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24.4 InkwellfromVaisonlaRomaine, firstcentury bce,Louvre

26.1 Examplesofthe nāgarī numeralsfromvariousmanuscripts

26 2 Varioustrigonometriccomponents

29.1 Blacklacquer figurineexcavatedfromatomb atShuangbaoshan 雙包山

29.2 Theearliestextantdiagramofthevulva,Mawangdui tomb 3,closed 168 bce

NOTESONCONTRIBUTORS

AndrewBarkerisEmeritusProfessorofClassicsattheUniversityof BirminghamandaFellowoftheBritishAcademy.Hehaspublished 8 booksandover 100 articlesonancientGreekmusicandmusicaltheory.

KarineChemla,Researcher(CNRS,laboratorySPHERE)hasedited: The HistoryofMathematicalProofinAncientTraditions (2012); Texts,Textual ActsandtheHistoryofScience (withVirbel, 2015); TheOxfordHandbookof GeneralityinMathematicsandtheSciences (withChorlayandRabouin, 2016);and CultureswithoutCulturalism (withFoxKeller, 2017).

ChristopherCullenreadEngineeringScienceatOxford,andlaterdidaPhD inClassicalChineseatSOAS,UniversityofLondon,underthesupervision ofD.C.Lau.HehaspublishedwidelyonthehistoryofscienceinChina, andservedaseditorofthe ScienceandCivilisationinChina series.Heis EmeritusDirectoroftheNeedhamResearchInstituteandanEmeritus FellowofDarwinCollege,Cambridge.

SerafinaCuomoisProfessorofAncientHistoryatDurhamUniversity.She worksonthehistoryofscienceandtechnologyinancientGreeceandRome, andhaspublishedonancientmathematics,land-surveying,andmilitary technology.Sheiscompletingabookonancientnumeracy.

AndreaFalconisAssociateProfessorintheDepartmentofPhilosophyat ConcordiaUniversity,Montreal.Heistheauthorof CorpieMovimenti.La fortunadel “Decaelo” nelmondoantico (2001); AristotleandtheScienceof Nature:UnitywithoutUniformity (Cambridge 2005); Aristotelianisminthe FirstCenturyBCE:XenarchusofSeleucia (Cambridge 2012);and Aristotelismo (2017).Heistheeditorof Brill’sCompaniontotheReceptionofAristotle (2016).

MarkhamJ.GellerisProfessorfürWissensgeschichteattheFreie UniversitätBerlinandTopoiExcellenceClustersince 2010,onsecondment

fromUniversityCollegeLondon.ThePIoftheERCAdvancedGrant Project, BabMed (2013–2018),heisalsoco-PIwithPhilipvanderEijkon amulti-yearproject, TheTransferofMedicalEpistemeinthe “Encyclopaedic” CompilationsofLateAntiquity, withintheCollaborativeResearch Center EpistemeinBewegung attheFreieUniversitätBerlin.Hehasworked extensivelyonSumerian,Akkadian,andAramaicmagicandmedicine.

KlausGeusisanancienthistorian,philologist,andgeographer.In 2009 he wasappointedprofessorofthehistoricalgeographyoftheancient MediterraneanattheFreieUniversitätBerlin.Geusworksintheareasof ancientgeographyandastronomy.Hehaspublished 20 booksand 250 papersandarticles.

DanielW.GrahamisProfessorofPhilosophyatBrighamYoungUniversity. HeispresidentoftheInternationalAssociationforPresocraticStudies.His booksinclude ExplainingtheCosmos (2006);(withco-editorPatriciaCurd) TheOxfordHandbookofPresocraticPhilosophy (2008); TheTextsofEarly GreekPhilosophy (2010);and SciencebeforeSocrates (2013).

JensHøyrupwaseducatedasaphysicistatCopenhagenUniversity.From 1973 hetaught firstinthedomainofsocial,thenhumansciences,atRoskilde University,Denmark,untilheretiredin 2005.Muchofhisresearchhas dealtwiththeconceptual,cultural,andsocialhistoryofpre-modern mathematics.

