AC5007 - Batch 8 - WANG YUXUAN

From Monolithic Decision-Making to Pluralistic Negotiation: A Study of Public Intervention Pathways in Heritage Conservation of Guangzhou’s Enning Road

Wang Yuxuan A0298289B

Master of Arts In Architectural Conservation at the Department of Architecture National University of Singapore Supervisor: Maxime Cedric Decaudin

Abstract

During China’s rapid urbanization, government-led unilateral decision-making has long dominated urban renewal and heritage conservation. However, with cultural and economic growth, increasing social diversity, changes in governance structures, and a growing momentum for heritage preservation, bottom-up public interventions—such as Enning Road in Guangzhou—have challenged the traditional top-down decision-making model. These cases reflect a shift from unilateral decision-making to pluralistic negotiation.

Using the Enning Road renewal project as a case study, this paper employs literature review, process tracing, and questionnaire surveys to trace public intervention. It analyzes the roles and strategies of various social actors (residents, experts, media, and NGOs) in shaping decision-making. The study reveals bidirectional interactions among stakeholders (not one-way communication) and proposes a dynamic model of multi-stakeholder collaboration in architectural conservation. This paper aims to analyze social conflicts and interest negotiations in historic district renewal under China’s urban governance transformation, offering policy recommendations to promote more substantive public involvement.

Keywords: Enning Road, Urban Renewal, Architectural Conservation, Public Participation, Pluralistic Negotiation, Third-party Involvement

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Acknowledgements

First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Maxime Cedric Decaudin, for inspiring my research topic and providing academic guidance throughout the process. He offered me a different perspective and encouraged me to think and explore further. I am very grateful to Professor Johannes Widodo for helping me clarify my thoughts and logic. I would also like to thank Professor Ho Puay Peng, Dr. Nikhil Joshi, and Dr. Cassandra. Although they were not my thesis advisors, the knowledge I gained from their courses and guidance has been extremely valuable to my research.

I would also like to thank the National University of Singapore for providing abundant resources, a comfortable learning environment, and a positive academic atmosphere. I am sincerely grateful to my classmates for their valuable help and companionship.

I especially thank all the participants of the questionnaire and interviews, who responded with great care and provided insightful feedback. I am also thankful to my family and friends who helped share the questionnaire.

I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to my family, as well as my two cats, for their support in life and emotions. Finally, I would also like to thank myself—for the passion for academia, and for staying diligent and dedicated along the way.

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Table of contents Abstract ..................................................................................................................................................1 Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................................2 Table of contents .................................................................................................................................. 3 List of Figure ..........................................................................................................................................4 List of Diagrams ....................................................................................................................................5 Chapter 1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 6 1.1 Research Background ............................................................................................................ 6 1.2 Statement of Research Question and Hypotheses ........................................................... 8 1.3 Research Scope and Methods ............................................................................................10 1.4 The Reason for Selecting the Enning Road as a Case Study ......................................... 12 Chapter 2. Literature review ..............................................................................................................14 2.1 Public Participation Theory ................................................................................................ 14 2.2 Urban Growth Machine Theory ......................................................................................... 15 2.3 Planning Theory ................................................................................................................... 17 Chapter 3. The Enning Road Old City Renewal Project ................................................................ 20 3.1 Background ...........................................................................................................................20 3.2 Characteristics of the Enning Road District and Renewal Motivations ........................ 21 3.3 Cultural and Historical Values of Enning Road ................................................................ 25 Chapter 4. The Roles and Participation of Various Parties ........................................................... 28 4.1 Unilateral Decision-Making Model ................................................................................... 28 4.2 Public Petitions and Expression of Demands ...................................................................31 4.3 Third-Party Participation ..................................................................................................... 34 4.4 Collaboration Between Internal and External Mechanisms ...........................................41 4.5 Results ................................................................................................................................... 45 Chapter 5. Social Survey ....................................................................................................................49 5.1 Survey on Enning Road (105N) ..........................................................................................49 5.2 Survey on Heritage Awareness (151N) ............................................................................. 52 5.3 Survey on Pluralistic Decision-Making Participation (151N) .........................................54 5.4 Conclusion: ............................................................................................................................59 Chapter 6. Reflection ......................................................................................................................... 60 6.1 The Current Situation and Challenges of Old City Renewal in China .......................... 60 6.2 Multi-Stakeholder Decision-Making Co-Construction Mechanism ............................. 62 Chapter 7. Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 66 7.1 Implications for Heritage Conservation ............................................................................66 7.2 Limitations .............................................................................................................................66 7.3 Future Research Directions .................................................................................................67 7.4 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 68 Bibliography ........................................................................................................................................ 69

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List of Figure Fig. 1 Site of Enning Road Project(Source:By Author,2025;Base Map:WU Zuquan,2013) .......22 Fig. 2 Location of Enning Road Block(Source:By Author,2025;Base Map:Amap) .....................23 Fig. 3 No. 23, Xier Xiang, Shiliupu(Source:Architectural Design & Research Institute of SCUT,2018) ...........................................................................................................................24 Fig. 4 Bahe Guild Hall (Source:Baidu Baike) .............................................................................. 25 Fig. 5 Jinsheng Cinema (Source:Baidu Baike) ............................................................................25 Fig. 6 Three Carvings, One Color, One Embroidery (Source:广州最新的打开方式：三雕一彩 一绣！,搜狐,2020) ...............................................................................................................26 Fig. 7 Preserve the Mashi Street of Enning Road (Source: Douban Enning Road Academic Concern Group) .................................................................................................................... 33 Fig. 8 Xin Kuai Bao reports questioning the lack of transparency in the Enning Road redevelopment planning process. Xin Kuai Bao (Source: December 15–16, 2009) ..........36 Fig. 9 The new version of planning of Enning Road Block (Source: Public announcement website of Guangzhou Urban Planning Bureau) ..................................................................46 Fig. 10 Age distribution of respondents(Source:By Author) .....................................................49 Fig. 11 According to Q6,Q7,105 respondents related to Enning Road issues selected (Source:By Author) ............................................................................................................... 50 Fig. 12 Sources of information on the historical and cultural values of Enning Road (Source:By Author) ..................................................................................................................................51 Fig. 13 Statistical results of responses to Q9 , Q10 and Q11 (Source:By Author) .................... 54 Fig. 14 Statistical results of responses to Q12 and Q13 (Source:By Author) ............................55 Fig. 15 Statistical results of responses to Q14 and Q20 (Source:By Author) ............................56 Fig. 16 Statistical results of responses to Q15 and Q16 (Source:By Author) ............................57 Fig. 17 Statistical results of responses to Q17 ,Q18 and Q19 (Source:By Author) ...................59 Fig. 18 Multi-Stakeholder Decision-Making Co-Construction Mechanism (Source:By Author)63

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List of Diagrams Tab. 1

Main planning roles and the level of public participation in Enning Road project

(Source:从一元决策到多元参与——广州恩宁路旧城更新案例研究,edited by the author) .................................................................................................................................29 Tab. 2 Public participation guided by the government（Source：Compiled by the author based on relevant media sources) .................................................................................................. 30 Tab. 3 Process of active participation by local residents（Source：Compiled by author based on relevant media sources) .................................................................................................. 33 Tab. 4 Primary activities organized by Enning Road Academic Group (Source:解析第三方在 城市规划公众参与的作用--以广州市恩宁路事件为例,edited by the author) ............... 41 Tab. 5 Composition of Heritage Conservation Targets in the Enning Road Historic and Cultural District (Source: Liwan District Bureau of Land Resources and Urban Planning, Guangzhou; edited by the author) ........................................................................................................... 48 Tab. 6 Comparison of response statistics between respondents familiar with the preservation campaign and the overall data for selected questions (Source:By Author) ........................ 52

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Chapter 1. Introduction 1.1 Research Background In China, with the gradual establishment of a market economy since the Reform and Opening-up and the ongoing development of the People’s Congress system, the country’s social structure has undergone profound transformation. Civic consciousness has gradually awakened, and third-party actors have begun to emerge in public affairs. A framework of pluralistic participation in public governance has begun to take shape, as citizens increasingly seek to influence government decision-making through their own actions. This phenomenon, as Mertha (2009) noted, represents a form of “political pluralization without democratization”1—a condition in which, despite the absence of institutionalized democratic mechanisms, diverse societal actors still intervene in the policy process through various channels and strategies, resulting in a form of negotiation and contestation between the state and society.

However, in the absence of mature mechanisms for public participation, individuals and social groups often resort to non-institutionalized forms of expression to voice their demands. This has, to some extent, contributed to growing social anxiety and governance dilemmas. Typical cases include: the protest to preserve Queen’s Pier in Hong Kong (sit-ins and hunger strikes), the 1

Mertha, Andrew. "“Fragmented authoritarianism 2.0”: Political pluralization in the Chinese policy process." The China

Quarterly 200 (2009): 995-1012.

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2012 protest in Qidong, Jiangsu against the Nantong sewage discharge project (demonstrations in front of city hall and vandalism of government offices), the 2007 Xiamen PX chemical project protest (mobilization via SMS, online dissemination, and street marches), and the anti-PX protests in Rui’an, Zhejiang (police-civilian clashes and large-scale demonstrations). These actions, originally rooted in individual interests or the preservation of collective memory, gradually evolved into influential public events under the involvement of third-party social actors. They reflect the rising demand for public participation in urban governance and highlight the urgent need to reform public participation mechanisms, enhance decision-making transparency, and improve collaborative capacity in governance.

