The Rise of Hybrid Political Islam in Turkey
Origins and Consolidation of the JDP
Sevinç Bermek
Department of Middle Eastern Studies
King’s College London London, UK
ISBN 978-3-030-14202-5 ISBN 978-3-030-14203-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14203-2
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019
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Cover illustration: Didem Orhuner Cavaş
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To my father Prof. Engin Bermek on his 80th birthday
Acknowledgements
This book would not have been possible without the guidance and the help of several individuals who in one way or another contributed and extended their valuable assistance in the preparation and completion of this book. I am especially indebted to Prof. Leila Simona Talani, Department of European & International Studies (King’s College London), for her guidance throughout the publication stage of this work, that was based on my doctoral dissertation. I also thank the manuscript reviewers for their detailed feedback at different stages of publication. I would also like to extend my gratitude to Dr. Ambra Finotello, the senior commissioning editor, for believing in my project and for her support and guidance from the book proposal stage to the publication one.
I would like to thank Prof. Danièle Joly, Dr. Khursheed Wadia, and Dr. Saniye Dedeoglu during the whole process of conducting my research and writing up my manuscript. I am also grateful to my Dissertation Committee Prof. Nicola Pratt and Prof. Alpaslan Özerdem for encouraging me to publish my thesis as a book.
I am grateful to all my friends and colleagues who have been supportive of my career goals and who helped me proactively to publish my manuscript. Among them, I am especially indebted to Elsa Tülin Sen, Çagrı Yalkın, and Patrícia Calca for their guidance. I owe special thanks to Aslı Ünan for helping me design the illustrations and figures in the book. I also thank Kate Epstein for her meticulous proofreading and my friends Theologia Iliadou, Ehsan Mir, Dimitrios Minos, and Ceren Nese Tosun for their support and believing in me during the writing stage of the book.
On a separate account, I am particularly thankful to both my parents Ayse Gülen Bermek and Engin Bermek for their continuous support all these years. I owe a special thanks to my father Prof. Engin Bermek for his meticulous comments on my book proposal, his guidance during the fieldwork, and most importantly his orientation and advice on how to progress in academic life.
I would also like to thank my siblings, Esen and Oya, for their support and encouragement.
Last but not least, I would like to thank my husband Konstantinos Matakos for always seeing the potential in me, for giving me his continuous support and endorsement, and most importantly for his patience and understanding, for sharing his views on my work with me, and for numerous stimulating discussions.
London, UK
January 2019
AbbreviAtions
AGIAD Anadolu Genç İs Adamları Dernegi (Anatolian Young Businessmen Association)
AIHM Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi (European Court of Human Rights)
AKIM AK İletisim Merkezi (AK Communication Centre)
AM Anayasa Mahkemesi (Constitutional Court)
ANAP Anavatan Partisi (Motherland Party)
AP Adalet Partisi (Justice Party) (Est. 14.10.1973—Closure 16.10.1981)
Bag-Kur Esnaf ve Sanatkarlar ile Diger Bagımsız Çalısanlar Sosyal Sigortalar Kurumu (Social Security Organisation of Craftsmen, Tradesmen, and Self-Employed)
BDP Barıs ve Demokrasi Partisi (Peace and Democracy Party) (Est. 3.05.2008—11.07.2014)
BP/TBP Birlik Partisi/Türkiye Birlik Partisi (Unity Party/Unity Party of Turkey) (Est. 17.10.1966—Closure 16.10.1981)
BQ Bloc Québécois (Quebec Bloc)
BTP Büyük Türkiye Partisi (Great Turkey Party) (Est. 20.05.1983—Closure 30.05.1983)
CDA Christen Democratisch Appèl (Christian Democratic Appeal)
CDU Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (Christian Democratic Union of Germany)
CGP Cumhuriyetçi Güven Partisi (Republican Reliance Party) (Est. 29.01.1971—Closure 16.10.1981)
CHP
CKMP
Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (Republican People’s Party) (Est. 09.09.1923—Closure 16.10.1981; Est. 09.09.1992—to the present)
Cumhuriyetçi Köylü Millet Partisi (Republican Peasants’ Nation Party) (Est. 16.10.1958—Closure 09.02.1969)
CMP Cumhuriyetçi Millet Partisi (Republican Nationalist Party) (Est. 10.02.1954—Closure 16.10.1958)
CU Christen Unie (Christian Union)
DBP Demokratik Bölgeler Partisi (Democratic Regions Party)
DC Democrazia Cristiana (Christian Democracy)
DDKD Devrimci Demokratik Kültür Dernegi (Revolutionary Democratic Cultural Associations)
DEHAP Demokratik Halk Partisi (Democratic People’s Party) (Est. 24.10.1997—Closure March 2003)
Demokratik Parti Democratic Party (Est.18.12.1970—Closure.04.05.1980)
DEP Demokrasi Partisi (Democracy Party) (Est. 21.06.1991— Closure 16.06.1994)
DIB Diyanet İsleri Baskanlıgı (Presidency of Religious Affairs)
DISK Türkiye Devrimci İsçi Sendikaları Konfederasyonu (Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions of Turkey)
DP Demokrat Parti (Democrat Party) (Est. 07.01.1946— Closure 29.09.1960)
DPT Devlet Planlama Teskilatı (State Planning Organization)
DSP Demokratik Sol Parti (Democratic Left Party)
DTH Demokratik Toplum Hareketi (Democratic Society Movement)
DTP Demokratik Toplum Partisi (Democratic Society Party) (Est. 09.11.2005—Closure 11.12.2009)
DYP Dogru Yol Partisi (True Path Party) (Est. 23.06.1983— Closure 28.05.2007)
EC European Community
ECHR European Court of Human Rights
EDP Esitlik ve Demokrasi Partisi (Equality and Democracy Party) (Est. 14.03.2010—Closure 2012)
EMEP Emegin Partisi (Labour Party)
ES Emekli Sandıgı (Government Employees Retirement Fund)
EU European Union
FP Fazilet Partisi (Virtue Party) (Est. 07.12.1997—Closure 22.06.2001)
GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GP Genç Parti (Young Party)
GP/CGP Güven Partisi/Cumhuriyetçi Güven Partisi (Republican Reliance Party) (Est. 12.05.1967—Closure 29.01.1971)
GYV Gazeteciler ve Yazarlar Dernegi (Journalists and Writers’s Foundation)
HADEP Halkın Demokrasi Partisi (People’s Democracy Party) (Est. 11.05.1994—Closure 13.03.2003)
HAK-IS Hak İsçi Sendikaları Konfederasyonu (Confederation of Turkish Real Trade Unions)
HDP Halkların Demokratik Partisi (People’s Democratic Party)
HEP Halkın Emek Partisi (People’s Labour Party) (Est. 07.06.1990—14.07.1993)
HP Halkçı Parti (Populist Party) (Est. 20.05.1983—Closure 17.08.1985)
HP Hürriyet Partisi (Freedom Party) (Est. 20.12.1955—Closure 24.11.1958)
HSYK Hakim ve Savcılar Yüksek Kurulu (High Council of Judges and Prosecutors)
ICT Information and Communication Technologies
ILO International Labour Organization
IMF International Monetary Fund
ISHAD İs Hayatı ve Dayanısma Dernegi (Association for Solidarity in Business Life)
ISI Import Substitution Industrialisation
ISIL Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant
ISKI İstanbul Su ve Kanalizasyon İdaresi (Istanbul Water and Sewerage Administration)
ITO İstanbul Ticaret Odası (Istanbul Chamber of Commerce)
JDP Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi)
KCK Koma Civakên Kurdistan (Kürdistan Topluluklar Birliği, Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan)
KDV Katma Deger Vergisi (Value-Added Tax)
KIT Kamu İktisadi Tesebbüsü (State Economic Enterprises)
KPSS Kommunisticheskaya Partiya Sovetskogo Soyuza (Communist Party of the Soviet Union)
KUK Kürdistan Ulusal Kurtulusçuları (National Liberators of Kurdistan)
KYK Kredi ve Yurtlar Kurumu (Credit and Dormitories Foundation)
LDP Liberal Democrat Party (in Japan)
LGBTI Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Intersex
MAI Multilateral Agreement on Investment
MBK Milli Birlik Komitesi (National Unity Committee) (Est. 27.05.1960—Closure 25.10.1961)
MC Milliyetçi Cephe (Nationalist Front)
MÇP Milliyetçi Çalısma Partisi (Nationalist Task Party) (Est. 30.10.1985—Closure 24.01.1993)
MDP Milliyetçi Demokrasi Partisi (Nationalist Democracy Party) (Est. 16.05.1983—Closure 04.05.1986)
MGK Milli Güvenlik Kurulu (National Security Council)
MHP Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (Nationalist Movement Party)
Mİ T Milli İstihbarat Teskilatı (National Intelligence Organization)
MKYK Merkez Karar ve Yönetim Kurulu (Central Decision and Executive Committee)
MNP Milli Nizam Partisi (National Order Party) (Est. 26.01.1970—Closure 20.05.1971)
