.. Qualitative Methods in Public Health : A Field Guide for Applied Research, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, 2016. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/vcl/ detail.action?docID=7104122 Tsai, W., Wang, K. T., & Wei, M. (2017). Reciprocal relations between social self-efficacy and loneliness among Chinese international students. Asian American Journal of Psychology, 8(2), 94–102.

Vardanyan, V. (2016). Homeland and Diaspora: Connection Through Spaces. Култура/Culture, 6(14), 75-84.

Retrieved from https://journals.cultcenter.net/ index.php/culture/article/view/268.

Vivero V. N., Jenkins S. R. (1999). Existential hazards of the multicultural individual: Defining and understanding “cultural homelessness.” Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 5(1), 6-26.

Wackenhut, A. F., & Orjuela, C. (2023). Engaging the next generation: authoritarian regimes and their young diaspora. European Political Science, 22(1), 143– 158.

Xu, L., & Chi, I. (2013). Acculturative stress and depressive symptoms among Asian immigrants in the United States: The roles of social support and negative interaction. Asian American Journal of Psychology, 4(3), 217-226.

Yan, K. & Berliner, D.C. (2011). Chinese international students in the United States: demographic trends, motivations, acculturation features and adjustment challenges. Asia Pacific Educ. Rev. 12, 173–184.

CONNECT Lab PI: Elise Cappella Mentors: Christine Park + Natalie Mae The CONNECT lab at NYU conducts research to understand and strengthen contexts for learning and mental health in low-income education settings. This lab’s long-term goal is to increase the likelihood that more young people will have the connections and opportunities they need to succeed in school and life

What is the Relationship between the Bounce Back Intervention and the Emotional Regulation of Black and Latinx First Graders who have Experienced Trauma?

Aysha Khan

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hildhood trauma comprises frightening, dangerous, or violent events that threaten a child’s bodily integrity (National Child Traumatic Stress Network, 2018). There are various types of trauma, including but not limited to adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), disaster/ mass trauma, domestic violence, political violence, historical trauma, and sexual assault. These events often elicit strong emotional and physical reactions in children that may last long after the traumatic event (Peterson, 2018).

Individuals who have experienced childhood trauma struggle with emotion regulation (Dvir et al., 2015).

Emotion regulation refers to one’s ability to identify, monitor, and respond to emotional stimuli within a specific context (Gratz & Roemer, 2004). In particular, Black and Latinx children are more likely to experience race-related stress and trauma (RST), which includes overt racism, stereotyping, and microaggressions (Anderson & Stevenson, 2019). A systematic review

by Roach and colleagues (2022) on RST and emotion dysregulation in children of color found an association between RST exposure and greater emotional dysregulation and decreased well-being in youth of color. These results revealed an association between greater exposure to RST and various emotion dysregulation issues, such as emotional reactivity, loss of emotional control, rumination, aggression, and anger (Roach et al., 2022).

Children who experience emotional dysregulation may be diagnosed with emotional disabilities. An emotional disability is characterized by learning difficulties not explained by intellectual, sensory, or health factors, difficulties with interpersonal relations, inappropriate behaviors, pervasive moods, and a tendency to develop physical fears or symptoms related to personal or school problems (Virginia Department of Education).

Black students are two to three times more likely to be labeled as having an emotional disability than their White peers (Bal et al., 2019; McKenna, 2013). This diagnosis becomes problematic because it makes these children disproportionately placed in restrictive (e.g., removed from general education classes and placed in separate classes and programs) and less inclusive environments (Skiba & Rausch, 2006). Restrictive educational environments can be detrimental because

they may lead to more conduct issues and cognitive impairment (Powers et al., 2016). These environments may worsen behavior problems by reinforcing aggressive and disruptive school behavior (Farmer et al., 2007), forcing students to be surrounded by other students with such issues.

Research has also shown that Latinx children are more likely to be misidentified with having emotional/ behavioral disorders (EBD) (Moreno & Segura-Herrera, 2013). Unjust disciplinary policies in schools partly cause cultural biases among educators and the lack of adequate behavioral interventions (Harry & Klingner, 2014; Moreno & Gaytán, 2013; Moreno & SeguraHerrera, 2014; Skiba, 2014). It is important to address these inequities in emotional disability diagnoses to ensure that children of color can thrive in the school environment.

In order to prevent and respond to problematic EBD diagnoses, children of color should be screened for childhood trauma and emotional regulation early on and provided with culturally competent traumainformed support. Schools are critical spaces where students can receive this type of support because they have already implemented various trauma-informed practices (Holmes et al., 2015; Ijadi-Maghsoodi et al., 2017; Santiago et al., 2018). Most trauma-informed practices acknowledge that trauma can affect individuals and communities differently and that people have various coping mechanisms and pathways to recovery. Trauma-informed approaches recognize the signs and symptoms of trauma and aim to form comprehensive responses to trauma to prevent retraumatization (SAMSA, 2014). School-based trauma approaches (e.g., HEARTS, TILT, TIA) have effectively reduced trauma-related symptoms, behavior problems, and emotion dysregulation (Dorado et al., 2016; Bartlett et al., 2016; Wall, 2020). This finding suggests that trauma-informed approaches could lead to successful outcomes in elementary school children impacted by trauma. However, to our knowledge, the current study is the first study that will examine the relationship between trauma-informed approaches and emotion dysregulation, specifically in Black and Latinx first graders.

The current study uses the Bounce Back Intervention, a

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school-based program consisting of group, individual, and parent education sessions that aim to reduce the adverse effects of trauma, especially emotion regulation, in elementary school children (Distel et al., 2019; Langley et al., 2015; Santiago et al., 2018). Bounce Back is comprised of all the elements of Cognitive Behavioral Intervention for Trauma in Schools (CBITS) (psychoeducation, feelings identification, positive activities, relaxation training, cognitive coping, gradual exposure for functional impairment, trauma narrative, social support/connecting with others, problem-solving/ conflict resolution) adjusted for age appropriateness.

This intervention includes therapeutic elements such as relaxation training, cognitive restructuring, social problem-solving, positive activities, and traumafocused intervention strategies (e.g., gradual approach of anxiety-provoking situations and trauma narrative) (Langley et al., 2015). Research has demonstrated the feasibility, acceptability, and effectiveness in improving post-traumatic stress and anxiety of the overall Bounce Back intervention in elementary schools (Langley et al., 2015; Santiago et al., 2018).

The Bounce Back intervention leverages parents in the trauma narrative portion of the intervention. It is important to involve parents in trauma-informed school practices because children learn to regulate their emotions by observing their parents’ emotionregulation behaviors and parenting practices (Fletcher et al., 2006; Morris et al., 2007; Silk et al., 2006; Rutherford et al., 2015). If parents are distressed or causing distress, children may be unable to learn the skills necessary to overcome their negative emotions (Institute of Medicine and National Research Council of the National Academies, 2014). The trauma narrative requires children to work individually with clinicians to create trauma narratives that they will share with their parents in a future session (Langley et al., 2015).

During trauma narrative sessions, students repeatedly recount their traumatic memories until their anxiety or fear decreases. After completing these sessions, the students can share their trauma narratives one-onone with the clinician and their parents. The trauma narrative is a good opportunity to involve parents because they are already more likely to be involved with their elementary-age children as compared to their middle and high school children (Langley et al., 2013). The trauma narrative portion allows for parents’ natural involvement, which may strengthen the impact of the intervention on students.

The current study focuses on the trauma narrative element because of this emphasis on parental involvement, which was shown to increase parent and teacher buy-in and engagement and has demonstrated greater effectiveness of the intervention (Langley et al.,

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2013; Distel et al., 2019). The current study explores the potential of the trauma narrative as a standalone intervention to reduce emotion dysregulation.

Clinicians have expressed that Bounce Back is a timeintensive intervention, and their schedules do not allow the flexibility to implement it (Distel et al., 2019).

The trauma narrative might be a key component for students who have experienced childhood trauma.

Implementing only the trauma narrative portion of the intervention may be more time-efficient and feasible.

Thus, the current study aims to test its effectiveness as an alternative to the full intervention. This study examines the relationship between the trauma narrative element of the Bounce Back intervention and the emotional regulation of NYC public school Black and Latinx first graders who have experienced trauma.

Specifically, I will assess whether the trauma narrative approach alone can lead to an even more significant impact on the emotion regulation of Black and Latinx first graders who have experienced childhood trauma compared to the full Bounce Back intervention. I hypothesize that Black and Latinx children who have experienced childhood trauma will show improved emotion regulation upon engaging in the trauma narrative element of the Bounce Back intervention compared to the wait-list control and full intervention groups.

Method Participants This study aims to recruit 200 Black and Latinx first graders, each diagnosed with an emotional disability, from elementary schools in the NYC Department of Education system between August 2023 and October 2023. First graders who meet these criteria will receive study recruitment flyers (in Spanish and English) to take home to their parents. These same flyers will also be emailed to parents. Parents will also be contacted by members of the study team to be educated on the purposes and potential benefits of the study. Parents who agree to participate in the study will receive consent forms, which members of the study team will walk them through in one-on-one meetings over Zoom or in person.

Measures Modified Traumatic Events Screening Inventory for Children – Brief Form (TESI-C-Brief) The Modified Traumatic Events Screening Inventory for Children - Brief Form (TESI-C-Brief) (Ford et al., 2000) is a 16-item self-report survey that assesses potential traumatic events in childhood. Each item that

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is indicated as YES is immediately followed by probes asking about the child and interviewer’s perception of the traumatic event in question and three probes instigating the judgment of the potentially traumatic events described for that item (e.g., Have you ever seen a really bad accident that you weren’t actually in?; Did you feel as scared as you’d been, like this was the scariest thing that EVER happened to you?). This measure has four rating options (YES, NO, NOT SURE, REFUSED, & QUESTIONABLE VALIDITY). YES indicates that the child described one or more incidents of the type the question defined, but it does not automatically suggest traumatic exposure. For trauma, based on the following probe questions, there must be the determination of life/physical threat (Criterion A1) and subjective fear, helplessness, or horror (Criterion A2).

NO indicates that the child has not experienced any incident of the type the question defined. NOT SURE indicates insufficient information for a YES or NO, and more information must be gathered. REFUSED indicates that the child answered “pass” and did not answer the question. QUESTIONABLE VALIDITY indicates that there is reasonable doubt regarding the child’s credibility. The clinician ultimately decides if a child fulfills the criteria for trauma by assigning a YES, NO, or UNSURE to clinical summary items asking about the presence of physical abuse, sexual abuse, and the need to send a report to child protective services. The TESI has demonstrated strong psychometric properties (reliabilities >.80) and interrater reliabilities ranging from .73-1.00 (Ribbe, 1996).

The Emotion Regulation Checklist (ERC) The Emotion Regulation Checklist (ERC) (Shields‚ A. M.‚ & Cicchetti‚ D., 1995) is a 24-item teacher- and parent-reported measure on a Likert scale of 1-4 that assesses children’s emotional development using two subscales: emotion regulation and negativity/lability.

The emotion regulation subscale contains eight items assessing adaptive regulation, such as socially appropriate emotional displays and empathy. Sample items from this subscale include “is a cheerful child” and “responds positively to neutral or friendly overtures by peers.” Items 1, 3, 7, 14, 21, and 23 are rated positively, whereas items 16 and 18 are rated inversely. The total score for this subscale is obtained by adding the scores of all the items with consideration to reverse-coded items. The maximum score for this subscale is 32, and the minimum score is 8. Higher scores on this subscale suggest a greater capacity for emotion regulation.

The negativity/lability (LN) subscale contains 15 items assessing mood lability, lack of flexibility, dysregulated negative affect, and inappropriate affective displays. A sample item from this subscale “exhibits wide mood swings.” Eleven items are scored positively, and four

items are reverse scored. The maximum score for this subscale is 60, and the minimum score is 15. Higher scores on this subscale suggest greater emotion dysregulation. The ERC has demonstrated good internal consistency for the individual subscales ((L/N α = .96; ER α = .83) as well as for the whole measure (α = .89) (Shields & Cicchetti, 1997). The ERC is designed to be filled out by parents or teachers.

Procedure All parent-child dyads who respond to any recruitment methods will be screened for enrollment in the study.

First, trained clinicians will complete the TESI-C-Brief with the children in empty classrooms after school.

Students who exhibit trauma based on the TESI-C can continue the study, whereas those without trauma will be informed that they do not qualify to continue.

The participants who meet the TESI-C guidelines for trauma will be randomized to three groups: waitlistcontrols (i.e., these participants will not undergo any intervention during the ten weeks of the study but will be offered an intervention after study completion), the full Bounce Back intervention1 for ten weeks, or the trauma narrative element of the Bounce Back intervention for ten weeks. In the trauma narrative approach, students will be given an opportunity to process their traumatic memory and grief and prepare a narrative that they will share with their parents (or caregivers). Both parents and teachers will complete the ERC to provide baseline measures of students’ emotion regulation. After ten weeks, both parents and teachers will again complete the ERC. Data Analysis Plan Statistical software SPSS will be used to perform data analyses. One-way analysis of variances (ANOVA) will be conducted on the emotion regulation change scores (post-intervention - pre-intervention) for both parent and teacher reports to determine the difference in emotion regulation change scores between the three groups of students: those who underwent no intervention, those who underwent the full Bounce Back intervention, and those who only underwent the trauma-narrative approach.

Anticipated Results I expect that compared to the non-intervention group, trauma-affected Black and Latinx children who 1Bounce Back is comprised of all the elements of Cognitive Behavioral Intervention for Trauma in Schools (CBITS) (psychoeducation, feelings identification, positive activities, relaxation training, cognitive coping, gradual exposure for functional impairment, trauma narrative, social support/connecting with others, problem-solving/conflict resolution).

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undergo any type of intervention (full Bounce Back or trauma narrative) will have higher scores on the emotion regulation subscale of the ERC, indicating a lower emotion dysregulation. I expect these trends to hold true for both parent and teacher reports. I also expect that trauma-affected Black and Latinx children who undergo the trauma narrative approach will exhibit similar or better emotion regulation to those who undergo the full Bounce Back intervention.

Discussion This study aims to determine the effectiveness of the trauma narrative element of Bounce Back alone as a more efficient and feasible alternative to the full Bounce Back intervention. The trauma narrative element is expected to be just as effective or more effective than the full intervention. The results of this study may provide clinicians and educators with a more feasible approach to supporting trauma-affected students of color in the classroom. Clinicians who have administered Bounce Back have stated that the trauma narrative approach has effectively improved students’ emotional outcomes (Distel et al., 2019). Should the data reveal that the trauma narrative approach alone demonstrates similar or better emotion regulation outcomes to the full Bounce Back intervention, clinicians and teachers can focus on implementing only this aspect instead of the full intervention, easing the burden on clinicians and allowing them to conserve their time and energy, to implement the intervention more effectively.

Clinicians who had parent involvement while administering the Bounce Back intervention expressed that it is the most important component (Distel et al., 2019). By being involved in the intervention, parents learned strategies to use at home with their children and even asked clinicians about difficulties at home and ways to work through them (Distel et al., 2019).

This suggests that participating in the trauma narrative, the only element involving parents may allow parents to gain insight into better supporting their children with emotion regulation at home. In turn, including parent involvement in the trauma narrative portion of the intervention creates the opportunity for a greater impact on children’s emotion regulation.

Strengths & Limitations The current study has several strengths. One strength of this study is its focus on Black and Latinx students, historically overlooked in mainstream research. The results of this study could be used to support these students in a culturally competent manner. Another strength of this study is its use of multiple reporters

in measuring emotion dysregulation. Teachers and parents see children in different contexts (school vs. home) where they may be prompted to behave differently. Thus, having teachers and parents complete this measure will allow us to compare students’ emotional regulation in different social settings. Last but not least, if the trauma narrative alone is as effective as the full Bounce Back intervention, clinicians will have more time to implement it effectively, contributing to the overall feasibility of the intervention.

The results of this study should be reviewed in light of its limitations. One limitation of this study is that the TESI and ERC may not be culturally competent measures for childhood trauma and emotion regulation, respectively. Black and Latinx parents may interpret certain items differently on the TESI, as they may have different views of what constitutes effective parenting (Gershoff et al., 2012; Lecuyer et al., 2011; Patton, 2017; Taylor et al., 2011). For example, Black parents are twice as likely to regularly use corporal punishment than White and Latinx parents (Patton, 2017). Moreover, although the ERC has been validated for use in different cultural contexts and languages (e.g., Brazilian-Portuguese, French-Belgian, Italian, Turkish), the majority of these studies have not used confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to confirm the twofactor structure of the ERC (Shields & Cicchetti, 1997). In other words, these studies have not assessed whether the ERC effectively measures emotion regulation and negativity/lability.

Conclusions Despite these limitations, this study should provide promising knowledge on leveraging the traumanarrative approach of Bounce Back for the Black and Latinx first graders who have experienced childhood trauma. Suppose results reveal that the trauma narrative element is equally or more effective than the full Bounce Back intervention. In that case, teachers may be able to focus their time and attention solely on this element, allowing them to support students in a more time-efficient and feasible way. Furthermore, the trauma narrative approach may allow clinicians and teachers to collaborate with parents in supporting students with their emotions across different social contexts. The results of this study will allow teachers and parents to work together to support their traumaaffected children in effectively managing their emotions in various social environments.

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Preventing Bullying Against Elementary School Students with ADHD Christina Beavers

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ullying toward children commonly occurs in schools (Bradshaw et al., 2013). In a report by the National Education Association, 41% of teachers and staff members indicated that bullying was a problem at their schools (Bradshaw et al., 2013). Past research has found that childhood bullying is a form of school violence (Crothers & Kolbert, 2004). Bullying is a process in which a person in a position of power acts aggressively toward another repeatedly to establish dominance (Wachs et al., 2019). Bullying can be physical, verbal, relational, and emotional (Simmons & Antshel, 2021). No matter what type of bullying a child experiences, it can significantly impact their quality of life.

Negative Consequences of Bullying Children experience many negative consequences when they are victims of bullying. The negative consequences include being at risk for developing physical, psychological, emotional, and behavioral problems (Brendgen et al., 2019; Fischer & Bilz, 2019; Letendre et al., 2016). If a child experiences bullying at school, their academic performance will likely suffer due to increased apprehension about attending and navigating the school environment. A bullied child would likely receive lower grades and an increase in school absences (Fischer & Bilz, 2019; Letendre et al., 2016). The negative consequences of bullying in childhood can also extend into adulthood. Longitudinal studies have found that the negative consequences bullying causes last into young and middle adulthood by affecting one’s health, social relationships, and educational/occupational outcomes (Brendgen et al., 2019; Fischer & Bilz, 2019). Bullying must be stopped in childhood to prevent these short and long-term consequences from presenting themselves in a child’s life.

Bullying in Children with ADHD Any child can be a victim of bullying, regardless of their identity. However, studies have found that children with Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) are more likely to experience bullying than children without ADHD (Chen et al., 2020; Cuba Bustinza et al., 2022). Two critical explanations exist for why children with ADHD are more likely to be bullied by their peers.

The first explanation is that children with ADHD are highly vulnerable to bullying due to emotional and behavioral difficulties (Blake et al., 2016). Emotional and behavioral difficulties may be perceived as children with ADHD being noisier, off-task, aggressive, and less compliant than children without ADHD. These difficulties are likely to frustrate peers and may cause children with ADHD to be victimized (Sciberras et al., 2012). Therefore, it is crucial to recognize that these difficulties should not victimize children with ADHD because they are out of control.

The second explanation is that children with ADHD are also more likely to be bullied by their peers due to social skills deficits. Children with ADHD experience more significant social skills deficits than children without ADHD (Murray et al., 2021; Wiener & Mak, 2009), leading to difficulties interacting effectively with their peers. Interaction difficulties may lead to a higher risk of peer rejection, leading to peer bullying (Murray et al., 2021). Social skills deficits can also lead children with ADHD to display more behavioral vulnerability and nonassertive behaviors (Wiener & Mak, 2009).

These behaviors might result in children with ADHD experiencing bullying more than children without ADHD. The current study focuses on two primary negative consequences that can affect the lives of bullied children with ADHD. One negative consequence that children with ADHD suffer from as a result of being bullied is depression (Simmons & Antshel, 2021).

Researchers found positive associations between bullying involvement and depressive symptoms in youth with ADHD (Simmons & Antshel, 2021).

Depression leads to suicidal behaviors, and it is wellknown that bullying increases the risk of suicide in adolescents. However, this risk becomes exacerbated because children with ADHD are three times more at risk of suicidal ideation, suicide plans, and attempts than children without ADHD (Chen et al., 2020). This finding is important because it shows that bullying can cause extreme, severe depressive symptoms in children with ADHD, which could affect their quality of life.

Another negative consequence that children with ADHD suffer from as a result of being bullied is a lower sense of connectedness to school. School connectedness

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is defined as how a student perceives their ability to socially bond and assess the quality of relationships with their peers and teachers (Mancil et al., 2013).

Children with ADHD are already at risk of low school connectedness because of difficulties maintaining positive relationships with their teachers and peers (Mahabbati & Prabawati, 2022). Bullying puts children with ADHD at higher risk for experiencing lower school connectedness because it increases the likelihood of having low-quality, negative relationships with their peers and teachers, leaving them less connected to their school environment (Mahabbati & Prabawati, 2022).

After examining the detrimental effects that bullying causes in children with ADHD, more investigations of student-teacher anti-bullying interventions to promote positive relationships with peers and teachers in order to create a better, safer school environment.

The Benefit of Student-Teacher Interventions Student-teacher interventions are one potential way to protect students against bullying behaviors.

Student-teacher anti-bullying interventions have been identified as the most successful strategy when teaching students about bullying and preventing bullying from happening in schools (Bradshaw et al., 2013; Crothers & Kolbert, 2004; Lester et al., 2013; Letendre et al., 2016; Wachs et al., 2019). Evidence shows that teachers are more likely to witness, receive reports about, and view bullying behaviors than any other educational support professional (Bradshaw et al., 2013). Increasing awareness about how to intervene in bullying situations has been found to help decrease the interactions that are hurtful and harmful to students (Meraviglia et al., 2003). Previous literature suggests that the critical factors in decreasing bullying in schools include teacher knowledge, skill development, and a willingness to intervene (Letendre et al., 2016).

Therefore, it is vital to teach teachers how to implement these factors to develop, modify, and evaluate effective student-teacher anti-bullying interventions (Letendre et al., 2016). Student and teacher engagement is the key to making these interventions successful.

Two previous student-teacher interventions stand out as effective and successful in reducing bullying.

One student-teacher anti-bullying intervention that was found to be effective was the Positive Behavioral Interventions & Supports (PBIS) program (Letendre et al., 2016; Ross & Horner, 2009). The program trained teachers, school staff, and administrators on models and practices to teach children, such as “Stop, Walk, and Talk” to stop bullying behaviors (Letendre et al., 2016; Ross & Horner, 2009). In this model, students were instructed to say “stop” and use the stop hand gesture if someone was not being respectful to them

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or someone else, walk away if the disrespectful behavior continued, and talk to an adult if, after walking away, the disrespectful behavior continued. Ross & Horner (2009) found that the program increased students’ appropriate bystander and victim responses. Letendre and colleagues (2016) discovered that in the focus groups after the intervention, teachers noticed a change in cultural norms around fighting and aggression in the classroom and saw students advocate for themselves.

Another student-teacher anti-bullying intervention that was found to be effective was the violence prevention program (Orpinas et al., 2003). Teachers created the violence prevention program to help prevent bullying behaviors at their elementary school. The program trained students to use the “two put-ups for each putdown” method; if a student were observed bullying another student, the bully would have to say two positive things about the victimized student (Orpinas et al., 2003). The program also provided positive reinforcement for students who displayed positive behavior toward their peers (Orpinas et al., 2003).

Researchers found a 40% reduction in aggression behaviors and a 19% reduction in victimization behaviors throughout the intervention (Orpinas et al., 2003). After reviewing the current literature, it is evident that student-teacher anti-bullying interventions can significantly reduce bullying behaviors in school environments.

Current Study While elementary school student-teacher bullying interventions have demonstrated some success in reducing bullying behavior and increasing positive student outcomes, no literature to date discusses how these types of bullying interventions can cater to the specific needs of children with ADHD. The current study will use a student-teacher intervention in New York City elementary schools to answer the following research questions: 1. Does a student-teacher bullying prevention program prevent bullying against elementary school students with ADHD? 2. Does a student-teacher bullying prevention program decrease victimization for elementary school students with ADHD? 3. Does a student-teacher bullying prevention program increase connectedness to school for elementary school students with ADHD? This intervention will inform what teachers can change in their classrooms to prevent bullying and help support the individual needs of students with ADHD.

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Methods Participants and Recruitment 200 5th-grade elementary school students with an ADHD diagnosis and 50 5th-grade classroom teachers will be recruited to participate in our study. We will recruit twenty New York City public elementary schools for our study. Research coordinators will recruit the schools by sending emails to school principals. Out of the 20 elementary schools, 50 5th-grade classrooms will be randomly assigned to participate in the teacherstudent intervention. Elementary school principals will email 5th-grade teachers asking for participation in the study. The families of students with ADHD will be sent information about the study via email from their school’s Individualized Education Program (IEP) coordinator.

Procedure Intervention The study will use an experimental design to assess the effects of a new student-teacher anti-bullying intervention, Student Protection Against Bullying (SPAB). The intervention will consist of 3 parts: 1) Summer Pre-Intervention Training, 2) Student-Teacher Intervention (adapted from Letendre et al., 2016), and 3) Parent At-Home Intervention.