Although the Urban and Rural Planning Law of the People's Republic of China, enacted in 20082, for the first time formally acknowledged the public nature of urban planning and incorporated public participation into the legal process—signaling the government’s institutional recognition of the public’s role in urban development—there remains a significant gap between institutional design and actual implementation. The current public participation system in China’s urban planning remains underdeveloped and has yet to effectively

2 Article 5: Urban and rural planning shall reflect the public interest, take into account the coordinated development of urban and rural areas as well as regions, and protect the lawful rights and interests of urban and rural residents.

Article 36: Urban and rural planning shall be made public in accordance with the law. All organizations and individuals have the right to access planning information and to express their opinions.

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coordinate diverse interests. On the one hand, influenced by the legacy of a planned economy, urban governance continues to be dominated by top-down, unilateral decision-making, leaving limited space for institutionalized public involvement. On the other hand, the public’s limited willingness to participate, insufficient expertise, and underdeveloped civic awareness further weaken the effectiveness of participation practices3.

1.2 Statement of Research Question and Hypotheses The core issue addressed in this paper is: In the context of a government-led monolithic decision-making system, how do multiple stakeholders such as the public, media, experts, and NGOs interact to engage in heritage conservation issues, and how do they collectively drive the improvement of conservation awareness and the transformation of policy mechanisms?

To explore this core issue, the paper will address the following sub-questions: · What structural dilemmas exist within the current government-led decision-making mechanism in China? · How does the public engage in the policy process of heritage conservation through different pathways?

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李苗. (2010). 我国公共政策制定中的公众参与研究 [硕士学位论文]. 中国人民大学.”One of the main reasons for the ineffectiveness of public participation is the inherent limitations in the public’s capacity to participate.” 张雪琴. (2009). 论我国环境保护中的公众参与. 科技与法律, (6), 120–122. “The lack of participatory capacity is a key factor contributing to the poor effectiveness of public involvement in environmental protection today.”

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· What are the advantages and opportunities for decision-making mechanisms with the participation of multiple stakeholders?

To answer the above questions, this study proposes the following three hypotheses: · Hypothesis 1:

Although political pluralization has gradually emerged in

China since the market economic reforms, decision-making practices are still deeply influenced by the institutional inertia of the planned economy era. On one hand, the “top-down” management logic has not fully transformed, and the public’s autonomous participation awareness remains in the awakening stage.

On the other hand, facing the practical needs of rapid urbanization and economic development, the national level tends to prioritize “efficiency” and adopts centralized decision-making models to avoid wasting time and resources, which suppresses the breadth and depth of public participation. · Hypothesis 2:

The public’s participation pathways can, on one hand, join

forces with media and third-party organizations that have strong communication and mobilization capabilities to expand social attention and public pressure, thereby prompting the government to respond to demands. On the other hand, the public can also work with experts, representatives of the People’s Congress, and other institutional stakeholders who have influence within the system to advocate for policy proposals and promote the institutionalization and legalization of their demands.

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· Hypothesis 3:

The synergy between public demands and third-party

collaboration not only enhances the effectiveness of participation but also gradually fosters a shared understanding and consensus on cultural heritage protection among all parties involved. This collaborative mechanism will, in turn, strengthen conservation awareness, shape a positive policy environment, and ultimately create an interactive process where multiple forces jointly "co-shape" the understanding of conservation and institutional mechanisms, achieving a triple outcome of public well-being, policy optimization, and cultural continuity.

1.3 Research Scope and Methods This study covers the interactive process of multiple stakeholders and the influence path of public participation in the heritage conservation movement, from the moment Guangzhou listed Enning Road as a pilot project for urban renewal in 2006 until the completion of the project. The main subjects of the study are the government, the public, media, NGOs, and experts. Each role has interacted and coordinated with the others, actively contributing to the success of the event.

This study will focus on the following key parts: ·The historical background and cultural value of Enning Road. ·This paper will explore the different roles involved in the urban renewal of Enning Road, examining their interests, actions, and different positions regarding 10

heritage conservation and decision-making. It will also analyze the co-shaping synergy mechanism between various roles and how their interactions form a positive feedback loop. · The study will also investigate how the public’s perception of Enning Road, government decisions, and heritage conservation has evolved after the event, offering suggestions and calls for action.

This study will use the following research methods: · Case Analysis:

By selecting Enning Road's urban renewal as a case study, the

research will examine the decade-long conservation movement and the cultural and policy influence it reflected. It will also compare this with other similar cases, such as the Queen’s Pier in Hong Kong and Grand Central Station in New York, to validate the positive impacts of multi-party decision-making. · Literature Review:

Through a systematic review of existing academic

literature and historical materials, this study will clarify the historical and cultural value of Enning Road, trace the development of the Enning Road conservation event, and analyze the significance of multi-party decision-making in heritage conservation. · Questionnaires and Interviews: Questionnaires will be distributed to citizens in Guangzhou to gather their perceptions of Enning Road's value, awareness of heritage conservation, views on multi-party decision-making, and how the 11

conservation movement has influenced their understanding. Additionally, interviews will be conducted with people closely involved in the protection movement to understand the details, feedback, and insights from their experiences. · Netnography: A systematic collection of materials and opinions on Enning Road’s urban renewal from platforms such as Weibo, Zhihu, Tieba, Douban, and Xiaohongshu will be conducted. The research will analyze the timeline, behavior patterns, and the public awareness, opinion expression, and emotional tendencies reflected behind these discussions.

1.4 The Reason for Selecting the Enning Road as a Case Study This study selects the Enning Road urban renewal project in Guangzhou as the core case for the following two main reasons: First, the Enning Road renovation project lasted for over a decade and encountered numerous challenges during its implementation. Public participation was significant, with various roles and organizations playing key roles as catalysts at different stages. From the residents' spontaneous protests to the continued involvement of media, experts, and academic organizations, a multi-stakeholder interaction and interlocking game was formed, gradually allowing public will to be expressed and partially realized. This process not only highlighted the structural difficulties faced by public participation in a relatively

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closed decision-making system but also demonstrated the substantial impact that broad and sustained social involvement had on government heritage conservation decisions. It stands as one of the few successful cases of public intervention in heritage planning in the Chinese context.

Secondly, as an important part of Guangzhou's historical district, Enning Road contains rich Lingnan architectural styles and local life culture. However, during the initial stages of the renovation, its cultural value was widely ignored by both official planning and public opinion. It was through the continuous advocacy and efforts of third-party social forces, such as media and academic groups, that the focus of public protests gradually shifted from defending residential rights to a collective action goal of cultural heritage protection. On one hand, this shift made the protest demands more legitimate and unified, strengthening the cohesion of public action. On the other hand, it prompted the government to reassess its planning logic, incorporating social values into the decision-making framework to a certain extent, thus enhancing cultural sensitivity and negotiation in the urban renewal process.

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Chapter 2. Literature review 2.1 Public Participation Theory Arnstein’s (1969) “Ladder of Citizen Participation” and Dryzek’s (2000) theory of deliberative democracy construct complementary frameworks from structural and procedural perspectives respectively, reshaping the foundational logic of contemporary public participation and governance innovation.

1. Arnstein’s Ladder of Participation4 Sherry Arnstein (1969) proposed the “Ladder of Citizen Participation,” a typology consisting of eight levels that range from manipulation to citizen control. The model conceptualizes participation in terms of how much power citizens hold in influencing decisions. Arnstein argues that true participation involves the redistribution of power, enabling marginalized groups to have real influence, not merely be consulted. The ladder has become a foundational framework for evaluating the depth and authenticity of public engagement.

2. Dryzek’s Deliberative Democracy5 John Dryzek (2000) advanced the theory of deliberative democracy, which emphasizes procedural legitimacy through rational discourse, inclusiveness, and dynamic revision. Unlike traditional voting-based models, deliberative Arnstein, Sherry R. "A ladder of citizen participation." Journal of the American Institute of planners 35.4 (1969): 216-224.

5 Dryzek, John S. Deliberative democracy and beyond: Liberals, critics, contestations. OUP Oxford, 2002.

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democracy aims to achieve decisions through open and reasoned discussion among free and equal citizens. This approach is particularly relevant to complex issues such as environmental governance or urban policy, where consensus-building and legitimacy are critical.

Reflection Arnstein emphasizes structural power redistribution, while Dryzek focuses on the procedural quality of participation—together, they offer complementary foundations for public engagement theory. However, within China’s unique governance context, characterized by state-led planning and reactive civic response, these frameworks often require adaptation. Thus, a combined approach—emphasizing both power-sharing and procedural legitimacy—may offer a more effective model for public participation in China, helping to bridge the gap between token consultation and meaningful democratic engagement.

2.2 Urban Growth Machine Theory Urban Growth Machine Theory6 was proposed by American sociologist Harvey Molotch in 1976, the Urban Growth Machine Theory posits that urban development is not the result of natural market choices or technical optimization, but rather is driven by a coalition of local elites—including landowners, real estate developers, media, and local government officials—who together form a

Molotch, Harvey. "The City as a Growth Machine: Toward a Political Economy of Place 1." Classic readings in urban planning. Routledge, 2018. 180-196.

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"growth coalition." These groups, centered around the goal of land value appreciation, manipulate urban planning, media discourse, and policy resources to present "growth" as the only legitimate urban agenda.

Core Ideas • Land is not a neutral resource: Its use rights and value are heavily influenced by political struggles.