MP Member of Parliament
MP Millet Partisi (Nation Party) (Est. July 1948—Closure 27.02.1954)
MSP Milli Selamet Partisi (National Salvation Party) (Est. 11.10.1972—Closure 16.10.1981)
MÜSİ AD Müstakil Sanayici ve İs Adamları Dernegi (Independent Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s Association)
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NGO Non-governmental Organisation
NP Nasionale Party (National Party) (in South Africa)
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
OHAL Olaganüstü Hal (State of Emergency)
OPEC Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries
PKK Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (Kürdistan İşçi Partisi, Kurdistan Workers’ Party)
PNV Partido Nacionalista Vasco (Basque Nationalist Party) (in Spain)
PR Proportional Representation
RP Refah Partisi (Welfare Party) (Est. 19.07.1983—Closure 16.01.1998)
RTÜK Radyo ve Televizyon Üst Kurulu (Radio Television Supreme Council)
SCF Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası (Liberal Republican Party) (Est. 12.08.1930—Closure 17.11.1930)
SDP Sosyalist Demokrasi Partisi (Socialist Democracy Party)
SEEs State Economic Enterprises (Kamu İktisadi Teşebbüsler)
SETA Siyaset Ekonomi ve Toplum Arastırmaları Vakfı (Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research)
SGK Sosyal Güvenlik Kurumu (Social Security Institution)
SHP Sosyaldemokrat Halkçı Parti (Social Democratic Populist Party) (Est. 03.11.1985—Closure 18.02.1995)
SMEs Small Medium Enterprises
SNP Scottish National Party
SODEP Sosyal Demokrasi Partisi (Social Democracy Party) (Est. 06.06.1983—Closure 03.11.1984)
SODEV Sosyal Demokrasi Vakfı (Social Democracy Foundation)
SP Saadet Partisi (Felicity Party)
SPK Sermaye Piyasası Kurulu (Capital Markets Board of Turkey)
SSK Sosyal Sigortalar Kurumu (Social Insurance Institution)
SUT Saglık Uygulama Tebligi (Medical Enforcement Declaration)
SYDTF Sosyal Yardımlasma ve Dayanısmayı Tesvik Fonu (Social Solidarity Fund)
SYDV Sosyal Yardımlasma ve Dayanısma Vakfı (Social Assistance and Solidarity Foundation)
SYGM Sosyal Yardımlasma ve Dayanısma Genel Müdürlügü (General Directorate of Social Assistance and Solidarity)
TBMM Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi (Grand National Assembly of Turkey)
TCF Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası (Progressive Republican Party) (Est. 17.11.1924—Closure 03.06.1925)
TEB Türk Ekonomi Bankası (Turkish Economy Bank)
TEPAV Türkiye Ekonomi Politikaları Arastırma Vakfı (Economic Policy Research Foundation of Turkey)
TESEV Türkiye Ekonomik ve Sosyal Etüdler Vakfı (Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation)
T
İ P Türkiye İsçi Partisi (Turkey’s Workers’ Party) (Est. 13.02.1961—Closure 21.07.1971; Second Establishment.1975—Closure 16.10.1981)
TKDP Türkiye Kürdistan Demokrat Partisi (Turkey Kurdistan Democratic Party) (Est. 28.04.2014)
TKSP Türkiye Kürdistan Sosyalist Parti (Turkey Kurdistan Socialist Party)
TL Turkish Lira
TMSF Tasarruaf ve Mevduat Sigorta Fonu (Deposit and Insurance Fund)
TOBB Türkiye Odalar ve Borsalar Birligi (Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges of Turkey)
TRT Türkiye Radyo ve Televizyon Kurumu (Turkish Radio and Television Corporation)
TTB Türk Tabipleri Birligi (Turkish Medical Association)
TÜİ K/TUIK Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu (Turkish Statistical Institute)
TÜRK-İ S Türkiye İsçi Sendikaları Konfederasyonu (Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions)
TÜSİ AD Türk Sanayicileri ve İs İnsanları Dernegi (Turkish Industry and Business Association)
TUSKON Türkiye İs Adamları ve Sanayiciler Konfederasyonu (Turkish Confederation of Businessmen and Industrialists)
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
VP Vatan Partisi (Patriotic Party)
WB World Bank
WTO World Trade Organization
YDP Yeniden Dogus Partisi (Rebirth Party) (Est. 23rd November 1992—Closure 2002)
YÖK Yüksekögretim Kurulu (Council of Higher Education)
YTP Yeni Türkiye Partisi (New Turkey Party) (Est. 1961— Closure 1974) (Est. 2002—Closure 2004)
list of figures
Fig. 2.1 Illustration of the overarching cleavage in the context of the JDP
Fig. 3.1 Share of each sector within the total employment, 1923–1950. (Source: TUIK Statistics 2010)
Fig. 3.2 Each sector’s share of total employment, 1950–1960. (Source: TUIK Statistics 2010)
Map 3.1 ISI and (Group I) industrial plants in the cities of Turkey, 1950–1980. (Source: Maps made via MapChart)
Map 3.2 ISI and (Group II) industrial plants in the cities of Turkey, 1950–1980. The map illustrates the industrial cities close to the first group (Group I) of industrialised cities. (Source: Maps made via MapChart)
Fig. 3.3 Each sector’s share of total employment, 1960–1980. (Source: TUIK Statistics, 2010)
Map 3.3 Export-led growth and industrial plants in the cities of Turkey after 1980. The map illustrates the main industrial cities established after 1980 due to export-led growth. (Source: Maps made via MapChart)
Fig. 3.4 Inflation, 1980–2017. (Source: IMF)
Fig. 3.5 Evolution of sectoral employment (share of total in per cent) in the period 1980–2008. (Source: ILO Labour Statistics Bureau 2012)
Fig. 3.6 Each sector’s share of total employment, 1980–2017. (Source: TUIK Statistics 2017b)
Fig. 3.7 Urban migration 1975–2015 to metropolitan cities. (Source: TUIK)
56
74
78
82
83
83
88
90
92
93
94
Fig. 3.8 Export-oriented provinces and support for the JDP in the 2002 legislative elections. (Source: TUIK 2018 and YSK 2011) 109
list of tAbles
Table 2.1 Incorporating cleavage structure by Lipset and Rokkan (1967) into Turkish context (theoretical framework underpinning the research methodology) 17
Table 2.2 Evolution of Turkish party system via societal cleavages: Turkish taxonomy 21
Table 2.3 Illustration of the overarching cleavage Turkish-Ottoman/ Republican-Imperial in Lipset and Rokkan’s divides 42
Table 4.1 Discrepancy between party discourse and deliverables 121
Table A.1 Profile of key informants interviewed 251
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
I was 11 years old in March 1994 when the Refah Partisi (Welfare Party, RP) gained 19 per cent of the total vote in Turkey’s nationwide local elections held and won the metropolitan municipality of Istanbul where my family was living. My parents generally voted for more liberal parties, as I knew, and I discussed the victory with many members of the working class I knew—housecleaners, doormen, and marginal sector workers. Most of them generally supported right-leaning parties including the RP after their deception with left-wing parties in the 1980s. Ever since I have been curious about the split between working-class and middle-class Turks like my parents, which led me years later to the topic of this book, the emergence and consolidation of the Islamic-leaning Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, JDP), which rested significantly on working-class support and lower segments of the society.
Beyond my personal motives, this research on consolidation and underpinnings of the JDP reflects an understanding that Turkey’s case has unique features with significant implications for the field of comparative politics. While Turkey is integrated into the core architecture of the Western international stage through its membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Council, and Custom Unions, it has experienced the rise of political Islam via openly contested elections and a gradual yet persistent drift towards authoritarianism. Some scholars and pundits believed, following the Gezi Park protests of June 2013 and the corruption accusations of December 2013 against the leader
© The Author(s) 2019
S. Bermek, The Rise of Hybrid Political Islam in Turkey, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14203-2_1
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of the JDP and members of his cabinet, that it would soon cease to exist. However, the legislative elections of November 2015 revealed the resilience and tactical skills of the JDP in spite of the corroding effects of 14 years in power. These events reveal that the analysis of the party as a political phenomenon is still current and that this drift to authoritarianism and its sustainability needs to be explored in depth. In order to address these questions, it is essential to understand how the JDP’s rise to and consolidation of power occurred.