The summer pre-intervention training aims to increase teachers’ confidence and self-efficacy skills by using role play and real life bullying episodes to encourage teachers to discuss their own experiences of student bullying (student observations, personal experiences). The student-teacher intervention will start at the beginning of the school year (fall semester) and conclude at the end of the school year (spring semester). Each school week, the student-teacher intervention will teach students how to report bullying to them and how to identify bullying behaviors. In the context of ADHD, teachers will promote strategies such as positive reinforcement, breaks to move and exercise, and minimizing distractions to enhance students’ behavioral regulation and social skills.

Students will use role-playing to practice the assertive skills of the Stop, Walk, and Talk model (Letendre et al., 2016; Ross & Horner, 2009). Teachers will incorporate anti-bullying classrooms into their weekly curriculum by assigning students to read anti-bullying books and using the act of bullying in relation to history lessons (e.g., learning about the consequences of war and peace treaties; Letendre et al., 2016). Each month of the school year, parents will receive a take-home folder with printed anti-bullying exercises to practice with

their child, articles, and additional information about the practices used in the teacher-student intervention to help continue conversations with their children about bullying at home.

Study Design Participating students and teachers will complete questionnaires via Qualtrics at the beginning and end of the intervention. Teachers will be surveyed on the Frequency of Bullying Behaviors Questionnaire at the end of pre-service training (fall) and after implementing the intervention (spring). Students with ADHD will be surveyed on the Bullying Victimization Scale and the Connectedness to School Scale at the beginning of the school year (fall) and at the end of the intervention (spring).

Measures Frequency of Bullying Behaviors Questionnaire. A measure was created to assess the frequency of bullying behaviors, as no established measure was found after reviewing the literature. Teachers will be asked how often they perceive bullying behaviors from their students. Teachers will respond on a 5-point scale (1 = never, 2 = once or twice, 3 = every few weeks, 4 = about once a week, 5 = most days). Scores will be summed, and a mean score will be calculated at each time point; higher scores will indicate more frequency of bullying behaviors.

Bullying Victimization Scale. Seven items will be adapted from scales developed by Rigby and Slee (1998) and Olweus (1996) to assess bullying victimization. The items will ask students how often they were bullied in different ways, such as being hit, kicked, and pushed around, being made fun of and teased in a hurtful way, etc. Students will respond on a 5-point scale (1 = never, 2 = once or twice, 3 = every few weeks, 4 = about once a week, 5 = most days). In studies with similar populations, this scale had a reliability score of alpha = 0.86 (Lester et al., 2013). Victimization scores will be calculated at each time point for each student by averaging the seven items with a higher score reflecting more victimization experiences, as has been done in previous studies.

Connectedness to School Scale. To assess connectedness to school, students will be asked four items adapted from the Resnick et al. (1997) 6-item School Connectedness Scale (i.e., “I feel close to people at school,” “I feel like I am part of this school,”) with a 5-point response scale (1 = never, 2 = unsure, 3 = sometimes, 4 = usually, 5 = always). This scale had a reliability score of alpha = 0.80 in studies with similar

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populations. (Lester et al., 2013). At each time point, an average school connectedness score was calculated, with a higher score reflecting greater feelings of connectedness to their school (Lester et al., 2013).

Analysis Plan In order to understand the effect of the intervention on teacher reports of the frequency of bullying behaviors, a paired samples t-test will be conducted to compare a change in teacher reports of the frequency of bullying behaviors at time 1 (fall semester, the beginning of the intervention implementation) and time 2 (spring semester, the end of the intervention implementation).

To analyze the effect of the intervention on students’ school connectedness, a paired samples t-test will be conducted to compare students’ average school connectedness scores at time 1 (fall semester, the beginning of the intervention implementation) and time 2 (spring semester, the end of the intervention implementation).

To examine the effect of the intervention on students’ bullying victimization, a paired samples t-test will be conducted to compare students’ average bullying victimization scores at time 1 (fall semester, the beginning of the intervention implementation) and time 2 (spring semester, the end of the intervention implementation).

Anticipated Results Using a paired samples t-test, we expect to find a significant difference between the average frequency of bullying behaviors before and after the intervention, meaning the intervention will help decrease the frequency of bullying behaviors for elementary school students with ADHD. We also expect to find a significant difference between average bullying victimization before and after the intervention, meaning the intervention will help decrease victimization for elementary school students with ADHD. Finally, we expect to find a significant difference between average connectedness to school before the intervention and average connectedness to school after the intervention, meaning the intervention helps to increase connectedness to school for elementary students with ADHD. Discussion This study examines the impact of a student-teacher bullying prevention program on students with ADHD. More specifically, the current study focuses on whether the intervention impacted students’ sense of

connectedness to school, sense of victimization, and teachers’ perceptions of the frequency of bullying behaviors. We expect that the Student Protection Against Bullying intervention will decrease victimization and increase connectedness to school for elementary school students with ADHD. Further, we anticipate that the current intervention will decrease the frequency of bullying behaviors, as reported by teachers. An intervention such as this one is critical for students with ADHD as it can mitigate the long-term and short-term effects of bullying, such as poor academic performance, increased risk of suicide, and depressive symptoms.

The intervention will not only prevent bullying but also prevent these effects from occurring. Future research should explore other relevant student outcomes.

Implications The study seeks to examine a new population (students with ADHD) in the context of a student-teacher bullying prevention program. By examining this population, students with ADHD can get their specific needs met when addressing bullying situations. This study also built on the current evidence that student-teacher bullying prevention programs are effective (Bradshaw et al., 2013; Crothers & Kolbert, 2004; Lester et al., 2013; Letendre et al., 2016; Wachs et al., 2019). This was shown through the proposed results, which were that the program increased connectedness to school, decreased victimization in students with ADHD, and decreased the frequency of bullying behaviors reported by teachers. Most of these interventions had vital, research-based components, such as the “Stop, Walk, Talk” model, first discovered to be effective in 2009 (Ross & Horner, 2009). Fourteen years later, this study found that the model is still effective, revealing that an intervention that does not change can still be successful over time.

Limitations This study did not assess long-term effects as the intervention lasted one school year. Implementing the intervention as a longitudinal study by examining its effects on the same students through multiple years might strengthen study findings (to see whether the effects change over time). Another limitation of this study is that only teachers reported the frequency of bullying behaviors. This limits observance and reporting of bullying behaviors outside of the classroom from other staff members (e.g., playground monitors, lunch staff, etc.). In future work, having other school members besides teachers observe the frequency of student bullying behaviors could support a more accurate and complete picture of bullying incidents.

The intervention could also be modified to prevent

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bullying behaviors outside of the classroom, such as in after-school programs (sports teams, extracurricular clubs, etc.).

Conclusion The current study demonstrates the impacts of fostering an inclusive, safe, bully-free environment for students with ADHD. By using a teacher-student bullying prevention program to support teachers, students, and parents in learning about and building skills to prevent bullying, students with ADHD may be able to connect to their school and experience less victimization from their peers.

References Blake, J. J., Kim, E. S., Lund, E. M., Zhou, Q., Kwok, O., & Benz, M. R. (2016). Predictors of Bully Victimization in Students With Disabilities: A Longitudinal Examination Using a National Data Set. Journal of Disability Policy Studies, 26(4), 199–208.

Bradshaw, C. P., Waasdorp, T. E., O’Brennan, L. M., & Gulemetova, M. (2013). Teachers’ and Education Support Professionals’ Perspectives on Bullying and Prevention: Findings From a National Education Association Study. School Psychology Review, 42(3), 280–297.

Brendgen, M., Poulin, F., & Denault, A.-S. (2019). Peer victimization in school and mental and physical health problems in young adulthood: Examining the role of revictimization at the workplace.

Developmental Psychology, 55(10), 2219–2230.

Blake, J. J., Kim, E. S., Lund, E. M., Zhou, Q., Kwok, O., & Benz, M. R. (2016). Predictors of Bully Victimization in Students With Disabilities: A Longitudinal Examination Using a National Data Set. Journal of Disability Policy Studies, 26(4), 199–208.

Chen, Y.-L., Ho, H.-Y., Hsiao, R. C., Lu, W.-H., & Yen, C.F. (2020). Correlations between Quality of Life, School Bullying, and Suicide in Adolescents with Attention-Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder.

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Crothers, L. M., & Kolbert, J. B. (2004). Comparing Middle School Teachers’ and Students’ Views on Bullying and Anti-Bullying Interventions. Journal of School Violence, 3(1), 17–32.

Cuba Bustinza, C., Adams, R. E., Claussen, A. H., Vitucci, D., Danielson, M. L., Holbrook, J. R., Charania, S. N., Yamamoto, K., Nidey, N., & Froehlich, T. E. (2022).

Factors Associated With Bullying Victimization and Bullying Perpetration in Children and Adolescents With ADHD: 2016 to 2017 National Survey of Children’s Health. Journal of Attention Disorders, 26(12), 1535–1548.

Fischer, S. M., & Bilz, L. (2019). Teachers’ self-efficacy in bullying interventions and their probability of intervention. Psychology in the Schools, 56(5), 751–764.

Lester, L., Cross, D., Dooley, J., & Shaw, T. (2013). Bullying victimisation and adolescents: Implications for school-based intervention programs. Australian Journal of Education, 57(2), 107–123.

Letendre, J., Ostrander, J. A., & Mickens, A. (2016). Teacher and Staff Voices: Implementation of a Positive Behavior Bullying Prevention Program in an Urban School. Children & Schools, 38(4), 235–243.

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Mahabbati, A., & Prabawati, W. (2022). School connectedness, school climate and emotional and behaviour disorders in students: Examining relationships. Cypriot Journal of Educational Sciences, 17(5), 1774–1790.

Wachs, S., Bilz, L., Niproschke, S., & Schubarth, W. (2019).

Bullying Intervention in Schools: A Multilevel Analysis of Teachers’ Success in Handling Bullying From the Students’ Perspective. The Journal of Early Adolescence, 39(5), 642–668.

Mancil, E., Bird, J. M., Lyons, M., Van Eck, K., & Smith, B. H. (2013). Considering Positive Psychology Constructs of Life Satisfaction and School Connectedness When Assessing Symptoms Related to Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder. Journal of Human Sciences and Extension.

Wiener, J., & Mak, M. (2009). Peer victimization in children with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder.

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Meraviglia, M. G., Becker, H., Rosenbluth, B., Sanchez, E., & Robertson, T. (2003). The Expect Respect Project: Creating a Positive Elementary School Climate.

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Murray, A. L., Zych, I., Ribeaud, D., & Eisner, M. (2021).

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Olweus, D. (1996). The revised Olweus Bully/Victim Questionnaire. Bergen, Norway: Mimeo, Research Center for Health Promotion (HEMIL), University of Bergen.

Orpinas, P., Horne, A., & Staniszewski, D. (2003). School Bullying: Changing the Problem by Changing the School. School Psychology Review, 32, 431–444.

Resnick, M. D., Bearman, P. S., Blum, R. W., Bauman, K. E., Harris, K. M., Jones, J., Tabor, J., Beuhring, T., Sieving, R. E., Shew, M., Ireland, M., Bearinger, L. H., & Udry, J. R. (1997). Protecting adolescents from harm.

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Rigby, K., & Slee, P. (1998). The Peer Relations Questionnaire. Point Lonsdale, Australia: The Professional Reading Guide for Educational Administrators.

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Sciberras, E., Ohan, J., & Anderson, V. (2012). Bullying and Peer Victimisation in Adolescent Girls with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder. Child Psychiatry & Human Development, 43(2), 254–270.

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Infant Studies of Language and Neurocognitive Development PI: Natalie Brito Mentors: Gianina Perez + Lissete Gimenez, The Infant Studies of Language and Neurocognitive Development, directed by Natalie Brito is a developmental psychology lab interested in the impact of the social and language environment on early neurocognitive development. The ultimate goal of the lab is to understand how to best support caregivers and create environments that foster optimal child development.

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Child Affect and Parental Responsiveness in Mother-Infant vs. Father-Infant Interactions During Still-Face Activity among African American Families Rodney Jerome

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arly parent-child interactions play a crucial role in shaping children’s physical and mental well-being, particularly in their ability to regulate emotions.

Within these interactions, adult caregivers serve as key regulators of infant arousal and engage in shared meaning and intent (Rieker et al., 1998; Maclean et al., 2014; Mesman et al., 2009 ). Additionally, the infant actively contributes to the exchange, eliciting optimal responses from the caregiver. These interactions gradually teach infants to autonomously regulate their emotions through appropriate developmental processes, impacting their internal arousal levels and the social environment (Maclean et al., 2014). Previous studies examining parent-child interactions have highlighted differences between mothers and fathers in their approaches to supporting their children’s emotional well-being, with fathers often employing distraction tactics to alleviate fear or sadness.

In understanding the impact of a parent’s role during everyday interactions, researchers have used the Still-Face Paradigm (SFP). It has been found that the inability to establish effective regulation patterns leads to negative infant affect and gaze aversion, reflecting infants’ limited self-regulatory capacities (Mesman et al., 2009; Li et al., 2019). The SFP involves a three-step face-to-face encounter between an infant and an adult: a baseline phase of everyday interaction, followed by a “still-face” phase where the adult remains unresponsive with a neutral expression, and finally, a reunion phase in which the adult resumes regular contact (Mesman et al., 2009). During the still-face phase, infants exhibit more negative affect, less smiling, and reduced visual orientation towards the parent than baseline (Mesman et al., 2009; Li et al., 2019). Although negative affect decreases during the reunion phase, it does not return to baseline levels (Braungart-Rieker et al., 2014; Li et al., 2019). Positive affect, characterized by warmth, emotional openness, relaxed posture, warm tone of voice, and smiling in parents, plays a crucial role in facilitating the development of emotional regulation skills in infants (Rieker et al., 1998; Mesman et al., 2009) Infants display positive affect through laughter, smiling, vocalizations, and a sense of security. Parental signals conveyed through positive affect guide infants’ expectations of social interactions. However, the still-

face phase disrupts these expectations, leading infants to respond with confusion and attempts to restore normalcy (i.e., laughter, reaching out, or crying) (Mesman et al., 2009). The infant’s ability to recover and display positive affect during the reunion episode reflects their developing self-regulatory capacities, independent of parental regulation (Braungart-Rieker et al., 2014). The Still-Face Paradigm (SFP) reveals that a parent’s positive affect and responsiveness during everyday interactions are crucial for fostering infants’ emotional regulation skills. Disruption of these positive interactions during the “still-face” phase results in negative affect and reduced self-regulation in infants, highlighting the importance of parent-infant emotional connection in promoting healthy emotion regulation development.

Parent responsiveness significantly influences infants’ recovery during the SFP reunion phase. Responsive parenting involves parents’ timely and appropriate responses to their infants’ behaviors, facilitating social, cognitive, and emotional development (Haley & Stansbury, 2003). Contingent reactions, such as mirroring an infant’s emotions, responding to their focus of attention, and understanding the subjective state behind their behavioral signals, contribute to responsive parenting (Haley, 2003). It has been consistently demonstrated that responsive parenting is associated with positive outcomes in areas like emotional control. When parents respond to their infants’ negative affect, such as crying or fussing, they assist in regulating their child’s emotions. By providing responsive support after the challenging still-face phase, parents help infants recognize their own capacity to regulate their emotions and develop a sense of self-efficacy. This realization allows infants to expand their understanding of social interactions, learn what to expect, and develop strategies for selfcomfort in future stressful situations. However, further research is needed to delve deeper into the role of paternal interactions in promoting positive emotional development in infants.

Considering diverse family structures and parental roles, we must expand research beyond motherinfant interactions to understand the full parent-child dynamics. In infant-parent interactions, research has yielded varied results regarding the impacts of

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maternal and paternal involvement. While some studies indicate heightened positive affect in motherinfant interactions during the SFP’s reunion phase, contrasting findings highlight the significance of fathers’ positive affect during baseline phases (Li et al., 2019), linked to infants’ emotional expression and self-soothing abilities (Rieker et al.,1998). Furthermore, father-infant interaction patterns and their effects on infant emotional regulation underscore the need for comprehensive investigations encompassing diverse family structures and parental roles, ultimately emphasizing further research into maternal and paternal dynamics with infants.

Additionally, studies often overlook minoritized groups such as African-American families. To our knowledge, there have only been two studies focusing on crosscultural differences in parent-child interactions, specifically using SFP (Li et al., 2019; Broesch et al., 2022); neither of the two studies centered on the experiences of African-American families. In their cross-cultural study focusing on Bolivian, Fijian, and Euro-American families, Broesch and colleagues (2022) suggested that their results demonstrated the need for further globalrepresentative research on infant emotion and parentinfant interactions. Thus, including African-American families in studies exploring the impact of parentchild interactions on infant emotional regulation development is crucial, as cultural influences and dynamics specific to African-American families need to be considered.

Research on mother-infant and father-infant interactions during the SFP has often neglected, considering the unique dynamics in African American families. However, studies focusing on AfricanAmerican families in other contexts have shown that parents’ interactions and emotional expression significantly influence children’s adjustment and wellbeing. Specifically, negative parenting behaviors, such as derogation, anger, unresponsiveness, dominance, and harshness, have been associated with poorer social outcomes (Cunningham et al., 2009). Conversely, caregivers who demonstrate welcoming, awareness, and supportive coaching of their sons’ emotions have been linked to better-adjusted boys. This highlights the influence of caregivers’ management and reactions to emotions on children’s emotional competence and well-being (Cunningham et al., 2009). Notably, the ability of males to control their emotions served as a protective factor in an urban African-American sample (Cunningham et al., 2009). These findings speak only to parent-child interactions outside the SFP. Thus, studies need to focus on African-American families and the dynamics that may occur during infancy.

QUEST C6

African-American parents employ a nuanced approach to emotional socialization, combining supportive and unsupportive practices to teach their children how to understand and regulate their emotions, particularly in racially charged situations where stifling emotions may be necessary for self-protection (Dunbar et al., 2017). Therefore, behaviors typically considered unsupportive, such as punishing and minimizing, may serve as suppression reactions that reflect the defensive objectives of African-American households (Dunbar et al., 2017). Given these cultural nuances and the potential disparities in emotional socialization practices, it is crucial to investigate whether differences exist in infants’ positive and negative responses during mother-infant versus father-infant interactions using the still-face paradigm among African American families. By examining these specific dynamics, we can better understand the influences on parentinfant interactions that support optimal emotional development in African-American infants.

Current Study In the current study, we aim to investigate differences in positive affect and parental responsiveness during the still-face paradigm in mother-infant versus fatherinfant interactions among African-American families.

We hypothesize that during mother-infant interactions, infants will display more positive affect during the reunion phase of the SFP compared to father-infant interactions. We also hypothesize that mothers will display more parental responsiveness during the reunion phase than fathers.

Methods Participant We aim to recruit 90 African-American families who have 6-month-old infants and reside in the New York metropolitan area. These families will be recruited from flyers on bulletin boards in local businesses (e.g., barbershops, corner stores, etc.), flyers in subway stations and bus stops, and online listings (e.g., craigslist, Facebook, etc.). The study will be conducted at the participant’s home and in a spacious area if possible.

Measures The Still-Face paradigm (SFP) will be used to measure infant behavior at six months of age with an adult in three phases: 1. Baseline: The parent will play with the infant without toys or pick them up from the high chair

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Parental order will be counterbalanced across participants in which some participants will complete the SFP first with the mother and then with the father.

infants to display more smiling, laughter, and relaxed posture with their mothers than their fathers. Regarding parental responsiveness during the reunion phase, we expect a significant difference in responsiveness from mothers compared to fathers. We expect mothers to respond more developmentally appropriately to the infant’s gestures and vocalizations compared to fathers.

Procedures

Discussion

This study aims to observe parent-child interactions in a controlled setting at the participant’s home. Each session will last for two days and involve one parent at a time. During the task, parents will be guided through three phases: baseline, reunion, and stillface. In the baseline and reunion phases, parents will interact with their children normally, while in the stillface phase, parents will be instructed to refrain from interacting with their infants. A research assistant will provide verbal instructions, allowing parents to seek clarification. Video recording will begin before the task commences. The first phase will involve a few minutes of natural play between the parent and child, followed by two minutes of the parent maintaining a neutral expression and not engaging with the child. Finally, the last phase will reintroduce play, but the parent will still not pick up the child or use any toys. The entire StillFace Procedure (SFP) will last 6 minutes in total. If the caregiver or infant finds the task too distressing, the research assistant will halt the procedure.

This study aims to contribute to understanding the parent-child dynamics during infancy by investigating the differences in positive affect and parental responsiveness during mother-infant versus fatherinfant interactions among African-American families.

Through this research, we seek to expand knowledge regarding the unique experiences of African-American families using the Still Face Paradigm (SFP) to examine how caregivers regulate their infant’s emotions. The anticipated results of the present study suggest that infants will display more positive affect during the reunion phase with mothers compared to fathers.

2. Still-face: The parent will show a neutral face to the infant and will be unresponsive (2 minutes).

3. Reunion: The parent will resume regular interaction (2 minutes).

Planned Analysis Following data collection, the videos will be coded using the Coding Interactive Behavior (CIB) coding scheme and Parental Respoveness Rating Scale (PaRRis) rating scale (see Appendix A for the CIB coding scheme and Appendix B for the PaRRis rating scale). The resulting scores will be utilized to compare the child’s positive affect and parental responsiveness during the reunion phase.

To analyze the hypotheses mentioned previously, we will be conducting two Student t-tests; 1. Child positive affect during the reunion with mothers compared to fathers.

2. Parental responsiveness during reunion with mothers compared to fathers.

Anticipated Results From the t-tests conducted, we expect a significant difference in infant positive affect during the reunion phase with mothers compared to fathers. We expect

Furthermore, maternal responsiveness during the reunion phase is expected to be higher than paternal responsiveness. Maternal responsiveness, characterized by appropriate and timely responses to infant cues and needs, positively influences the infant’s emotional well-being. This responsiveness from the mother may elicit more positive affect during interactions. We expect our results to show that mothers better at soothing their infants than fathers during the reunion phase. Thus, infants will display greater positive affect (i.e., more smiling, laughing, and relaxed posture) with their mothers than with their fathers. Previous research has shown several reasons infants may exhibit more positive affect with their mothers compared to their fathers during the SFP. Firstly, mothers are often perceived as more responsive and nurturing caregivers, which can further enhance the infant’s positive affect (Grossmann et al., 2002). The mother’s ability to display a wide range of positive emotions during interactions may contribute to the infant’s increased positive affect in the still-face paradigm.

Moreover, infants develop cognitive and emotional associations with their mothers based on experiences with their mothers during infancy, such as feeding and soothing (Feldman, 2007). Infants are also highly attuned to facial cues and emotional expressions (Tronick et al., 1978). These positive associations can influence the infant’s affective response during interactions with the mother. Thus, infants will display greater positive affect toward their mothers than their fathers in the

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QUEST C6

SFP due to factors such as familiarity, maternal-infant bonding, maternal responsiveness, expressive facial cues, and cognitive-emotional associations developed between mother and infant.

behaviors comfort and engage the infant, promoting the development of emotional self-regulation skills critical for navigating future socioemotional challenges (Reck et al., 2004).

In examining parental responsiveness, we expect to observe higher levels of responsiveness among mothers compared to fathers during the reunion phase. Studies have consistently shown that mothers tend to be more attuned to their infant’s cues, demonstrating quicker and more adaptive responses (Cunningham et al., 2009). When examining the dynamics of the Still-Face Paradigm (SFP), a research tool used to assess infant emotional regulation and parent-child interaction, maternal interactions frequently outshine paternal interactions, particularly during the reunion phase.

One reason for this phenomenon is the deep-rooted bond between mothers and infants. Mothers often spend more time with their infants during the early stages of development, most often due to the time spent breastfeeding, leading to heightened familiarity and a stronger emotional connection (Feldman, 2007).

This familiarity likely translates to a heightened ability to soothe and engage the infant during challenging situations, such as the still-face episode. The maternal role as a primary caregiver and nurturer further solidifies this bond, enabling mothers to understand better and respond to their infant’s emotional needs (Grossmann et al., 2002).

In the realm of father-infant interactions, Rieker et al.

(1998) shed light on the dynamic role fathers play in infant affect and affect regulation, particularly within the still-face paradigm. Fathers are frequently observed engaging in playful and stimulating interactions, fostering the development of exploration and curiosity in their infants. They often create an environment of excitement, encouraging infants to explore their surroundings and engage in physical activities that promote motor skill development.

Maternal interactions often benefit from greater experience and familiarity with infant care due to traditional gender roles and societal expectations, leading to heightened levels of responsiveness (Cabrera et al., 2000). First, research has highlighted the ability of mothers to interpret and decode their infant’s facial expressions and vocalizations more accurately than fathers (Li et al., 2019). This heightened sensitivity allows mothers to respond promptly and effectively to the infant’s emotional cues. Lastly, maternal intuition, often described as a deep understanding of the infant’s needs, may contribute to mothers’ higher level of responsiveness (Ramchandani et al., 2013).