• The ideology of "growth is justice": Local governments and developers present "economic growth" as the core argument for urban legitimacy, dismissing other values such as environmental protection or social equity.

• Collusion between media and policy: Local media and policymakers are often integrated into the growth coalition, creating a public narrative that "the city must grow."

Reflection Although Molotch's "Urban Growth Machine" theory originates in the U.S., in China, a government-led growth machine is more prominent. Driven by land finance, local governments typically collaborate with state-owned developers to promote urban renewal, with land appreciation becoming an important source of local revenue. In this model, urban development decisions are often

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dominated by government and capital forces, leaving limited space for public participation and influence.

However, as social reactions and cultural preservation pressures increase, some projects have begun to adjust in response to media and expert intervention, gradually incorporating more public participation and cultural preservation considerations. This reflects the dynamic changes of the "growth machine" in the Chinese context.

2.3 Planning Theory Public participation is an essential aspect of modern urban planning, especially in complex decision-making processes such as heritage conservation and urban renewal. In recent years, scholars have proposed various public participation framework optimization theories, including advocacy planning, collaborative planning, and communicative planning. These theories offer different understandings of public participation forms and have influenced the development and implementation of public policies.

1. Advocacy Planning7 Advocacy planning was introduced by Davidoff in 1965, emphasizing that planners should advocate for the interests of disadvantaged groups, promoting social equity and justice. In advocacy planning, planners are not merely technical Davidoff, Paul. "Advocacy and Pluralism in Planning." Journal of the American Institute of Planners, vol. 31, no. 4, 1965, pp. 331-338.

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decision-makers but also agents of social change. This theory suggests that public participation should not only meet the demands of higher-level decision-makers but should also empower citizens to have a stronger voice in the decision-making process, especially in contexts of power asymmetry, to promote more equitable decisions (Davidoff, 1965). The primary goal of advocacy planning is to drive societal transformation through active citizen participation.

2. Collaborative Planning8 Collaborative planning theory emphasizes cooperation and negotiation among different interest groups. Healey, the theorist behind collaborative planning, argues that it helps foster understanding and consensus between various social groups, leading to more effective decision-making. Collaborative planning focuses on the interaction between government, experts, and the public.

Through this interaction, different stakeholders can define issues, resolve disputes, and develop appropriate solutions (Healey, 1997). The main focus of collaborative planning is the process of negotiation and cooperation, rather than just the outcomes.

3. Communicative Planning Communicative planning, developed from Habermas' theory, focuses on effective communication and dialogue during the planning process to enable 8

Healey, Patsy. Collaborative Planning: Shaping Places in Fragmented Societies. Macmillan, 1997.

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public participation9. According to Habermas' theory of the public sphere, participation in planning should be based on dialogue and democracy, where all participants engage in discussions on an equal footing to reach a consensus (Habermas, 1984). Communicative planning ensures that different social groups can communicate their views on an equal and respectful basis through open dialogue mechanisms, thus increasing transparency and fairness in the decision-making process.

Reflection These theories provide different frameworks for public participation, all emphasizing the role of citizen involvement in improving decision quality, transparency, and social equity. In China, however, their practical application faces specific challenges. Advocacy planning, which aims to represent disadvantaged groups, struggles due to the concentration of government decision-making power, limiting public influence. Collaborative planning's focus on multi-stakeholder cooperation is often constrained by government control and conflicts of interest, especially in large-scale urban projects. Lastly, communicative planning's emphasis on equal dialogue is hindered by information asymmetry and unequal discourse power, particularly in sensitive social issues. Thus, while these theories are applicable in China, their effectiveness requires adjustments based on the local political and social context.

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Habermas, Jürgen. The Theory of Communicative Action: Volume 1. Beacon Press, 1984.

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Chapter 3. The Enning Road Old City Renewal Project 3.1 Background As a core repository of Lingnan culture, Guangzhou boasts a diverse architectural heritage, including the European-style architectural complex in Shamian, the Dongshan colonial-era villas, and the traditional Xiguan grand houses, which collectively form a unique urban cultural landscape. However, with urban sprawl and functional decentralization, the old city has gradually succumbed to dual crises of spatial decay and social fragmentation. In the Liwan District, for instance, dilapidated housing accounts for 63% of the total, low-end traditional commerce remains entrenched, and the aging population exceeds 25%, epitomizing the "inner-city hollowing-out" phenomenon10.

In the 1990s, Guangzhou attempted small-scale urban renewal tied to subway construction, but market-driven models revealed critical flaws: developers prioritized profit maximization, leading to substandard relocation compensation, high-density redevelopment that disrupted historical urban fabric, and stark contrasts between new residential projects and traditional architectural styles11.

The introduction of the 1999 Guangzhou Old City Renewal Management Regulations marked a government-led ban on developer-dominated models.

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李萍萍.广州城市总体发展概念规划研究[M]北京:中国建筑工业出版社，2002 刘宣，旧城更新中的规划制度设计与个体产权定义--j 新加坡牛车水与广州金花街改造对比研究[J].城市规 划,2009，33(8):18-25 11

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However, the withdrawal of private capital and insufficient public funding resulted in a five-year stagnation of renewal efforts.

A strategic shift emerged with the opportunity presented by the Asian Games. In 2005, Guangzhou initiated a "mega-event-driven" renewal paradigm, focusing on dilapidated housing rehabilitation to revitalize urban spaces. The 2006 "Central Adjustment" strategy formalized the transition from urban expansion to stock optimization, providing policy support for institutional innovation. Against this backdrop, Enning Road was designated in 2007 as a pilot public-private partnership project, adopting a hybrid model of "government-funded pre-demolition compensation + market-oriented land development." This approach retained administrative dominance while exploring limited market mechanisms for financial sustainability, positioning Enning Road as a critical case study for understanding governance paradigm shifts in China’s urban renewal practices12.

3.2 Characteristics of the Enning Road District and Renewal Motivations In 2006, the Enning Road dilapidated housing area was designated as a pilot comprehensive renewal project in Guangzhou. The renewal zone spans from Duobao Road and Yuanhe Street in the north to Baohua Road in the south, connecting the Longjin Road historic district to the northwest and bordering the Shangxiajiu commercial pedestrian street to the southeast. Constructed in 1931, 12

张艳红.广州旧城改造“解禁””开发商喜忧参半[N].第一财经日报，2007-01-26 21

Enning Road serves as a core carrier of Xiguan culture and forms Guangzhou’s largest and most continuous Lingnan arcade corridor alongside the Longjin West Road arcade cluster. Its spatial fabric retains the street layout and architectural typology of the Republican era.

Fig. 1 Site of Enning Road Project(Source:By Author,2025;Base Map:WU Zuquan,2013)

The study area exhibits significant built-environment heterogeneity: dominated by 1–3-story traditional residences (68%), interspersed with 7–9-story institutional dormitories and two 30-story high-rise residential buildings. Public service facilities are fragmented, including educational institutions like Xiguan Peizheng Primary School and Liwan Teacher Training School, as well as cultural landmarks such as the Jinsheng Cinema. Property rights are highly complex, with 831 privately owned buildings and 297 public-owned structures interwoven, 224 22

of which face ownership disputes due to historical ambiguities13. Spatial quality varies sharply—arcades along Enning and Duobao Roads are well-preserved (42% designated as heritage structures), while inner alleys are densely packed with low-rise brick-wood dwellings plagued by poor lighting, ventilation, and outdated infrastructure.

Fig. 2 Location of Enning Road Block(Source:By Author,2025;Base Map:Amap)

The renewal decision-making stems from three intertwined forces: 1. Physical Decay Pressures: Structural assessments reveal 37% of buildings are dilapidated, with 21% classified as severely compromised. Unauthorized additions have pushed average building density beyond 65%, squeezing public space to under 12% and creating narrow "skywell" alleys, exacerbating fire risks and sanitation issues.For example, No. 23, Xier Xiang, Shiliupu (as shown in Fig.3), 13

谢涤湘, 朱雪梅. 社会冲突, 利益博弈与历史街区更新改造——以广州市恩宁路为例[J]. 城市发展研究, 2014, 21(3): 86-92.

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is the former residence of Cheung Wood-Yau, a renowned Cantonese opera performer and a famous actor in Hong Kong Cantonese cinema. The building is a modern-style reinforced concrete structure from the early Republic of China period, with exterior walls finished in grey washed stone plaster14. However, due to years of neglect, it now poses safety risks.

2. Land Value Restructuring Potential: Despite adjacency to the Shangxiajiu commercial hub (daily footfall exceeding 300,000), Enning Road’s rental rates are just 1/5 of neighboring areas, reflecting a stark "land value depression."

Economic projections indicate functional upgrades could unlock 230,000 m² of commercial space, generating potential land appreciation of 4.8 billion yuan.

3. Cultural-Political Narrative Construction: As a key node in Guangzhou’s Asian Games urban branding campaign, Enning Road’s renewal was framed as a "window into Lingnan cultural heritage." Its spatial reproduction aims not only to protect historic fabric but also to transform Xiguan’s cultural capital into urban branding competitiveness.

Fig. 3 No. 23, Xier Xiang, Shiliupu(Source:Architectural Design & Research Institute of SCUT,2018)

华南理工大学建筑设计研究院. 恩宁路历史文化街区保护利用规划 [R]. 广州: 广州市荔湾区国土资源和规 划局, 2018.