A further reason to explore the JDP is that Turkey’s shift to authoritarianism is not unique, but a rather prevalent trend of our time. Indeed, even countries fully integrated to Western and liberal order have lately shown a tendency to drift away from their core institutions and gravitate towards authoritarianism. Hungary’s national-conservative and right-wing populist party Fidesz’s supermajority success in the form of three consecutive electoral victories (in 2010, 2014, and 2018) and Poland’s right-wing populist, national-conservative Christian Democratic Law and Justice Party’s obtaining outright majority in 2015 illustrate this trend of which the JDP is a part.
The research questions that drive this book reflect both my interest in Turkey and its relationship to a broader international trend. These relate to how the JDP has become a game changer in both Turkish party system and society and on how the party has consolidated its power and become remarkably resilient over the years of its power. The book attempts to answer these core questions by following the course of this shift to authoritarianism in the Turkish politics and society.
This book goes beyond the debate on secularism and Islam. As the research aimed to investigate the JDP as a model of game changer in both society and party system, it necessitated a theoretical framework scrutinising party system according to sociological factors. To that end, I chose Lipset-Rokkan’s cleavage structure (1967)1 to guide the research. The qualitative methodology was based on in-depth interviews and archival research, which included review of electoral campaign material, grey literature, and statistics related to socioeconomic data. Lipset and Rokkan identify four main cleavages (state-church, centre-periphery, capital owner-worker, and land-industry); for the Turkish context, I adapted it as secularist-Islamist; Turkish-Kurdish, Sunni-Alevi; left-right, centre versus periphery at the centre; big urban conglomerate-peripheral Small Medium Enterprises (SMEs), respectively. In keeping with the adapted cleavage-structure model, I recruited interviewees from the Cumhuriyet
Halk Partisi (Republican People’s Party, CHP), the JDP, and the Saadet Partisi (Felicity Party, SP) to reflect the secularist-Islamist cleavage.
In addition to this adapted cleavage structure, I develop new cleavage structure for clarifying roots of the current Turkish party system. Lipset and Rokkan (1967) considered the Industrial Revolution and French Revolution as the roots of the Western European party systems as the former gave rise to the land-industry divide in Britain and the latter gave rise to the state-church fault line in France. Similarly, I understand the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 as the root of the TurkishOttoman/Republican-Imperial divide that gave rise to the Turkish party system, and hence I developed this overarching Turkish-Ottoman/ Republican-Imperial cleavage. To this leading theoretical paradigm, I ultimately added additional theoretical frameworks such as a new version of centre-periphery (Kahraman 2008), machine party politics (Stokes et al. 2013), and the logic of the political survival (Bueno de Mesquita et al. 2003) based on fieldwork data given that the cleavage structure was not sufficient in elaborating the consolidation of the JDP. Examining the party system according to sociological factors is a chief source of novelty in the research presented here, because the scholarly literature on Turkish party systems and parties has generally focused on theories related to electoral institutions (e.g. Sayarı 2007; Özbudun 2013; Gumuscu 2013; Ayan Musil 2011; Ete et al. 2015; Sayarı 2016; Esen and Gumuscu 2016; Wuthrich 2015; Sayarı et al. 2018). Aside from the theoretical part, the book contributes to the existing scholarly literature on the Turkish politics and society with its field research findings. Scholarly work on Turkish politics and society, the JDP, and country studies have increased dramatically over the last decade. This work has addressed a wide range of subjects such as Islamist movements, democratisation, state-military relations, and European Union (EU) membership. I disentangle this growing literature according to the major themes relevant to my objectives, which leads to a focus on research on Turkish politics and the JDP (mainly country studies) and Turkish politics and society and voting behaviour in local and legislative elections.
The majority of scholars who have tackled the JDP’s emergence use the framework of debates on Islamism versus secularism, democratisation, Europeanisation, and state-military relations. Thus, Eligür (2010) explains the rise of political Islam from a social movement theory perspective. She argues that the movement of the Türk-İslam Sentezi (Turkish-Islamic Synthesis), compounded with the malfunctioning state and Islamist
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grassroots organisational scheme, contributed to the Islamist mobilisation in Turkey. This leads to the conclusion that socioeconomic factors provide rather a partial explanation to the rise of political Islam in Turkey. Yavuz (2003) adopts a constructivist approach in his analysis of the Islamic movements (e.g. Naksibendi Sufi Order, Nur movement, Neo-Nur movement, National Outlook movement) and their political repercussions. More recently (2009) he has provided a more diversified account of the JDP by including the socioeconomic bases of the JDP in his analysis. He highlights the fact that owners of small businesses and industrialists, shopkeepers, master craftsmen, semi-industrialist farmers, and owners of construction firms make up the JDP’s base. Similarly, Hale and Özbudun (2010) add the social bases of the JDP to their analysis of JDP’s first ruling tenure (2002–2007).
This book focuses on acquiring a deeper insight into the social bases of the JDP. To do so it looks to what extent long-, medium-, and short-term economic factors and the changes in social structures they ignited contributed to the JDP’s rise in 2002. More precisely, the book considers the economic decisions from the beginning of the Republic up to 2002 and how they led to changes in social structures in Turkish society and in their political demands. In addition to this account of the socioeconomic origins of the JDP, which constitutes the demand side, I also look at the supply side, the transformation of the political party system and parties as products of political and social cleavages. This dual analysis appears to contribute to the scholarly literature by elucidating the supply and demand mechanism behind JDP’s emergence.
In addition to the scholarly literature from the political Islam perspective, some scholars add different angles such as Europeanisation, democratisation, and/or state-military relations with political Islam. A number of contributions in this vein appear in a single-edited volume, Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey: The Making of the Justice and Development Party (Cizre 2008). For example, Cizre’s (2008) volume explores the JDP’s place within the Turkish political system with respect to JDP’s policy agenda in civil-military relations, EU conditionality, human rights, and the evolution of political Islam. She argues that, despite the EU reform process that curtailed the military’s supremacy over Turkish politics, the Turkish army was still too powerful. In the same volume, Çınar (2008) argues that the JDP has used the EU project as a means to ease secularist restrictions on public expression of Islamic belief. He illustrates that the party used conditionality to restrict the political authority of the military.
Another contribution to the same edited volume co-authored by Çınar and Duran (2008) discusses the historical evolution of political Islam and how Turkish Islamism differs from religious movements in other Islamic states. Çayır (2008) argues that a “self-critical Islam” that encourages Islamic actors to embrace both modern lifestyles and religiosity at individual level has replaced the Turkish Islamism of the 1970s and 1980s. Other scholars analyse the JDP, based on its policy agenda (e.g. economic and social agenda) following its consolidation in the party system. Amongst them, Uzgel and Duru (2009) have considered the JDP as the new political actor of the neoliberal transformation and compiled works written on the social, economic policy, legal aspect, domestic, and foreign political agenda of the party. In another publication Insight Turkey (2017), scholars have addressed the 15 years of the JDP, elaborating on the three consecutive JDP governments’ performance in economic and financial stability, creating a changing pattern in Kurdish peace initiatives as well as healthcare policies. Another book which Ersoy and Ozyurek (2017) edited addresses contemporary Turkish foreign and domestic politics. It does so by exploring the impact of changing dynamics in the region following the Arab uprisings and domestic politics by looking at the impact of the role of strong single government on the transformation of political institutions and the relations between state and citizens.
Here I contribute to this rich literature by highlighting the JDP’s electoral consolidation in consideration of the divergence between its discourse and its policies. Namely, while the party’s discourse has wide appeal, the policies it pursues target its core constituencies. Actually, in the early years of the JDP’s control of the state, the JDP had welfare policy agenda (e.g. health-care reform, social assistance) in line with its party’s rightsbased discourse that aimed to bring free health-care and welfare assistance to each citizen. However, over the course of the JDP’s ruling tenures, party’s welfare agenda diverged from its initial discourse on universalist welfare system and emphasis on social state started to target only the lower stratum that constitute majority of its votes and eventually a discrepancy between deliverables and policy discourse emerged. This book’s title references this discrepancy between the party’s discourse and delivery, which I call hybrid political Islam.