AnnetteImhausenstudiedmathematics,chemistry,andEgyptologyat MainzUniversityandtheFreieUniversitätBerlin.Shecompletedher doctoraldissertationinthehistoryofmathematicsandheldfellowshipsat theDibner-Institute(Cambridge,MA)andTrinityHall(Cambridge, England).Since 2009 shehasbeenProfessorfortheHistoryofEarly ScienceatFrankfurtUniversity.

AlexanderJonesisLeonLevyDirectorandProfessoroftheHistoryofthe ExactSciencesinAntiquityattheInstitutefortheStudyoftheAncient World,NewYorkUniversity.Hisresearchinterestsincludecontacts betweenBabylonianandGreco-Romanastronomyandastrology,texts andartifactsofHellenisticandRomanperiodastronomy,andthescientific workofClaudiusPtolemy.

RolfKraussstudiedEgyptology,history,andgeographyattheFreie UniversitätBerlin,earningadoctoratein 1981 withhisdissertation “ProblemsoftheEgyptianCalendar.” In 1996 his “AstronomicalConcepts inthePyramidTexts” wasacceptedatHamburgUniversityforGerman Habilitation(2nddissertation).From 1982 until 2007 hewasontheacademicstaffoftheStateMuseumsinBerlin.

JamesG.LennoxisProfessorEmeritusofHistoryandPhilosophyofScience attheUniversityofPittsburgh.Hisresearchinhistoryandphilosophyof biologyincludesatranslationwithcommentaryofAristotle’ s OnthePartsof Animals (Oxford 2002), Aristotle’sPhilosophyofBiology (Cambridge 2001), andmanyarticlesandbookchaptersonAristotleandCharlesDarwin.

EricLewisisanassociateprofessorofPhilosophyatMcGillUniversity.He haspublishedinancientphilosophy,andthephilosophyofmusicandnew mediaart.

VivienneLo 羅維前 istheDirectoroftheUCLChinaCentrefor HealthandHumanity.Herresearchfocusesonthesocialandcultural originsofself-care.Shetranslatesandanalyzesmanuscriptmaterialfrom earlyandmedievalChinaandstudiesthetransmissionofscientific knowledgealongtheso-calledSilkRoadsthroughtothemodern Chinesemedicaldiaspora.

PhilippA.MaasisanIndologistwhocurrentlyworksattheUniversityof Leipzig,Germany.Hismaininterestsarethepre-modernculturaland intellectualhistoryofSouthAsiaandthemultiplegenresofSanskrit literature.Maashaspublishedwidely,especiallyonearlyclassical AyurvedaandYoga.

ClemencyMontelleisAssociateProfessorintheSchoolofMathematicsand StatisticsattheUniversityofCanterbury,Christchurch,NewZealand.She hasresearchinterestsinthemathematicalhistoryofearlycultures,including Mesopotamia,Greece,India,andtheIslamicNearEast.Her Chasing Shadows:Mathematics,Astronomy,andtheEarlyHistoryofEclipse Reckoning (JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress)focusesonthetheoretical treatmentofeclipsephenomenaintheancientworld.Sheis,withKim Plofker,completingabookonthehistoryofSanskritastronomicaltablesin thesecondmillennium.

JohnF.NunnretiredfromhisroleasHeadoftheAnaesthesiaDivisionof theClinicalResearchCentre,BritishMedicalResearchCouncil.Hehas publishedwidelyonancientEgyptianmedicine,includingabookwiththat title(BritishMuseumPress, 1996).

VivianNutton,FBA,isProfessoroftheHistoryofMedicineattheFirst MoscowStateMedicalUniversity.Hisrecentbooksinclude Ancient Medicine (2ndedn, 2013),atranslationofJohannGuinterandAndreas Vesalius’ PrinciplesofAnatomyaccordingtotheOpinionofGalen, 1538 (2017),and JohnCaius,AnAutobibliography.