On the other hand, although less emphasized within the literature, paternal-infant interactions are also highly influential in early childhood, uniquely contributing to emotional growth and regulation. Research has demonstrated that fathers’ responsiveness during the still-face paradigm plays a pivotal role in infants’ emotional regulation, fostering their ability to cope with and recover from transient distress (Ramchandani et al., 2013). Paternal engagement during this paradigm often manifests in a distinct pattern of responsiveness characterized by tactile play, dynamic facial expressions, and gentle vocalizations. These interactive

Additionally, during the reunion phase of the stillface paradigm, fathers contribute to reestablishing emotional connection (Rieker et al., 1998). Their interactions involve a unique blend of responsive behaviors, such as engaging in tickling or peek-a-boo games, which help soothe the infant and reaffirm the emotional bond ruptured during the still-face episode (Rieker et al., 1998). These interactions with fathers are pivotal in nurturing a child’s emotional resilience, fostering a sense of security, and facilitating the development of vital socioemotional skills. As fathers actively participate in these interactions, infants are offered a diverse range of stimuli, experiences, and emotional connections, collectively contributing to the multifaceted development of the child’s emotional and cognitive capacities.

The familiarity of paternal presence holds a noteworthy influence during the still-face episode.

Rieker et al. (1998) highlighted the importance of familiarity in father-infant interactions, indicating that infants’ responses to the still-face episode were influenced by their prior experiences and interactions with their fathers. This emphasizes that familiarity in the relationship, cultivated through consistent and responsive interactions, could contribute to a greater sense of emotional security and regulation for the infant during challenging situations like the SFP. Despite these compelling insights, paternal interactions in the still-face paradigm have received comparatively limited attention in research. Much of the literature has predominantly focused on mother-infant interactions within this paradigm. This knowledge gap underscores the need for more comprehensive investigations into the nuanced dynamics of paternal involvement, shedding light on fathers’ distinct contributions to their infants’ socioemotional development. Expanding research in this domain has the potential to enhance our understanding of the intricate interplay between

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fathers and infants, ultimately informing strategies to optimize early parent-infant interactions and bolster children’s emotional well-being.

Strengths & Limitations This proposed study has specific strengths that contribute to its significance and value. Firstly, this study adds to the existing body of literature by exploring potential differences in positive affect and parental responsiveness between mothers and fathers within the context of African-American families. By expanding the knowledge base on parent-infant interactions within African-American families, this research can provide valuable insights into understanding the dynamics and nuances of these interactions, contributing to a more comprehensive understanding of child development and family dynamics.

While this study aims to provide valuable insights, it is important to acknowledge its limitations. Firstly, the focus on African-American families in New York City may limit the generalizability of the findings to other cultural or ethnic groups. Caution should be exercised when extrapolating these results to families from different backgrounds, as cultural variations may influence parent-infant interactions. Another limitation is the focus on reactions during the reunion phase of the still-face paradigm, which does not capture the long-term effects or changes in parent-infant interactions over time. Incorporating longitudinal data would offer a more complete understanding of how these dynamics evolve and impact child development.

Lastly, the behavioral coding employed in this study was conducted globally, providing a broader rating of parent-infant interactions. While this approach offers a comprehensive perspective, utilizing micro-coding techniques could provide more detailed insights into specific behaviors and their implications.

Directions For Future Research Future research can shed light on the similarities and differences between mother-infant and fatherinfant interactions in other cultures and family dynamics. Thereby informing the development of tailored interventions to promote healthy parent-child relationships and support healthy infant emotional development. Future research can also explore the influences of attachment styles on the StillFace Paradigm (SFP) response and aim to include a larger sample size, micro coding, and consider other contextual factors such as socioeconomic status and education.

Furthermore,

researchers

could

employ

semi-

structured interviews to ask parents about their beliefs and practices in fostering infant emotional regulation development. Likewise, interviews can inquire about father-specific behaviors that encourage emotional regulation skills not considered or identified in current coding techniques, which were developed using mother-infant interactions as the model. Finally, the study focuses on the immediate reactions during the reunion phase of the still-face paradigm. It does not consider the long-term effects or changes in parentinfant interactions over time. Longitudinal data would provide a more comprehensive understanding of how parent-infant dynamics change across development.

Conclusion In conclusion, this study seeks to contribute to the existing literature by investigating positive affect and parental responsiveness within the SFP during motherinfant versus father-infant interactions among AfricanAmerican families. African-American families need more representation and focus in prior SFP research and parent-infant interaction research utilizing the SFP. This proposed study will inform our understanding of parent-infant dynamics in African-American families and contribute to developing culturally sensitive interventions that support optimal emotional development in African-American infants.

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References Braungart-Rieker, J., Garwood, M. M., Powers, B. P., & Notaro, P. C. (1998). Infant affect and affect regulation during the still-face paradigm with mothers and fathers: the role of infant characteristics and parental sensitivity.

Developmental Psychology, 34(6), 1428.

Braungart‐Rieker, J. M., Garwood, M. M., Powers, B. P., & Wang, X. (2001). Parental sensitivity, infant affect, and affect regulation: Predictors of later attachment. Child Development, 72(1), 252-270.

Braungart-Rieker, J. M., Zentall, S., Lickenbrock, D. M., Ekas, N. V., Oshio, T., & Planalp, E. (2014).

Attachment in the making: Mother and father sensitivity and infants’ responses during the Still-Face Paradigm. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 125, 63-84.

Broesch, T., Little, E. E., Carver, L. J., & Legare, C. H. (2022).

Still-face redux: Infant responses to a classic and modified still-face paradigm in proximal and distal care cultures. Infant Behavior and Development, 68, 101732.

Cabrera, N. J., Tamis-LeMonda, C. S., Bradley, R. H., Hofferth, S., & Lamb, M. E. (2000). Fatherhood in the twentyfirst century. Child Development, 71(1), 127-136.

Cunningham, J. N., Kliewer, W., & Garner, P. W. (2009).

Emotion socialization, child emotion understanding and regulation, and adjustment in urban African American families: Differential associations across child gender. Development and psychopathology, 21(1), 261-283.

Down, K., Levickis, P., Hudson, S., Nicholls, R., & Wake, M. (2014). Measuring maternal responsiveness in a community‐based sample of slow‐to‐talk toddlers: a cross-sectional study. Child: care, health and development, 41(2), 329-333.

Dunbar, A. S., Leerkes, E. M., Coard, S. I., Supple, A. J., & Calkins, S. (2017). An integrative conceptual model of parental racial/ethnic and emotion socialization and links to children’s social-emotional development among African American families.

Child Development Perspectives, 11(1), 16-22.

Feldman, R. “Coding interactive behavior (CIB) manual.”

Unpublished manuscript. Bar-Ilan University (1998).

Feldman, R. (2007). Parent-infant synchrony and the construction of shared timing; physiological precursors, developmental outcomes, and risk conditions. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 48(3-4), 329-354.

Grossmann, K., Grossmann, K. E., Fremmer-Bombik, E., Kindler, H., Scheuerer-Englisch, H., & Zimmermann, P. (2002). The uniqueness of the child-father attachment relationship: Fathers’ sensitive and challenging play as a pivotal variable in a 16-year longitudinal study. Social Development, 11(3), 307331.

Gunning, M., Halligan, S. L., & Murray, L. (2013).

Contributions of maternal and infant factors to infant responding to the Still Face paradigm: A longitudinal study. Infant Behavior and Development, 36(3), 319-328.

Haley, D. W., & Stansbury, K. (2003). Infant stress and parent responsiveness: Regulation of physiology and behavior during still‐face and reunion. Child Development, 74(5), 1534-1546.

Kogan, N., & Carter, A. S. (1996). Mother-infant reengagement following the still-face: The role of maternal emotional availability an infant affect regulation. Infant Behavior and Development, 19(3), 359-370.

Li, W., Woudstra, M. L. J., Branger, M. C., Wang, L., Alink, L. R., Mesman, J., & Emmen, R. A. (2019). The effect of the still‐face paradigm on infant behavior: A cross-cultural comparison between mothers and fathers. Infancy, 24(6), 893-910.

MacLean, P. C., Rynes, K. N., Aragón, C., Caprihan, A., Phillips, J. P., & Lowe, J. R. (2014). Mother–infant mutual eye gaze supports emotion regulation in infancy during the still-face paradigm. Infant Behavior and Development, 37(4), 512-522.

Mesman, J., van IJzendoorn, M. H., & Bakermans Kranenburg, M. J. (2009). The many faces of the Still-Face Paradigm: A review and meta-analysis.

Developmental Review, 29(2), 120-162.

Moore, G. A., Cohn, J. F., & Campbell, S. B. (2001). Infant affective responses to mother’s still face at 6 months differentially predict externalizing and internalizing behaviors at 18 months.

Developmental Psychology, 37(5), 706 Ramchandani, P. G., Domoney, J., Sethna, V., Psychogiou, L., Vlachos, H., & Murray, L. (2013). Do early father–infant interactions predict the onset of externalising behaviours in young children?

Findings from a longitudinal cohort study. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 54(1), 56-64.

Reck, C., Hunt, A., Fuchs, T., Weiss, R., Noon, A., Moehler, E., & Downing, G. (2004). Interactive regulation of affect in postpartum depressed mothers and their infants: An overview. Psychopathology, 37(6), 272280.

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Tronick, E. Z., Als, H., Adamson, L., Wise, S., & Brazelton, T. B. (1978). The infant’s response to entrapment between contradictory messages in face-to-face interaction. Journal of the American Academy of Child Psychiatry, 17(1), 1-13.

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Appendix A Coding Interactive Behavior (CIB) The CIB is a global rating scheme for coding adult-infant interactions for infants aged 2 to 36 months. The coding scheme consists of 43 scales, of which 22 are adult scales, 16 are child scales, and 5 are dyadic scales. These scales address the global nature and flow of the sessions and each partner’s interactive involvement and individual style. Coding will be conducted after observing the entire session and reflecting the observer’s judgment regarding the relative specific behaviors, the nature of affective/ attentive states, and the reciprocity and adaptation between interacting partners. For the coding, each behavioral code will be coded on a 5-point scale. Generally, one (1) implies a minimal level of specific behavior or attitude, and five (5) implies a maximum level (Feldman, 1998). In the parent scales, we will examine parental gaze, which is the focus of the mother’s/father’s attention on the child during the joint activity. The behavior will be coded as follows: 1.

2.

3.

Parent gaze is rarely focused on the child or on the object of joint attention. The parent shifts his/her gaze and attention away from the child frequently. The parent may gaze at someone else (husband, examiner), try to do something or look at the floor, wall, or mirror.

The parent focuses on the child for about half of the observation.

Parent gaze is consistently focused on the child or an object of joint attention.

Another parental behavior we will code for is positive affect which is the parent expressing warmth and emotional openness throughout the interaction. Positive affect is expressed by relaxed body posture, warm tone of voice, frequent smiles or laughter, and happy facial expressions.

The behavior will be coded as follows: 1.

2.

3.

Very little or no parental warmth and positive affect are expressed throughout the interaction. Parental affect may be withdrawal, depression, anger, or anxiety.

Warm and positive affect is expressed occasionally but not consistently.

The parent is consistently positive and warm to the child.

Child gaze and positive and negative affect will be examined for the child scales. In early infancy, the child’s gaze is consistently focused on the parent. At a later stage, the child’s gaze may also be directed to an object of joint attention. The child’s gaze behavior will be coded as follows: 1.

2.

The child’s gaze is averted and is not focused on a parent or on the object of joint attention. (For instance, the child distances him/herself from the parent and plays alone, looks at the TV and not at mom, etc.)

Note: If the mom joins the child’s activity and the child remains focused on the joint activity, score higher.

Child gaze is occasionally focused on the parent or on the object of joint attention. About 50% of the time in joint attention or social gaze to the mother will score 3.

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3.

QUEST C6

The child looks at the parent or at the object of joint attention throughout the interaction.

Child positive affect will be associated with child laughter, smiling, vocalizing, and appearing relaxed and secure. The behavior will be coded as follows: 1.

2.

3.

No positive affect is observed. The child may be dull or fussy throughout the interaction.

The child shows occasional bouts of positive affect, but positive emotionality is not expressed consistently.

The child’s affect is positive, warm, and relaxed throughout the observation.

Lastly, child negative emotionality (negative affect) is when the child expresses crying, fussing, angry expressions, or angry words and rejection toward the parent. The behavior will be coded as follows: 1.

2.

3.

The child shows no negative affect, and it is not observed throughout the interaction.

The child expresses negative affect occasionally but is consolable and can self-regulate.

The child is consistently negative, cries without selfregulation, and the parent’s consoling efforts are unsuccessful

Appendix B Parental Responsiveness Rating Scale (PaRRiS) Parental responsiveness utilizing the Parental Responsiveness Rating Scale (PaRRiS) (Down et al., 2014).

Here parental responsiveness is assessed as parent behavior contingent on infant vocalizations or facial expressions. These behaviors are considered regardless of whether the infant is attending to the parent or not or whether the infant is happy or upset. For example, if an infant directs a curious facial expression toward the parent and responds with a happy facial expression or raised eyebrow, this is coded as the parent is responsive to the infant’s behavior. Another example is when the parent amplifies the infant’s self-soothing sounds, even though the infant may be looking away from the parent. If the infant is upset, the parent might respond in a way that matches the infant’s gestures in an exaggerated expression but then modulates the infant’s negative affect (Haley & Stansbury, 2003).

The codes that will be used to score parental responsiveness (PaRRis) are as follows: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Very low - Parent rarely responds in a developmentally appropriate way either verbally or nonverbally to any of the child’s gestures or verbalizations, and parent attempts to redirect child’s behavior, rather than following child’s interests.

Low- The parent occasionally responds in a developmentally appropriate way, either verbally or nonverbally, to the child’s gestures or verbalizations, and/or the parent spends more time attempting to redirect the child’s behavior than following the child’s interest.

Moderate - The parent spends some time responding in a developmentally appropriate way, either verbally or nonverbally, to the child’s gestures or verbalizations and sometimes ignores them, and/or the parent spends equal time following the child’s interest and redirecting the child’s behavior.

High - The parent often responds in a developmentally appropriate way, either verbally or nonverbally, to the child’s gestures or verbalizations, and/or the parent spends more time following the child’s interest than redirecting the child’s behavior.

Very high - The parent frequently responds in a developmentally appropriate way, either verbally or nonverbally, to the child’s gestures or verbalizations, and the parent does not attempt to redirect the child’s focus from the current activity but follows the child’s interests.

Social Support and Familism: Potential Associations for Latina Mothers During COVID-19 Tahlya Holness

F

amilism is a cultural value that emphasizes the importance of family and includes attitudinal and behavioral components that shape family dynamics (Hernández & Bámaca-Colbert, 2016; Silva & Campos, 2019). The most widely used conception of attitudinal familism comprises three values: familial obligation, perceived support from family, and the family as referents (Sabogal et al., 1987). A more recent conception of attitudinal familism, which will be the basis of this research, posits that attitudinal familism is comprised of four interconnected values: subjugation of self for family, familial interconnectedness, familial support, and familial honor (Steidel & Contreras, 2003). On the other hand, the behavioral component of familism refers to the behaviors that reflect the values expressed in attitudinal familism (Cahill et al., 2021). While both forms of familism are important, the attitudinal component and its potential benefits for well-being have primarily been the focus of the literature (Cahill et al., 2021).

Familism is an essential part of collectivist cultures and is demonstrated to be more prevalent in Latino/ Hispanic communities than in non-Hispanic white communities (Silva & Campos, 2019). Research suggests that familism may promote psychological adjustment in Latino youth, such that valuing the components of familism leads to youth and parents engaging in behaviors reflective of it (Hernández & Bámaca-Colbert, 2016; Cahill et al., 2021). Familism has also been viewed as protective against psychological distress, but research on how it does so is mixed (Volpert-Esmond et al., 2023). Across two meta-analyses, authors found a negative association between familism and internalizing outcomes (e.g., depression, anxiety, social withdrawal) (Nikstat & Riemann, 2020; Willner et al., 2016), meaning higher familism was associated with lower internalizing outcomes (Valdivieso-Mora & Peet, 2016; Cahill et al., 2021). Only one of these studies found a significant negative association between familism and externalizing outcomes (e.g., aggression, hyperactivity, oppositionality) (Nikstat & Riemann, 2020; Willner et al., 2016), such that higher familism was associated with lower externalizing outcomes (Cahill et al., 2021). Endorsing familism may have led to these results by instilling the belief that one should be a positive reflection of one’s family and providing the

sense that one can turn to family for support (Cahill et al., 2021). Therefore, the current study will more specifically explore the relationship between familism and social support.

Social support refers to the resources perceived to be available to an individual in formal and informal relationships, not including those provided by professionals (Gottlieb & Bergen, 2010). Research suggests that social support mediates the relationship between familism and psychological health, meaning that endorsing familism is associated with higher perceived social support, which is then associated with better psychological health (Campos et al., 2014).

This finding is understandable, as previous research suggests that social support has protective effects on mental health, while isolation can damage one’s mental health (Almeida et al., 2009).

The impact of isolation was a crucial consideration during the COVID-19 pandemic. The ongoing pandemic has disproportionately impacted health and economic factors among minoritized communities, exacerbating pre-existing inequities (Tai et al., 2022; Geranios et al., 2022; Perry et al., 2021). One such community was the Latino community, which was three times more likely than non-Hispanic whites to contract COVID-19, almost two times more likely to die from it than non-Hispanic whites (Oppel et al., 2020), and died at younger ages than non-Hispanic whites (Bassett et al., 2020). Lowincome Black and Latina women were also impacted

by COVID-19 through increased unemployment rates and lack of access to quality medical care (Connor et al., 2020). However, systemic factors may not have been the only concern at this time. Parents of young children who lived in low-income households, had lower levels of educational attainment, were unemployed, or had a migrant background were more likely to report insufficient perceived social support (Fierloos et al., 2022).

Additionally, the number of pregnant women experiencing adverse mental health outcomes was significantly higher after the onset of the pandemic than pre-pandemic (Berthelot et al., 2020), likely in part due to the reduced social support reported resulting from lockdown and social distancing orders (Zhou et al., 2021). These additional stressors experienced by

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QUEST C6

women of color, in combination with the naturally occurring stress during the pre-and postnatal period, could potentially lead to adverse mental health outcomes (Zhou et al., 2021; Connor et al., 2020). Thus, the current study will focus on Latina mothers during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Much of the research on familism is related to how familism differs between racial and ethnic groups and its impact on psychological health. However, research on differential familism endorsement within an ethnic group is limited. Thus, the current study aims to explore the factors associated with Latina mothers endorsing familism during the COVID-19 pandemic, specifically examining connections among socioeconomic status, perceived social support, and endorsing familism.

Exploring how these constructs are related can provide a better understanding of what needs are not being met and what supports might best serve the Latino community.

Participants

Methods

The sample included in this study will be composed of participants recruited as part of the Maternal Affect, Resilience, and Experiences of Adversity study (MAREA), which aimed to understand the experiences of Latina mothers during the COVID-19 pandemic. To be considered for the study, participants had to identify as Latina and be pregnant or have a child under three years old. Sixty-eight pregnant and postpartum Latina women living in the New York metropolitan area were recruited, all of whom were considered in this study for a sample size of 68. Participants (Mage = 31.66, SDage = 5.194, minage = 19, maxage = 42) on average had an annual income of $74,305.37 (SD= 82,622.012, min=1,000 max= 450,000) (Table 1). With regards to maternal education, 8.8% of participants had less than a high school diploma, 27.9% had a high school diploma, 8.8% had some college education, 11.8% had an Associate’s degree, 23.5% had a Bachelor’s degree, 14.7% had a Master’s degree or postgraduate education, and 4.4% of participants had a Doctoral degree. Regarding marital status, 79.4% of mothers were married or partnered, 13.2% were single, 5.9% were divorced or separated, and 1.5% had other arrangements. These mothers had a wide variety of Latin American countries as their country of origin, including the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and mixed origins.

Data Collection Procedure Data for this study will come from the MAREA study, a mixed methods study, which employed a semi-

structured interview protocol. Interviews were recorded and conducted over Zoom, lasting roughly 45 minutes (min=25, max=123) between August 2020 to December 2020. Participants were recruited through social media or a database with past research participants.

Measures Socioeconomic status Demographic information, including variables related to socioeconomic status, such as highest level of education, marital status, type of employment, and annual household income, were reported by all participants. In this study, the only measure of socioeconomic status we used was annual household income.

Familism The attitudinal familism scale includes 18 items (α = .83) to assess the four main components of attitudinal familism as proposed by Steidel and Contreras (2003): subjugation of self for family (α = .56), familial interconnectedness (α= .69), familial support (α = .72), and familial honor (α = .68). Items were measured on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) (e.g. “A person should rely on his or her family if the need arises”). The composite score indicates the degree of attitudinal familism endorsement, with higher scores indicating a higher sense of familism.

Social Support The 8-item Medical Outcomes Study (MOS) Social Support Survey is a modification of the 19-item survey (α = .97) that measures functional social support along scales: emotional/informational (α = .96), tangible (α = .92), affectionate (α = .91), and positive social interaction (α = .94) (Sherbourne & Stewart, 1991). Items were measured on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (none of the time) to 5 (all of the time) (e.g., “Someone who understands your problems”). The composite score indicates the degree of perceived social support, with a higher score indicating higher perceived social support.

Data Analysis Procedure To explore factors associated with familism, we will examine the associations between socioeconomic status (SES), perceived social support, and endorsing familism. First, we ran descriptive statistics on the variables of interest: perceived social support and familism. To develop a preliminary understanding of

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the associations between our variables of interest, we ran Bivariate Pearson’s correlations for income against social support and familism as well as for social support and familism.

Then, to examine group differences regarding familism, we conducted independent samples t-tests. The first set of t-tests was for SES, regarding differences in familism and perceived social support, with mothers divided into low and high-SES groups based on income. Mothers with annual household incomes less than $80,000 were assigned to the low-income group, and mothers with annual incomes greater than $80,000 were assigned to the high-income group. The second set of t-tests were for perceived social support regarding differences in familism and income, with mothers divided into low and high social support groups. In order to divide the sample into these groups, we did a median split in which mothers with average perceived social support scores less than 4.13 were assigned to the low social support group, while mothers with average scores of 4.13 or greater were assigned to the high social support group. A final set of t-tests tested group differences on the four themes of familism (subjugation of self for family, familial interconnectedness, familial support, and familial honor), with mothers divided into the same groupings from the previous t-tests, high versus low SES, and social support. All analyses were done with IBM SPSS. Results Descriptive Statistics Descriptive statistics for our variables of interest: perceived social support and familism are in Table 2, and correlations among variables are in Table 3. We found a non-significant correlation between familism endorsement and perceived social support (r = -.012, p =.921). We also found no significant correlation between income and familism endorsement (r = -.129, p = .299) (See Table 3). Some unanticipated results were significant negative correlations between perceived social support and the value of familial honor (r = -.259, p = .033), maternal education and the value of familial honor (r = -.309, p =.010), and income and the value of familial honor (r = -.276, p = .024) (See Table 3).

Familism: Between Group Findings For our t-tests, Table 4 shows no mean differences between the high and low perceived social support groups regarding endorsing familism or any of its four themes. Similarly, Table 5 shows no mean differences between the high and low-income groups regarding familism endorsement or endorsement of any of

its four themes. On the other hand, Table 5 shows a significant mean difference between high (M =4.330, SD =.510) and low (M =3.598, SD = .968) (t(64.868) = -4.049, p= .001) income groups regarding social support, with the high-income group reporting higher perceived social support.

Discussion This study aimed to explore the relationship between socioeconomic status, social support, and the cultural value of familism during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Unlike Campos et al. (2014), who found a significant positive correlation between familism endorsement and perceived social support, we found no significant associations between perceived social support, familism endorsement, and income. Despite these non-significant results, we cannot conclude that these variables are not associated. Our results may be partly due to limited sample size, thus reducing our statistical power and the likelihood of observing differences.

Our results did find that income and perceived social support were significantly negatively correlated with the value of familial honor. As income and perceived social support increased, one’s belief in familial honor decreased. This may indicate that within the Latino population, there is a differential endorsement of the values within familism that may be context-specific (Sabogal et al., 1987). Looking closer at the items within the familial honor subscale, the items “Children should live with their parents until they get married” and “Children younger than 18 should give almost all their earnings to their parents” may suggest a financial obligation to one’s family and reduced financial freedom. Because of these implications, lower-income individuals may be the primary beneficiaries if these beliefs are endorsed within one’s family. However, as income increases, one’s expected financial obligation to one’s family may increase while one’s financial freedom decreases, thus making individuals with higher incomes less likely to endorse these beliefs. A variable not examined here, acculturation could have also impacted our outcomes. As Latinas navigate the dominant culture in the United States, they may maintain their belief in familism but selectively endorse the values within familism (Sabogal et al., 1987). As they navigate the dominant culture, they create new social networks outside their families (Fierloos et al., 2022), thus increasing their social support, which may reduce the importance of specific familism values (Sabogal et al., 1987).

A limitation of the present analysis was the exclusive use of quantitative scale measures. Scales alone may have yet to capture the depth of these mothers’ experiences

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and beliefs, therefore overlooking valuable information on how mothers experienced and have come to understand social support and familism, a pair of highly subjective concepts, during this time of crisis.

Adding a qualitative component would have allowed us to understand (1) whether the scales used reflected how they define familism and social support and (2) why these mothers may or may not endorse certain values within familism.

Thus, future research should explore qualitatively how Latina women define or conceptualize familism for themselves if it presents differently during times of crisis, and if this may differ based on their degrees of separation from their culture of origin. Asking questions such as “How did you demonstrate that family is important to you during the pandemic? Was this similar or different compared to before the pandemic? If so, how?” and “How did your family demonstrate that you are important to them during the pandemic? Was this similar or different compared to before the pandemic?

If so, how?” may give participants the space to explore these topics. Future research should also employ a mixed methods design to explore how Latina women’s conceptualization of familism develops throughout their lifespan as their needs and responsibilities change.