While I contributed to the literature by highlighting the discrepancy between the party’s discourse and deliverables, the recent literature on the JDP has taken a new direction by taking a more critical approach—than literature written on the early years of the JDP—to the JDP’s entrenchment
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in Turkish politics and society. Scholars have started to focus on the JDP’s authoritarian politics, which have become more and more evident. For instance, Cizre’s (2016) edited manuscript assesses the 13 years of the JDP’s and its leader’s ruling tenures from the viewpoints of major critical actors (Kemalist civil society organisations, gender-driven Republican feminists, Alevi community, Gülen movement, Gezi protesters, and socialist scholars). Regarding the party’s political position, she asserts that JDP lost its centrist position after the legislative elections of June 2015. She argues that the shelving of the two-year ceasefire and peace with the Kurdish bloc to serve Erdogan’s political ambitions has revealed his adherence to the traditional statist discourse of the Turkish state. Similarly, Baser and Öztürk (2017) highlight the consequences of the constitutional referendum of 2017 that ushered in a change from a parliamentary model to an executive presidency, granting President Erdogan far-reaching new powers across Turkey. They also emphasise the democratic reversal that has thereby occurred in Turkey. Similarly, Öktem and Akkoyunlu (2017)2 scrutinise Turkey’s regime shift and abandonment of democratic politics following the installation of hyper-presidential system. They explore this regime change by focusing on a comparative analysis (Turkey, Russia, Southeast Europe, and Latin America), pointing out the repercussions of such a regime change in religious, educational, ethnic, and civil society policies. Their volume concludes that this extensive authoritarian shift3 has not resulted in consolidation but in rather severely split and contested polity. While Öktem and Akkoyunlu (2017) explore Turkey’s move to authoritarianism from different policy angles, Bayulgen et al. (2018) explore reversal and resilience in hybrid regimes by analysing elite strategies and their coping mechanism against challenges to the JDP rule. Through their analysis on Turkish case, they illustrate how elite conditions contribute to the resilience and vulnerability of hybrid regimes in general as well as their regime path.
This book contributes to the literature on authoritarian politics in Turkey by providing another explanation of this shift to illiberal democracy. The research incorporates theories of machine party politics (or clientelist parties) and a political survival mechanism to clarify how the JDP has supplied policies to meet the demands of its core constituency (supply side). In revealing that the JDP functions as a machine party, I suggest that authoritarianism is in the party’s DNA and that its early days reflect this, which has paved the way to authoritarianism in Turkish politics under a political boss. Thus, I demonstrate how the JDP’s consolidation and its entrenchment in Turkish society and politics has led to the manifestation of authoritarian tendencies that were once hidden.
This book also complements scholarly works that highlight the structural aspects of the JDP and its impact on the society and politics. These
structural aspects include the JDP’s organisational features, specific policy areas, and state-business relations. Sociologists and anthropologists undertook the first research in this vein (Delibas 2015; Joppien 2017; Dogan 2016). Delibas (2015) for instance explains how political Islam in Turkey has emerged at a grassroots level as a response to socioeconomic and political conditions that were aggravated by the neoliberal economic policies of the 1980s, rapid urbanisation, and cultural globalisation. Joppien’s (2017) thorough examination of municipal politics’ daily practice enlightens the core aspects of Turkish politics such as political mobilisation, civil society’s role, decision-making practices, and linkages between voters and politicians. Dogan (2016) analyses the JDP’s party organisation at the neighbourhood level and the grassroots mobilisation. However, these works have each focused on specific jurisdictions within Turkey rather than the country as a whole. This book builds on their efforts with a more comprehensive approach that touches upon both voters’ needs (rights-based discourse and social, economic, and religious aspirations) and the JDP’s catering to its core constituencies (supply side) to demonstrate JDP’s political consolidation.
As to social policy issues and state-business relations, Bugra and Savaskan (2014) illustrate how political action can reshape the business community and patterns of business development. More importantly, they demonstrate how over the last decade business associations increasingly instrumentalised the religion as a strategic means in order to establish bonds of trust and solidarity among their members. Yılmaz (2017) has analysed the transformation in the health-care system of Turkey that took place in line with the neoliberal transformation requests of the multinational organisations since the 2000s. Bugra and Candas (2011) and Dorlach (2016) scrutinise the welfare system during the JDP period and theoretically explore the JDP’s welfare agenda. Beyond these works that specifically analyse welfare policy system, my book focuses on the JDP’s social policy areas to demonstrate how it has taken advantage of these social policies—health-care reform and social assistance—in order to cater to its core constituencies.
Another stream of literature that influences the current study is the flourishing literature on Turkish voters’ preferences at Turkish national elections and local elections (Çarkoglu et al. 2018; Çarkoglu and Yıldırımı 2015; Çarkoglu and Aytaç 2015; Marschall et al. 2016; Akarca 2015; Gidengil and Karakoç 2014; Seker and Dayıoglu 2015; Çarkoglu and Kalaycıoglu 2009). This literature bears on my discussion and analysis of the demand side of the JDP’s consolidation as it demonstrates how the party’s social and economic policy agenda have appeased the JDP’s social bases. As a whole, the book aims
S. BERMEK
to contribute to the literature about the contemporary Turkish political system by assembling the economic, political, and social agenda of the JDP with original field research and use of a theoretical framework that prompts a focus on sociological factors in the structuring of party system.
The book is organised as follows. Chapter 2 analyses thematically the evolution of social cleavages since 1923 and their translation into Turkey’s political process in the context of its historical and political background. It appears necessary to make such a retrospective analysis as the current roots of the party system reflect the events that attended the establishment of Republic in 1923. Thus, I perform a longitudinal analysis, taking the reader from 1923 to 2002 to illustrate how changes in political and societal cleavages have led to the emergence of the current parties and party system, and finally to the rise of the JDP to power in 2002. To that end, Chap. 2 incorporates Lipset and Rokkan’s cleavage structure and describes a new cleavage taxonomy relevant to the Turkish context. It then explores how this new taxonomy has operated over time. Because cleavages are extremely dynamic, the analysis considers the foundation, evolution, and translation of each cleavage and the resulting effect on party development. The chapter further explains how the JDP managed to identify the political winners and losers of the Republican era and to win over the losers (including the Kurdish, Alevi, Left, and/or Liberal segments of the society) who were alienated by the Republican nation-state. Chapter 2 illustrates how the JDP assembled an overarching electoral coalition in order to rise in power in 2002 and thus provides insight into how the party rose by exploiting the supply side of the demand-supply mechanism.
In Chap. 3, I explore the institutional factors that are related to parties and the party system, the interrelationship between economic changes and structural issues, and how they have shaped the evolution of the Turkish party system from the demand side (voters). The contention of this chapter is that both structural and institutional changes shaped the evolution of the Turkish party system. The changing economic programmes are considered to be a main catalyser of the structural changes in society. Here, structural issues refer to diversified elements of society such as social changes, class changes, and educational levels. This chapter responds to the question as to how changes in socioeconomic structures in Turkish society affected the emergence and the sustainment of the JDP’s electoral success. In order to do this, it highlights how, with the socioeconomic transformation after the 1980s, a change in the rising classes’ demands occurred, which led to an appetite for a political party with features such
as the JDP initially seemed to have. Hence, the chapter elucidates the demand side regarding the emergence of the JDP in 2002. Chapter 3 also disentangles the main themes behind the emergence of the JDP, which in turn become the subjects of Chaps. 4 and 5.
In Chap. 4, I explore the issue of social policies and how the JDP consolidated its electoral power by meeting the demands of ordinary people, via catering to its core constituencies. To demonstrate this strategy, the chapter opens with a discussion regarding the emergence of discrepancy between the party’s discourse and policies. This divergence between policy and discourse highlights that the major way the JDP delivers for its core constituencies is its universal social welfare agenda. Following this opening, the chapter elaborates on how the JDP’s pro-rights discourse deviates from its policies and how policies such as its macroeconomic stability programme nonetheless provided an electoral advantage in four consecutive elections. Chapter 4 investigates two important policy areas: health and social assistance policies (e.g. increases in social benefits for disadvantaged groups and marketisation of the health-care system) in order to demonstrate how they contributed to the party’s political consolidation and entrenchment in Turkish society. The chapter also points out that the JDP’s machine party characteristics contributed to its consolidation and its resilient support among its target constituency more than its religious discourse.
Chapter 5 pursues the main findings from Chap. 4 regarding the diverging feature between the party’s discourse and its policy agenda. Thus, the JDP’s hybrid ideology and its continuous supply for the political demands of its core constituency characterises it as a machine party rather than a standard political party of familiar attributes. In addition, its hybrid ideology, more than its Islamist background, explains how the JDP adapts itself to new political dynamics, thus remaining resilient in its politics. To be more specific, Chap. 5 analyses the party’s view of the role that social and human rights play in Turkish social discourse, as well as the role they play in Turkey’s bid for EU membership as an anchor for democratisation. Thus, it appears that the JDP has used this language and these themes to further its entrenchment in the Turkish society. This policy is also reflected in the JDP’s approach to issues such as the state’s negotiation for EU membership, a headscarf ban, advocacy for demilitarisation, and human rights extensions for ethnic minorities in the country. The chapter furthermore elaborates how the JDP has changed its ideological framing over time, positioning itself to ally with other stakeholders when political interests dictate. Finally, it describes the extreme, rather unprincipled basis
S. BERMEK
of the JDP’s consolidation of power, which led to its elimination of all competing authorities, discarding old alliances when they were obsolete, and ready establishment of new alliances to improve its electoral advantage through a powerful new coalition.