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3.3 Cultural and Historical Values of Enning Road The Enning Road renewal area encompasses numerous cultural heritage sites and historical relics, reflecting its profound historical significance. Its cultural assets can be categorized as follows: 1. Intangible Cultural Capital ·Cantonese Opera Hub: As the birthplace of modern Cantonese opera, the district hosts pivotal institutions like the Bahe Guild Hall (the ancestral hall of Cantonese opera associations worldwide) and the Jinsheng Cinema (where the first Cantonese opera film was screened). It once attracted legendary artists such as Sit Kok-sin and Hung Sin-nui, forming a spatial memory of "celebrity alleyways."

Fig. 4 Bahe Guild Hall (Source:Baidu Baike)

Fig. 5 Jinsheng Cinema (Source:Baidu Baike)

·Traditional Craftsmanship Cluster: The area preserves living traditions of intangible cultural heritage, notably the "Three Carvings, One Color, One Embroidery" (ivory carving, jade carving, wood carving, Canton enameling, and Canton embroidery). 15Thirty-two time-honored 15

黄宇."广州“三雕一彩一绣”非物质文化遗产的概况与保护对策."知识窗(教师版) .11(2014):14-15.

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workshops, including the Su Family Copperware Studio and "Uncle Shoes" Tang-style footwear workshop, sustain Lingnan’s artisanal heritage through productive conservation practices.

Wood carving

Canton enameling

Canton embroidery

Jade carving

Fig. 6 Three Carvings, One Color, One Embroidery (Source:广州最新的打开方式：三雕一彩一绣！,搜狐,2020)

2. Spatial Heritage Network ·Arcade Corridor Heritage Belt: A 1.2-kilometer continuous arcade strip retains the Republican-era commercial-residential hybrid model of "shop below, residence above."

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Architectural elements such as arched colonnades and Manchu-style windows exemplify Lingnan’s modern commercial architectural paradigms.16 ·Xiguan Grand House Cluster: Forty-three late Qing to early Republican-era traditional residences showcase the essence of Cantonese vernacular architecture through their "three-bay, two-corridor" layouts17, blue-brick walls with stone foundations, and ornate Manchu-style lattice windows. ·Celebrity Residence Landmarks: Eight protected heritage sites, including Bruce Lee’s ancestral home (a Qing-era granite alley residence) and Zhan Tianyou’s residence (blending Chinese and Western architectural styles), anchor the district’s multilayered historical narrative.

3. Socio-Cultural Landscape ·Vernacular Spatial DNA: A network of 2.5-3-meter-wide cobblestone alleys creates a hierarchical "street-block-alley" spatial structure, sustaining traditional lifestyles such as morning tea rituals and arcade-side social interactions. ·Authentic Community Fabric: Residents aged 60+ account for 41% of the local population, perpetuating

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黄之楠. 文脉传承视角下历史文化街区改造研究[J]. 建设科技,2025(1):25-28,32.

A typical layout of traditional vernacular dwellings in China's Lingnan region. It features three main houses (central hall flanked by bedrooms) and two side-wing structures (housing kitchen, storage, etc.) enclosing a central courtyard, forming a symmetrical and compact courtyard complex.广府建筑—西关大屋、骑楼、碉楼,南方网,2016, https://gddazx.southcn.com/node_4a1d86d9c1/365b3ab224.shtml 17

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Lingnan cultural practices through Cantonese dialects, festive customs, and iconic Xiguan cuisine (e.g., "Puntang Five Delicacies" and bamboo-pressed noodles).18

Chapter 4. The Roles and Participation of Various Parties The public participation in the Enning Road incident underwent a transformation, starting from a government-led, centralized decision-making process, followed by active involvement of residents, and finally the participation of third parties.

4.1 Unilateral Decision-Making Model In the early planning stages of the Enning Road project, the government acted as the sole decision-maker, taking full responsibility for the initial demolition work and financial arrangements. From the proposal of the urban renewal agenda to the discussion and formulation of redevelopment plans, the entire process was led by the government in a closed manner, excluding relevant stakeholders such as residents, media, and academic experts from the decision-making system. The government played a dual role as both planner and executor, leaving little room for alternative voices to be heard19.

At the beginning of the project, the Urban Planning Bureau and design institutions under the cultural relics department conducted multiple rounds of

吝元杰,刘亚琪,郭谦."广州恩宁路历史片区文化复兴及其价值回归."南方建筑 .02(2022):92-100. 刘垚,田银生,周可斌."从一元决策到多元参与——广州恩宁路旧城更新案例研究."城市规划 39.08(2015):101-111.

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research on the scope of buildings to be preserved and the future functional layout of the area, and prepared several redevelopment proposals (see Tab. 1).

However, when demolition work began, no finalized plan had been made public, resulting in a situation where demolition and planning revisions occurred simultaneously. It was not until two years after the project’s launch that the draft plan was officially released for public review.

Tab. 1 Main planning roles and the level of public participation in Enning Road project (Source:从一元决策到多元参与— —广州恩宁路旧城更新案例研究,edited by the author)

During this phase, residents had no formal channels to access information regarding the redevelopment and had to rely on petition letters to seek limited updates and express their concerns. In December 2007, the Guangzhou Municipal Government issued the demolition notice “Sui Fang Chai Zi [2007] No. 22,20” which was posted on the brick walls of old houses on Yongqing Street in the Enning Road area, officially initiating the demolition process. Many residents discovered that their homes were listed for expropriation, yet no governmental departments had communicated with them directly. They were unaware of the basis for the demolition, the amount of compensation they were entitled to, or 20

广州市国土资源和房屋管理局:《广州市国土资源和房屋管理局城市房屋拆迁公告》,穗房拆字(2007)22 号,2007 年 9 月 24 日, http://www.laho.gov.cn/ywpd/fwgl/zwxx/fwcqgg/200710/t20071008_158842. htm 29

where they would be relocated.21 This lack of transparency and absence of participatory mechanisms under a unilateral decision-making model triggered widespread dissatisfaction and resistance.

Afterwards, although the government did initiate a series of government-led public participation efforts, most of them were merely “symbolic participation” (see Tab. 2). For example, after the public consultation period for the Enning Road Historic and Cultural District Conservation and Development Plan ended, residents went to the Liwan District Planning Bureau to request the disclosure of the consultation results. However, the relevant officials shifted the responsibility to the Publicity Department, saying: “The public feedback is still being compiled.

If you want it to be published, please ask the Publicity Department. We’re not sure when they will release it.”22

Tab. 2 Public participation guided by the government（Source：Compiled by the author based on relevant media sources)

21

潘玥."“历史性的”与“历史中的”——对广州恩宁路历史街区延续与保护问题的思考." 建筑遗 产 .02(2019):116-123.

22 陈文、何姗,《183 户恩宁路居民联名反对保护开发规划方案》载于《新快报》2010 年 2 月 5 日 https://news.sina.cn/sa/2010-02-05/detail-ikmxzfmi9722937.d.html 30

4.2 Public Petitions and Expression of Demands Due to the prolonged lack of transparency in project information and the perceived irrationality of planning decisions, multiple tensions gradually emerged during the Enning Road redevelopment process. First, procedural irregularities were evident as demolition began before the official announcement of the planning scheme.“The planning hasn’t even been finalized, yet the Liwan District Office for the Renovation of Dilapidated Houses has already started demolishing buildings. Why is it so difficult to organize a meeting to hear our opinions and suggestions?”— Resident Mr. He, 2010.01.07 23 Second, property rights were not adequately respected—some residents faced forced demolition shortly after obtaining legal property ownership24. Third, the compensation mechanism was outdated and failed to reflect the rapid rise in housing market prices, leading to a serious mismatch between compensation amounts and actual property values. Fourth, the distribution of benefits was perceived as unfair, with later-stage demolitions resulting in higher compensation, creating a perverse incentive to delay relocation. Lastly, the resettlement policies were considered inhumane, making it difficult for residents to return to their original neighborhoods and forcing them to leave familiar community environments.25 陈文、何姗,《183 户恩宁路居民联名反对保护开发规划方案》载于《新快报》2010 年 2 月 5 日 https://news.sina.cn/sa/2010-02-05/detail-ikmxzfmi9722937.d.html 24 《广州业主 6 月买房子 9 月要拆迁,集体上书全国人大》,载《新快报》2008 年 5 月 12 日, hitp://news.sohu.com/20080512/n256789018.shtml 25 黄冬娅."城市公共参与和社会问责——以广州市恩宁路改造为例." 武汉大学学报(哲学社会科学版) 66.01(2013):62-69+128.

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In response to these issues and the government's closed decision-making model, residents of Enning Road actively voiced their concerns between 2007 and 2010 through various channels. These included direct visits to the Liwan District Planning Bureau and the Urban Renewal Office, official petitions, open letters to the media, interviews with journalists. In 2010, 183 residents of Enning Road jointly signed a petition opposing the Conservation and Development Plan. They called on the People’s Congress to review the redevelopment plan, widely solicit opinions from residents, scholars, and other stakeholders, and revise or redraw the plan. The residents also raised four main objections to the existing plan: its commercial development orientation, the insufficient protection of Xiguan historic buildings, the covering of waterways, and the policies on demolition compensation and resettlement26. The residents’ core demands focused on two areas: dissatisfaction with the compensation and resettlement terms, and opposition to the lack of transparency and public involvement in the planning process (see Tab. 3).