While the main topics of this study, perceived social support, socioeconomic status, and familism endorsement, were not found to have significant associations, this study provides a basis for future research. With the understanding that familism and social support are valuable resources and protective of mental health, leveraging them to benefit underserved communities is valuable. With further research, we can get closer to developing culturally congruent community and family-based services that empower Latinos to seek assistance in times of crisis.

References Almeida, J., Molnar, B. E., Kawachi, I., & Subramanian, S. V. (2009). Ethnicity and nativity status as determinants of perceived social support: testing the concept of familism. Social science & medicine (1982), 68(10), 1852–1858.

Bassett, M. T., Chen, J. T., & Krieger, N. (2020).

Variation in racial/ethnic disparities in COVID-19 mortality by age in the United States: A cross-sectional study. PLoS medicine, 17(10), e1003402.

Cahill, K. M., Updegraff, K. A., Causadias, J. M., & Korous, K. M. (2021). Familism values and adjustment among Hispanic/Latino individuals: A systematic review and metaanalysis. Psychological bulletin, 147(9), 947– 985.

Campos, B., Ullman, J. B., Aguilera, A., & Dunkel Schetter, C. (2014). Familism and psychological health: the intervening role of closeness and social support. Cultural diversity & ethnic minority psychology, 20(2), 191–201.

Connor, J., Madhavan, S., Mokashi, M., Amanuel, H., Johnson, N. R., Pace, L. E., & Bartz, D. (2020).

Health risks and outcomes that disproportionately affect women during the Covid-19 pandemic: A review. Social science & medicine (1982), 266, 113364.

Fierloos, I. N., Windhorst, D. A., Fang, Y., Jonkman, H., Crone, M. R., Hosman, C. M. H., Tan, S. S., & Raat, H. (2022). Socio-demographic characteristics associated with perceived social support among parents of children aged 0-7 years: the CIKEO study. BMC public health, 22(1), 2441.

Geranios, K., Kagabo, R., & Kim, J. (2022). Impact of COVID-19 and Socioeconomic Status on Delayed Care and Unemployment. Health equity, 6(1), 91–97.

Gottlieb, B. H., & Bergen, A. E. (2010). Social support concepts and measures. Journal of psychosomatic research, 69(5), 511–520.

Hernández, M. M., & Bámaca-Colbert, M. Y. (2016). A Behavioral Process Model of Familism. Journal of family theory & review, 8(4), 463–483.

Nikstat, A., & Riemann, R. (2020). On the etiology of internalizing and externalizing problem behavior: A Perry, B.L., Aronson, B. and Pescosolido, B.A. (2021) ‘Pandemic precarity: COVID-19 is exposing and exacerbating inequalities in the American heartland’, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 118(8).

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Oppel R. A., Gebeloff R., Lai K. R., Wright W., Smith M. (2020). The fullest look yet at the racial inequity of coronavirus. New York Times. https://www. nytimes.com/interactive/2020/07/05/us/ coronavirus-latinos-african-americans-cdc-data. html

Table 1

Perry, B.L., Aronson, B. and Pescosolido, B.A. (2021) ‘Pandemic precarity: COVID-19 is exposing and exacerbating inequalities in the American heartland’, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 118(8).

Sabogal, F., Marín, G., Otero-Sabogal, R., Marín, B. V., & Perez-Stable, E. J. (1987). Hispanic Familism and Acculturation: What Changes and What Doesn’t?

Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 9(4), 397–412.

Sherbourne, C. D., & Stewart, A. L. (1991). The MOS social support survey. Social science & medicine, 32(6), 705–714.

Steidel, A. G. L., & Contreras, J. M. (2003). A New Familism Scale for Use with Latino Populations. Hispanic journal of behavioral sciences, 25(3), 312–330.

Tai, D. B. G., Sia, I. G., Doubeni, C. A., & Wieland, M. L. (2022).

Disproportionate Impact of COVID-19 on Racial and Ethnic Minority Groups in the United States: a 2021 Update. Journal of racial and ethnic health disparities, 9(6), 2334–2339.

Valdivieso-Mora, E., Peet, C. L., Garnier-Villarreal, M., SalazarVillanea, M., & Johnson, D. K. (2016). A Systematic Review of the Relationship between Familism and Mental Health Outcomes in Latino Population. Frontiers in psychology, 7, 1632.

Volpert-Esmond, H. I., Marquez, E. D., & Camacho, A. A. (2023). Family relationships and familism among Mexican Americans on the U.S.-Mexico border during the COVID-19 pandemic. Cultural diversity & ethnic minority psychology, 29(2), 145–151.

Willner, C. J., Gatzke-Kopp, L. M., & Bray, B. C. (2016). The dynamics of internalizing and externalizing comorbidity across the early school years.

Development and psychopathology, 28(4pt1), 1033–1052.

Zhou, J., Havens, K. L., Starnes, C. P., Pickering, T. A., Brito, N. H., Hendrix, C. L., Thomason, M. E., Vatalaro, T. C., & Smith, B. A. (2021). Changes in social support of pregnant and postnatal mothers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Midwifery, 103, 103162.

Sample Characteristics (N=68) Characteristics

M

SD

Range

Age

31.66

5.194

19-42

Income

74,305.37

86,622.01

1,000450,000

Maternal Edu (Yrs)

13.90

3.682

0-21

(N%)

Maternal Edu Less than HS

8.8

HS

27.9

Some College

8.8

Associates

11.8

Bachelor’s

23.5

Masters/ Postgraduate

14.7

Doctoral

4.4

Table 2 Perceived Social Support and Familism Descriptives (N = 68) M

SD

Range

Perceived Social Support

3.872

.900

1.25-5

Familism

3.48

.511

2.44-4.61

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Table 3 Correlations

Table 4 Results of Independent Samples T-Test between High and Low Perceived Social Support Groups

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Table 5 Results of Independent Samples T-Test between High and Low Income Groups

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QUEST 2

Intergroup Conflict and Social Change Lab PI: Rezarta Bilali Mentor: Micaela Varela This lab seeks to understand the influence of group identities on intergroup conflict, and the psychological underpinnings of conflict narratives, specifically focusing on group members’ denial or acknowledgment of past collective violence, the factors that drive denial narratives, and strategies to address these narratives.

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Changing the Narrative: How Historical Narratives Impact Collective Memory Stephanie Medina

C

ollective memory does not often have a singular definition due to its malleability in being perceived as other forms of memory or as a social phenomenon (Schwartz, 1996). Collective memory is somewhere between one, composed of individual memories, and two, social frameworks that shape how we remember and interpret historical events and figures (Beim, 2007). Due to its influence on society, collective memory has often been studied through a psychological and political lens for one of its impacts on group identity (Verovsek, 2016). However, it is not the only concept that can influence how historical events, individuals, and groups are remembered in our present-day society.

Historical narratives are interpretive frames used to represent the past in the present (Freel & Bilali, 2022).

How we remember certain events or movements in society can be directly tied to the historical narrative attached to them, framing them in a particular light that influences how we feel and remember them, if we do at all. Both historical narratives and collective memory revolve around how we remember and interpret the past based on present-day frameworks.

Historical narratives can influence collective identity and impact people’s responses to collective action (Freel & Bilali, 2022). The power of a historical narrative lies in its ability to impact how we remember a particular event or movement. The effectiveness of historical narratives is an area in which more research still needs to be done. Knowing that collective memory is influenced by socio-political frameworks (Molden, 2016), examining how historical narratives play a role in that influence may better lead to society being able to recognize and question why a particular group, event, or movement is being showcased with that particular narrative. The relationship between historical narratives of an event or movement and the resulting collective memory must be further explored to determine its full extent of an effect, if any, on collective memory as a whole.

There are multiple types of historical narratives, but for this study, we will focus on progressive and long-standing injustice (stasis) narratives, as they have been understudied even though they have been shown to be influential (Foster et al., 2016).

Progressive narratives are historical narratives that paint a particular group’s struggles as improving over time (Freel & Bilali, 2022). This positive framework affects how people remember and feel regarding that particular event and their collective identity regarding that group’s struggles or achievements (Jackson, 2018).

It typically results in more positive feelings of ingroup belonging and more positive associations with that achievement or historical event. On the other hand, stasis narratives paint a particular group’s struggles as remaining the same over time with no improvements.

A stasis narrative influences collective action and whether or not that group will continue to fight against injustice and perceive these struggles as a simple setback or give up and accept defeat, with less potential for group remobilization in the future (Beckwith, 2015).

How these two historical narratives may influence collective memory has yet to be explored - the current proposal will aim to fill this gap.

The Split view of Gender Inequality in the United States Narrowing in on one specific group’s struggles allows an in-depth investigation of historical narratives and collective memory. The current study will focus on the fight for gender equality. Gender inequality in the United States is often controversial due to the split many Americans have in their views on the progress or lack thereof of gender rights in the US. Women make up half of the United States population, yet they have had to fight and work for their voices to be heard throughout history with varying degrees of success. Women’s movements began in the late 1800s to advocate for their rights to vote, own property, and be allowed to work and earn just as much as men.

With it taking decades even to achieve the right to vote, women’s movements have been considered successes and failures in their respective times.

One such movement that has been hailed as a great success is the passing of the Equal Pay Act 1963. This law prohibited wage discrimination against anyone regardless of gender, and due to this, many Americans believe gender inequality in the workforce and, in general, to be a thing of the past. However, even today, women are still not paid equally as men, with white women making 83.7% of what a man makes regardless of education, skill level, or age and women of color making even less (Horowitz & Igielnik, 2020). Even their

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bodily autonomy is questioned in the modern-day arguments for abortion rights. How these struggles are framed through historical narratives can impact how people perceive and respond to the women’s movements, both previously and currently.

In present-day America, studies have shown that when presented with a more progressive narrative, more people believe the women’s movement succeeded in the United States (Spoor & Schmitt, 2011). Women who display perpetual ingroup victimhood have a higher chance of believing a long-standing injustice narrative regarding women’s standing in society (Schori-Eyal et al., 2017). Research has examined many viewpoints regarding historical narratives’ effect on women and their respective movements. However, it has not examined how historical narratives affect collective memory revolving around women’s movements for the general population.

The proposed study will help fill the literature gap surrounding historical narratives’ effect on collective memory for women’s movements of the general population. It will help build on and highlight the strength of historical narratives and how certain events or movements are remembered in a certain way. Further, it will explore how using a particular historical narrative relates to how we remember and feel about certain movements and historical figures.

We hypothesize that a more progressive narrative will lead to a more positive recollection of women’s movements in American history than a long-standing injustice narrative.

Methods The present study seeks to understand how a progressive or stasis narrative affects collective memory regarding women’s movements in the US. The study will focus on participants’ responses describing historical female figures in the United States after reading news articles written in either a progressive or stasis narrative to determine its effect on collective memory for women’s movements. This study will be piloted beforehand to measure comprehension of all questions and materials and the correct implementation of the manipulations.

Participants 150 undergraduate and graduate students will be recruited online through Qualtrics in exchange for earned credits or other compensation. All ethnicities, races, and genders, ages 18–65, will be allowed to participate. All participants were provided information about the study to obtain informed consent and debriefed at the end of the questionnaire.

Procedure Participants would be exposed to either a progressive news article or a stasis (long-standing injustice) news article regarding women’s movements in the US and then asked an open-ended question in a freeresponse questionnaire created to measure collective memory about selecting a historical female figure and describing their impact on Women’s rights in the US for a child to understand. This format will allow us to examine how a particular narrative affects how they describe a historical figure and if it impacts the frequency of positive words used to describe historical female figures in the United States concerning the women’s movement. This approach will be a proxy on how to measure collective memory, as it will help us to understand different characterizations of historical figures relevant to the women’s movement in the US and if the characterization is linked to the framing of the women’s movement in general.

Measures A free-response questionnaire was created to gauge participants’ collective memory after reading news articles written in either a progressive or stasis historical narrative. Participants were asked to respond to an open-ended question: “Suppose a nephew or niece about 14 years old had just asked you to mention a historical woman and explain what she has done for women’s rights. What would you say in just a few words?” This measurement was created by Schuman, Schwartz, and D’Arcy (2005) for a collective memory study regarding Christopher Columbus; however, it has been modified to reflect the current study’s topic regarding women’s movements. A short demographic questionnaire will also be administered to collect participants’ age, gender, race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic background.

Proposed Analyses The open-ended responses will be coded and analyzed to determine if the frequency of positive words used to describe women would increase among those in the progressive condition group compared to the stasis condition group. A t-test will be administered to compare the two groups’ responses and see which group used more positive words according to their respective narratives. A multinomial logistic regression will also be applied to the data to account for cohort variances as well as gender. Further analysis may be conducted after reviewing the preliminary results.

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Expected Results We hypothesize that a more progressive narrative would lead to a more positive recollection regarding women’s rights and standing in America. We expect that the group exposed to the more progressive narrative will have more positive words when recounting female historical figures in relation to the women’s movement compared to the group exposed to the stasis narrative.

For the multinomial logistic regression, we expect that female participants used more positive descriptives than male participants and that younger participants overall used more positive adjectives regardless of the condition.

Using these two statistical methods, we expect to find a direct correlation between the progressive narrative group having more positive words included in the free-write section compared to the stasis narrative group. These results support our hypothesis that a more progressive narrative leads to a more positive recollection of female historical figures in relation to the women’s movement in America and that a stasis narrative leads to a less positive recollection. These results also demonstrate that a specific historical narrative would significantly affect how people remember and recall certain groups standing and progress in America, in this case, women’s rights.

Historical narratives can also be used as support to further counter-narratives for particular groups or movements. Counter-narratives are narratives used by minority groups to detail their experiences and stories that are often neglected or told differently in mainstream narratives. The type of narrative used, such as a progressive narrative instead of a stasis narrative, can help support the group’s standing and image in mainstream media. More research on counter-narratives and their resulting impact on collective memory regarding the group, movement, or historical figure must be undertaken to demonstrate their effectiveness and determine what other factors influence people’s recollection of the group, movement, or historical figure.

This study aims to determine if a direct relationship exists between historical narratives and their effect on collective memory. We hypothesized that a more progressive narrative would lead to a more positive recollection of women’s movements in the United States than a stasis narrative. Thus, this study would contribute to the gap in literature examining the effect of historical narratives on the general public’s collective memory of a minority group’s movements.

When discussing historical narratives, it is imperative to discuss who uses the particular narrative and for what purpose. Media and journalism often have two waves of reporting events or movements, the first being when the event or movement is just taking place, and they are reporting with limited information, which is, unfortunately, the memory most people have of certain events (Twomey, 2004). Nevertheless, the second wave is when the event or movement has passed, and journalists and researchers can reflect on the event or movement with a particular lens to publish more in-depth information on other factors that were previously unknown or neglected. Specific narratives may then arise in these second waves of publications depending on whether the group’s efforts were realized, influencing the framing certain media assigns these movements. This can, in turn, influence the general public’s recollection and feelings attached to that movement, which can then influence the group’s standing in society. Considering who uses historical narratives is an important implication in this study and one that must be further examined in the future to determine if different sources have different effects on people’s collective memories.

Expected results would support this hypothesis and showcase that a more progressive narrative would increase the frequency of positive words used to describe female historical figures regarding women’s movements in America. This finding supports the current body of literature that showcases how a more progressive narrative leads to increased feelings of collective identity and progressive views regarding that group (Jackson, 2018). Stasis narratives would be found to lead to less use of positive words regarding people’s memories regarding women’s movements (Beckwith, 2015); however, further research should examine whether it actively leads to more negative words being used to describe past minority groups’ movements or figures.

Another important group that must be considered for using historical narratives is group members who are a part of the minority group. They must realize when these narratives are at play in order to choose the most appropriate response to either facilitate that narrative further or counter it with another narrative to shift people’s perceptions and memories of the event before it becomes solidified in history. In our modernday society, social media also plays a critical role in disseminating particular narratives regarding specific movements or minority groups. More than ever before, these groups now have a chance to perpetuate their mainstream narrative portrayed of them in society or counter it with a more progressive narrative to showcase how far they have come. They can empower themselves

Discussion

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QUEST C6

to recognize that their group achieved success before so they can do so again. Determining whether historical narratives published by general media or activist groups differ in their impact on how people remember specific events or movements must be further studied to see their implications.

While this study expects to find a significant relationship between a more progressive narrative and the number of positive words used to recall a group’s movement, it does so by using a question that asks about a historical figure as a proxy for collective memory. Future research should be done on a more direct approach to measuring and collecting collective memory. How collective memory is defined may also be expanded upon based on this study, such as cohort memory and whether ingroup bias affects remembrance more than outgroup individuals. This study focused on women’s movements and viewed through a gendered lens; future studies may focus on other aspects of identity revolving around minority figures and examine how historical narratives influence memory surrounding those aspects. As more and more research is being conducted on this topic, practitioners and activists for minority groups should consider incorporating historical narratives into rallying and memorializing their group’s efforts and broadcasting their viewpoint onto media to perpetuate a narrative that best suits their needs.

This study emphasizes the importance of recognizing how historical narratives are used to specific groups standing and progressing in America. As well as helping people from those groups either further their progressive narratives or provide counter-narratives for mass media’s general stasis narratives of their group. This study can also help encourage the general public to become more critical of the media they consume and to examine what narratives are used concerning certain groups’ efforts and movements in society, who may be perpetuating these narratives, and what they might stand to gain from doing so.

References Beckwith, K. (2015). Narratives of Defeat: Explaining the effects of loss in social movements. The Journal of Politics, 77(1), 2–13.

Beim, A. (2007). The Cognitive Aspects of Collective Memory.

Symbolic Interaction, 30(1), 7–26.

Brockmeier, J. (2002). Remembering and Forgetting: Narrative as Cultural Memory. Culture & Psychology, 8(1), 15–43.

Freel, S. H., & Bilali, R. (2022). Putting the past into action: How historical narratives shape participation in collective action. European Journal of Social Psychology, 52(1), 204–222.

Horowitz, J. M., & Igielnik, R. (2020). A century after women gained the right to vote, majority of Americans see work to do on gender equality. Pew Research Center, 7.

Molden, B. (2016). Resistant pasts versus mnemonic hegemony: On the power relations of collective memory. Memory Studies, 9(2), 125–142.

Schori-Eyal, N., Klar, Y., & Ben‐Ami, Y. (2017). Perpetual ingroup victimhood as a distorted lens: Effects on attribution and categorization. European Journal of Social Psychology, 47(2), 180-194.

Schwartz, B. (1996). Memory as a Cultural System: Abraham Lincoln in World War II. American Sociological Review, 61(5), 908–927.

Schuman, H., Schwartz, B., & D’Arcy, H. (2005). Elite Revisionists and Popular Beliefs: Christopher Columbus, Hero or Villain? Public Opinion Quarterly, 69(1), 2–29.

Spoor, J. R., & Schmitt, M. T. (2011). “Things are getting better” isn’t always better: Considering women’s progress affects perceptions of and reactions to contemporary gender inequality. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 33(1), 24–36.

Twomey, J. L. (2004). Searching for a Legacy: The Los Angeles Times, Collective Memory and the 10th Anniversary of the 1992 L.A. “Riots.” Race, Gender & Class, 11(1), 75–93.

Verovšek, P. J. (2016). Collective memory, politics, and the influence of the past: the politics of memory as a research paradigm. Politics, Groups & Identities, 4(3), 529–543.

William M. Foster, Diego M. Coraiola, Roy Suddaby, Jochem Kroezen & David Chandler (2017) The strategic use of historical narratives: a theoretical framework, Business History, 59:8, 1176-1200

The Function of Structural Framing in Building Intraminority Solidarity Tahjanee Givens

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n 1966, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., while writing to Labor Rights Movement leader Cesar Chavez, acknowledged that their ‘separate struggles are really one [struggle] – a struggle for freedom, dignity, and humanity’ and praised Chavez’s ‘commitment to righting grievous wrongs forced upon exploited people’ (Ott, 2020). The correspondence between King and Chavez highlights the shared acknowledgment that both groups suffer disproportionately due to the system’s structure while still expressing hope for a future where both marginalized communities overcome systemic barriers. The systemic oppression of ethnically and racially minoritized groups has been addressed in the past with group-specific movements and in the present with intersecting movements, like the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement (Alao, 2023; Tong et al., 2022). The #BlackLivesMatter (BLM) movement has addressed the inequities and violence experienced by Black communities due to police brutality, racial profiling, and injustices in the justice system, both in the past and present (Clark et al., 2018).

Following the murder of George Floyd in 2020, the movement gained further national and international recognition for the activism it fostered within Black communities worldwide and was spread even further by social media into general public awareness. Despite the historical ties between King and Chavez, I could not find a contemporary example of cross-race solidarity in the form of a statement from the BLM movement directly addressing the Latine community. Beyond solidarity, a noteworthy piece about King’s message to Chavez was framing their joint issues from a structural rather than interpersonal perspective. Understanding different strategies of narrative framing is imperative to learning how to foster support for more modern social justice movements (i.e., BLM) and the various collective action strategies between Black and Latine communities.

Previous research on intraminority relations has sought to build connections between communities based on shared aspects of identity, though these identitybased connections need to be revised and potentially unsustainable. For decades, social psychologists have shown that people prefer ingroup members over outgroup members (Dovidio et al., 2009). Therefore, to establish solidarity between groups, researchers have

explored using a collective identity model to incorporate several subgroup categories under the guise of a more significant superordinate identity (Dovidio et al., 2009).

However, identity may focus more on the individual level and rely on direct contact with the group, although direct contact may not change one’s view of the outgroup as a whole (Bilewicz, 2007). Past evidence has revealed that exposure to the group (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2008), perceived similarity (Cortland et al., 2017), and an axis along which minority groups share oppression (Chong & Mohr, 2020) are essential to increase intergroup liking. However, striking a balance between perceived similarity, the specific axis of identity, and exposure to a group is complex and, when not achieved, can lead one group to devalue another (Chong & Mohr, 2020). While identity has been helpful for intraminority relations research in some situations, a more effective framing of narratives for intraminority solidarity may be to employ structural thinking about outgroups. More specifically, a way to remedy the potential challenges to identity-based framings without homogenizing groups is to view the oppressions the groups face from a structural or historical perspective (Burson & Godfrey, 2019).

Structural framing comprises external attributions that shift issues like racism from acts between individuals and instead view racism as a systemic problem ingrained in institutions (Burson & Godfrey, 2019). Structural thinking requires an identification of the institutions that affect communities as well as an understanding of how several institutions may simultaneously be working to lead to a system of oppression. Unlike identity-based solidarity, structural framing of systemic issues allows one to recognize the challenges faced by their ingroup while simultaneously acknowledging how the same system can differentially affect another outgroup. Hence, structural framing may not challenge one’s identity but instead may focus on externally attributing experiences to structures rather than another outgroup (Burson & Godfrey, 2019). Structural framing is effective in increasing support among Latine Americans for the BLM movement and among White women for ethnic-racial minorities (Craig et al., 2020). However, beyond the framing of narratives, the content of those narratives, whether positive (triumph) or negative (grievance), is an important factor for understanding how support

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between groups is formed.

The ways groups view the retelling of their stories are also crucial to how the groups relate to one another and may support specific collective action tactics.

In both structural and identity-based literature or intergroup relations, viewing how shared injustices affect more than one community has been used to understand how minority groups may relate to one another (Dixon et al., 2017). Grievances, in particular, have been essential to social movement literature and are generally defined as perceptions of exclusion and perceived wrongdoing enacted by another outgroup (Sizoo et al., 2022). Therefore, shared grievances signify when two or more groups perceive the same injustices affecting their groups, with shared grievances being positively linked to collective action (Dixon et al., 2017). Interpersonal grievances, such as everyday experiences of discrimination between marginalized communities, can lead to increased support between ethnic-racial minority groups (Craig & Richeson, 2012) as well as increased support in utilizing collective action strategies that address inequalities (Chong & Mohr, 2020; Dixon et al., 2017).

While much focus in the intraminority research has been on shared grievances, shared triumphs within communities still need to be studied. I use the term “shared triumphs” to highlight the perceived joint overcoming of systemic barriers to reduce inequities experienced by groups. This joint overcoming can be conceptualized as the passage of laws, more inclusive representation in media, or access to benefits these groups were previously excluded. Though societal affirmation of one’s identity group is associated with decreased outrage on behalf of the discrimination another minority group faces (Chong & Mohr, 2020), a gap remains in understanding how highlighting shared triumphs (opposite of shared grievances) can be used to stimulate support for collective action among ethnicracial minority groups in the United States.

The present study seeks to address how the structural framing of shared triumphs and shared grievances can be used to foster more positive attitudes and greater support for collective action between minorities for a social movement that may not align with their ethnicracial identity. I hypothesize that the structural framing of triumphs and grievances will lead to more positive coalitional attitudes toward the Black community and more active Black Lives Matter movement support when compared to the interpersonal framings of shared grievances and triumphs. Similarly, I expect the main effect of structural framing will lead to greater coalitional attitudes towards the Black community and a more comprehensive range of support for collective

action tactics. However, comparing the framing of shared grievances versus shared triumphs has yet to be extensively explored. Consequently, it is still being determined whether the main effect of shared grievances or triumphs will be associated with more positive coalitional attitudes and greater support for collective action tactics in experimental conditions.

Methods Participants Participants will be 120 non-Black Latine adults over 18 from New York City. Due to the nature of the manipulation, participants must be eligible to vote in either local or national elections in the United States.

We will recruit participants by passing out flyers at local community centers in New York City. Groups of 30 will be randomly selected for one of four experimental groups. An additional supplementary study (Study 2) will be conducted with a subset of eight randomly selected participants (two from each experimental condition).