KimPlofkerisAssociateProfessorintheDepartmentofMathematicsat UnionCollegeinSchenectady,NewYork,USA.Herareasofinterest

includethehistoryofmathematicsandastronomyinIndiaandthe medievalIslamicworld,andthecross-culturaltransmissionofscientific models.

FrancescaRochbergisCatherineandWilliamL.MagistrettiDistinguished ProfessorofNearEasternStudiesintheDepartmentofNearEastern StudiesandtheOfficefortheHistoryofScienceandTechnologyatthe UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley.ShepublisheswidelyontheBabylonian astralsciences,especiallycelestialdivinationandastronomy.

NathanSidolireceivedhisPhDfromtheUniversityofToronto,inthe HistoryandPhilosophyofScienceandTechnology,andiscurrently AssociateProfessoroftheHistoryandPhilosophyofScienceatWaseda University,Tokyo.HisresearchfocusesontheGreekmathematicalsciences andtheirdevelopmentinmedievalArabicsources.

A.MarkSmithisCurators’ DistinguishedProfessorofHistoryatthe UniversityofMissouri.Hehaspublishedwidelyinthehistoryofoptics andvisualtheoryfromantiquitytotheseventeenthcentury,withspecial focusontheworkofIbnal-Haytham.

JohnSteeleisProfessoroftheHistoryoftheExactSciencesinAntiquityin theDepartmentofEgyptologyandAssyriologyatBrownUniversity.A historianofastronomy,muchofhisworkfocusesonthedevelopmentof theastralsciencesinBabylonia.

LibaTaubisProfessorofHistoryandPhilosophyofScienceatthe UniversityofCambridge,wheresheisDirectoroftheWhippleMuseum oftheHistoryofScience;sheisalsoaFellowofNewnhamCollege.Having publishedextensivelyonGreco-Romanscience,aswellasscientificinstrumentsandmodels,hermostrecentmonographis ScienceWritinginGrecoRomanAntiquity (CUP, 2017).

LaurenceTotelinisaseniorlecturerinancienthistoryatCardiffUniversity. HerresearchfocusesonGreekandRomanbotanyandpharmacology.Sheis theauthorof HippocraticRecipes:OralandWrittenTransmissionof PharmacologicalKnowledgeinFifth-andFourth-CenturyGreece (Brill, 2009)and,withGavinHardy, AncientBotany (Routledge, 2016).

MiiraTuominen(PhD 2002,UniversityofHelsinki)istenuredatthe UniversityofJyväskylä.Shehaspublishedonawidearrayoftopics, includingtwomonographs, AncientPhilosophersonStartingPointsfor Knowledge (2007)and AncientCommentatorsonPlatoandAristotle (2009).Sheisnow finishingamonographonPorphyry’sethicsinhis OnAbstinence.

PhilipvanderEijkisAlexandervonHumboldtProfessorofClassicsand HistoryofScienceattheHumboldt-UniversitätzuBerlin.Hehaspublished onancientmedicine,philosophy,andscience,andcomparativeliterature andpatristics.Amonghismostrecentpublicationsis Galen,Workson HumanNature,Vol. 1:Mixtures(Detemperamentis) (Cambridge, 2018) (co-authoredwithP.N.Singer).

CristinaVianoisSeniorResearcher(DirecteurdeRecherche)attheCentre NationaldelaRechercheScientifique,Paris,CentreLéonRobin.Hermain research fieldsconcernthehistoryofphilosophyandancientscience,in particularAristotle(naturalphilosophy,ethics,andrhetoric)and Alexandrianalchemy.Shehaspublished Lamatièredeschoses.LelivreIV desMétéorologiquesd’Aristote,etsoninterprétationparOlympiodore (Paris: Vrin, 2006).

GENERALEDITORS ’ PREFACE

Theideafor TheCambridgeHistoryofScience originatedwithAlex Holzman,formereditorforthehistoryofscienceatCambridgeUniversity Press.In 1993,heinvitedustosubmitaproposalforamultivolumehistory ofsciencethatwouldjointhedistinguishedseriesofCambridgehistories, launchedoveracenturyagowiththepublicationofLordActon’sfourteenvolume CambridgeModernHistory (1902–12).Convincedoftheneedfora comprehensivehistoryofscienceandbelievingthatthetimewasauspicious, weacceptedtheinvitation.