Chapter 6 illustrates that the Turkish-Ottoman/Republican-Imperial cleavage dominates the new cleavage taxonomy relevant to the Turkish context. Cleavages (namely Turkish-Kurdish, Sunni-Alevi, secularistIslamist, capital owner-worker, centre vs. centre at periphery, big urban conglomerate-Small Medium Enterprises [SMEs] cleavages) are still active in changing the Turkish societal dynamics and, unlike the established Western European parties that the Lipset and Rokkan study addresses, the JDP governs in an environment in which cleavages still constitute distinct/ notable fault lines. Chapter 6 explains also how the overarching cleavage relates to the current JDP’s ruling tenure and highlights how the JDP attempts to fit into the Ottoman side of this cleavage. Moreover, the chapter demonstrates how the fieldwork research helped me identify illuminating approaches to the study of parties in general and the JDP in particular. It helped demonstrate that the JDP’s hierarchical party organisation scheme is actually similar to machine parties in South America and that existed in the United States in the first half of the nineteenth century. The chapter also highlights the future of the Turkish party system with respect to the JDP’s political survival under the inspiration of the political party survival theories. It thus reflects the findings of the book and discusses the political survival of the JDP up to the election results of 24 June 2018.
Chapter 7, the concluding chapter, takes the reader through a history of Turkey’s party system and demonstrates how changes in social structures have resulted in the formation of parties and its constituencies. It also assesses the impact of institutional factors such as coup d’états on parties. The chapter highlights how both institutional factors and socioeconomic transformation had contributed to the emergence of the JDP in 2002. Then it assesses how the JDP caters for the needs of the majority of society by using benefits of a single-party government as well as via tangible policies. Chapter 7 summarises all the analysis chapters, and in line with them, it attempts to forecast of Turkish politics following June 2018 elections. It concludes that even though the JDP and Erdogan assured victory in the June 2018 elections, this will cause tension in society among the opposition especially given signs of impending downturn. Despite this, Turkish society’s dynamism and strong middle classes would provide a bulwark against chaos.
Notes
1. The cleavage-structure theor y is deduced from Talcott Parsons’ paradigm of societal changes (Lipset and Rokkan 1967, pp. 7–10). When the Parsonian paradigm is traced back further, it reveals that Parsons used a thoroughly Weberian class analysis in his works (Tribe 2007, p. 222).
2. More scholarly works are as follows: Waldman and Caliskan (2016), Abbas (2017).
3. For an extensive literature review of scholarly work on authoritarian politics in Turkey, please consult Somer (2016, p. 7).
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Abbas, T. (2017). Contemporary Turkey in Conflict: Ethnicity, Islam and Politics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Akarca, A. (2015). Putting Turkey’s June and November 2015 Election Outcomes in Perspective. Insight Turkey, 17(4), 81–104.
Ayan Musil, P. (2011). Authoritarian Party Structures and Democratic Political Setting in Turkey. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Baser, B., & Öztürk, A. E. (Eds.). (2017). Authoritarian Politics in Turkey: Elections, Resistance and the AKP. London/New York: I.B. Tauris.
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Bueno de Mesquita, B., Smith, A., Siverson, R. M., & Morrow, J. D. (2003). The Logic of Political Survival. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Bugra, A., & Candas, A. (2011). Change and Continuity Under an Eclectic Social Security Regime: The Case of Turkey. Middle Eastern Studies, 47(3), 515–528.
Bugra, A., & Savaskan, O. (2014). New Capitalism in Turkey the Relationship Between Politics, Religion and Business. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.
Çarkoglu, A., & Aytaç, S. E. (2015). Who Gets Targeted for Vote-Buying? Evidence from an Augmented List Experiment in Turkey. European Political Science Review, 7, 547–566.
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Çarkoglu, A., & Yıldırım, K. (2015). Election Storm in Turkey: What Do the Results of June and November 2015 Elections Tell Us? Insight Turkey, 17(4), 57–79.
Çarkoglu, A., Aytaç, S., & Campbell, D. (2018). Determinants of Formal Giving in Turkey. Journal of Muslim Philanthropy & Civil Society, 1(1), 40–50.
Çayır, K. (2008). The Emergence of Turkey’s Contemporary ‘Muslim Democrats’. In Ü. Cizre (Ed.), Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey: The Making of the Justice and Development Party (pp. 62–80). London/New York: Routledge.
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Çınar, M. (2008). The Justice and Development Party and the Kemalist establishment. In Ü. Cizre (Ed.), Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey: The Making of the Justice and Development Party (pp. 109–132). London/New York: Routledge.
Çınar, M., & Duran, B. (2008). The Specific Evolution of Contemporary Political Islam in Turkey and Its ‘Difference’. In Ü. Cizre (Ed.), Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey: The Making of the Justice and Development Party (pp. 17–41). London/New York: Routledge.
Cizre, Ü. (Ed.). (2008). Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey: The Making of the Justice and Development Party. London/New York: Routledge.
Cizre, Ü. (Ed.). (2016). The Turkish AK Party and Its Leader: Criticism, Opposition and Dissent. London/New York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group.
Delibas, K. (2015). The Rise of Political Islam in Turkey: Urban Poverty, Grassroots Activism and Islamic Fundamentalism. London: I.B. Tauris.
Dogan, S. (2016). Mahalledeki AKP (AKP at the Neighbourhood). Istanbul: Iletisim Yayınları.
Dorlach, T. (2016). The AKP Between Populism and Neoliberalism: Lessons from Pharmaceutical Policy. New Perspectives on Turkey, 55, 55–83.
Eligür, B. (2010). The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Ersoy, M., & Ozyurek, M. (Eds.). (2017). Contemporary Turkey at a Glance II Turkey Transformed? Power, History, Culture. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. Esen, B., & Gumuscu, S. (2016). Rising Competitive Authoritarianism in Turkey. Third World Quarterly, 37(9), 1581–1606.
Ete, H., Altunoglu, M., & Dalay, G. (2015). Turkey Under the AK Party Rule: From Dominant Party Politics to Dominant Party System? Insight Turkey, 17(4), 171–192.
Gidengil, E., & Karakoç, E. (2014). Which Matters More in the Electoral Success of Islamist (Successor) Parties – Religion or Performance? The Turkish Case. Party Politics, 22(33), 325–338.
Gumuscu, S. (2013). The Emerging Predominant Party System in Turkey. Government and Opposition, 48(2), 223–244.
Hale, W., & Özbudun, E. (2010). Islamism, Democracy and Liberalism in Turkey: The Case of the AKP. New York: Routledge.
Joppien, C. (2017). Municipal Politics in Turkey Local Government and Party Organisation. London: Routledge.
Kahraman, H. (2008). Türk Siyasetinin Yapısal Analizi-I Kavramlar Kuramlar Kurumlar (Structural Analysis of Turkish Politics-I Concepts Theories Institutions). Istanbul: Agora Kitaplıgı.
Lipset, S. M., & Rokkan, S. (1967). Cleavage Structures, Party System, and Voter Alignments: An Introduction. In S. M. Lipset & S. Rokkan (Eds.), Party Systems and Voter Alignments: Cross-National Perspectives (pp. 1–64). New York: Free Press.
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experiments as interference-band production, in which a distortion equal to one wave-length of light would be fatal. In all such cases of ideal deposition, those interfacial angles on the crystal which the particular symmetry developed requires to be equal actually are so, to this same high degree of refinement. This fact renders possible exceedingly accurate crystal measurement, that is, the determination of the angles of inclination of the faces to each other, provided refined measuring instruments (goniometers), pure chemical substances, and the means of avoiding disturbance, either material or thermal, during the deposition of the crystal, are available.
The study of crystals naturally divides itself into two more or less distinct but mutually very helpful branches, and equally intimately connected with the internal structure of crystals, namely, one which concerns their exterior configuration and the structural morphology of which it is the eloquent visible expression, and another which relates to their optical characters. For the latter are so definitely different for the different systems of crystal symmetry that they afford the greatest possible help in determining the former, and give the casting vote in all cases of doubt left after the morphological investigation with the goniometer. It is, of course, their brilliant reflection and refraction of light, with production of numerous scintillations of reflected white light and of refracted coloured spectra, which endows the hard and transparent mineral crystals, known from time immemorial as gem-stones, with their attractive beauty. Indeed, their outer natural faces are frequently, and unfortunately usually, cut away most sacrilegiously by the lapidary, in order that by grinding and polishing on them still more numerous and evenly distributed facets he may increase to the maximum the magnificent play of coloured light with which they sparkle.