Study Design Study 1 For Study 1, I will utilize a 2x2 factorial design. For the experiment, there will be two independent variables of interest. The first will be whether or not the shared experience being mentioned uses a structural versus a non-structural framing (interpersonal with an emphasis on identity). The second independent variable of interest will be whether the shared experience is reflected in a negative (grievance) or positive (triumph) framing. Therefore, there will be four experimental groups: nonstructural grievance, structural grievance, nonstructural triumph, and structural triumph.

The nonstructural shared grievance group (Group 1) will use an interpersonal framing of past shared grievances between the Black and Latine communities.

For consistency across the conditions, both shared grievances and triumphs will include content related to civil rights. In the nonstructural shared grievance experimental group, participants will read a vignette about individual voting officials selectively administering literacy tests that barred individuals from voting. This narrative will also emphasize that the people prevented from voting were, by and large, not White, from a lower socioeconomic status, or both.

The vignette will also describe how these individual decisions to administer literacy tests were protected by individual court cases (Lassiter v. Northampton County Board of Elections, 1959).

Givens

Participants in the next group will be assigned to the structural framing of a shared grievance condition (Group 2). Participants will read a vignette about how court decisions permitted literacy tests to be used at the state level. Additionally, participants will read a section about how literacy tests were used as a barrier to voting. This brief narrative will emphasize how literacy tests vary in difficulty and test knowledge beyond literacy skills, such as interpreting state constitutions.

The narrative will also specifically describe how the Civil Rights Act of 1964, while providing some civil protections, nevertheless allowed the administration of literacy tests for elections (Civil Rights Act, 1964).

In addition, this description will reference how these literacy tests have ties to the United States citizenship test in order to thwart certain communities from accessing citizenship (Hoyt, 1916).

Participants in the nonstructural (interpersonal) triumph condition (Group 3) will read a vignette about the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that will depict it as an isolated event, its effects as changing the minds of individual congressional members, and how this achievement largely benefitted Black and Englishspeaking Latine communities by providing additional protections to these communities in their right to vote.

There will be no reference to subsequent voting rights laws or actions in this condition.

Participants in the structural triumph condition (Group 4) will read a description of the Civil Rights Movement that references the structural component of voting rights as an ongoing institution and will include a reference to the achievement of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which broadly frames extending voting rights to more diverse groups in the population, and the subsequent positive benefits of the 1975 extension that broadened the right to vote to “language minorities” (Civil Rights Division, 2023). The framing in this condition will directly reference how the exclusion of communities from voting rights has been used as a tool of systemic racism and how these activists continue to use these achievements to fight against voter disenfranchisement today.

Participants can read the vignettes and complete all study materials in either Spanish or English. Using a back translation method, two bilingual EnglishSpanish speakers will independently translate the vignettes. The initial translations will prioritize maintaining consistency with the literal translation.

Both translations will then be assessed for whether they capture the same elements and portray a similar tone in the English versions of the vignettes. Once both translations are analyzed, the two translators will jointly edit the translations to capture the final

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versions’ tone and meaning. After the manipulation, participants will complete a brief questionnaire to measure their attitudes toward the Black community and the likelihood they will support various collective action tactics regarding BLM. Study 2 For Study 2, we will also randomly select eight participants (two from each experimental condition) to conduct in-depth interviews on how they perceive the Black Lives Matter movement and Black grievances/ triumphs in relation to the Latine community.

Participants will have the option to conduct the interviews in either English or Spanish. These interviews will be approximately an hour long, recorded on Zoom, and stored on a secure cloud storage service. After the recordings, the interviews will be transcribed, and interviewer notes will be collected to make a note of body language or other important information.

Measures Study 1 The dependent variable will be operationalized as attitudes toward the Black community. This will be assessed using a modified version of the nine-item Coalitional Attitudes Scale (Craig et al., 2020). The Coalitional Attitudes Scale is reliable (α=.91; Craig et al., 2020). The items will ask participants to report their level of agreement (1= Strongly Disagree, 7= Strongly Agree) with statements like “The struggle for my group’s equality in America should be closely related to the struggle of Black people.” Additionally, using a 7-point Likert scale (1= Highly Unlikely, 7= Highly Likely), participants will be asked how likely they are to participate in different collective action strategies such as calling elected officials, voting for candidates who have expressed support of BLM, donating time or financial support, attending a protest, or sharing information on social media related to BLM. An average across all the collective action items will form each participant’s overall collective action score.

Study 2 The additional qualitative analysis can provide new perspectives on how and if participants in the Latine community view the connections between these groups. Additionally, the interviews can bring to light topics relevant to understanding the dynamics between the Black and Latine communities that may be crucial but are beyond the scope of shared grievances and triumphs. Each interviewer will be provided a list of ten questions to ask during the interview, such as “In what

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ways do you believe the Black and Latine communities are similar to one another? How are they different?”

Additionally, interviewers will be encouraged to use probing techniques to provide further insight into the interviewees’ perspectives.

perceived injustice (triumph) will lead to more positive coalitional attitudes or more comprehensive support of collective action tactics.

Planned Analyses

For Study 2, I will conduct a thematic analysis to find common themes across the participants’ responses (Castleberry & Nolan, 2018). All recorded interviews will be transcribed, and these transcriptions will be assessed using three coders. Each coder will be asked to independently read the interviews and record any themes apparent in each of the respective interviews.

After all three coders have reviewed the eight interviews, a team will assess the themes recorded and group together similar themes that appeared throughout the interviews to create larger categories.

These categories will serve as headings that address the smaller sub-categories. Themes will be defined as topics, phrases, events, people, or emotions commonly appearing throughout the interviews and can be written in 1-5 words. If the team cannot reach a unanimous consensus on which themes can be combined into larger categories, it will remain an independent theme in the analysis. The coders will then again read the interviews and assess the frequency of each theme during the interviews. Finally, three team members will independently review the interviews to find salient quotes that adhere to the common themes found within the interviews. After this sorting process, we will determine the interrater reliability of salient quotes, and the most frequently referenced quotes across coders will be reported in the results section. If the quotes use identifiable information (e.g., names and places), they will be changed to protect the interviewees’ privacy.

We will repeat this process if quotes do not fall into any of the larger categories of themes until all selected salient quotes fit into one of the categories.

The first study aims to examine how the structural framing of shared triumphs and grievances between Black and Latine communities affects the coalitional attitudes of non-Black Latine adults toward the Black community and how this structural framing may be related to support for different collective action tactics.

In addition, the qualitative study will explore what Latine participants perceive as commonalities and differences between the Black and Latine communities, as well as their perceptions of the BLM movement.

Study 1 For Study 1, I will conduct two two-way analyses of variance (ANOVA) that will compare the means between the non-structural framing of a shared triumph, the structural framing of the shared triumph, the nonstructural framing of a shared grievance, and the structural framing of a shared grievance. Both two-way ANOVAs will be two-tailed with an alpha value set at .05. The first two-way ANOVA will compare the means of the scores on coalitional attitudes for all groups to highlight whether there is a significant difference between groups in their attitudes toward the Black community. Additionally, a subsequent twoway ANOVA will compare the means of how likely participants reported taking part in different collective action tactics. Higher mean scores (those greater than or equal to five) will indicate participants who are more likely to have more positive coalitional attitudes toward the Black community or are more likely to participate in collective action tactics. If the models are significant, I will conduct post hoc analyses using Tukey’s HSD to determine between which experimental groups a difference was observed.

As hypothesized, I expect the structural (systemically focused) framing of shared grievances and triumphs to lead to more positive coalitional attitudes toward the Black community compared to the nonstructural (interpersonal framing) of shared triumphs and grievances. Additionally, I expect the structural framing conditions to result in a greater likelihood of participating in collective action tactics in support of the BLM Movement when compared to the nonstructural framing of shared grievance and triumph narratives.

However, it remains to be seen whether retelling a shared injustice (grievance) or shared overcoming of

Study 2

Due to the study’s exploratory nature, we may expect themes of perceived similarity and the need for distinctiveness to emerge as common themes.

Increasing perceived similarity is important to increasing positive perceptions of outgroups (Craig & Richeson, 2012). Therefore, we may expect perceived similarity to emerge as a common theme throughout the interviews, particularly for those with positive perceptions of the Black community. However, opposingly, when identifying the connection between groups, participants may also strive to describe their group as different from another, such as identifying unique experiences of discrimination (Alao, 2023).

Though the need for distinctiveness may not appear as a theme, it helps envision what other likely themes may relate to this differentiating mechanism between

Givens

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communities. Nevertheless, it is unknown what additional thoughts participants may have about the Black Lives Matter Movement and whether they perceive any shared triumphs between the Black and Latine communities.

This qualitative analysis can provide insights into social movements on framing grievances and triumphs affecting their group in a manner that can simultaneously support other groups’ struggles and nurture solidarity.

Discussion

Despite the informative aspects of the mixed-methods approach to this study, there remain limitations. While including an experimental design in this study has the potential to bear causal relationships between the variables, the isolated focus on civil rights in the past may limit the exploration of other shared grievances and triumphs and their modern applications. Though civil rights remain a relevant topic among marginalized communities, the focus on the past may need to address modern relations between ethnic-racial groups and their current grievances and triumphs. Additionally, the focus on framing historical narratives leaves a gap in understanding the influence contemporary narratives, like that of the growing Latine population, may have on what intraminority solidarity means and its implications for growing social movements.

Nevertheless, controlling for other factors permits us to understand the role of narrative framing as a causal mechanism in the scope of intraminority solidarity.

In this study, I will compare how structural framing of shared grievances and shared triumphs can affect how likely members of the Latine community will feel coalitional attitudes towards the Black community and endorse various collective action tactics in support of the BLM movement. This study will offer insight into understanding how framing plays a role in the shared problems between minoritized communities, as well as how framing is important when one or both of those communities succeed. If this study were to be conducted, I would expect the structural framing in both the grievance and triumph conditions to lead to more positive coalitional attitudes between the groups and reflect an increase in the endorsement of the BLM Movement through collective action support. However, prior research has not directly compared shared triumphs’ effects to shared grievances (Chong & Mohr, 2020; Dixon et al., 2017). The potential difference between the impact of shared grievances and shared triumphs in evoking solidarity between groups has yet to be deeply explored in intraminority relations research (Burson & Godfrey, 2019).

I foresee that the qualitative interviews and the thematic analysis will provide fruitful insights into why these framings were critical to cultivating or failing to cultivate solidarity between the Latine and Black communities. The findings from the thematic analysis can also inform future research in considering what additional topics may be relevant to include in our understanding of the shared grievances or triumphs between Black and Latine communities. Due to differences in how these communities have been included and conceptualized in American history, topics such as nationality, historical reasons for migration, anti-Blackness, and xenophobia may emerge as themes in these interviews. Additionally, the interview findings will extend beyond the scope of this study.

They can guide new questions about the potential barriers to solidarity between minoritized groups and what narratives may inform the construction of solidarity between the Black and Latine communities.

Previous qualitative research has identified interesting mechanisms of identification and perceived similarities that may inform minorities’ support of Black Lives Matter (Alao, 2023) and has highlighted the importance of interviews in understanding the relations within and between ethnically racially minoritized communities.

Although previous research (Burson & Godfrey, 2019; Craig et al., 2020) and this study emphasize the importance of structural framing, this does not minimize the relevance of interpersonal or everyday experiences of racism and discrimination.

Interpersonal experiences of racism also have lived consequences and can profoundly affect members of ethnically and racially minoritized communities. It is still crucial to acknowledge instances of interpersonal racism, and this point has been underscored in the BLM movement with hashtags such as #SayHerName or distinct recognition of microaggressions (Wu et al., 2023). If we ignore the interpersonal racism that occurs, it will erase and understate the pain it causes. The use of structural framing in this study highlights how shared experiences of racism tie into a larger system of racism and discrimination that disproportionately impacts minoritized communities in the United States. The purpose of comparing the structural and interpersonal framings is to understand how a broader perspective of systemic racism, also made up of interpersonal experiences of racism, can lead to more positive attitudes toward an ethnic-racial outgroup and increased support of collective action tactics supporting that outgroup.

Future studies can further explore how the framings of shared grievances and triumphs on contemporary topics (e.g., immigration and policing) can influence the solidarity between the Black and Latine communities.

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Future research should also explore the effects of structural framing on shared grievances and triumphs in a bi-directional relationship between communities (i.e., Black attitudes toward the Latine community and Latine attitudes toward the Black community).

Moreover, this research can explore how framing is important to increasing solidarity between minoritized outgroups’ issues that are not part of a large-scale social movement and their endorsement of a wider variety of collective action tactics. BLM is a distinct and global social movement that has garnered media attention and has amplified discussions around intersectionality in a variety of cultures around the world. However, it is also essential to consider how intraminority solidarity through framing can be leveraged for smaller-scale and localized movements and varied collective action strategies.

Conclusion The current study’s findings will shed light on the importance of framing in cultivating intraminority solidarity in social movements. Framing plays an important role in social movements because it can communicate the motivation behind collective action, express the ideas relevant to the movement, and evoke a shared story between communities on relevant issues. By understanding the role structural framing may serve in the BLM movement and other Black Liberation movements, it can highlight continued issues with intersectionality and the independent struggles of separate communities without the threat of erasure of one’s identity. In a contemporary age of social movements where social media has become a place of theorizing, organizing, and ongoing activism for diverse communities (Tong et al., 2022), activists and learners have more agency over framing narratives relevant to their group and movement.

Given the sometimes overlapping and other times mutually exclusive systemic issues and acute successes experienced by minoritized communities in the United States, learning how to foster solidarity between these groups and encouraging collaboration on a path to triumph is imperative.

References Alao, T. (2023). Diasporic consciousness in African immigrants’ support for #BlackLivesMatter. Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics, 1–23.

Bilewicz, M. (2007). History as an obstacle: Impact of temporal-based social categorizations on PolishJewish intergroup contact. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 10(4), 551–563.

Burson, E., & Godfrey, E. B. (2020). Intraminority solidarity: The role of critical consciousness. European Journal of Social Psychology, 50(6), 1362–1377.

Castleberry, A., & Nolen, A. (2018). Thematic analysis of qualitative research data: Is it as easy as it sounds?

Currents in Pharmacy Teaching and Learning, 10(6), 807–815.

Chong, E. S. K., & Mohr, J. J. (2020). How far can stigmabased empathy reach? Effects of societal (in)equity of LGB people on their allyship with transgender and Black people. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 90(6), 760–771.

Civil Rights Act (1964), H.R. 7152, 88th Congress (1964). https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/ civil-rights-act Civil Rights Division. (2015, August 6). Civil Rights Division | Section 4 Of The Voting Rights Act. Civil Rights Division: U.S. Justice Department. https://www. justice.gov/crt/section-4-voting-rights-act Clark, A. D., Dantzler, P. A., & Nickels, A. E. (2018). Black Lives Matter: (Re)Framing the next wave of Black Liberation. In Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change (Vol. 42, pp. 145–172).

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Cortland, C. I., Craig, M. A., Shapiro, J. R., Richeson, J. A., Neel, R., & Goldstein, N. J. (2017). Solidarity through shared disadvantage: Highlighting shared experiences of discrimination improves relations between stigmatized groups. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 113(4), 547–567.

Craig, M. A., & Richeson, J. A. (2012). Coalition or derogation?

How perceived discrimination influences intraminority intergroup relations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 102(4), 759–777.

Craig, M. A., Rucker, J., & Brown, R. M. (2020). Structural Solidarity: Lay Theories of Discrimination and Coalitional Attitudes among Stigmatized Groups.

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Dixon, J., Cakal, H., Khan, W., Osmany, M., Majumdar, S., & Hassan, M. (2017). Contact, political solidarity and collective action: An Indian case study of relations between historically disadvantaged communities. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 27(1), 83–95.

Dovidio, J. F., Gaertner, S. L., & Saguy, T. (2009). Commonality and the complexity of “We”: Social attitudes and social change. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 13(1), 3–20.

Hoyt, H. (1916). The relation of the literacy test to a constructive immigration problem. Journal of Political Economy, 24(5), 445–473.

Lassiter v. Northampton County Board of Elections., Library of Congress 45 (The Supreme Court of North Carolina 1959). https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/ service/ll/usrep/usrep360/usrep360045/ usrep360045.pdf Ott, T. (2020, October 15). Martin Luther King Jr. Praised Cesar Chavez For His “Indefatigable Work.”

Biography. https://www.biography.com/activists/ cesar-chavez-martin-luther-king-jr-telegram Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2008). How does intergroup contact reduce prejudice? Meta-analytic tests of three mediators. European Journal of Social Psychology, 38(6), 922–934.

Shnabel, N., Halabi, S., & Noor, M. (2013). Overcoming competitive victimhood and facilitating forgiveness through re-categorization into a common victim or perpetrator identity. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 49(5), 867–877.

Sizoo, B., Strijbos, D., & Glas, G. (2022). Grievance-fueled violence can be better understood using an enactive approach. Frontiers in Psychology, 13.

Tong, X., Li, Y., Li, J., Bei, R., & Zhang, L. (2022). What are people talking about in #BlackLivesMatter and #StopAsianHate? Exploring and categorizing Twitter topics emerged in online social movements through the Latent Dirichlet Allocation Model.

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Wu, H. H., Gallagher, R. J., Alshaabi, T., Adams, J. L., Minot, J. R., Arnold, M. V., Welles, B. F., Harp, R., Dodds, P. S., & Danforth, C. M. (2023). Say their names: Resurgence in the collective attention toward Black victims of fatal police violence following the death of George Floyd. PLOS ONE, 18(1), e0279225.

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NYU CARA & ABRA PROJECT PI: Doris Chang + Sumie Okazaki and Mentor: Aakriti P + Nari Yoo The CARA (Covid-19, Asian Americans, Resiliency, and Allyship) Project at NYU aims to understand how Asian Americans are currently responding to two crises: The COVID-19 pandemic and the national protests against police brutality against Black Americans, in particular, occurring against the backdrop of a global pandemic and the rise of anti-Asian discrimination.

The ABRA (Asian and Black Americans, Racism, and Allyship) project examines how geocoded indices of sociocultural climate and structural inequalities (e.g., racial attitudes, residential segregation, economic inequities) interact with individual psychological variables to predict Asian and Black Americans’ experiences, attitudes, and behavioral responses to racism.

A Sonali’s Choice: The Effect of Globalization-Based Acculturation on Mental Health Treatment Attitudes in Indian Young Adults Anuj Dhaval Gandhi

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rom 1990 to 2017, it is estimated that one in seven Indians were affected by mental illnesses of varying severity (India State-Level Disease Burden Initiative Mental Disorders Collaborators, 2020). Even more damaging, this statistic likely is a grand understatement of those facing mental health issues in India, as there is a harmful stigma against mental health (Gaiha et al., 2020). One-third of young Indian people display poor knowledge of mental health problems and hold negative views against them. They are less able to recognize the causes and symptoms of mental health problems even if Indian young adults face such issues (Gaiha et al., 2020). Additionally, mental health resources are inadequate, with less than 1% of the national Indian healthcare budget allocated to mental health as influenced by previous British legislation regarding mental health policy (Patel et al., 2017).

India’s attitude towards mental health treatment (MHT) remains complicated due to shifting powers and Western cultural influences.

History of Mental Health Care in India Mental health and its treatment have always been a cornerstone of health in India, with one of the firstever practices of psychotherapy recorded in the Bhagavad Gita, a part of the significant Hindu epic, the Mahabharata, written approximately two thousand years ago (Bhatia et al., 2013). In this text, Krishna counsels Arjuna using psychotherapeutic principles akin to cognitive behavioral therapy while maintaining an ethical client-practitioner relationship (Reddy, 2012). Additionally, MHT in India has been integrated into holistic health practices to care for the body, soul, spirit, and mind through traditional practices, including Yoga and Ayurveda. Many Yoga practices borrow heavily from the psychotherapeutic principles in the Bhagavad Gita, including addressing cognitive distortions (Sankhya Yoga) and placing trust in one’s healer (Bhakti Yoga) (Reddy, 2012). Sattvavajaya is one of the three main principles in Ayurveda, and it translates to “conquest of mind” which incorporates psychotherapeutic principles, including emotional regulation and coping habits (Behere et al., 2013). All of these practices have existed in Indian culture for thousands of years, demonstrating the Indian culture’s great emphasis on mental health and the treatment of

mental ailments.

MHT, traditionally practiced in India, has aligned with psychotherapeutic practices to better care for the Indian psyche, defined as the human soul, spirit, and mind cultivated through individual and community experiences (Gogineni et al., 2018). However, due to invasions, globalization, and urbanization, the Indian psyche has evolved drastically (Gogineni et al., 2018).

Over three thousand years, India has faced several invaders, from the Persians to the Mughals. Most recently and prominently, the British Empire occupied India from 1858 to 1947, initiating many cultural changes to align with Western norms and values. This occupation created a dissonance of culture as Indian culture differs immensely from Western culture.

Specifically, India is the birthplace of many Dharmic religions, which inform many norms, customs, and traditions in Indian households, including the philosophy of nonviolence, the importance of family structures, and an emphasis on healthy relationships with the mind, body, spirit, and Earth.

Nonetheless, even after Indian independence, the Westernization of India became widespread, affecting industry, technology, politics, economics, lifestyle, law, norms, customs, and traditions (Nair & Johri, 2019). Through the changing societal and cultural values, the Indian psyche has had to adjust and adapt several times to survive. However, Indians have continued to hold on to their collectivist roots in a world of individualistic pursuits (Gogineni et al., 2018). As a result, strictly Western psychiatric and psychotherapeutic principles, specifically ones based on individualism, cannot always be applied to Indian clients (Avasthi, 2011). Nonetheless, due to the longstanding presence of the British Empire, mental health care in India was not tailored to its population and the changing culture.

The evolution of formalized mental health care in India began in the late Indian colonial period with a growth in mental asylums instituted by the British. The First Lunacy Act changed the administration and healthcare system as it pertained to treating mental illness (Dey & Prashanth, 2019). In 1987, the Indian Mental Health Act recognized the crucial role of treatment and care of mentally ill persons. It proposed many changes to

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simplify procedures, demystify mental illness, and place more emphasis on well-being. However, the Indian Mental Health Act has not been implemented in most states, and the more traditional Western psychiatric system continues to exist as the primary system for treating and practicing mental illness (Kumar, 2010). Moreover, to revitalize and legitimize cultural health practices, the government of India formed a separate ministry for the administration of traditional, complementary, and alternative medicine in 2014, referred to as Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha, Sowa-Rigpa, and Homeopathy (Ayush) systems (Thirthalli et al., 2016). As such, Indians can engage in two different health systems (the Western psychiatric system and the Ayush system) for their mental health treatment.

There is evidence for the efficacy of both MHTs for the Indian population regarding depression, anxiety, and stress-related complaints and conditions. For example, yoga is as effective in the treatment of epileptic disorders as antipsychotic drugs (Dora et al., 2015), while affordable antidepressants, like fluoxetine, have also been demonstrated to improve clinical and economic outcomes for short-term depression in Goa, India (Patel et al., 2003). Both MHT systems may work for the Indian population, but the two types of treatment are culturally distinct; thus, we might expect cultural attitudes and preferences toward Indian and Western culture will inform clients’ attitudes towards MHT and their subsequent choices.

Acculturation and Mental Health Similar to the mental health care system being divided into two cultures, the people of India also balance two cultures due to globalization-based acculturation (GBA). According to Berry (1992), acculturation is the process of retaining or rejecting an individual’s native culture and adopting or rejecting the host culture, which cultivates four distinct strategies: assimilation, separation, integration, and marginalization. This theoretical framework was initially applied to those who migrated from a native culture to a place with a new dominant host culture; however, the acculturative process applies to those experiencing cultural changes due to colonization and globalization (Arnett, 2002). As Indian culture has been altered by and integrated with global influences, developing young people’s cultural identities becomes challenging as they integrate both Indian and Western cultural streams within a multicultural sense of self (Arnett, 2002). Within this acculturative process, Indian young adults are caught between societal pressures toward tradition and change, influencing their decision-making and health

habits (Ozer et al., 2017).

Acculturation is closely linked to mental health (Balidemaj & Small., 2019). Many studies have investigated the impact of acculturation on mental health in immigrant groups, specifically those of Asian descent (Chandra et al., 2016; Hasnie et al., 2023).

Chandra et al. (2016) investigated the nuances of acculturation through immigration. They reported that first-generation Indian Americans experience loss, homesickness, and migration stress, which, along with other socio-psychological determinants, contribute to non-Western presentations of mental illness. Additionally, Hasnie et al. (2023) discovered that acculturation predicted complementary and alternative medicine, similar to the Ayush system, beliefs, and usage amongst Asian Americans.

However, these findings are not generalizable to globalization-based acculturated populations because they specifically study the experiences of immigrationbased acculturation.

The Current Study There is a significant gap in research investigating the effect of GBA on the mental health of Indians.

Specifically, there is little to no literature on the effects of GBA on the MHT preferences and attitudes of Indian young adults. Due to the dichotomization of two different MHT systems, Indians make a cultural choice when deciding on their MHT. An individual’s complex relationship between Indian and Western culture will impact their choice of MHT. Moreover, there is limited literature on the effectiveness of intercultural adaptations of mental health care in non-Western settings (Koc & Kafa, 2019). As such, the current study hopes to add to this literature to understand the MHT needs of the Indian young adult population. For the present study, mental health will be defined as concerns or conditions related to depression, anxiety, and stress. More severe mental illnesses will not be included in the current investigation, as individuals with these conditions are more likely to be treated by Western psychiatric services (Thirthalli et al., 2016). The proposed study will utilize a mixed-methods design to evaluate 1) the relationship between GBA and mental health and 2) the relationship between GBA and MHT preferences (Western psychiatry/psychotherapy, Ayush, or both) in Indian young adults. Following a sequential explanatory analysis plan, the investigation will begin with a quantitative survey to examine the relationships above and continue with follow-up qualitative interviews to understand acculturation and mental health experiences more deeply.