Additionally, residents sought to expand the impact of their resistance by using posters, graffiti, and collective protests to attract public attention27. They called for a “planning-first, demolition-later” approach, emphasizing that project details—especially the planning process—should be fully disclosed. Moreover,

陈文、何姗,《183 户恩宁路居民联名反对保护开发规划方案》载于《新快报》2010 年 2 月 5 日 https://news.sina.cn/sa/2010-02-05/detail-ikmxzfmi9722937.d.html 27 “廣州恩寧路騎樓的生與死”, 獨立媒體 inmediahk.net, 25 Mar. 2014, https://www.inmediahk.net/node/1014614 26

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they demanded meaningful participation in the formulation of redevelopment plans. These actions reflected a growing resistance to the government's unilateral dominance and a push for more democratic, transparent, and participatory urban decision-making.

Tab. 3 Process of active participation by local residents（Source：Compiled by author based on relevant media sources)

Fig. 7 Preserve the Mashi Street of Enning Road (Source: Douban Enning Road Academic Concern Group)

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4.3 Third-Party Participation With sustained media coverage and rising public concern, residents’ collective demands gradually influenced government decisions, securing tangible benefits such as multiple increases in compensation and the right of some “nail households” to remain. What began as efforts to protect individual rights, through the involvement of third-party actors, evolved into key turning points that reshaped the project’s trajectory. The Enning Road redevelopment thus moved beyond a demolition plan to become a public issue of broad concern—touching on citizens’ property rights, heritage preservation, and rights to information and participation. Individual voices resonated beyond isolated cases, drawing wider social attention and support28.

4.3.1 Media Collaboration with the Public In the Enning Road renovation project, the media played a key role as an information dissemination medium, enhancing public awareness, promoting organizational work, and influencing decision-making. On one hand, the media reported on the government's Enning Road renovation plan; on the other hand, it represented residents, expressing their interests and reflecting the issues emerging in the project. The media acted as both observers and promoters of the event, amplifying the residents' voices and shaping public opinion.

郑刚,李丹丹.传播核心价值 引领舆论导向——从马保国现象谈媒体传播的社会意义[J].中国地市报人, 2021, 000(011):P.97-98.

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The first role of the media was to amplify the voices of the public and increase their influence. Among the media outlets, Xin Kuai Bao (New Express) was the most involved, providing in-depth and influential coverage for the longest period. It began covering the Enning Road demolition in 2007, when the controversy over the fate of the arcade buildings started, and continued its reporting for five years. In November 2007, Xin Kuai Bao launched a series of reports titled "Looking at Old City Renewal and Cultural Inheritance in Guangzhou," which included 13 articles across three series: "Regrets over Liede," "The Dilemma of Shamian," and "Guangzhou Review." In the "Guangzhou Review" series, the newspaper suggested that the Enning Road renovation should prioritize planning and include public participation29（Fig.8）, in order to avoid the mistakes made in the 1990s, such as the complete demolition of Zhongshan Road's arcade street and the impact on the historical character of the pedestrian streets on Xijiang Road. It also highlighted the resettlement issues for Enning Road residents and collaborated actively with them, giving the residents the role of "whistleblowers." The media’s dissemination effect and the construction of public opinion enhanced the ability of residents to participate in the public policy process. One citizen remarked, "Over the years, reporters frequently came to interview us. Although we often did not get timely responses from the relevant departments, the social discourse generated by this has always helped us. For instance, the initial decision to demolish all the arcade buildings Huang, Dongya. "How do people get engaged in civic participation? A case study of citizen activism in rebuilding Enning Road, Guangzhou." Chinese journal of sociology 3.2 (2017): 237-267.

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and the subsequent excavation of Maishi Street were both calmed down because of media involvement and widespread publicity. The exposure by the media also brought more social organizations and individuals into our cause.

Without their support, we would not have been able to achieve this.30"

Fig. 8 Xin Kuai Bao reports questioning the lack of transparency in the Enning Road redevelopment planning process.

Xin Kuai Bao (Source: December 15–16, 2009)

The second role of the media was to uncover cultural values and promote a shift in public thinking. The public issue of urban cultural conservation in the Enning Road renovation project was first discovered by the media. In these news reports, 谢涤湘, 朱雪梅. "社会冲突, 利益博弈与历史街区更新改造——以广州市恩宁路为例." 城市发展研究 21.3 (2014): 86-92.

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the Enning Road renovation was portrayed not only as a matter of direct interest to the residents but also as closely tied to Guangzhou's urban memory and cultural identity31. In July 2007, when the Enning Road renovation project was launched, reporters from Information Times in Guangzhou contacted Professor Tang Guohua from the Department of Architecture at Guangzhou University to examine the historical buildings on Enning Road. The reports highlighted Professor Tang's description of the area's residential buildings, which were rich in historical and cultural value, and his advocacy for preserving the existing architectural layout of Enning Road while encouraging residents to improve their homes themselves. Xin Kuai Bao further focused on the renovation, publishing articles such as "Most of the Arcade Street on Enning Road to Be Demolished?" and a piece by Professor Li Gongming from the Guangzhou Academy of Fine Arts, titled "Why Do Relevant Departments Flip-Flop on Demolishing the Arcade?"32 These articles expressed doubts and opposition to the demolition of the arcade buildings. In the widespread, in-depth, and continuous news coverage, the cultural conservation issue in the Enning Road renovation project began to be recognized.

4.3.2 NGO Multi-Party Collaboration The growing media coverage and the residents' appeals continually expanded the public discussion on the issue, attracting wider public attention. As a result, 31 32

曹璨. 广州恩宁路旧城更新进程中媒体与规划师角色特征研究. MS thesis. 华南理工大学, 2017. 石勇,《恩宁路是政府、媒体、民意良性互动的标本》,载于《新快报》2007 年 7 月 13 日。 37

other social forces began to become involved in the Enning Road redevelopment process. The "Enning Road Civil Concerns Group" (hereafter referred to as the "Group") was established in 2010 on the Douban platform. The group consists primarily of university students with diverse academic backgrounds, including architecture, planning, art, journalism, and anthropology33. It was formed as an academic research group driven by a shared passion for the historical culture of Guangzhou’s old city, with the goal of promoting multi-faceted participation and cultural preservation in urban renewal.

Since its formation, the group has leveraged its interdisciplinary background to document Enning Road’s condition while also organizing exhibitions, seminars, and discussions to raise awareness of the area's history and the cultural significance of Guangzhou’s old town. In addition, the group actively participated in public engagement processes regarding the Enning Road redevelopment plan, gradually becoming one of the most influential and long-lasting forces advocating for cultural preservation in Enning Road.(Tab. 4) Moreover, the group's focus on cultural preservation has further strengthened the residents' awareness of the importance of this issue.

Establishing an Academic Team and Providing Academic Support The group engaged in a series of exchange activities with students and faculty at Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou University, and South China University of Technology. It recruited its first participants at Sun Yat-sen University and, 黄冬娅. "城市公共参与和社会问责——以广州市恩宁路改造为例." 武汉大学学报 (哲学社会科学版) 66.1 (2013): 62-69.

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through connections with a professor there, met a German expert in urban planning social impact assessme nts. This connection led to the initiation of a social impact evaluation of the Enning Road redevelopment. Later, they collaborated with Professor Tang Guohua from the Department of Architecture at Guangzhou University, one of the earliest government-appointed consultants on the Enning Road project34. With access to the initial redevelopment plan, they conducted the first planning impact assessment based on this draft.

After more than five months of surveys and in-depth interviews, the Group produced two key research outputs in September 2010: Suggestions for the Enning Road Redevelopment Plan and the Social Impact Assessment Report for the Enning Road Redevelopment Project35. The Suggestions discussed issues related to the project’s planning timeline, public participation, and the definition of public interests, providing recommendations based on feedback from residents and experts. The Report highlighted the social, economic, and personal impacts on residents, especially those who had not yet relocated, emphasizing their demands."The government is accustomed to responding to issues from a technical perspective, using its advantage in professional expertise to neutralize opposing voices," Professor Guo Weiqing pointed out. He emphasized that the initiative to engage in direct dialogue with social forces has always remained in the hands of the authorities. However, there is a lack of practical mechanisms,

Huang, Dongya. "How do people get engaged in civic participation? A case study of citizen activism in rebuilding Enning Road, Guangzhou." Chinese journal of sociology 3.2 (2017): 237-267.

35 吴祖泉. "解析第三方在城市规划公众参与的作用--以广州市恩宁路事件为例." 城市规划 2 (2014): 62-68.

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and some departments also lack the motivation for institutional innovation36.

Additionally, the Group organized two highly influential events: the Old City Independent Renewal Symposium and the Enning Road Exhibition. The Old City Independent Renewal Symposium, held at Sun Yat-sen University in 2012, brought together experts and scholars from various research institutions and media. The Enning Road Exhibition, hosted by the "Xueeryou" bookstore in collaboration with graduate students from the Chinese University of Hong Kong, invited not only the original residents of Enning Road but also government planning consultants like Tang Guohua and well-known public intellectuals and media figures such as Li Gongming and Chen Yang from Guangzhou.

Recording Historical Culture and Promoting Cultural Preservation The Group carried out a detailed survey of the Enning Road district, documenting the area’s condition under demolition. They also collected historical data and conducted interviews with long-time residents, gaining an in-depth understanding of and preserving the historical and cultural significance of Enning Road. These records were compiled into a community chronicle, which unearthed the rich history of the district, preserved its profound cultural heritage, and documented the substantial changes taking place. The records not only made the historical value of the district more widely known to the public but also provided a more detailed foundation for future urban planning of Enning Road.