An interesting and very beautiful lecture experiment was performed by the author in a lecture a few years ago at the Royal Institution, which illustrated in a striking manner this fact that the light reaching the eye from a crystal is of two kinds, namely, white light reflected from the exterior faces and coloured light which has penetrated the crystal substance and emerges refracted and dispersed as spectra. Two powerful beams of light from a pair of widely separated electric lanterns were concentrated on a cluster of magnificent large diamonds, kindly lent for the purpose by Mr Edwin
Streeter, and arranged in the shape of a crown, it being about the time of the Coronation of His late Majesty King Edward VII. The effect was not only to produce a blaze of colour about the diamonds themselves, but also to project upon the ceiling of the lecture theatre numerous images in white light of the poles of the electric arc, derived by reflection from the facets, interspersed with equally numerous coloured spectra derived from rays which had penetrated the substance of the diamonds, and had suffered both refraction and internal reflection.
CHAPTER II
THE MASKING OF SIMILARITY OF SYMMETRY AND CONSTANCY OF ANGLE BY DIFFERENCE OF HABIT, AND ITS INFLUENCE ON EARLY STUDIES OF CRYSTALS.
F . 5. Natural Rhombohedron of Iceland Spar with Subsidiary Faces.
Nothing is more remarkable than the great variety of geometrical shapes which the crystals of the same substance, derived from different localities or produced under different conditions, are observed to display. One of the commonest of minerals, calcite, carbonate of lime, shows this feature admirably; the beautiful large rhombohedra from Iceland, illustrated in Fig. 5, or the hexagonal prisms capped by low rhombohedra from the Bigrigg mine at Egremont in Cumberland, shown in Fig. 6, appear totally different from the “dog-tooth spar” so plentifully found all over the world, a specimen of which from the same mine is illustrated in Fig. 7. No mineral specimens could well appear more dissimilar than these represented on Plate III. in Figs. 6 and 7, when seen side by side in
the mineral gallery of the British Museum (Natural History) at South Kensington. But all are composed of similar chemical molecules of calcium carbonate, CaCO3; and when the three kinds of crystals are investigated they are found to be identical in their crystalline system, the trigonal, and indeed further as to the subdivision or class of that system, which has come to be called the calcite class from the importance of this mineral.
PLATE III.
F . 6. Hexagonal Prisms of Calcite terminated by Rhombohedra.
F . 7. Scalenohedral Crystals of Calcite, “Dog-tooth Spar.”
C C M ,
D H .
(Photographed from Specimens in the Natural History Department of the British Museum, by kind permission.)
Moreover, many of the same faces, that is, faces having the same relation to the symmetry, are present on all three varieties, the “forms” to which they equally belong being the common heritage of calcite wherever found. A “form” is the technical term for a set of faces having an equal value with respect to the symmetry. Thus the prismatic form in Fig. 6 is the hexagonal prism, a form which is common to the hexagonal and trigonal systems of symmetry, and the form “indices” (numbers[1] inversely proportional to the intercepts cut off from the crystal axes by the face typifying the form) of which are {2̄1̄1}; the large development of this form confers the elongated prismatic habit on the crystal. The terminations are faces of the flat rhombohedron {110}. The pyramidal form of the dog-tooth spar shown in Fig. 7 is the scalenohedron {20̄1}, and it is this form which confers the tooth-like habit, so different from the hexagonal prism, upon this variety of calcite. But many specimens of dog-tooth spar, notably those from Derbyshire, consist of scalenohedra the middle portion of which is replaced by faces of the hexagonal prism {2̄1̄1},
and the terminations of which are replaced by the characteristic rhombohedron {100} of Iceland spar; indeed, it is quite common to find crystals of calcite exhibiting on the same individual all the forms which have been mentioned, that is, those dominating the three very differently appearing types. The author has quite recently measured such a crystal, which, besides showing all these four forms well developed, also exhibited the faces of two others of the well-known forms of calcite, {3̄1̄1} and {310}, and a reproduction of a drawing of it to scale is given in Fig. 8. Instead of indices the faces of each form bear a distinctive letter; m = {2̄1̄1}, r = {100}, e = {110}, v = {20̄1} (the faces of the scalenohedron are of somewhat small dimensions on this crystal), n = {3̄1̄1}, and t = {310}.
F . 8.—Measured
Crystal of Calcite.
It is obviously then the “habit” which is different in the three types of calcite—Iceland spar, prismatic calc-spar, and dog-tooth spar —doubtless owing to the different local circumstances of growth of the mineral. Habit is simply the expression of the fact that a specific “form,” or possibly two particular forms, is or are much more prominently developed in one variety than in another. Thus the principal rhombohedron r = {100}, parallel to the faces of which calcite cleaves so readily, is the predominating form in Iceland spar, while the scalenohedron v = {20̄1} is the habit-conferring form in dog-tooth spar. Yet on the latter the rhombohedral faces are frequently developed, blunting the sharp terminations of the scalenohedra, especially in dog-tooth spar from Derbyshire or the Hartz mountains; and on the former minute faces of the scalenohedron are often found, provided the rhombohedron consists of the natural exterior faces of the crystal and not of cleavage faces. In the same manner the prismatic crystals from Egremont are characterised by two forms, the hexagonal prism m = {2̄1̄1} and the secondary rhombohedron e = {110}, but both of these forms, as we have seen on the actual crystal represented in Fig. 8, are also found developed on other crystals of mixed habit.
This illustration from the naturally occurring minerals might readily be supplemented by almost any common artificial chemical preparation, sulphate of potash for instance, K2SO4, the orthorhombic crystals of which take the form of elongated prisms, even needles, on the one hand, or of tabular plate-like crystals on the other hand, according as the salt crystallises by the cooling of a supersaturated solution, or by the slow evaporation of a solution which at first is not quite saturated. In both cases, and in all such cases, whether of minerals or chemical preparations, the same planes are present on the crystals of the same substance, although all may not be developed on the same individual except in a few cases of crystals particularly rich in faces; and these same planes are inclined at the same angles. But their relative development may be so very unlike on different crystals as to confer habits so very dissimilar that the fact of the identity of the substance is entirely concealed.
A further example may perhaps be given, that of a substance, hydrated sulphate of lime, CaSO4.2H2O, which occurs in nature as the beautiful transparent mineral gypsum or selenite—illustrated in Fig. 9, and which is found in monoclinic crystals often of very large size—and which may also be chemically prepared by adding a dilute solution of sulphuric acid to a very dilute solution of calcium chloride. The radiating groups of needles shown in Fig. 10 (Plate II.) slowly crystallise out when a drop of the mixed solution is placed on a microscope slip and examined under the microscope, using the one-inch objective. These needles, so absolutely different in appearance from a crystal of selenite, are yet similar monoclinic prisms, but in which the prismatic form is enormously elongated compared with the other (terminating) form.
F . 9.—Crystal of Gypsum.
This difference of facial development, rendering the crystals of one and the same substance from different sources so very unlike each other, was
apparently responsible for the very tardy discovery of the fundamental law of crystallography, the constancy of the crystal angles of the same substance. Gessner, sometime between the years 1560 and 1568, went so far as to assert that not only are different crystals of the same substance of different sizes, but that also the mutual inclinations of their faces and their whole external form are dissimilar.
What was much more obvious to the early students of crystals, and which is, in fact, the most striking thing about a crystal after its regular geometric exterior shape, was the obviously homogeneous character of its internal structure. So many crystals are transparent, and so clear and limpid, that it was evident to the earliest observers that they were at least as homogeneous throughout as glass, and yet that at the same time they must be endowed with an internal structure the nature of which is the cause of both the exterior geometric regularity of form, so different from the irregular shape of a lump of glass, and of the peculiar effect on the rays of light which are transmitted through them. From the earliest ages of former civilisations the behaviour of crystals with regard to light has been known to be different for the different varieties of gem-stones.
About the year 1600 Cæsalpinus observed that sugar, saltpetre, and alum, and also the sulphates of copper, zinc and iron, known then as blue, white and green vitriol respectively, separate from their solutions in characteristic forms. Had he not attributed this to the operation of an organic force, in conformity with the curious opinion of the times concerning crystals, he might have had the credit of being the pioneer of crystallographers. The first two real steps in crystallography, however, with which in our own historic times we are acquainted, were taken in the seventeenth century within four years of each other, one from the interior structural and the other from the exterior geometrical point of view. For in 1665 Robert Hooke in this country made a study of alum, which he appears to have obtained in good crystals, although he was unacquainted with its true chemical composition. He describes in his “Micrographia” how he was able to imitate the varying habits of the octahedral forms of alum crystals by building piles of spherical musket bullets, and states that all the various figures which he observed in the many crystals which he examined could be produced from two or three
arrangements of globular particles. It is clear that the homogeneous partitioning of space in a crystal structure by similar particles building up the crystal substance was in Hooke’s mind, affording another testimony to the remarkably prescient insight of our great countryman.