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Methods Quantitative Study Participants The proposed study will involve young adults (ages 18 to 24) born, raised, and living in India. The researchers recruited the Indian young adult population because they have only experienced India as a hybrid culture with Indian and Western influences. Older populations have experienced both Indian and Western cultures.

However, much of this experience was done by force due to the British occupation, with severe consequences for those who did not assimilate. The Indian young adult population is unique as they have a choice in their cultural decisions and attitudes while living in a culture constantly being changed and influenced by globalization. Snowball sampling will be used to recruit participants. Each participant will receive a $20 Amazon gift card for completing the survey and an additional $5 Amazon gift card for sending the survey to another individual who meets the selection criteria. The survey will be sent to local mental health practitioners, schools, and universities via online and in-person flyers in the Mumbai metropolitan area. We are seeking to recruit approximately 200 participants from the Mumbai metropolitan area.

Mumbai has been chosen as the primary sampling site because it is heavily urban and hosts many international companies and universities, which allows the city and its residents to experience both Indian and Western culture, unlike rural areas where individuals mainly experience Indian culture. Mumbai is a direct connection between India and the West, with its history as one of the significant colonial trading ports. The city also possesses a diverse mix of ethnic backgrounds compared to other major metropolitan areas in India.

As per these factors and others, Mumbai is the optimal site for this study in investigating the GBA experiences of Indian young adults.

Data Collection The study will begin by asking each participant for informed consent. After signing the informed consent form, the participant will begin the survey. The survey is estimated to take fifteen to twenty minutes to complete. Participants will be asked about their GBA experiences, their mental health (depression, anxiety, and stress), their attitudes toward the types of MHT, their MHT preferences, and their history of seeking MHT. The final section will feature several demographic questions, including ethnicity, gender, sex, sexual orientation, age, socioeconomic status, caste, level of

education, languages, and English fluency. Upon completing all survey sections, the participant will be debriefed about the study, thanked for their time, sent a link to redeem their gift card, and asked to send the survey to another individual meeting the selection criteria. The participant will also be asked to provide their email address if they are interested in being contacted later for a follow-up interview as part of the qualitative study. If the participant provides their email address and has sought MHT services, they will be selected to participate in the follow-up interviews.

The interview is meant for participants to describe their acculturation and mental health experiences further. The methods for participant recruitment and qualitative study procedures are described in further detail in a later section.

Measures GBA will be measured by the Indian Acculturation Scale (IAS). This ordinal scale is adapted from the Ladakh Acculturation Scale (Ozer, 2015). This is an 8-item measure with a Likert scale ranging from 1 (Always Indian) to 5 (Always Western). The scale is designed to measure cultural attitudes between Indian and Western cultures. Sample items include “What food do you usually eat?” and “In what way of life/culture do you want your future children to live according to?”.

The participants’ mental health will be measured through the Depression Anxiety Stress Scales - 18 (DASS-18). The DASS-18 is a widely used self-report measure designed to assess symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress, which has been validated to be more suitable for Asian populations (Oei et al., 2013). It consists of three subscales, each focusing on a specific psychological construct: Depression, anxiety, and stress. Each subscale comprises six items, resulting in 18 items for the scale. Respondents rate the extent to which they have experienced each symptom over the past week using a Likert-type response format ranging from 0 (Did not apply to me at all) to 3 (Applied to me very much or most of the time). The scores on each subscale are summed separately to indicate the severity of symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress. A sample item from the depression subscale is “I found it difficult to work up the initiative to do things.” A sample item from the anxiety subscale is “I felt I was close to panic.” A sample item from the stress subscale is “I found it hard to wind down.”

MHT attitudes and preferences will be assessed through the Mental Health Treatment Attitudes and Preferences Questionnaire (MHTAPQ). This is an originally developed scale because no previous scale existed in measuring MHT attitudes and preferences.

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The scale is a 6-item measure with three subscales: MHT history, MHT attitudes, and MHT preference.

The MHT history subscale features three items with binary options asking which MHT has been used by the participant. A sample item asking about their treatment history is “Have you ever seen an Ayush (Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha, Sowa-Rigpa, and Homeopathy) practitioner for mental health issues?” with the answer options of yes, no, or prefer not to say. The MHT attitudes subscale includes two items featuring Likert scales ranging from 1 (I believe it is not effective) to 5 (I believe it is very effective for Indians), asking about their attitudes towards Ayush and psychiatry/psychotherapy as effective MHTs. An example item asking about their attitude towards an MHT is: “On a scale of 1-5, (1) I believe it is not effective, (2) I believe it is slightly effective, (3) I believe it is effective, (4) I believe it is very effective, and (5) I believe it is very effective for Indians, what is your attitude towards Ayush as a treatment for mental health?”. The MHT preference subscale has 1 item featuring a Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly prefer Ayush) to 5 (strongly prefer psychiatry/psychotherapy) asking about their preference between the two MHTs: “On a scale of 1-5, (1) strongly prefer Ayush, (2) prefer Ayush, (3) no preference for either Ayush or psychiatry/ psychotherapy, (4) prefer psychiatry/psychotherapy, and (5) strongly prefer psychiatry/psychotherapy, what is your preference for mental health treatment?”.

Procedures

Qualitative Study

The planned quantitative analysis will begin with descriptive statistics of each measure. The first descriptive analysis will involve calculating each participant’s mean score and standard deviation from the IAS. A lower mean score would indicate a higher preference for Indian culture, and a higher mean score would indicate a higher preference for Western culture.

The subsequent descriptive analysis will calculate the means and standard deviations for each of the three subscales of the DASS-18: Depression, anxiety, and stress. The final descriptive analysis will calculate the means and standard deviations of two of the subscales of the MHTAPQ: MHT attitudes and MHT preference.

Participants Participants from the quantitative study who have indicated a history with MHT, as shown by the MHTAPQ results, will be sent an email to ask if they would be interested in participating in an in-depth interview to contextualize the data and expand on living in a hybrid of Indian and Western culture and their mental health experiences. Those with a history of seeking MHT have been selected for the qualitative component in order to investigate their treatment experiences and how GBA has affected their treatment selection and outcome. This deeper inquiry is vital to understanding the complete picture of the cultural climate of urban India and its effects on the mental health of the young adult population. The proposed qualitative study seeks to inquire further by asking participants’ opinions and views on the culture shift and exploring its connection to mental health stigma and the effectiveness of current treatment modalities. Ideally, we would recruit 10% of the original sample for qualitative interviews (N=20). Each participant who agrees to and completes the interview will receive an additional $25 Amazon gift card.

The interview will be available both in-person and online. It will be 1 hour long, and the language of the interview will depend on the participant’s preference.

The interview will be recorded via audio recording. The specific interview guide will be created after the data analysis of the quantitative study once the researchers have determined the variables of interest. The guide will include questions about their cultural experiences, both Indian and Western, and MHT experiences.

Sample questions include “How do you feel Western culture has influenced Indian society in regard to mental health treatment attitudes?” and “How was your experience in receiving MHT in regard to your cultural identity?”

Anticipated Results This proposal examines the relationship between GBA and mental health and the relationships between GBA and MHT attitudes and preferences in the Indian young adult population. Through both quantitative and qualitative analysis, we expect that there is a relationship between GBA and mental health and relationships between GBA and MHT attitudes and preferences.

Quantitative Analyses

The first planned regression analysis will be a set of Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regressions between the IAS and the Depression, Anxiety, and Stress subscales of the DASS-18. The control variables will include ethnicity, gender, sex, sexual orientation, age, socioeconomic status, caste, level of education, languages, and level of English fluency. Based on the hypothesis and previous literature, we expect scores from the IAS that are neither low nor high, representing an integrated bicultural identity, will correlate to lower depression, anxiety, and stress. This result would indicate a relationship between GBA and mental health.

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These relationships are shown through Model 1.1.

Model 1.1: GBA and Mental Health

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towards Western MHT, and low scores from the IAS will correlate to low scores from the MHTAPQ scale, representing a stronger preference towards Indian MHT. This result would suggest that one’s cultural identity is correlated to one’s attitude and preference of MHT in Indian young adults. These relationships are demonstrated through Model 1.2.

Model 1.2: GBA and and Mental Health Treatment Attitudes and Preferences

The subsequent planned regression will be an OLS regression between the IAS and item 4 from the MHT attitudes subscale of the MHTAPQ (On a scale of 1-5, (1) I believe it is not effective, (2) I believe it is slightly effective, (3) I believe it is effective, (4) I believe it is very effective, and (5) I believe it is very effective for Indians, what is your attitude towards Ayush as treatment for mental health?). The control variables will include mental health, ethnicity, gender, sex, sexual orientation, age, socioeconomic status, caste, level of education, languages, and level of English fluency. We predict low scores from the IAS, representing a separation identity that prefers Indian culture, to correlate to high scores from item 4 of the MHT attitudes subscale, representing a stronger attitude towards Indian MHT. The next planned regression will be an OLS regression between the IAS and item 5 from the MHT attitudes subscale of the MHTAPQ (On a scale of 1-5, (1) I believe it is not effective, (2) I believe it is slightly effective, (3) I believe it is effective, (4) I believe it is very effective, and (5) I believe it is very effective for Indians, what is your attitude towards psychiatry/psychotherapy as treatment for mental health?). The same control variables will be used as the previous regression. We also expect high scores from the IAS, representing an assimilation identity that prefers Western culture, will correlate to high scores from item 5 of the MHT attitudes subscale, representing a stronger attitude towards Western MHT. The final planned regression will be an OLS regression between the MHT preferences subscale of the MHTAPQ with the same control variables as the previous regression. We expect a positive relationship between the IAS and MHT preference subscales where high scores from the IAS will correlate to high scores from the MHT preference subscale, representing a stronger preference towards Western MHT, and low scores from the IAS will correlate to low scores from the MHTAPQ scale, representing a stronger preference

Qualitative Analyses The interview responses will be analyzed using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2014). This will be done by reviewing the responses and familiarizing them through transcription. Next, we will code the responses. Two coders will code these responses, and both will be present for and code the interviewee’s responses. After each interview, the coders will discuss their impressions from the responses and codes from their observations and edit the codebook accordingly.

Once the coders agree that their impressions and codes are relatively similar, they will divide the rest of the interviews among them. After the interviews are coded, we will analyze the patterns of the coded responses.

These patterns will be organized into themes. The researchers will review these themes, which are then named and defined to understand the data from the interview responses further. These themes will then be organized into a table with the respective codes and examples of interview responses. If the expected results from the quantitative data analysis are found, we would expect to discover similar themes from the similar acculturation identities, as shown by their scores on the IAS. The expected themes are described in Table 1.1.

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Table 1.1: Expected Themes from Qualitative Interviews

Acculturation Type

Themes

Example Content

Separation (low IAS: 1-2.4)

1. Cultural attachment 2. Resistance and stigma 3. Holistic health values

1. Places a high emphasis and importance on practicing traditions, aligns with native cultural values, values community norms 2. Shows restraint in seeking help, rarely speaks about emotional and mental health 3. Sees Ayush as more natural and effective, values mind, body, soul connection

Integration (neither low or high IAS: 2.5-3.5)

1. Resilience and acceptance 2. Identity affirmation 3. Positive well-being 4. Integrated health values

1. Expresses the pros to both cultures, accepts the existence of both cultures 2. Feels secure in their identity, understands how both cultures intersect with their identity 3. Demonstrates healthy behaviors, expresses value in MHT, notes a positive MHT outcome 4. Sees the benefits of Ayush and Western MHT, understands nuances of both systems

Assimilation (high IAS: 3.6-5)

1. Open to change 2. Individualistic 3. Allopathic health values

1. Views new culture as an opportunity for change, expresses that Indians need to adapt to the new norm 2. Shows weak ties to family and community members, values self over others in positive and negative ways 3. Sees Western MHT as more efficient and direct, values science and medicine

Discussion This proposal will contribute to a growing understanding of globalization-based acculturation in India in relation to mental health treatment attitudes and preferences.

There has been a recent emergence in the literature studying the effect of acculturation on mental health (Chandra et al., 2016; Hasnie et al., 2023), but this literature has been limited to immigrant populations.

Furthermore, literature on mental health treatment in non-Western settings is also limited, especially in countries that continue to use traditional and complementary medicine in an increasingly Western world (Thirthalli et al., 2016) like India. Therefore,

it is important to investigate globalization-based acculturation and mental health treatment in India because it is understudied and may have implications for other post-colonial countries that continue to utilize alternative medicine.

From the quantitative component, we expect to find a significant relationship between GBA and mental health and significant relationships between GBA and MHT attitudes and preferences. We expect those with integrated identities (ias scores between 2.5 and 3.5) to correlate to more positive mental health. We also predict that low IAS scores will correlate to stronger attitudes and preferences for Ayush, and high IAs scores will correlate to stronger attitudes and preferences toward Western psychiatry/psychotherapy.

From the qualitative component, we expect similar themes from each acculturation category, as shown in Table 1.1. Since the integration category demonstrates a healthy balance between both cultures, positive relationships with identity and health are expected to be shown. The separation category shows higher Indian cultural values, so individuals are expected to report loyalty to Indian culture, including the stigma against mental health and holistic health values held by Ayush practices. The assimilation category demonstrates higher Western cultural values, which shows an embrace of the changing culture, which includes an emphasis on the individual and a belief in allopathic health values that make up Western psychiatric and psychotherapeutic practices.

The expected findings from the quantitative and qualitative show a bigger picture of acculturation and MHT in India. From the quantitative component, we expect to understand more about the varying degrees of GBA in Indian young adults and how this phenomenon has affected their attitude towards MHT and their preference for MHT. From the qualitative component, we seek to discover the deeper perceptions of acculturation in India and how this changing culture has affected their perceptions of mental health and MHT. Together, we can understand the motivations behind the varying acculturated identities, how these identities affect their mental health, and the reasons behind certain attitudes toward MHT for Indian young adults.

Implications The proposed study will gain more insight into the mental health of Indian young adults and their views on the two types of MHT in India by examining their cultural identity. The results from this study are important because acculturation through a globalization lens is

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severely understudied (Ozer et al., 2017). The culture of India has immensely been affected by globalization (Nair & Johri, 2019), so it is important to study how these cultural and societal changes have affected the population, specifically in its MHT (Avasthi, 2011).

Additionally, learning more about MHT in India is salient because of a significant mental health crisis (Sagar et al., 2020). The two types of MHT services must be competent in treating the Indian population, so it is helpful to understand attitudes towards each treatment.

The findings from this proposed study are helpful to researchers who also want to study GBA in postcolonial countries that face GBA (Arnett, 2002). While this study highlights the impact of GBA on MHT, GBA has been shown to affect multiple parts of identity and development (Berry, 1992). This study can help researchers understand the mechanism of GBA through the expected themes of each GBA category, which show how each category views the world and its own identity differently, similar to the findings from Ozer et al. (2017). The proposed study can also provide insight into the nature of mental health treatment in non-Western settings, which may help future researchers around the globe in their efforts to understand mental health through a cultural lens. The proposed study may differ from previous literature on mental health treatment in India since this study is not an evaluation of the system as a whole (Thirthalli et al., 2016); instead, this study is investigating the attitudes and choices of these treatments at the individual level.

The expected findings are also helpful for practitioners because they can use the IAS or another acculturation scale to evaluate their clients’ acculturation status and tailor their treatment to their cultural values. Similarly, the expected findings can assist community members in learning more about the efficacy of each treatment type and gain insight to make an informed choice of MHT based on their perception of their cultural values.

Strengths and Limitations A strength of this proposed study is the mixed methods design, which will provide a quantitative analysis of globalization-based acculturation and mental health treatment experiences in addition to a deeper analysis through qualitative thematic analysis. Another strength of this study is its use of reliable and valid measures such as the DASS-18. Creating new measures is another exciting component of these studies, especially since the new measures have been developed based on previously reliable and valid measures. For instance, the IAS is adapted from the LAS, one of the first-ever scales to measure globalization-based acculturation

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One limitation of this study is the inability to evaluate the direct relationship between globalizationbased acculturation and mental health. There is no reasonable way to experimentally test these two variables since globalization-based acculturation cannot be manipulated. Another limitation may be the study’s location as a generalizability restriction.

However, the location was an intentional choice made by the researchers. Mumbai was an intentional choice to measure globalization-based acculturation because of its colonial history, ties to the Western world, urban nature, and ethnic diversity.

Conclusions This study builds upon a newer understanding of acculturation through globalization; specifically, the proposed study investigates the impact of globalizationbased acculturation on mental health treatment. The expected findings of this study contribute to a higher understanding of the effects of colonization and globalization on Indian young adults ‘ identity and mental health. The consequences of global influences are here to stay, so India must adapt in every way possible, including its mental health care system. It is dangerous to assume the needs of this population, so the proposed study seeks to understand the mental health treatment attitudes of Indian young adults in relation to the changing culture in India. Based on the expected findings of this study, mental health treatment should reflect the new hybrid culture by integrating Western and Indian practices. India has survived thousands of years of invasions by changing and adapting to new cultures while ensuring core Indian values remain intact. Mental health treatment should be no different – the time for evolution is now.

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Appendix A Indian Acculturation Scale (IAS) Scale: (1) Always Indian, (2) Mostly Indian, (3) Both Indian and Western, (4) Mostly Western, and (5) Always Indian 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

What clothes do you usually wear?

What food do you usually eat?

What language do you usually speak (Indian = Hindi/ Marathi/Gujarati/Punjabi/Urdu/Bengali/Telugu/Tamil/ Malayalam/Kannada or any other Indian language, Western = English or any other Romantic language) Which friends do you usually enjoy company with?

What movies do you usually watch / what music do you usually listen to?

What type of celebrations and parties do you usually attend?

To what way of living/culture have you tried to adjust to while living in India?

In what way of life/culture do you want your future children to live according to?

Appendix B Mental Health Treatment Attitudes and Preference Questionnaire (MHTAPQ) Mental Health Treatment History 1.

Have you ever seen an Ayush (Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha, Sowa-Rigpa, and Homeopathy) practitioner for mental health issues?

Y/N/Prefer not to say

2. Have you ever seen a psychiatrist for mental health issues?

Y/N/Prefer not to say 3. Have you ever seen a psychotherapist for mental health issues?

Y/N/Prefer not to say Mental Health Treatment Attitudes 4. On a scale of 1-5, (1) I believe it is not effective, (2) I believe it is slightly effective, (3) I believe it is effective, (4) I believe it is very effective, and (5) I believe it is very effective for Indians, what is your attitude towards Ayush as treatment for mental health?

5. On a scale of 1-5, (1) I believe it is not effective, (2) I believe it is slightly effective, (3) I believe it is effective, (4) I believe it is very effective, and (5) I believe it is very effective for Indians, what is your attitude towards psychiatry/ psychotherapy as treatment for mental health?

Mental Health Treatment Preference 6. On a scale of 1-5, (1) strongly prefer Ayush, (2) prefer Ayush, (3) no preference for either Ayush or psychiatry/ psychotherapy, (4) prefer psychiatry/psychotherapy, and (5) strongly prefer psychiatry/psychotherapy, what is your preference for mental health treatment?

The Moderating Role of Ethnic-Racial Identity in the Relationship between Vicarious Discrimination and Mental Health Outcomes among Asian American Adults Kelly Kwong

A

midst the COVID-19 pandemic, a rise in anti-Asian hate crimes in the United States has gained heightened visibility to the public through news coverage and social media, fueled by the persistent scapegoating of Asians and Asian Americans as responsible for the “Chinese Virus” or “Kung Flu” (Chandra, 2020; Han et al., 2023).

Racial discrimination has long been associated with significant negative mental health outcomes (Misra et al., 2020; Oh & Banawa, 2021), and there is extensive research regarding direct discrimination impacting the psychological well-being of Asian Americans (Lee et al., 2022; Zhou et al., 2021). However, vicarious discrimination is less researched (Chae et al., 2021; ElTohamy et al., 2023), and the subsequent mental health consequences are less known during COVID-19.

Moreover, previous research has found mixed evidence regarding ethnic-racial identity’s protective or exacerbating role in the face of racial discrimination (Choi et al., 2020; Huynh et al., 2022; Woo et al., 2019; Yip, 2018). While little research has examined the potential moderating role of ethnic-racial identity in the association between vicarious discrimination and mental health outcomes in this particular population, there is reason to think that indirect discrimination can be equally detrimental to Asian American mental health as direct discrimination. Considering these gaps in the literature, the current study will examine the potentially moderating role of ethnic-racial identity in the relationship between vicarious discrimination and mental health outcomes among Asian American adults in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Vicarious Discrimination The effects of direct discrimination (i.e., personal experiences of prejudicial treatment based on race/ ethnicity) on psychological health during COVID-19 have been well documented in the literature. Research demonstrates that COVID-19-related direct racial and ethnic discrimination is associated with symptoms of depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation among Asian Americans (Lee et al., 2022; Zhou et al., 2021). Despite the extensive research, most mental health and racial discrimination studies have focused on personal experiences of direct discrimination, leaving vicarious discrimination relatively understudied.

Uniquely, vicarious discrimination is experienced indirectly by witnessing and hearing about racist acts against members of one’s racial and ethnic group (Layug et al., 2022; Wang & Santos, 2022). These secondhand accounts can produce considerable emotional distress without being the direct victim. Previous studies have found that experiences with vicarious discrimination during COVID-19 lead to greater stress (ElTohamy et al., 2023) and depressive symptoms (Chae et al., 2021) among Asian Americans. Despite these findings, research on Asian Americans’ experiences with vicarious discrimination remains relatively underexamined. Exploring potential protective factors that may buffer these adverse symptoms is imperative.

Ethnic-racial identity as a protective factor between perceived discrimination and mental health Ethnic-racial identity is “a sense of ethnic pride, involvement in ethnic practices, and cultural commitment to one’s racial/ethnic group” (Phinney, 1996). According to social identity theory, people seek to achieve a positive sense of self based on their group membership, an important source of self-esteem and value (Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Tajfel & Turner, 1986).

Furthermore, experiences with racial discrimination may lead to amplified identification, belonging, and acceptance of one’s in-group (Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Previous studies have found a strong link between the protective role of ethnic-racial identity and the negative effects of discrimination (Choi et al., 2017; Layug et al., 2022; Rivas-Drake et al., 2008; Yip et al., 2008). However, some research suggests that ethnic-racial identity exacerbates the adverse effects associated with discrimination. For example, Choi et al. (2020) found that Asian immigrants with high ethnic-racial identity were more likely to experience psychological distress when faced with discrimination.

Similarly, Huynh et al. (2022) identified a positive association between discrimination and anxiety among individuals with high ethnic-racial identity. Other studies show that high levels of identity exploration are associated with increased vulnerability (Yip, 2018), and the moderating role of ethnic-racial identity varies by race/ethnicity and the level of racial-ethnic identity (Woo et al., 2019). Additionally, previous studies have used scales that may not be sufficient to measure the ethnic-racial identity of Asian American adults (e.g.,

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scales created for adolescents or single-item scales).

This study utilizes a psychologically validated scale for adults (i.e., the salience subscale of the Cross-Ethnic Racial Identity Scale-Adult), which, to the researchers’ knowledge, has not been used with an Asian American sample. Given the inconsistencies, further research with more validated measures of ethnic-racial identity is needed to understand better the relationship between ethnic-racial identity, discrimination, and mental health outcomes.

Despite the substantial research investigating ethnicracial identity, there is a lack of research on the potential moderating role of ethnic-racial identity among Asian American adults, focusing on vicarious discrimination.

Prior research has found a moderating influence of ethnic-racial identity on direct discrimination in some cases, thus warranting further research into its potential impact on indirect discrimination. Few studies have explored the relationship between ethnic-racial identity and in-person vicarious discrimination (Huynh et al., 2022; Zong et al., 2022). Huynh et al. (2022) found that at higher levels of ethnic-racial identity, the effect of discrimination in the media (i.e., online vicarious discrimination) on anxiety was stronger than at lower levels of ethnic identity. However, ethnic-racial identity had no significant moderation effect in the association between discrimination against a family member (i.e., in-person vicarious discrimination) and mental health.

These mixed findings demonstrate the need for more research on vicarious discrimination, especially in the COVID-19 context that has made Asian American racial discrimination highly visible. Considering the literature, ethnic-racial identity may be a potential buffer to the negative effects of vicarious discrimination for Asian Americans. It may, therefore, provide a strong sense of belonging to one’s ethnic group to protect individuals from the adverse effects of vicarious discrimination.

The Current Study While it is well documented that direct racial and ethnic discrimination has negative mental health outcomes for Asian Americans, there is a dearth of research on Asian Americans’ experiences of vicarious discrimination. Furthermore, few studies have investigated the moderating role of ethnicracial identity in the association between vicarious discrimination and mental health outcomes, especially in the COVID-19 context. This study aims to assess the relationship between vicarious discrimination and mental health outcomes among Asian American adults during the COVID-19 pandemic and examine the potential moderating role of ethnic-racial identity. We hypothesize that vicarious discrimination is positively associated with adverse mental health outcomes,

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and ethnic-racial identity plays a protective role in the relationship between vicarious discrimination and mental health outcomes.