郑迅. “槟城的‘恩宁路’是如何保住的.” 羊城晚报, 2012 年 2 月 25 日, 第 14 版. https://culture.ifeng.com/gundong/detail_2012_02/25/12781834_0.shtml 36

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Furthermore, the Group showcased Enning Road’s history and the stories tied to the district through artistic exhibitions, presenting them at the 2010 Beijing 798 Art Festival and the 2011 Shenzhen-Hong Kong Biennale.

Through these promotional and exchange activities, the Group both raised awareness of Enning Road’s history and current situation, as well as fostered a greater understanding of the importance of cultural preservation in old city areas.

At the same time, through discussions with citizens and scholars, the Group sought to offer new perspectives and ideas for the redevelopment of old cities.

Tab. 4 Primary activities organized by Enning Road Academic Group (Source:解析第三方在城市规划公众参与 的作用--以广州市恩宁路事件为例,edited by the author)

4.4 Collaboration Between Internal and External Mechanisms Public Engagement: Leveraging the "Two Sessions" as a Platform for Public Expression

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The annual "Two Sessions" undoubtedly attract extensive media coverage and public attention as an important public space for discourse. During the Guangzhou "Two Sessions" in April 2010, 220 households from Enning Road sent an open letter to over a hundred members of the city's People's Congress and Political Consultative Conference, listing three major issues with the Enning Road redevelopment project and calling for oversight from the government. The residents suggested that a hearing and demonstration session be held immediately for the project, with the results made public.

The open letter not only sparked further public attention on the Enning Road redevelopment but also gained support from several prominent representatives and committee members. For example, Wu Ming, a well-known figure in the Guangzhou Political Consultative Conference, submitted a proposal titled "Suggestions for Cautious Handling of the Enning Road Redevelopment Project," criticizing the project from multiple angles, including relocation compensation and the protection of Xiguan culture. He urged for the immediate suspension of all demolition work until further surveys, discussions, and evaluations were carried out. Additionally, Meng Hao, a standing committee member of the Guangdong Provincial Political Consultative Conference and known for his candid views, also publicly questioned the project during an interview with the media. He emphasized that the government should present a clear plan and hold a public hearing before proceeding with the demolition37.

Huang, Dongya. "How do people get engaged in civic participation? A case study of citizen activism in rebuilding Enning Road, Guangzhou." Chinese journal of sociology 3.2 (2017): 237-267.

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Third-Party Engagement: Civil Group's Interaction with Representatives to Promote Policy Feedback The "Enning Road Civil Concerns Group" also actively pushed for internal governmental cooperation. Through coordination with a reporter from Xin Kuai Bao, the group submitted two reports—Suggestions for the Enning Road Redevelopment Plan and Social Impact Assessment of the Enning Road Redevelopment Project—to Chen Anwe38i, a representative of the People's Congress, in hopes of having them forwarded to the relevant authorities. While Chen Anwei found the group's Suggestions "too idealistic," she still helped submit them to the Urban Planning Department. "They (the urban planning department) weren’t very interested, as they felt the suggestions were too theoretical." (Chen Anwei, April 20, 2011) Nonetheless, the group’s emphasis on cultural preservation had a lasting impact on her. After visiting Enning Road and speaking with over 20 residents, Chen Anwei began advocating for the issue with the relevant departments. With the assistance of reporters, she visited the area, met with residents, and spoke with street officials, later reporting her findings to the Liwan District People’s Congress39.

On August 17, 2010, the Deputy Mayor of Liwan District met with Chen Anwei and agreed to immediately address issues like waste cleanup and improving

Chen Anwei is a professor at Guangzhou Medical University and the chief physician at its Third Affiliated Hospital.

She previously served as the hospital's vice president and is a member of the Guangzhou Municipal Committee of the China National Democratic Construction Association. Since 1993, she has served as a deputy to the 8th and 9th Guangdong Provincial People’s Congress, and later became a deputy to the Guangzhou Municipal People’s Congress.

39 何姗、陈文：《人大代表与恩宁路的命运》，《新快报》，2010 年 9 月 27 日，第 02 版 https://news.sohu.com/20100927/n275279564.shtml 38

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public safety. On August 25, during a special discussion meeting on "Welcoming the Asian Games and Creating a New Life," two members of the People’s Congress attended. As Chen Anwei had previously raised concerns about the conclusion of Asian Games projects at a city-level discussion, she was recommended to participate in this session. "Mayor Wan gathered all the department heads to listen. At the meeting, I raised the issue, saying I hoped Mayor Wan would visit the site, and I believed that would significantly promote progress." (Chen Anwei, April 20, 2011)40 A few days later, on the afternoon of August 29, Guangzhou’s Mayor Wan Qingliang, along with the Executive Deputy Mayor Su Zequn and the Director of the Urban Planning Bureau Wang Dong, visited Enning Road to inspect the redevelopment and received the residents' open letter. The Mayor immediately stated that the new planning for Enning Road would prioritize cultural preservation.

Following this, the Duobao Street Office held a meeting with over 20 Enning Road residents to discuss their concerns face-to-face. The street office promised to do everything possible to address the issues raised by the residents through Chen Anwei. On August 31, in accordance with instructions from Executive Deputy Mayor Su Zequn and District Party Secretary Zhou Yawei, 11 officials from various departments, including the Propaganda Department, Construction

Huang, Dongya. "How do people get engaged in civic participation? A case study of citizen activism in rebuilding Enning Road, Guangzhou." Chinese journal of sociology 3.2 (2017): 237-267.

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and Landscaping Bureau, Cultural Bureau, and others, held a meeting with Chen Anwei to explain and clarify the demolition and redevelopment process.

In 2011, Chen Anwei, along with 22 other members of the Liwan District People’s Congress, jointly submitted a proposal titled On Strengthening the Excavation, Protection, and Utilization of Guangzhou's Historical and Cultural Resources and Accelerating the Construction of a World Cultural City. This proposal was reviewed at the 13th Guangzhou People's Congress, marking the first time that a proposal submitted by representatives was included in the agenda and reviewed by all the representative groups.

4.5 Results Thanks to the public’s efforts, the relevant government departments decided to reconsider the Enning Road redevelopment plan. In August 2010, a joint media briefing by the Liwan District Planning Bureau and Cultural Bureau acknowledged that the initial plan for Enning Road "lacked a deep understanding of old city preservation, with the planning primarily focusing on the economic balance of the plot," and admitted that it had "taken the wrong approach to historical district protection."41 They also announced the formation of a consultative group consisting of residents' representatives, NPC and CPPCC members, and experts to guide the redevelopment process. In October 2010, the Liwan District government officially appointed a 15-member advisory group for

41

吴祖泉. "解析第三方在城市规划公众参与的作用--以广州市恩宁路事件为例." 城市规划 2 (2014): 62-68.

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the Enning Road project, made up of university professors, planning experts, NPC representatives, CPPCC members, and community leaders.

In June 2011, the Guangzhou Municipal Government unveiled a new organic redevelopment plan for the Enning Road district（Fig.）. The plan introduced the innovative concept of "resident-led renewal" as a new model for old city redevelopment. This updated plan was approved unanimously at a meeting of the Guangzhou Urban Planning Committee and also received support from 130 local residents who signed a petition backing the new approach.

Fig. 9 The new version of planning of Enning Road Block (Source: Public announcement website of Guangzhou Urban Planning Bureau)

The adoption of the new Enning Road redevelopment plan, marked by the Guangzhou Urban Planning Committee’s approval, is seen as a success in public engagement. Although not officially published, media reports in June 2011 46

indicated that the new plan was based on higher-level planning documents such as the Guangzhou Historical and Cultural Preservation City Plan42 and the Research on the Preservation and Development of Guangzhou's Arcade Streets.43 The new plan for Enning Road proposed a new functional layout for the redeveloped site.

The key changes included: 1.Expansion of the preservation area: "We decided to preserve everything that the public suggested should be retained. While some people held differing opinions, believing some buildings had no significant cultural value, we decided to keep all controversial buildings from a historical and cultural preservation perspective." According to the new plan, 118,400 square meters of historical buildings will be preserved (Tab.5), which accounts for 55% of the total current building area, an increase of 23,000 square meters compared to the previous plan.44 2.Resident-led renewal: In the newly protected areas, the remaining buildings will not all be reclaimed by the government. Instead, they will be managed according to relevant planning regulations, with residents responsible for their own renovation and updates. For buildings that do not meet preservation standards, they will be renovated in conjunction with commercial operations.

Approved by the Guangzhou Municipal Government （穗府函 13 号） after review by the Guangzhou Cultural Relics Administration and the Committee for the Protection of Historic and Cultural City.

43 The release of this plan marked a new stage in Guangzhou’s protection and utilization of arcade streets, representing the city’s first statutory plan specifically aimed at the preservation of arcade streets.

44 黄冬娅. "城市公共参与和社会问责——以广州市恩宁路改造为例." 武汉大学学报 (哲学社会科学版) 66.1 (2013): 62-69.

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3.Shifting the focus from economic profit to cultural preservation: The new plan aims to change the previous approach focused on economic gain, increasing compensation standards for affected residents.

Tab. 5 Composition of Heritage Conservation Targets in the Enning Road Historic and Cultural District (Source: Liwan District Bureau of Land Resources and Urban Planning, Guangzhou; edited by the author)

The public participation in the Enning Road redevelopment proved effective, allowing for the district to be updated in a manner that better preserved its historical and cultural heritage, safeguarding the long-term development interests of the city.