Four years later, in 1669, Nicolaus Steno carried out in Florence some remarkable measurements, considering the absence of proper instruments, of the angles between the corresponding faces of different specimens of rock-crystal (quartz, the naturally occurring dioxide of silicon, concerning which there will be much to say later in this book), obtained from different localities, and published a dissertation announcing that he found these analogous angles all precisely the same.
In the year 1688 the subject was taken up systematically by Guglielmini, and in two memoirs of this date and 1705 he extended Steno’s conclusions as to the constancy of crystal angles in the case of rock-crystal into a general law of nature. Moreover, he began to speculate about the interior structure of crystals, and, like Hooke, he took alum as his text, and suggested that the ultimate particles possessed plane faces, and were, in short, miniature crystals. He further announced the constancy of the cleavage directions, so that to Guglielmini must be awarded the credit for having, at a time when experimental methods of crystallographic investigation were practically nil, discovered the fundamental principles of crystallography.
The fact that a perfect cleavage is exhibited by calcite had already been observed by Erasmus Bartolinus in 1670, and in his “Experimenta Crystalli Islandici” he gives a most interesting account of the great discovery of immense clear crystals of calcite which had just been made at Eskifjördhr in Iceland, minutely describing both their cleavage and their strong double refraction. Huyghens in 1690 followed this up by investigating some of these crystals of calcite still more closely, and elaborated his laws of double refraction as the result of his studies.
There now followed a century which was scarcely productive of any further advance at all in our real knowledge of crystals. It is true that Boyle in 1691 showed that the rapidity with which a solution cools influences the habit of the crystals which are deposited from it. But
neither Boyle, with all his well-known ability, so strikingly displayed in his work on the connection between the volume of a gas and the pressure to which it is subjected, nor his lesser contemporaries Lemery and Homberg, who produced and studied the crystals of several series of salts of the same base with different acids, appreciated the truth of the great fact discovered by Guglielmini, that the same substance always possesses the same crystalline form the angles of which are constant. Even with the growth of chemistry in the eighteenth century, the opinion remained quite general that the crystals of the same substance differ in the magnitude of their angles as well as in the size of their faces.
We begin to perceive signs of progress again in the year 1767, when Westfeld made the interesting suggestion that calcite is built up of rhombohedral particles, the miniature faces of which correspond to the cleavage directions. This was followed in 1780 by a treatise “De formis crystallorum” by Bergmann and Gahn of Upsala, in which Guglielmini’s law of the constancy of the cleavage directions was reasserted as a general one, and intimately connected with the crystal structure. It was in this year 1780 that the contact goniometer was invented by Carangeot, assistant to Romé de l’Isle in Paris, and it at once placed at the disposal of his master a weapon of research far superior to any possessed by previous observers.
F . 11. Contact Goniometer as used by Romé de l’Isle.
In his “Crystallographie,” published in Paris in 1783, Romé de l’Isle described a very large number of naturally occurring mineral crystals, and after measuring their angles with Carangeot’s goniometer he constructed models of no less than 500 different forms. Here we have work based upon sound measurement, and consequently of an altogether different and higher value than that which had gone before. It was the knowledge that his master desired to faithfully reproduce the small natural crystals which he was investigating, on the larger scale of a model, that led Carangeot to invent the contact goniometer, and thus to make the first start in the great subject of goniometry. The principle of the contact goniometer remains to-day practically as Carangeot left it, and although replaced for refined work by the reflecting goniometer, it is still useful when large mineral crystals have to be dealt with. An illustration of a duplicate of the original instrument is shown in Fig. 11, by the kindness of Dr H. A. Miers. This duplicate was presented to Prof. Buckland by the Duke of Buckingham in the year 1824, and is now in the Oxford Museum.
From the time that measurement of an accurate description was possible by means of the contact goniometer, progress in
crystallography became rapid. Romé de l’Isle laid down the sound principle, as the result of the angular measurements and the comparison of his accurate models with one another, that the various crystal shapes developed by the same substance, artificial or natural, were all intimately related, and derivable from a primitive form, characteristic of the substance. He considered that the great variety of form was due to the development of secondary faces, other than those of the primitive form. He thus connected together the work of previous observers, consolidated the principles laid down by Guglielmini by measurements of real value, and threw out the additional suggestion of a fundamental or primitive form.
About the same time Werner was studying the principal forms of different crystals of the same substance. The idea of a fundamental form appears to have struck him also, and he showed how such a fundamental form may be modified by truncating, bevelling, and replacing its faces by other derived forms. His work, however, cannot possess the value of that of Romé de l’Isle, as it was not based on exact measurement, and most of all because Werner appears to have again admitted the fallacy that the same substance could, in the ordinary way, and not in the sense now termed polymorphism, exhibit several different fundamental forms.
But a master mind was at hand destined definitely to remove these doubts and to place the new science on a firm basis. An account of how this was achieved is well worthy of a separate chapter.
CHAPTER III
THE PRESCIENT WORK OF THE ABBÉ HAÜY.
The important work of Romé de l’Isle had paved the way for a further and still greater advance which we owe to the University of Paris, for its Professor of the Humanities, the Abbé Réné Just Haüy, a name ever to be regarded with veneration by crystallographers, took up the subject shortly after Romé de l’Isle, and in 1782 laid most important results before the French Academy, which were subsequently, in 1784, published in a book, under the auspices of the Academy, entitled “Essai d’une Théorie sur la Structure des Crystaux.” The author happens to possess, as the gift of a kind friend, a copy of the original issue of this highly interesting and now very rare work. It contains a brief preface, dated the 26th November 1783, signed by the Marquis de Condorcet, perpetual secretary to the Academy (who, in 1794, fell a victim to the French revolution), to the effect that the Academy had expressed its approval and authorised the publication “under its privilege.”
The volume contains six excellent plates of a large number of most careful drawings of crystals, illustrating the derivation from the simple forms, such as the cube, octahedron, dodecahedron, rhombohedron, and hexagonal prism, of the more complicated forms by the symmetrical replacement of edges and corners, together with the drawings of many structural lattices. In the text, Haüy shows clearly how all the varieties of crystal forms are constructed according to a few simple types of symmetry; for instance, that the cube, octahedron, and dodecahedron all have the same high degree of symmetry, and that the apparently very diverse forms shown by one and the same substance are all referable to one of these simple fundamental or systematic forms. Moreover, Haüy clearly states the laws which govern crystal symmetry, and practically gives us the
main lines of symmetry of five of the seven systems as we now classify them, the finishing touch having been supplied in our own time by Victor von Lang.
Haüy further showed that difference of chemical composition was accompanied by real difference of crystalline form, and he entered deeply into chemistry, so far as it was then understood, in order to extend the scope of his observations. It must be remembered that it was only nine years before, in 1774, that Priestley had discovered oxygen, and that Lavoisier had only just (in the same year as Haüy’s paper was read to the Academy, 1782) published his celebrated “Elements de Chimie”; and further, that Lavoisier’s memoir “Reflexions sur le Phlogistique” was actually published by the Academy in the same year, 1783, as that in which this book was written by Haüy. Moreover, it was also in this same year, 1783, that Cavendish discovered the compound nature of water.
Considering, therefore, all these facts, it is truly surprising that Haüy should have been able to have laid so accurately the foundations of the science of crystallography. That he undoubtedly did so, thus securing to himself for all time the term which is currently applied to him of “father of crystallography,” is clearly apparent from a perusal of his book and of his subsequent memoirs.
The above only represents a small portion of Haüy’s achievements. For he discovered, besides, the law of rational indices, the generalisation which is at the root of crystallographic science, limiting, as it does, the otherwise infinite number of possible crystal forms to comparatively few, which alone are found to be capable of existence as actual crystals. The essence of this law, which will be fully explained in Chapter V., is that the relative lengths intercepted along the three principal axes of the crystal, by the various faces other than those of the fundamental form, the faces of which are parallel to the axes, are expressed by the simplest unit integers, 1, 2, 3, or 4, the latter being rarely exceeded and then only corresponding to very small and altogether secondary faces.