Methods Participants and Procedures This study utilizes data from the COVID-19, Asian Americans, Resiliency, and Allyship (CARA) project. In Fall 2020, an online Qualtrics survey was administered to a national sample of 689 Asian and Asian American adults in exchange for incentives (e.g., cash, airline miles, gift cards). Of the 689 participants, we selected only those who did not indicate multi-ethnic or multiracial heritage to prevent confounding factors from including more diverse ethnic or racial backgrounds, as we are studying solely Asian American ethnicracial identity. Participants were 620 Asian American adults (61.29% female) aged 18 to 80 (M = 40.6, SD = 15.7). The largest ethnic subgroups were Chinese (n = 209; 33.71%), Indian (n = 81; 13.06%), Filipino (n = 70; 11.29%), Japanese (n = 59; 9.52%), Korean (n = 47, 7.58%), and Pakistani (n = 23; 3.71%).

Measures Vicarious Discrimination Vicarious discrimination was assessed using the 4-item in-person indirect subscale of the COVID-19 Related Racial Discrimination Scale (Cheah et al., 2020). Of the few studies on vicarious discrimination, most have focused on online vicarious discrimination; thus, we chose to examine the effect of in-person vicarious discrimination, as it is relatively under-examined.

Participants were asked to indicate the frequency of each incident since the pandemic’s start, rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (Never) to 5 (Very Frequently).

Examples include “Someone said something negative about Asian people (for example, their diet) related to the COVID-19 outbreak.” The final scores were recoded to reflect mean scores by averaging the values of the four statements. The internal consistency for the current sample was excellent (Cronbach’s α = .90).

Psychological Distress Psychological distress was measured using the 10item Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (Kessler et al., 2002), rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (None of the time) to 5 (All of the time). Participants were asked about their mental well-being over the last 30 days. Example items include “During the last 30 days, how often did you feel depressed?”. Final scores reflect sum scores, which were calculated by adding the

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values of the ten statements. The internal consistency for the current sample was excellent (Cronbach’s α = .96).

Worry Worry was measured using the 5-item Penn State Worry Questionnaire (Topper et al., 2014), rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (Not at all typical of me) to 5 (Very typical of me). Example items include “Many situations make me worry” and “I notice that I have been worrying about things.” The final scores reflect sum scores, calculated by adding the values of the five statements. The internal consistency for the current sample was excellent (Cronbach’s α = .94).

Ethnic-Racial Identity Ethnic-acial identity was assessed using the 4-item Ethnic-Racial Salience Subscale of the Cross-Ethnic Racial Identity Scale-Adult (CERIS-A) (Worrell et al., 2019). Ethnic-racial salience is “the degree to which individuals consider race in their daily lives” (Worrell et al., 2019). The subscale used a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 7 (Strongly Agree). Participants were asked to indicate to what degree each item reflects their feelings and attitudes with the statements and the racial/ethnic group they identify with (e.g., “During a typical week in my life, I think about ethnic and cultural issues many, many times”). The final scores were calculated by averaging the responses to the statements to reflect mean scores. The internal consistency for the current sample was good (Cronbach’s α = .80).

Statistical Analysis We conducted an ordinary least squares (OLS) regression to examine the factors associated with two mental health outcomes (i.e., psychological distress and worry). We fitted the entire model with the independent variable, vicarious discrimination; the dependent variables, psychological distress, and worry; and the moderator, ethnic-racial identity. We included the interaction term between ethnic-racial identity and vicarious racial discrimination to examine any moderating effects. The significance level was set at p < 0.05. The Variance Inflation Factors (VIF) were calculated, and an exclusion threshold of VIF > 5 was used to evaluate multicollinearity (Sheather, 2010). We ran all analyses using the full dataset because none of our variables exceeded this threshold (the maximum was 2.23, and the mean was 1.43). All analyses were conducted using Stata/SE 17.0 software.

QUEST C6

Results Vicarious discrimination outcomes

and

mental

health

Table 1 presents the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analysis of vicarious discrimination on psychological distress and worry. Consistent with prior studies, experiencing vicarious discrimination was positively associated with psychological distress (β = 3.13, p < 0.001) and worry (β = 1.13, p < 0.001) after adjusting for demographic variables. Vicarious discrimination also explained a proportion of variance in psychological distress, R2 = 0.36, F(18, 601) = 18.41, and worry, R2 = 0.25, F(18, 601) = 11.26. Further, ethnic-racial identity was negatively associated with both psychological distress (β = -0.686, p < 0.01) and worry (β = -0.329, p < 0.05).

The moderating role of ethnic-racial identity Figure 1 and Table 2 present the results from the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression analysis to show the interaction effect of ethnic-racial identity on the relationship between vicarious discrimination and psychological distress as well as worry. After adjusting for demographic factors, ethnic-racial identity moderated the association between Asian Americans’ experiences of vicarious discrimination and psychological distress (β = -0.48, p < 0.05). In other words, ethnic-racial identity provided a protective role against psychological distress when faced with vicarious discrimination. However, ethnic-racial identity did not impact worry (β = -0.15, p < 0.32).

Discussion This study aimed to understand better the potential moderating role of ethnic-racial identity in the relationship between vicarious discrimination and mental health outcomes among Asian American adults. We hypothesized that vicarious discrimination leads to more psychological distress and worry. The study’s results support this hypothesis, as witnessing or hearing about discriminatory acts against others of the same ethnic group predicted a significant increase in psychological distress and worry. This finding is consistent with the previous literature that experiencing vicarious discrimination is associated with poorer mental health outcomes (ElTohamy et al., 2023).

We also hypothesized that the relationship between vicarious discrimination and psychological distress is moderated by ethnic-racial identity. As expected, our results indicate that a strong identification with one’s

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race or ethnicity protects Asian American adults from experiencing psychological distress when faced with vicarious discrimination. Whereas some studies have found that ethnic-racial identity exacerbates psychological distress and anxiety symptoms when faced with both direct and indirect discrimination (Choi et al., 2020; Huynh et al., 2022), the present study has shown that a strong ethnic-racial identity can buffer psychological distress when experiencing instances of vicarious discrimination. As explained by social identity theory, experiencing vicarious discrimination can lead to a stronger identification of one’s ethnic group (Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Tajfel & Turner, 1986), which may provide a strong sense of belonging that can protect individuals from adverse mental health effects such as psychological distress. Moreover, the present study used the CERIS-A scale, a psychologically validated scale that, to the researchers’ knowledge, has not been used with Asian Americans, which may contribute to our results.

Additionally, we expected ethnic-racial identity to moderate the relationship between vicarious discrimination and worry. However, contrary to our hypothesis, we found no moderating effects in this relationship. Other factors not examined in this study (e.g., social support or coping mechanisms) may significantly affect feelings of worry in vicarious discrimination than ethnic-racial identity. Further research is needed to identify other possible moderating factors involved in the complex relationship between vicarious discrimination and worry.

Implications The findings suggest that experiences with vicarious discrimination can lead to adverse mental health effects for Asian Americans. This demonstrates that more research and resources should be allocated to preventing discrimination and incorporating diversityfocused interventions in various environments.

For example, social movements such as Stop Asian Hate, which rallies against violence targeting Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, have been essential to the well-being of the Asian American community, making these coalitions all the more imperative. This study also has fundamental practice implications for clinicians and mental health providers. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated vicarious discrimination among Asian Americans, leading to a heightened prevalence of these experiences. Therefore, practitioners can support the mental health of these individuals during a time when more members are affected by creating interventions that aim to develop a stronger ethnicracial identity specific to Asian American adults, not adolescents. Additionally, the results imply that Asian

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Americans with a strong ethnic-racial identity who experience vicarious discrimination may experience less psychological distress. Hence, practitioners should promote and foster a strong sense of ethnic-racial identity that can help mitigate psychological distress from experiences of vicarious discrimination.

Limitations There are limitations to our study. The data were derived from an online survey administered exclusively in English. Therefore, our findings may not be generalizable to the entire Asian American population as non-English speakers, and those without access to a computer were excluded. Additionally, while we included all broad ethnic subgroups (i.e., East Asian, Southeast Asian, and South Asian) as Asian Americans, we must recognize that Asian Americans are not a monolith but a heterogeneous group. Thus, we must consider the distinct experiences and differences between the ethnic groups.

Additionally, the three largest ethnic groups in the current study represented a significant portion of each subgroup, with Chinese participants accounting for 61% of the East Asian sample, Filipinos accounting for 45% of the Southeast Asian sample, and Indians accounting for 63% of the South Asian sample.

Therefore, the results may not be generalizable to other less-represented ethnic groups; thus, the interpretation should consider this caveat. Moreover, the participants’ ages ranged from 18 to 80, which can pose a limitation because ethnic-racial identity may be interpreted or defined differently depending on age group; thus, future research should focus on specific age ranges. Ethnic-racial identity is complicated, so future research should utilize different methods, such as a qualitative approach, to investigate what ethnic-racial identity means to Asian American adults and explore this concept further. Finally, to measure ethnic-racial identity, the present study used the salience subscale of the larger Cross-Ethnic Racial Identity Scale-Adult, which includes seven subscales that measure various ethnic-racial identity attitudes (e.g., assimilation, ethnocentricity). Researchers should consider using the entire CERIS-A scale to examine other aspects of ethnic-racial identity that may moderate the relationship.

Conclusion Despite these limitations, the present study has enhanced our understanding of the moderating role of ethnic-racial identity in the relationship between vicarious discrimination and mental health outcomes.

The results of this study replicate the finding that

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QUEST C6

experiences with vicarious discrimination can lead to adverse mental health outcomes. Moreover, the findings suggest that a robust ethnic-racial identity plays a protective role that buffers against these adverse mental health outcomes. Although the moderation analysis was supported for psychological distress, we expanded our understanding of potential moderators in this relationship. We hope that the current research will stimulate further investigation of the moderating role of ethnic-racial identity.

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QUEST C6

Table 1. Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression model on psychological distress and worry Variables

Psychological Distress

Worry

Vicarious discrimination

3.125*** (0.367)

1.134*** (0.227)

Ethnic-racial identity

-0.686** (0.273)

-0.329* (0.168)

Ethnicity South Asian

3.067*** (1.044)

-0.254 (0.644)

Southeast Asian

1.229 (0.922)

0.156 (0.569)

Multiethnic/ Multiracial Asian

4.344*** (1.252)

1.709** (0.773)

Age

-0.196*** (0.0274) -0.102*** (0.0169)

Gender Woman

1.680** (0.723)

1.871*** (0.446)

Non-Binary, Transgender, or Gender Non-Conforming

4.797 (4.440)

3.005 (2.741)

Variables

Psychological Distress

Worry

Vicarious discrimination

4.976*** (1.008)

1.718*** (0.623)

Ethnic-racial identity

0.183 (0.518)

-0.0544 (0.320)

-0.480** (0.243)

-0.152 (0.151)

2.937*** (1.044)

-0.295 (0.646)

Southeast Asian

1.259 (0.920)

0.166 (0.569)

Multiethnic/ Multiracial Asian

4.251*** (1.250)

1.680** (0.774)

Age

-0.201*** (0.0275) -0.103*** (0.0170)

Vicarious Discrimination * ethnic-racial identity Ethnicity South Asian

Gender

Education College

-0.992 (0.928)

-0.226 (0.573)

More than College

-0.820 (1.154)

0.285 (0.712)

Immigrant: Generation Status

Woman

1.673** (0.721)

1.868*** (0.446)

Non-Binary, Transgender, or Gender Non-Conforming

4.513 (4.432)

2.915 (2.742)

College

-1.041 (0.926)

-0.242 (0.573)

More than College

–0.734 (1.152)

0.312 (0.713)

1.232 (1.195)

0.916 (0.739)

Education

1.5 generation

1.417 (1.194)

0.975 (0.737)

2nd generation

1.385 (0.883)

1.077** (0.545)

3rd generation

3.316** (1.545)

2.030** (0.954)

non-immigrant

2.190 (1.880)

0.552 (1.161)

Political

0.0933 (0.245)

-0.221 (0.151)

Midwest

-0.172 (1.308)

-0.810 (0.807)

South

0.114 (1.080)

-0.151 (0.667)

West

0.989 (1.038)

0.158 (0.641)

23.76*** (2.611)

17.60*** (1.612)

Observations

620

620

R-squared

0.355

0.252

Region

Constant

Table 2.

Interaction between vicarious discrimination and ethnic-racial identity on psychological distress and worry

Note. Standard errors in parentheses. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1.

Immigrant: Generation Status 1.5 generation 2nd generation

1.302 (0.882)

1.050* (0.546)

3rd generation

3.083** (1.546)

1.957** (0.956)

non-immigrant

2.055 (1.877)

0.509 (1.161)

Political

0.0971 (0.244)

-0.219 (0.151)

Midwest

-0.271 (1.306)

-0.842 (0.808)

South

0.0833 (1.078)

-0.161 (0.667)

West

1.083 (1.037)

0.188 (0.641)

Constant

-0.271 (1.306)

16.58*** (1.904)

Observations

0.0833 (1.078)

620

R-squared

1.083 (1.037)

0.253

Region

Note. Standard errors in parentheses. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1.

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Figure 1. Moderation Model

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R.I.S.E

Researching Inequity in Society Ecologically PI: Erin Godfrey + Shabnam Javdani Mentors: Iris Mann + Uma Guarnaccia The LRP Lab is founded on the principles of multiculturalism, social justice, and liberation psychology and investigates various topics impacting marginalized groups with the aim of decolonizing teaching, research & practice. As such, culturally embedded processes of coping socialization, culturally informed help-seeking behaviors, amelioration of the impact of societal ills on individual functioning & critical consciousness development are explored. All of LRP’s research seeks to inform culturally & structurally competent practice in an effort to improve & increase the capacity of mental health & human service providers to treat people of color & other minoritized groups.

Dreams, Decolonization, and Decarceration: Evaluating the Impact of Trauma-Informed Care Training Rooted in a Decolonial Praxis to ShiftStaff Perceptions of System-Impacted Girls/Gender Non-Conforming (GNC) Youth Danna Rojas

F

anon (1963) initially identified colonialism as dehumanizing, degrading, and destroying entire peoples, languages, and cultures–primarily Black and Brown populations due to White European imperial violence (Kebede, 2001).

From the genocide of Indigenous peoples to the capture and enslavement of African people, violent colonial events are situated within the foundations of America. This colonial legacy survives through systemic oppression across macro and micro levels. One evident instance is the inequities in wealth, healthcare, and education that displaced Indigenous people face on reservations (Sarche & Spicer, 2008). Another example is the 13th Amendment and the continuation of enslavement as punishment for crime. Mass incarceration has, not surprisingly, led to disproportionate state violence enacted against Black people, as they are five times more likely to be incarcerated than Whites (Nellis, 2021) and 2.9 times more likely to be killed by police than Whites (DeAngelis, 2021). Coloniality can thus be regarded as the resulting rationalization of the domination and exploitation of Black and Brown people and situates Western/European thought and White People as the most powerful (Jackson, 2018; Young, 2020).

Coloniality impacts systems of economic, social, political, academic, cultural, and judicial power (The Fanon Project, 2010) that inform the larger world and ourselves. One structure that upholds coloniality is the justice system. This is especially seen in the schoolto-prison pipeline phenomenon within the academic and judicial systems and interacts with the economic/ social systems. The school-to-prison pipeline refers to the systemic school push-out (e.g., suspension) of young, typically low-income Black and Brown students into the juvenile/criminal justice system (e.g., juvenile detention) (Skiba & Knesting, 2001). In this way, America’s school-to-prison pipeline allowed for the reification and continuation of colonialism, often compounded by patriarchy, where the simultaneous occurrence of racial and gender discrimination against women work as dictators of “everyday life” (Irwin & Umemoto, 2016).

The conjunction of coloniality and patriarchy is especially evident in the Juvenile Justice system. This can be seen from its inception in 1899; girls were

particularly targeted as they were incarcerated at overwhelmingly higher rates than boys, with girls detained primarily for “immoral” behavior (McCord et al., 2001). Considering this foundation– alongside historical mistreatment and incarceration of people with multiple marginalized identities (Bush, 2010; Feinstein et al., 2001)– highlights a fundamentally flawed conception of crime and punishment.

Staff Perceptions These harmful colonial mentalities manifest in the practices of people who work in carceral institutions, as carceral institutions’ external and internal designs are meant to alienate prisoners from staff and be concrete, physical models of how one’s society thinks of contending with incarcerated men, women, and children (Moran & Jewkes, 2015). Previous research suggests the close relationship between ideology, prejudice, behavior, and behavior attributions (Crandall, 1994). For instance, probation officers tend to attribute crimes committed by Black offenders to internal reasons and external ones for White offenders (Oliver, 2003), and juvenile justice workers often perceive girls as manipulative, dishonest, and personally to blame for their situations (Burson et al., 2019). Studies have demonstrated how predominantly White and male staff not only held more negative attitudes toward youth with diverse Sexual Orientations, Gender Identities, and Expression (SOGIE) but also reported they would show less protective and supportive behaviors towards those youth (Matarese et al., 2023).

Ultimately, the colonial mentality demonstrated in these staff perceptions has troubling implications for youth with multiple marginalized identities (e.g., a Bisexual Indigenous girl). Within this project, however, there will be a focus on staff perceptions as the first part of this relationship.

Decoloniality Decoloniality refers to undoing notions of Eurocentric dominance and recentering knowledge outside Western ways of thinking and being, primarily recentering marginalized people of various, differing, and intersecting sexualities, gender expressions, races, and ethnicities (Young, 2020).

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The work of decoloniality is crucial to psychology in various ways. For one, it strives towards a fuller knowledge and understanding of a larger diversity of people and the complex contexts in which we live– which strengthens and pushes research forward (Lewis et al., 2021). This, in turn, positively impacts the health outcomes for greater populations– and brings us closer to a more equitable world. Decoloniality is equally crucial regarding the juvenile justice system, as Black, Latinx, Indigenous girls, and gender non-conforming (GNC) youth have historically been disproportionately exploited by colonial carceral institutions (systemimpacted). To add, 90% of system-impacted girls/GNC youth enter the system already with trauma (Rose et al., 2023), only to continue to be traumatized via invasive and constrictive procedures, neglect, mistreatment, or other violence once incarcerated (Kerig & Ford, 2014). Decoloniality would create opportunities for marginalized youth to be understood, cared for, and empowered.

Trauma-informed Care Trauma-informed care (TIC) and gender-responsive care (GRC) are a part of the work necessary to decolonize the juvenile justice system. While colonialism relies on violence to reinforce power, these care models rely on gentleness. TIC includes five central tenets: “safety, trustworthiness, choice, collaboration, and empowerment” (Kusmaul et al., 2015). This training and care is primarily utilized in healthcare settings and situations where a patient has experienced one or more traumas (be it physical/emotional/sexual, etc.), and the healthcare provider takes this into account when providing services for an optimal outcome in the patient’s wellbeing. Its expanded use has become especially vital to other caretaking professions, including the juvenile justice system; as Kusmaul et al.

(2015) have stated, settings with a trauma-informed background frame healing as a joint effort among staff and patient (in this case, youth), where there are no hierarchies, just a collaboration towards recovery.

Gender-responsive care adheres to similar values, as it aims to acknowledge the sociopolitical contexts in which people of particular gender identities navigate through their world and the impact this may have on health and behavior (Miers, 2002). Through their guiding principles of care, equity, and collaboration— one can see the decolonial structure within this training of juvenile justice staff and care for staff/youth.

TIC and GRC are of tremendous importance to decolonizing the juvenile justice system. A significant part of this decolonizing effort is training staff to unlearn colonial mentalities and ideas of ‘deviant’ youth. Other studies on system-impacted youth show

the importance of youth having a voice in developing effective programs (Chesney-Lind et al., 2008).

Therefore, the proposed study investigates how colonial mentalities are reflected in staff perceptions of system-impacted girls and GNC youth and if traumainformed care staff training rooted in decolonial frameworks can change staff perceptions.

System Justification and Critical Consciousness Two constructs are potentially necessary when understanding how TIC influences staff perceptions - the first being system justification. This construct refers to the extent to which an individual defends the status quo of a given society. The status quo within the Juvenile Justice system refers to carceral (confinement) and punishment. One study found that participants primed to powerlessness and with higher system justification were inclined to perceive disproportionate incarceration rates of African Americans as more legitimate (van der Toorn et al., 2014). Because a critical facet of colonialism entails legitimizing a racial hierarchy and concentration of power within Whiteness, we suspect that changes in system justification may drive the relationship between trauma-informed care and changes in staff perceptions of girls and GNC youth in the justice system.

The second relevant construct in understanding the connection between TIC and staff perceptions is critical consciousness. Critical consciousness is conceptualized as the capacity to think and act in ways that challenge inequities and oppressive power structures in society to move towards a more just and free world (Freire, 2000). Freire’s theory of critical consciousness has been utilized in various health outcome research and interventions– to improve health outcomes of marginalized groups– such as reduced substance use among African-American populations who had been recently incarcerated, increased civic engagement among poor youth, and future career planning within inner-city youth (Jemal, 2017). Critical consciousness rejects the villainizing nature of negative internal behavior attribution by humanizing and uplifting marginalized populations. This has the potential to shift staff perceptions of youth involved in the justice system. Therefore, critical consciousness is of great importance to the decolonial project of empowering historically marginalized groups. The current study aims to fill the gaps in the literature that have yet to thoroughly examine and quantify the contemporary impact colonialism has on perceptions as well as the importance of decoloniality in the Juvenile Justice System, as it may empower staff members and youth with greater opportunities for healing from trauma and rehabilitation. For this reason, the current study

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seeks to answer two main questions: (1) how are colonial mentalities reflected in staff perceptions of system-impacted girls and GNC youth? (2) can traumainformed care staff training rooted in decolonial frameworks change staff perceptions?

Methods Design The proposed study will follow a quantitative experimental design. Quantitative data will be collected through surveys to examine connections between coloniality, internal behavior attribution, system justification, and critical consciousness. In a six-month intervention protocol and control waitlist model–out of 4 facilities- two would be randomly assigned to the intervention condition, and two randomized to control would receive the same six-month intervention six months after their start time.

Workshops and Trauma Curriculum (Background) Paulo Freire advocated that oppressed peoples could be liberated and empowered through education (Chalaune, 2021). Therefore, educational workshops and curriculum aligned with the notion that knowledge is a liberatory approach–and is worth further investigating.

Decoloniality has been actualized in research through resistance to hegemonic structures, respecting the researched, and practicing critical compassion (examining emotions, leading research/action with empathy) (Singh et al., 2014). Because extending care and humanizing are at the core of TIC and decoloniality, many workshops center around love, communication, and collaboration. In addition, TIC aims to understand how trauma occurs in complex histories and settings and impacts people with intersectional identities (Schick, 2011). Therefore, the revised trauma curriculum aligns clearly with the efforts of decoloniality and improving the cultural competency of trauma-informed care in general, as healthcare professionals have emphasized the importance of (Burns et al., 2023).

Staff from facilities randomized to the intervention would receive six decolonial workshops and a revised trauma curriculum (further details in Appendix A).

All facility staff will be surveyed and interviewed at baseline before and at the six-month marker when the intervention concludes.

Quantitative Measures The Behavior Attribution Scale (BAS) Modeled after Crandall’s (1994) study, which aimed to compare symbolic racism and prejudice against fat people, this scale has demonstrated strong correlations between ideology, prejudice, behavior attributions, and behavior itself. It has been heavily adapted for this study and the context of carceral facilities. After modifications, the BAS is a 19-item 5-point Likert scale self-report survey focused on measuring the extent to which staff attributed internal (e.g., item 5: “They are liars”) or external (e.g., item 17: “They don’t have enough resources in their community”) forces as to why youth are system involved. High scores for internal negative behavior attribution would reflect colonial staff perceptions, as more significant internal attribution of transgressions has been related to prejudice against individuals/outgroups, and often minority groups such as Black people (Crandall, 1994). Each item is rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1(not at all true) to 5(exactly true). This scale is demonstrative of staff perceptions of youth.

System Justification Scale (SJS) Initially, an 8-item Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 9 (strongly disagree), this scale assesses perceptions of fairness and justification of a social system (Kay & Jost, 2003). It has a Cronbach’s alpha of .87. After being adapted for the context of Juvenile Justice facilities, it is an 11-item Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree). Sample items consist of statements to agree with, such as “Youth from some social groups do not get the same opportunities.” Low scores are indicative of high system justification, and high scores of low system justification. In this way, staff perceptions high in SJS also reflect beliefs endorsing themes of coloniality (e.g., patriarchy, gender binary, etc.).

Critical Consciousness Scale (CCS) This scale was developed to measure Critical Consciousness. Two main factors of the concept are reflection on inequality and action taken to fight inequality, marking the two subscales of the measure (Diemer et al., 2017). Although it was initially a 46-item 6-point Likert scale, it has been adapted into a 12-item Likert scale, with six items referring to reflection (e.g., “The system needs to be changed in order for some social groups to have an equal chance to get ahead”), ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree) and six items referring to action (e.g., “I took actions to fight unfairness”) ranging from 1 (Never) to 6 (All

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the time). Higher scores indicate greater Critical Consciousness.

Proposed Analytic Plan and Results The overarching aim of the study is to discern how colonial mentalities are reflected in staff perceptions of youth impacted by the Juvenile Legal System and to see if using a decolonial praxis, which emphasizes care and collaboration in staff training and staff and youth partnership/participation, will change staff perceptions of youth. Coloniality will be conceptualized through low critical consciousness and high system justification scores.