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Chapter 5. Social Survey This study collected 151 valid questionnaires from respondents of diverse age and professional backgrounds in Guangzhou（Fig.10）. By combining quantitative data with in-depth interviews, the survey aims to explore the citizens’ perceptions and attitudes toward historic districts, cultural heritage protection, and pluralistic decision-making. The data analysis serves two purposes: first, to outline the public’s foundational awareness and willingness to participate in cultural heritage protection; second, to preliminarily assess whether the Enning Road case has positively influenced public cultural consciousness, participatory behavior, and collaborative governance mechanisms. The results provide empirical support for the study of pluralistic participation mechanisms and offer practical guidance for improving public policy and civic awareness.

Fig. 10 Age distribution of respondents(Source:By Author)

5.1 Survey on Enning Road (105N) Among the 151 questionnaires, respondents included local residents of Guangzhou, outsiders studying or working in the city, and tourists who had

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previously visited. A total of 112 respondents reported having "heard of/visited/lived in" Enning Road. After excluding 7 individuals who were completely unfamiliar with the area, the analysis in this section focuses on the remaining 105 valid responses from those who demonstrated a certain level of understanding about the area’s historical and architectural value (see Fig.11).

Fig. 11 According to Q6,Q7,105 respondents related to Enning Road issues selected (Source:By Author)

1.Media and Social Platforms as Primary Information Channels In response to “How did you learn about the historical and cultural value of Enning Road?” (Q8, multiple choice, Fig.12), 50.48% of respondents cited traditional media (e.g., news articles, public WeChat posts), while 56.19% gained information

through

social

platforms

(e.g.,

WeChat,

Douyin,

Douban,

Xiaohongshu). This result indicates that digital media has become a primary channel for the public to access heritage-related content and demonstrates the positive role of online dissemination in enhancing urban cultural awareness.

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Fig. 12 Sources of information on the historical and cultural values of Enning Road (Source:By Author)

2.Positive Impact of the Enning Road Preservation on Public Awareness 22.86% of respondents (24N) clearly stated that they first learned about the area’s history and cultural significance through the Enning Road preservation campaign. Moreover, in the subsequent questions, it was found that those who had experienced this incident tended to have a stronger recognition of the cultural value of the neighborhood and a more optimistic attitude toward public participation. As shown in Table below （ Tab.6 ） , the proportion of positive responses among these 24 individuals is consistently higher than that of the overall 151 respondents which indicates that such preservation activities have a profound and positive impact on raising public awareness and engagement. This suggests that heritage activism can not only produce tangible outcomes but also serve as a long-term educational and consciousness-raising mechanism for the public. The Enning Road case validates the function of public participation in raising awareness around heritage topics.

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Tab. 6 Comparison of response statistics between respondents familiar with the preservation campaign and the overall data for selected questions (Source:By Author)

5.2 Survey on Heritage Awareness (151N) In response to “Do you believe historic buildings/districts are worth preserving?”

(Q9, Fig.13), 71.5% of respondents chose “strongly agree,” and none selected “no value at all.” This demonstrates a widespread consensus on the importance of 52

protecting historical architecture.

Regarding “What do you consider the most important value of historic buildings?” (Q10, multiple choice, Fig.13), the top two choices were “historical and cultural value” and “architectural and artistic value.” Surprisingly, “tourism and economic value,” which had long been considered a primary motivation for preservation, ranked only third. “Community identity,” a value increasingly emphasized in recent years, came in fourth with 45% of responses.

In the “Other” category, many respondents offered thoughtful comments expressing deeper cultural understanding and emotional identification, such as “entire historic neighborhoods and significant heritage buildings must be preserved,” “cultural communication value,” and “value for public engagement.”

These responses suggest that public recognition of historic districts is shifting beyond economic reasoning toward values tied to humanistic spirit, urban memory, and collective identity. “ Have you ever paid attention to any conservation projects for historical buildings or neighborhoods in the city? ” (Q11, Fig.13), 70.2% of respondents indicated that they had followed preservation projects in other cities, while only 8.61% were completely unaware of such efforts.

Additionally, some interviewees further expressed emotional attachment to historic areas. For instance, respondent LJH stated: “I really enjoy the old neighborhoods. I often walk around and take photos—it feels very human and warm. Now that Enning Road has signs introducing its history, reading them 53

gives me a deeper understanding. Exploring with that background makes the experience more meaningful.” Such micro-narratives reflect a shift from being a mere observer to becoming an engaged and empathetic supporter, laying a foundation for deeper civic participation in the future.

Fig. 13 Statistical results of responses to Q9 , Q10 and Q11 (Source:By Author)

5.3 Survey on Pluralistic Decision-Making Participation (151N) 1.Recognition of Multi-Actor Participation In response to “Which groups do you think should play a major role in historic district redevelopment?” (Q12, multiple choice, Fig.14), 86.09% chose “government agencies,” and 62.91% chose “residents/original inhabitants.”

Experts/scholars (37.75%), media (37.09%), and NGOs (23.84%) followed. This suggests that the public is forming an initial understanding of a multi-actor framework involving government, the public, and professional/ media/ organizational actors—and largely supports its legitimacy and necessity.

In response to “If your community undergoes planning or redevelopment, how would you prefer to participate?” (Q13, multiple choice, Fig.14), respondents 54

favored options such as “filling out opinion surveys” (62.25%), “attending public hearings or forums” (56.29%), and “expressing views to media or related organizations” (45.03%). Only 9.93% chose “organizing protests.” This indicates a generally high enthusiasm for participation, with a preference for low-barrier, institutional, and non-confrontational formats. It also reflects greater public trust in the effectiveness of formal channels.

Fig. 14 Statistical results of responses to Q12 and Q13 (Source:By Author)

Regarding “Do you believe ordinary citizens can influence government or developer decisions?” (Q14, Fig.15), only 17.22% believed the public could have a “significant impact,” while 38.41% saw “some impact,” and 31.79% viewed the influence as “limited.” This reflects a willingness to participate but lingering doubts about its actual effect, highlighting weak feedback mechanisms and a 55

lack of influence within existing power structures.

In “Which methods can best enhance public participation in urban decision-making?” (Q20 multiple choice, Fig.15), 76.16% hoped to see “greater information

transparency,”

68.21%

supported

“establishing

community

expression platforms,” and 56.29% endorsed “media advocacy.” Another 44.37% recognized the value of “consultation and feedback mechanisms.” In the “Other” section, respondents suggested that participation mechanisms should be more user-friendly and that cultural heritage scoring be included in public project tenders. These responses show that people want not only the opportunity to participate but also to be heard—pushing the process from mere information reception toward collaborative construction.

Fig. 15 Statistical results of responses to Q14 and Q20 (Source:By Author)

2.The Influence of Media, Experts, and Third-Party Organizations In “Have you ever obtained information related to cultural heritage protection through news media, official accounts, documentaries or other channels?” (Q15, Fig.16), 27.15% of respondents “frequently” and 59.6% “occasionally” received 56

heritage-related information via media platforms, while only 13.25% said they “never” did. This confirms that social and digital media have become mainstream sources for heritage communication and public awareness.

In “Have you developed an interest in or changed your attitude towards a certain historical building or cultural district due to media reports or the publicity and education of experts and scholars? “(Q16, Fig.16). A full 67.55% answered affirmatively. For instance, one respondent noted gaining an interest in Chen Clan Ancestral Hall after watching a documentary and later visited the site, while another mentioned learning about and following the evolution of Beijing’s 798 Art District after attending an academic lecture. These examples indicate that such actors not only convey knowledge but also inspire emotional and value-based connections to cultural heritage.

Fig. 16 Statistical results of responses to Q15 and Q16 (Source:By Author)

3.Willingness to Participate and Behavioral Preferences In “If you learn through some media and organizations that a very culturally and historically significant block or building is facing demolition, and you have 57

sufficient spare time, what would you do?” (Q17, Fig.17), 51.66% said they would “actively participate if the place was familiar or nearby,” while 36.42% were willing to act “even if the place was unrelated to them.” Only 9.93% indicated disinterest. This demonstrates that cultural empathy and familiarity are strong motivators for public action, and that a solid foundation for public participation already exists—though further activation is still needed.

“In which of the following ways will you participate? “(Q18 Multiple Choice, Fig.17) found that the most popular participation methods were “sharing on social platforms” (74.44%), “providing feedback to related organizations” (46.62%), and “attending outreach activities” (39.1%). Only 15% were willing to “join or form third-party organizations,” highlighting a preference for low-commitment, digital forms of engagement and reflecting the increasing role of digital media in civic participation.

In “What is the reason for not participating?” (Q19 Multiple Choice, Fig.15), 80% said they refrain from participating because they believe it would not affect decision-making, 26.67% said they “pay attention but don’t want to act,”.These results suggest that a lack of effective feedback mechanisms has diminished the public’s belief in the usefulness of participation. The widespread perception of “ineffective participation” has become a major barrier to mobilizing civic engagement in urban governance.

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Fig. 17 Statistical results of responses to Q17 ,Q18 and Q19 (Source:By Author)

5.4 Conclusion: The survey results indicate that the public has a foundational awareness of cultural heritage protection and is beginning to recognize the legitimacy and necessity of multi-actor involvement in urban renewal. Moreover, the building protection movement and some third-party institutions have a very important influence on the improvement of the public's subjective consciousness and protection awareness. Media and expert involvement have already played key roles in both spreading knowledge and motivating civic action. Thus, institutionalizing public participation, visualizing feedback mechanisms, and normalizing the involvement of professional actors are urgent steps toward achieving

collaborative

governance

and

development.