This discovery impressed Haüy with the immense influence which the structure of the crystal substance exerts on the external form, and how, in fact, it determines that form. For the observations were only to be explained on the supposition that the crystal was built up of structural units, which he imagined to be miniature crystals
shaped like the fundamental form, and that the faces were dependent on the step-like arrangement possible to the exterior of such an assemblage. This brought him inevitably to the intimate relation which cleavage must bear to such a structure, that it really determined the shape of, and was the expression of the nature of, the structural units. Thus, before the conception of the atomic theory by Dalton, whose first paper (read 23rd October 1803), was published in the year 1803 in the Proceedings of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, two years after the publication of Haüy’s last work (his “Traité de Minéralogie,” Paris, 1801), Haüy came to the conclusion that crystals were composed of units which he termed “Molécules Intégrantes,” each of which comprised the whole chemical compound, a sort of gross chemical molecule. Moreover, he went still further in his truly original insight, for he actually suggested that the molécules intégrantes were in turn composed of “Molécules Elémentaires,” representing the simple matter of the elementary substances composing the compound, and hinted further that these elementary portions had properly orientated positions within the molécules intégrantes.
He thus not only nearly forestalled Dalton’s atomic theory, but also our recent work on the stereometric orientation of the atoms in the molecule in a crystal structure. Dalton’s full theory was not published until the year 1811, in his epoch-making book entitled “A New System of Chemical Philosophy,” although his first table of atomic weights was given as an appendix to the memoir of 1803. Thus in the days when chemistry was in the making at the hands of Priestley, Lavoisier, Cavendish, and Dalton do we find that crystallography was so intimately connected with it that a crystallographer well-nigh forestalled a chemist in the first real epoch-making advance, a lesson that the two subjects should never be separated in their study, for if either the chemist or the crystallographer knows but little of what the other is doing, his work cannot possibly have the full value with which it would otherwise be endowed.
The basis of Haüy’s conceptions was undoubtedly cleavage. He describes most graphically on page 10 of his “Essai” of 1784 how he was led to make the striking observation that a hexagonal prism of calcite, terminated by a pair of hexagons normal to the prism axis, similar to the prisms shown in Fig. 6 (Plate III.) except that the ends
were flat, showed oblique internal cleavage cracks, by enhancing which with the aid of a few judicious blows he was able to separate from the middle of the prism a kernel in the shape of a rhombohedron, the now well-known cleavage rhombohedron of calcite. He then tried what kinds of kernels he could get from dogtooth spar (illustrated in Fig. 7) and other different forms of calcite, and he was surprised to find that they all yielded the same rhombohedral kernel. He subsequently investigated the cleavage kernels of other minerals, particularly of gypsum, fluorspar, topaz, and garnet, and found that each mineral yielded its own particular kernel. He next imagined the kernels to become smaller and smaller, until the particles thus obtained by cleaving the mineral along its cleavage directions ad infinitum were the smallest possible. These miniature kernels having the full composition of the mineral he terms “Molécules Constituantes” in the 1784 “Essai,” but in the 1801 “Traité” he calls them “Molécules Intégrantes” as above mentioned. He soon found that there were three distinct types of molécules intégrantes, tetrahedra, triangular prisms, and parallelepipeda, and these he considered to be the crystallographic structural units.
F . 12.
Having thus settled what were the units of the crystal structure, Haüy adopted Romé de l’Isle’s idea of a primitive form, not necessarily identical with the molécule intégrante, but in general a parallelepipedon formed by an association of a few molécules intégrantes, the parallelepipedal group being termed a “Molécule Soustractive.” The primary faces of the crystal he then supposed to be produced by the simple regular growth or piling on of molécules intégrantes or soustractives on the primitive form. The secondary faces not parallel to the cleavage planes next attracted his attention, and these, after prolonged study, he explained by supposing that the growth upon the primitive form eventually ceased to be complete at the edges of the primary faces, and that such cessation occurred in a regular step by step manner, by the suppression of either one, two, or sometimes three molécules intégrantes or soustractives along the edge of each layer, like a stepped pyramid, the inclination of which depends on how many bricks or stone blocks are intermitted in each layer of brickwork or
masonry. Fig. 12 will render this quite clear, the face AB being formed by single block-steps, and the face CD by two blocks being intermitted to form each step. The plane AB or CD containing the outcropping edges of the steps would thus be the secondary plane face of the crystal, and the molécules intégrantes or soustractives (the steps can only be formed by parallelepipedal units) being infinitesimally small, the re-entrant angles of the steps would be invisible and the really furrowed surface appear as a plane one. Haüy is careful to point out, however, that the crystallising force which causes this stepped development (or lack of development) is operative from the first, for the minutest crystals show secondary faces, and often better than the larger crystals.
F . 13.
An instance of a mineral with tetrahedral molécules intégrantes Haüy gives in tourmaline, and the primitive form of tourmaline he considered to be a rhombohedron, conformably to the wellknown rhombohedral cleavage of the mineral, made up of six tetrahedra. Again, hexagonal structures formed by three prismatic cleavage planes inclined at 60° are considered by him as being composed of molécules intégrantes of the form of 60° triangular prisms, or molécules soustractives of the shape of 120° rhombic prisms, each of the latter being formed by two molécules intégrantes situated base to base. This will be clear from Figs. 13 and 14, the former representing the structure as made up of equilateral prismatic structural units, and the latter portraying the same structure but composed of 120°parallelepipeda by elimination of one cleavage direction; each unit in the latter case possesses double the volume of the triangular one, and being of parallelepipedal section is capable of producing secondary faces when arranged step-wise, whereas the triangular structure is not. The points at the intersections in these diagrams should for the present be disregarded; they will shortly be referred to for another purpose.
Probably, the most permanent and important of Haüy’s achievements was the discovery of the law of rational indices. At first this only took the form of the observation of the very limited number
F . 14.
of rows of molécules intégrantes or soustractives suppressed. In introducing it on page 74 of his 1784 “Essai” he says: “Quoique je n’aie observé jusqu’ici que des décroissemens qui se sont par des soutractions d’une ou de deux rangées de molécules, et quelquefois de trois rangées, mais très rarement, il est possible qu’il se trouve des crystaux dans lesquels il y ait quatre ou cinq rangées de molécules supprimées à chaque décroissement, et même un plus grand nombre encore. Mais ces cas me semblent devoir être plus rares, à proportion que le nombre des rangées soutraites sera plus considérable. On conçoit donc comment le nombre des formes secondaires est néçessairement limité.”
The essential difference between Haüy’s views and our present ones, which will be explained in Chapter IX., is that Haüy takes cleavage absolutely as his guide, and considers the particles, into which the ultimate operation of cleavage divides a crystal, as the solid structural units of the crystal, the unit thus having the shape of at least the molécule intégrante. Now every crystalline substance does not develop cleavage, and others only develop it along a single plane, or along a couple of planes parallel to the same direction, that of their intersection and of the axis of the prism which two such cleavages would produce, and which prism would be of unlimited length, being unclosed.
Again, in other cases cleavage, such as the octahedral cleavage of fluorspar, yields octahedral or tetrahedral molécules intégrantes which are not congruent, that is to say, do not fit closely together to fill space, as is the essence of Haüy’s theory. Hence, speaking generally, partitioning by means of cleavage directions does not essentially and invariably yield identical plane-faced molecules which fit together in contact to completely fill space, although in the particular instances chosen from familiar substances by Haüy it often happens to do so. Haüy’s theory is thus not adequately general, and the advance of our knowledge of crystal forms has rendered it more and more apparent that Haüy’s theory was quite insufficient, and his molécules intégrantes and soustractives mere geometrical
abstractions, having no actual basis in material fact; but that at the same time it gave us a most valuable indication of where to look for the true conception.
This will be developed further into our present theory of the homogeneous partitioning of space, in Chapter IX. But it may be stated here, in concluding our review of the pioneer work of Haüy, that in the modern theory all consideration of the shape of the ultimate structural units is abandoned as unnecessary and misleading, and that each chemical molecule is considered to be represented by a point, which may be either its centre of gravity, a particular atom in the molecule (for we are now able in certain cases to locate the orientation of the spheres of influence of the elementary atoms in the chemical molecules), or a purely representative point standing for the molecule. The only condition is that the points chosen within the molecules shall be strictly analogous, and similarly orientated. The dots at the intersections of the lines in Figs. 13 and 14 are the representative points in question. We then deal with the distances between the points, the latter being regarded as molecular centres, rather than with the dimensions of the cells themselves regarded as solid entities. We thus avoid the as yet unsolved question of how much is matter and how much is interspace in the room between the molecular centres. In this form the theory is in conformity with all the advances of modern physics, as well as of chemistry. And with this reservation, and after modifying his theory to this extent, one cannot but be struck with the wonderful perspicacity of Haüy, for he appears to have observed and considered almost every problem with which the crystallographer is confronted, and his laws of symmetry and of rational indices are perfectly applicable to the theory as thus modernised.