The anticipated data analysis will include three t-tests at baseline: 1) comparing the control and experimental group on system justification, 2) comparing the control and experimental group on critical consciousness, and 3) comparing the control and experimental group on their behavior attribution scores. We expect that there will be no differences between the groups on any of the outcome variables at baseline. Next, using the postintervention reports, we will conduct the same three t-tests after the intervention concludes. We expect the experimental group will have higher levels of critical consciousness, lower levels of system justification, and lower scores on the behavior attribution scale compared to the control group after the intervention.

Last, in order to begin to understand the relationships between system justification, critical consciousness, and behavior attributions, we will run correlations first on the variables for the total sample and second on variables for each group separately. For the entire group, there will likely be weaker correlations between low CC and high SJ, low CC, high negative internal BAS, and high SJ and high BAS scores. Secondly, the expectation for the intervention group is that there will be stronger correlations between low CC and high SJ, low CC, and negative internal BAS, and high SJ and high BAS. Discussion The fundamental aim of this proposed study is to evaluate the relationship between colonialism, TIC, and staff perceptions within the juvenile legal system.

A conceptualization and examination of colonialism and the cruciality of decolonization in the Juvenile Legal system and the broader field of psychology has not yet been deeply explored– despite how colonialism has shaped both judicial and health institutions– which magnifies the importance of doing so. The findings are expected to suggest that colonial ideas of White, male, heterosexual dominance exist in staff conceptions of youth involved in the Juvenile Legal System, which likely

negatively impacts the care and treatment staff give to system-impacted girls/GNC youth and themselves.

After the implementation of a six-month intervention consisting of decolonial educational workshops and a revised trauma curriculum for staff, it is expected that staff perceptions of youth will shift towards a less colonial, more positive direction and result in lower negative internal behavior attributions, the development of closer relationships with youth, and ultimately empower both staff and youth. Further, we expect to find correlations between high Critical Consciousness, low system justification, and less negative internal behavior attribution, suggesting the relationships between the constructs.

The limitations of the studies are as follows. For one, the staff may need to be open to intervention, ideas presented, etc. This is particularly interesting as it highlights how deeply ingrained colonialism is in carceral systems. Conversely, staff may already need to be lower in system justification and high in critical consciousness, rendering the intervention additionally helpful but not necessarily significantly impactful.

To add, outstanding variables such as staff identity expression or staff’s other experiences with the justice system were not taken into consideration. However, they could offer valuable insight into how culture influences staff perception.

Future research should consider including youth in the intervention, as it may be beneficial since youthadult collaboration has been shown to increase youth confidence and connectedness to adults. It has been most impactful for youth when adults are willing to share power (Zeldin et al., 2014). A deeper examination of other factors, such as staff’s own identities and contexts (e.g., race/ethnicity, gender, class, education levels, location, etc.) and their impact on perceptions (high/ low BAS, SJS, or CCS) is also recommended. Mediation analysis with structural equation modeling should look at relationships between various demographic variables and high or low Behavior Attribution scores, System Justification, or Critical Consciousness, as well as if system justification, behavior attribution, and critical consciousness explain the relationship between the intervention and staff perceptions.

Implications Ultimately, these findings expand on the existing literature and research regarding decoloniality in psychology. Additionally, this work informs research methods, develops less harmful and oppressive ways of conducting research (Singh et al., 2014), and teaches researchers new forms of knowledge and new ways of understanding and evaluating quantitative data. Real-

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world implications of this research include bringing us closer to realizing justice reform in the U.S. and equitable rehabilitation of system-impacted youth of multiple marginalized identities. Moreover, this research adds to the work of reimagining restorative justice and impactful interventions for sustainable change, care, growth, and support for system-impacted youth and interacting adult populations alike.

Conclusion Overall, this study sets out to identify how colonial mentalities are reflected in staff perceptions of youth, and more specifically, system-impacted girls and GNC youth. It also explores if trauma-informed care staff training rooted in decolonizing frameworks could change staff perceptions. The intervention will likely shift towards less colonial staff perceptions of youth, quantified through lower negative internal behavior attribution, lower system justification, and higher critical consciousness. The salience of these findings would demonstrate the importance of decoloniality in psychological research and its urgency in the Juvenile Justice system to undo harmful and oppressive ways of thinking and interacting with system-impacted youth.

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References Burns, C. J., Borah, L., Terrell, S. M., James, L. N., Erkkinen, E., & Owens, L. (2023, February 17). Traumainformed care curricula for the Health Professions: A scoping review of best practices for design, implementation, and evaluation.

Academic Medicine, 98(3).

Burson, E., Godfrey, E. B., & Singh, S. (2019). “This is probably the reason why she resorted to that kind of action”: A qualitative analysis of juvenile justice workers’ attributions for girls’ offending. Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community, 47(2), 154–170.

Bush, W. S. (2010). Who gets a childhood?: race and juvenile justice in twentieth-century Texas. University of Georgia Press.

Chalaune, B. S. (2021). Paulo Freire’s critical pedagogy in educational transformation. International Journal of Research, 9(4), 185–194.

Chesney-Lind, M., Morash, M., & Stevens, T. (2008). Girls’ Troubles, Girls’ Delinquency, and Gender Responsive Programming: A Review. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology (Australian Academic Press), 41(1), 162–189.

Crandall, C. S. (1994). Prejudice against fat people: Ideology and self-interest. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 66(5), 882–894.

DeAngelis, R. T. (2021). Systemic Racism in Police Killings: New Evidence From the Mapping Police Violence Database, 2013–2021. Race and Justice, Diemer, M. A., Rapa, L. J., Park, C. J., & Perry, J. C. (2017).

Development and Validation of the Critical Consciousness Scale. Youth & Society, 49(4), 461–483.

Fanon, F. (1963). The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press.

Feinstein, R., Greenblatt, A., Hass, L., Kohn, S., & Rana, J. (2001). Justice for All? A Report on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgendered Youth in the New York Juvenile Justice System.

Freire P. Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York: Continuum; 2000. (Original work published 1970).

Irwin, K., & Umemoto, K. (2016). Jacked Up and Unjust: Pacific Islander Teens Confront Violent Legacies (1st ed.). University of California Press.

Jackson, S.M. (2018). “Colonialism”. Keywords for African American Studies. NYU Press.

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Jemal A. (2017). Critical Consciousness: A Critique and Critical Analysis of the Literature. The Urban review, 49(4), 602–626.

Kay, A. C., & Jost, J. T. (2003). System Justification Scale [Database record]. APA PsycTests.

Kebede, M. (2001). The Rehabilitation of Violence and the Violence of Rehabilitation: Fanon and Colonialism.

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Kerig, P. K., & Ford, J. D. (2014). Trauma among girls in the juvenile justice system. ResearchGate. https:// www.researchgate.net/publication/274057730_ Trauma_among_girls_in_the_juvenile_justice_ system Kusmaul, N., Wilson, B., & Nochajski, T. (2015). The infusion of trauma-informed care in organizations: experience of agency staff, human service organizations: management, leadership & governance, 39:1, 25-37 Lewis, N. A., Jr., & Wai, J. (2021). Communicating what we know and what isn’t so: Science communication in psychology. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 16(6), 1242–1254.

Lynch, M.J. (2007). Big prisons, big dreams: Crime and the failure of America’s penal system. Rutgers University Press: New Brunswick, NJ Matarese, M., Betsinger, S.A., & Weeks, A. (2023). The influence of the juvenile justice workforce’s knowledge, attitudes, and beliefs on behaviors toward youth with diverse sexual orientations, gender identities, and expressions. Children and Youth Services Review, 148.

McCord, J., Widom, C. S., & Cromwell, N. A. (2001). Juvenile crime, juvenile justice. National Academy Press.

Miers, M. (2002). Developing an understanding of gender sensitive care: Exploring concepts and knowledge.

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Moran, D. & Jewkes, Y. (2015). Linking the carceral and the punitive state: A review of research on prison architecture, design, technology and the lived experience of carceral space. Annales de géographie, 702-703, 163-184.

Nellis, A. (2022). The color of justice: Racial and ethnic disparity in state prisons. The Sentencing Project.

Oliver, M. B. (2003). African American Men as “Criminal and Dangerous”: Implications of Media Portrayals of Crime on the “Criminalization” of African American Men. Journal of African American Studies, 7(2), 3–18.

Rose, R. E., Berezin, M. N., Javdani, S., & Singh, S. (2023).

“Roses have thorns for a reason”: The promises and perils of critical youth participatory research with system-impacted girls of Color. American Journal of Community Psychology.

Sarche, M., & Spicer, P. (2008). Poverty and health disparities for American Indian and Alaska Native children: current knowledge and future prospects. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1136, 126–136.

Schick, K. (2011). Acting out and working through: Trauma and (in)security. Review of International Studies, 37(4), 1837-1855.

Singh, S., Granski, M., del Pilar Victoria, M., & Javdani, S. (2018). The Praxis of Decoloniality in Researcher Training and Community-Based Data Collection.

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Skiba, R. J., & Knesting, K. (2001). Zero tolerance, zero evidence: an analysis of school disciplinary practice.

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Journal of Pan African Studies, 3(8), 151–178 van der Toorn, J., Feinberg, M., Jost, J. T., Kay, A. C., Tyler, T. R., Willer, R., & Wilmuth, C. (2014a). A sense of powerlessness fosters system justification: Implications for the legitimation of authority, hierarchy, and government. Political Psychology, 36(1), 93–110.

Young, R. J. C. (2020). Colonialisms, decolonization, decoloniality. Postcolonialism: A very short introduction (2nd ed.). Oxford University Press.

Zeldin, S., Krauss, S. E., Collura, J., Lucchesi, M., & Sulaiman, A. H. (2014). Conceptualizing and measuring youthadult partnership in community programs: a cross national study. American journal of community psychology, 54(3-4), 337–347.

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Appendix A Table 1 Decolonial Workshops and Revised Trauma Curriculum

Burns, C. J., Borah, L., Terrell, S. M., James, L. N., Erkkinen, E., & Owens, L. (2023, February 17). Trauma-informed care curricula for the Health Professions: A scoping review of best practices for design, implementation, and evaluation. Academic Medicine, 98(3).

How Does Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (TF-CBT) Within the Juvenile Justice System Impact Emotional Regulation in Youth Fatima Jatoi

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rauma exposure is extremely prevalent for youth impacted by the juvenile justice system. Traumatic incidents vary from sexual abuse to physical abuse to community violence. Research suggests that around 80 percent of justice-involved youth have experienced at least one traumatic event in their lifetime (Kim et al., 2021). Experiencing traumatic events during this crucial period of development can impact how young people self-regulate, and can even lead to critical mental health challenges (Ford et al., 2007). A study

by Abram et al. found that 11.2% of their sample of 898 individuals in a juvenile detention center met the criteria for PTSD (2004). Having PTSD or symptoms of PTSD have additionally been significantly associated with having emotional regulation challenges (Spies et al., 2020). These past traumatic experiences in youth impacted by the juvenile justice system have many other detrimental impacts, such as a lessened ability to regulate emotions which calls for the need for intervention.

Research demonstrates that individuals who have experienced childhood trauma often have difficulties with emotional regulation. A study conducted by Marusak et al. concluded that youth from psychiatry clinics who had past traumatic experiences had difficulty regulating their emotions when completing stressful tasks (2014). Additionally, according to Ehring and Quack (2010), adult trauma survivors who experienced continual interpersonal trauma were even more likely to struggle with emotional regulation compared to those who experienced a singular traumatic event.

This highlights the detrimental effects of traumatic events such as abuse and neglect on youths’ emotional regulation.

Emotional regulation abilities are essential for the wellbeing of children and adolescents. Individuals with effective emotional regulation skills tend to experience more happiness and success in many aspects of their lives (Côté et al., 2010). Contrarily, individuals who have difficulties in emotional regulation show increased suicidal ideation, demonstrating the importance of improving emotional regulation skills in youth to improve mental health, well-being, and reduce suicide ideation (Janiri, 2021).

Regulating emotions is especially of concern in the juvenile justice system, where youth experience a multitude of heightened difficult emotions such as anger, depression, and resentment given their circumstances (Virgin, 2021). Based on systemic barriers to care and limited access to effective care that increases emotion regulation, youth may not be able to successfully process and manage these difficult emotions. Kemp et al. (2017) also found a connection between emotional regulation skills and juvenile arrests - teacher reports of low emotional regulation predicted future student arrests. In another study, Docherty (2022) found that juvenile detainees whose emotional regulation skills improved were less likely to be arrested again, suggesting that enhancing emotional regulation skills can lower the likelihood of recidivism.

Research has also suggested that poor emotional regulation skills are associated with high impulsivity which is a strong predictor of legal system involvement (Schreiber et al., 2012) (Bechtold et al., 2014). The risk of increased suicide ideation, difficult emotions, and impulsivity further supports how essential it is to explore methods of increasing emotional regulation to benefit youth impacted by the juvenile justice system.

Research has demonstrated trauma-informed care to be effective for youth impacted by the juvenile justice system. Trauma-informed care is an approach that acknowledges how trauma impacts one’s life and provides a support system to combat this trauma (University of Buffalo, 2022). A study by Lyn et al.

(2021) found that violence levels in juvenile detainees decreased after receiving trauma intervention that consisted of staff training and skill-building groups for youth. Another study found that trauma-focused intervention significantly decreased depression and threatening behavior by youth to staff (Marrow et al., 2014). While this research demonstrates the effectiveness of trauma-informed intervention in reducing negative emotional and impulsive responses, future research is still needed to see if traumaintervention can specifically improve emotional regulation in youth impacted by the juvenile justice system, since there are no current studies on this topic. recentering marginalized people of various, differing, and intersecting sexualities, gender expressions, races, and ethnicities (Young, 2020).

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While a few studies briefly examined the effectiveness of trauma-informed care in improving emotional regulation, there is no current research on this within the juvenile justice system. Herrenkohl et al. (2019) examined the effectiveness of different trauma-informed care programs in schools and found that a specific intervention program called RAP club effectively improved emotional regulation.

The RAP program included CBT, mindfulness, and psychotherapy techniques. While these findings are relevant concerning the effectiveness of traumainformed care for youths’ emotional regulation in a general sense, more research should be conducted on whether trauma-informed care directly enhances emotional regulation, and even more specifically within the juvenile justice system. Therefore, this paper aims to examine the effectiveness of trauma-informed care in improving emotional regulation in youth impacted by the juvenile justice system.

The current study examines the benefits of TraumaFocused-Cognitive-Behavioral- Therapy (TF-CBT) in enhancing emotional regulation skills. TF-CBT is an effective method of trauma-informed intervention that has been shown to treat post-traumatic stress symptoms. Yet, there is still not much research on how it specifically affects emotional regulation (Arellano et al., 2014). TF-CBT is also effective in treating refugee children who have experienced trauma (Chipalo, 2021), demonstrating the potential of TF-CBT to be effective among other vulnerable populations as well, such as youth impacted by the juvenile justice system. With this being said, the current study strives to contribute to the research on trauma-informed interventions by expanding the use of TF-CBT to youth impacted by the juvenile justice system to improve their emotional regulation.

Methods Design This study looks at two youth groups impacted by the juvenile justice system who have received no prior therapy. The emotional regulation of all participants will be tested before the experiment starts. One group will receive TF-CBT, while the other will be a waitlist control. After the trial period of 6 months, both groups of participants’ emotional regulation will be tested again to see if they changed, and the waitlist control condition will receive the intervention.

Sample and Procedures Before the intervention begins, all parents and youth will be given an informed consent form to ensure they

are fully aware of the study procedures. Administration of the TF-CBT will be conducted by the same group of individuals (therapists licensed in TF-CBT), and all sessions will be confidential and take place in a private room. Additionally, all youth will receive compensation for their participation. All participants, regardless of control or experimental group, will receive $50 per month for the first three months and then $100 per month for the last three months. All youth will be ages 11 to 17 and identify as any gender. After all youth consent, they will be randomly assigned to the experimental or waitlist control group. Both groups will have approximately 100 participants from juvenile detention centers in NYC. The experimental group will receive TF-CBT consistently once a week for six months.

The control group will not receive TF-CBT until after the first six months and will receive the same therapeutic plan as the experimental group.

Measurement Before the study begins, both groups will take the Regulation of Emotion Questionnaire (Phillips et al., 2007), the Positive Affect Negative Affect Scale (Watson et al., 1988), and the UPPS Impulsive Behavior Scale (Whiteside & Lynam, 2001). The participants will then retake the same three questionnaires 6 months later when the trial period is over.

Emotion Regulation The Regulation of Emotion is a 21-item questionnaire with four subscales, including internal-dysfunctional emotional regulation, internal-functional emotional regulation, external-dysfunctional emotional regulation, and external-functional emotional regulation (Phillips et al., 2007). The scale measures how often adolescents use functional and dysfunctional emotional regulation strategies. The scale is on a 5-point Likert scale from not at all to always. An example of an item from the internal-dysfunctional emotional regulation subscale is “I harm or punish myself in some way.” An example of an internal-functional emotional regulation item is “I put the situation into perspective.’’ An item from the external-dysfunctional emotional regulation subscale is “I take my feelings out on others physically.” Lastly, an item from the external-functional emotional regulation subscale is “I talk to someone about how I feel” (Phillips et al., 2007). The total score can be found by finding the sum of each of the individual subscales. Higher total scores on internal and external emotional regulation subscales indicate worse emotional regulation abilities.

Contrary, higher scores on the internal-functional emotional regulation and external-functional emotional regulation subscales indicate more positive emotional regulation skills. The Cronbach Alpha for

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internal-dysfunctional ER, internal-functional ER, external-dysfunctional ER, and external-functional ER was 0.72, 0.76, 0.76, and 0.66, respectively, indicating good reliability. Additionally, the questionnaire was shown to have good validity through its expected correlations with emotional and behavioral problems, psychosomatic health problems, and quality of life (Phillips et al., 2007). This questionnaire has previously been used among justice-involved urban African American adolescents (Sun et al., 2020).

Positive Affect Negative Affect The Positive Affect Negative Affect Scale (PANAS) combines two 10-item mood scales that measure how much an individual has felt different positive and negative moods in the past week (Watson et al., 1988). Examples of the positive affect items are “interested,” “excited,” and “enthusiastic” and examples of the negative affect items are “hostile,” “guilty,” and “ashamed” (Watson et al., 1988). The scale uses a 5-point Likert scale ranging from very slightly or not at all (1) to extremely (5). The total PA subscale is scored by adding up the score for all of the PA items, and the total NA subscale is made by adding all the NA items. A higher PA score indicates a higher positive mood and higher scores on the NA indicate a higher negative mood (Watson et al., 1988).

The PANAS is shown to be highly internally consistent and have convergent and discriminant validity. It has Cronbach’s alpha reliability from .86 to .90 for Positive Affect and .84 to .87 for Negative Affect. There was also a low correlation between Negative and Positive Affect ranging from -.12 to -.23, showing that there is quasi-independence. Additionally, the convergent correlations were high and ranged from .89 to .95, and the discriminant correlations ranged from -.02 to -.18 on the lower end. There is also good external validity which is demonstrated by correlations between distress and psychopathology measures (Watson et al., 1988). Additionally, all items are at a 4th-grade readability level.

Impulse Behavior The UPPS Impulsive Behavior Scale is a 45-item scale that measures impulsivity across dimensions of the Five-Factor Model of personality (Whiteside & Lynam, 2001). It has four subscales: premeditation (lack of), urgency, sensation seeking, and perseverance (lack of). There are 11 items for the premeditation subscale, such as “I usually make up my mind through careful reasoning.” There are 12 items for the urgency subscale such as “When I am upset I often act without thinking.”

There are also 12 items for sensation seeking, including “I sometimes like doing things that are a bit frightening.”

Lastly, there are 10 items in the perseverance subscale,

There are also 12 items for sensation seeking, including “I sometimes like doing things that are a bit frightening.”

Lastly, there are 10 items in the perseverance subscale, such as “I generally like to see things through to an end.”

Each of the items is evaluated on a four-point Likert scale ranging from agree strongly to disagree strongly.

Negatively worded items are recoded. The total score for each subscale would be the sum of the answers on each subscale. A higher total score for urgency and sensation seeking indicates higher impulsivity, while a lower total score for premeditation and perseverance indicates higher impulsivity (Whiteside & Lynam, 2001).

The reliability coefficients were shown to range from 0.52 to 0.90. The internal consistency coefficients for premeditation, urgency, sensation seeking, and perseverance were .91, .86, .90, and .82, respectively.

The convergent item-total correlation had a mean of 0.58, and the divergent item-total correlation had a mean of 0.17, demonstrating good convergent validity and divergent relations across items (Whiteside & Lynam, 2001). Additionally, all items are at a 5th-grade readability level.

Anticipated Analysis & Results After all of the data is collected, research assistants will create averages for all three measurements for both groups before and after the therapy sessions.

The data will then be transferred to SPSS to run a twoway ANOVA between the scores of each measurement.

Scores of each measurement post-intervention will be compared among the experimental and control groups.

An ANOVA will be conducted comparing the Regulation of Emotion questionnaire scores of the group who received TF-CBT with the control group at postintervention. We expect participants who received TFCBT to have significantly higher functional emotional regulation and significantly lower dysfunctional emotional regulation scores in the post-intervention compared to those in the control group. The analysis would indicate that TF-CBT was effective in regulating emotions.

Another ANOVA will be conducted comparing the PANAS scores of the group who received TF-CBT with the control group at post-intervention. It is expected that participants in the group that received TF-CBT would have significantly higher positive affect scores and significantly lower negative affect scores postintervention compared to the individuals in the control group. The analysis would indicate that those who received TF-CBT would have overall a better mood after the treatment.

Jatoi

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The UPPS impulsive behavior questionnaire scores between the control group and the group that receives TF-CBT will be compared post-intervention. It is expected for the participants who received TF-CBT to have significantly lower urgency and sensationseeking scores and significantly higher premeditated and perseverance scores post-intervention in comparison to those in the control group. The analysis would indicate that TF-CBT was effective in lowering impulsivity.

Discussion The purpose of this study is to evaluate TF-CBT as an evidence-based therapeutic intervention strategy for improving emotional regulation in youth impacted by the juvenile justice system. The findings contribute to current research on TF-CBT and how it improves emotional regulation and positive mood and decreases impulsive behavior in youth who are impacted by the juvenile legal system. Past research has focused more on how trauma-informed care improves depressive symptoms and reduces violence in youth impacted by the juvenile justice system (Lyn et al. 2021) (Marrow et al., 2014). However, these potential findings of the current proposal are important because limited research has investigated how trauma-informed care can be used to improve emotional regulation in the juvenile legal system. The results of this current study would demonstrate that TF-CBT may be used as an effective trauma-informed intervention targeting emotional regulation. System-impacted youth tend to have higher rates of suicidality and must receive extra mental health support (Janiri, 2021). TF-CBT could potentially help youth impacted by the juvenile justice system navigate emotionally stressful situations effectively.

Limitations Though the current study has significant strengths, there are a few limitations to the study. One limitation is that therapists are the only individuals who would be able to provide TF-CBT to youth in the juvenile justice system. The youth may view therapists as unfamiliar authority figures compared to young research assistants or staff at the facility, and therefore may not feel as comfortable expressing themselves to therapists. Another limitation is that there is variance among practitioners since each therapist giving therapy is slightly different. Similarly, there is the limitation of variance between therapist and client match. Some clients may not have the best fit with their therapist and thus may not benefit as much as another client.

Additionally, clients may have differences in factors,

such as past traumatic experiences, resilience, and social support, which could affect the results. The study would also be conducted in New York juvenile systems and, therefore, may limit generalizability to other populations outside of New York. Lastly, the methods of TF-CBT are not culturally adaptive to marginalized populations.

Future Directions Future research should explore developing a more culturally responsive TF-CBT since this may be more effective for young people of color. Furthermore, a study could be conducted to see how TF-CBT reduces other trauma symptoms, such as depression, anxiety, and disturbing flashbacks. Research also could be conducted on what effective emotional regulation skills justice-involved youth developed through TF-CBT. Another future study could use qualitative analysis to see which parts of TF-CBT individuals benefit the most.

From there, an intervention could be created based on TF-CBT to improve emotional regulation and combat other traumatic symptoms.

Conclusion The current study proposal adds to the understanding of how trauma-informed care, TF-CBT, could improve emotional regulation, impulsive behavior, and mood for young people impacted by the juvenile legal system. This study suggests many future possibilities of research pertaining to creating an intervention to help individuals overcome symptoms of trauma in the juvenile justice system. It highlights the importance of trauma-informed care strategies, such as TF-CBT, in improving the overall emotional well-being of youth in the juvenile justice system who have experienced trauma. In the future, this approach could be used more widely in other communities of minority youth as well.

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QUEST C6

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Marrow, M. T., Knudsen, K. J., Olafson, E., & Bucher, S. E. (2012). The value of implementing target within a trauma-informed juvenile justice setting. Journal of Child & Adolescent Trauma, 5(3), 257–270.

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What is trauma-informed care?. University at Buffalo School of Social Work - University at Buffalo. (2022, October 24). https://socialwork.buffalo.edu/socialresearch/institutes-centers/institute-on-traumaand-trauma-informed-care/what-is-traumainformed-care.html

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2023 QUEST SCHOLARS

QUEST 2

Blake Altamirano

Danqi Li

Aysha Khan

Christina Beavers

Rodney Jerome

Tahlya Holness

Stephanie Medina

Tahjanee Givens

Anuj Gandhi

Kelly Kwong

Danna Rojas

Fatima Jatoi