59

shared

responsibility

in

city

Chapter 6. Reflection 6.1 The Current Situation and Challenges of Old City Renewal in China China's old city renewal has long been confronted with multiple contradictions, such as government-led operations, limited market involvement, and weak societal participation. From the perspective of implementation bodies, the top-down model involving cooperation between the government and developers remains dominant. Small-scale, incremental renewal projects led by grassroots actors are relatively rare, resulting in a dual dilemma of "government role dislocation" and "absence of social forces." This is reflected in the following aspects: Firstly, the inertia of government-led decision-making remains significant. The “one-voice” model, under the current social context, helps avoid conflicts during the planning stage and accelerates the progress of urban renewal, aligning with the early goal of China’s urban development that prioritized efficiency. Therefore, it has been widely adopted in old city renewal. In the Enning Road project, the conflicts surrounding demolition and functional replacement essentially reflect a government-driven, economically-oriented approach that lacks mechanisms for pluralistic negotiation. Although in recent years the government has shifted from a role of full control to that of an interest coordinator, in practice, the legacy of closed-door decision-making still persists.

60

Secondly, there is an inherent weakness in market forces. While market-driven, self-organized updates have been realized in special areas such as Tianzifang45 and Nanluoguxiang46, these models are generally accompanied by issues such as gentrification, excessive commercialization, and increased conflicts between commercial and residential uses. Moreover, such models are only suitable for areas with cultural or commercial potential, while in ordinary residential districts, they face difficulties due to a lack of funding.

Thirdly, the development of social forces has been severely delayed. Complex property rights, inadequate infrastructure, and social issues such as aging and poverty have weakened residents' willingness to participate, and the underdevelopment of civil society has led to a lack of third-party organizations representing public interests and a shortage of grassroots platforms providing technical support. From the experience of developed countries in the West, the multi-party participation in old city renewal decision-making requires institutional support (such as public participation and community involvement systems) and the involvement of third-party organizations (such as public welfare organizations, civil organizations, or NGOs). In this regard, China’s institutional framework clearly lags behind social development trends. China has neither established a statutory public participation system nor developed a mature community participation framework, and third-party organizations have Tianzifang was spontaneously transformed by local artists into old alleyways, gradually attracting commercial capital and forming a district that integrates cultural creativity with business.

46 Nanluoguxiang is based on hutong culture and has revitalized the traditional neighborhood through the voluntary participation of individual businesses and cultural tourism operations.

45

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not yet formed effective participation paths. This leads to a narrow channel for expressing public interests, with the rights of vulnerable groups hard to safeguard. This institutional gap has caused old city renewal to fall into a vicious cycle of "government dominance eroding credibility, market intervention escalating conflicts, and social participation being superficial."

6.2 Multi-Stakeholder Decision-Making Co-Construction Mechanism The case of Enning Road’s bottom-up resistance to a top-down decision-making system reveals the critical role of the public and third-party organizations in advancing urban heritage conservation, while also showcasing the numerous benefits of a multi-stakeholder decision-making mechanism. From this case, an ideal multi-stakeholder co-construction mechanism can be built（Fig.18）. In this model, various parties collectively “co-shape” heritage conservation awareness and the policy environment, ultimately achieving a triple outcome of public well-being, policy optimization, and cultural continuity. This approach transforms heritage conservation from a single issue into a process of collaborative creation of public value.

The participating stakeholders include government departments (policy makers and implementers), public residents (including indigenous people, surrounding residents, and related stakeholders), media organizations (information disseminators and agenda setters), experts and scholars (technical and value assessors), and third-party organizations/NGOs (bridges and coordinators). In 62

this mechanism, the various parties form a positive feedback loop through interaction and collaboration. The public, through expressing demands, participating in planning hearings, and other means, drives the government to focus on grassroots voices; the media, by increasing the attention on the issue and guiding public opinion, empowers the public to speak up, while also putting pressure on the government; experts provide professional evaluations and suggestions, enhancing the legitimacy and scientific nature of the conservation efforts, while educating the public on cultural values and protection knowledge; third-party organizations create communication platforms, organize actions, promote consensus, and mediate conflicts among stakeholders.

Fig. 18 Multi-Stakeholder Decision-Making Co-Construction Mechanism (Source:By Author)

1.For the government: It gains public opinion, enhances credibility, avoids decision-making errors, and optimizes policy planning. First, multi-party 63

participation creates a dialogue platform between the government and the public. In the Enning Road case, through media involvement and public opinion solicitation, traditional “monologue” decision-making was broken down, allowing public demands to enter the decision-making process. This not only avoided large-scale land expropriation and demolition, which could lead to social conflicts, but also reduced the risk of policy implementation deviations through a feedback mechanism. Secondly, this interactive model redefines the legitimacy of governance. When the government responds to public concerns through a multi-party consultation mechanism, such as incorporating the entire Enning Road area into a historic and cultural district for protection, it not only enhances the inclusivity of the policy but also strengthens public trust in the government through "shared benefits." This is particularly important in old city areas with aging populations and low-income groups.

2.For the public: They can fight for their vested interests, protect their rights, and enhance their awareness of heritage conservation and cultural identity. In the case of Enning Road, the public ensured that their demands and interests were heard by the government through direct expression of their concerns, participation in planning hearings, and signing petitions, which led to the preservation of culturally significant buildings and traditional landscapes. This not only protected their living environment but also preserved their historical memories and cultural identity. Moreover, through multi-party participation, the public’s sense of cultural identity was strengthened. Heritage protection involves 64

not only the preservation of physical space but also the transmission and recognition of local cultural characteristics. Through interaction with the government, media, experts, and third-party organizations, the public deepens their understanding of the significance of heritage protection, thus enhancing their sense of responsibility and involvement as cultural inheritors. This co-construction process makes heritage protection a social endeavor involving the entire community, allowing the public to gain a deeper sense of recognition and belonging in terms of social value and cultural identity.

3.For society: It enhances social resilience, improves public awareness, achieves cultural consensus, and promotes cultural transmission. In the case of Enning Road, scholars, through professional arguments, broke the binary thinking of “demolition vs. preservation,” while the media’s continued coverage helped frame heritage protection as a social consensus. Civil organizations, from a third-party perspective, revealed issues of power imbalance during the redevelopment process. This multi-dimensional participation not only transformed professional knowledge of heritage district protection into a public issue but also cultivated public cultural awareness through ongoing social discussions. Data shows that the activation and utilization rate of historical buildings on Enning Road increased to 82% after renovation, validating the positive interaction between technical rationality and public awareness under the cooperation of multiple stakeholders. Although the participation mechanism still faces challenges, the involvement of multiple forces has shown the potential to 65

break the dual dilemmas of “government failure” and “market failure,” providing a practical example for the transformation of urban renewal from spatial renovation to social governance, making society more resilient and dynamic.

Chapter 7. Conclusion 7.1 Implications for Heritage Conservation This study explores the application and significance of multi-party decision-making mechanisms in urban heritage conservation through the Enning Road case. The research suggests that urban heritage conservation should not be confined to traditional government-led models. Instead, it should involve the government, the public, media, experts, and third-party organizations working together to advance conservation efforts. This model not only enhances the scientific and legitimate nature of heritage conservation but also fosters cultural identity and social consensus. Public participation, in particular, is crucial to the sustainability of heritage conservation as it drives widespread societal recognition of historical and cultural values, ultimately improving the cultural preservation policies in urban renewal processes.

7.2 Limitations While this study highlights the potential of multi-party decision-making mechanisms in heritage conservation, several limitations should be considered.

First, the study is based on the Enning Road case, and with a limited sample size, 66

the findings may not fully represent the heritage conservation practices in other cities or regions. Additionally, the research primarily focuses on policy analysis and case evaluation, without delving deeply into how the various stakeholders interact and conflict during the actual implementation process. Moreover, the multi-party participation mechanism in the Enning Road case is still in its early stages, and future research should further explore the long-term challenges and outcomes of its implementation. A key limitation is that the success of the process in Guangzhou can be attributed, in part, to the city's concentration of universities, which provided strong third-party support. This contributed to the significant organizational power, cohesion, and professionalism of the students and professors involved. However, this dynamic may not be as prevalent in other regions, where the strength and cohesion of third-party forces may be weaker.

7.3 Future Research Directions Future research could expand in several directions: first, extending the study to other historical districts or urban renewal projects involving multi-party participation mechanisms to draw more comprehensive conclusions. Secondly, future studies could focus on the long-term effects of multi-party decision-making, particularly in balancing the interests of various parties and sustaining policy innovation in the context of social change and conflicts. Lastly, as technology advances, future research could explore the role of digital tools in facilitating public participation and information sharing, analyzing how modern 67

technology can optimize decision-making processes and increase public involvement and transparency.

7.4 Conclusion Overall, the Enning Road case provides valuable practical experience for multi-party decision-making mechanisms in heritage conservation in Chinese cities. The traditional single-party decision-making model can no longer meet the needs of modern urban renewal and heritage conservation. Multi-party collaboration mechanisms help improve the inclusivity and scientific nature of policies and encourage social participation. Although challenges such as institutional lag and imbalanced interest bargaining remain, with the gradual development of civil society and changes in social structures, establishing a robust multi-party participation mechanism will not only drive urban renewal but also open new paths for heritage conservation. Ultimately, this mechanism will offer new possibilities for achieving the harmonious coexistence of protection and development and provide valuable insights for the transformation of urban governance models.

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