Althoughreflectionsonthedevelopmentofwhatwecall “science” date backtoantiquity,thehistoryofsciencedidnotemergeasadistinctive field ofscholarshipuntilwellintothetwentiethcentury.In 1912,theBelgian scientist-historianGeorgeSarton(1884–1956),whocontributedmorethan anyothersinglepersontotheinstitutionalizationofthehistoryofscience, beganpublishing Isis,aninternationalreviewdevotedtothehistoryof scienceanditsculturalinfluences.Twelveyearslater,hehelpedtocreate theHistoryofScienceSociety,whichbytheendofthecenturyhadattracted some 4,000 individualandinstitutionalmembers.In 1941,theUniversityof Wisconsinestablishedadepartmentofthehistoryofscience,the firstof dozensofsuchprogramstoappearworldwide.

SincethedaysofSarton,historiansofsciencehaveproducedasmall libraryofmonographsandessays,buttheyhavegenerallyshiedawayfrom writingandeditingbroadsurveys.Sartonhimself,inspiredinpartbythe Cambridgehistories,plannedtoproduceaneight-volume HistoryofScience, buthecompletedonlythe firsttwoinstallments(1952, 1959),whichended withthebirthofChristianity.Hismammoththree-volume Introductionto theHistoryofScience (1927–48),moreareferenceworkthananarrative history,nevergotbeyondtheMiddleAges.Theclosestpredecessorto The CambridgeHistoryofScience isthethree-volume(four-book) Histoire GénéraledesSciences (1957–64),editedbyRenéTaton,whichappearedin anEnglishtranslationunderthetitle GeneralHistoryoftheSciences (1963–4).

xvii

Editedjustbeforethelatetwentieth-centuryboominthehistoryofscience, theTatonsetquicklybecamedated.Duringthe 1990s,RoyPorterbegan editingtheveryusefulFontanaHistoryofScience(publishedintheUnited StatesastheNortonHistoryofScience),withvolumesdevotedtoasingle disciplineandwrittenbyasingleauthor.

TheCambridgeHistoryofScience compriseseightvolumes,the firstfour arrangedchronologicallyfromantiquitythroughtheeighteenthcentury,the latterfourorganizedthematicallyandcoveringthenineteenthandtwentieth centuries.EminentscholarsfromEuropeandNorthAmerica,whotogether formtheeditorialboardfortheseries,edittherespectivevolumes:

Volume 1: AncientScience,editedbyAlexanderJones,UniversityofToronto, andLibaTaub,UniversityofCambridge

Volume 2: MedievalScience,editedbyDavidC.LindbergandMichaelH. Shank,UniversityofWisconsin–Madison

Volume 3: EarlyModernScience,editedbyKatharinePark,HarvardUniversity, andLorraineDaston,MaxPlanckInstitutefortheHistoryofScience,Berlin

Volume 4: Eighteenth-CenturyScience,editedbyRoyPorter,lateofWellcome TrustCentrefortheHistoryofMedicineatUniversityCollegeLondon

Volume 5: TheModernPhysicalandMathematicalSciences,editedbyMaryJo Nye,OregonStateUniversity

Volume 6: TheModernBiologicalandEarthSciences,editedbyPeterJ.Bowler, Queen’sUniversityofBelfast,andJohnV.Pickstone,UniversityofManchester

Volume 7: TheModernSocialSciences,editedbyTheodoreM.Porter,University ofCalifornia,LosAngeles,andDorothyRoss,JohnsHopkinsUniversity

Volume 8: ModernScienceinNationalandInternationalContext,editedbyRonald L.Numbers,UniversityofWisconsin–Madison,HughRichardSlotten, UniversityofOtago,andDavidN.Livingstone,Queen’sUniversityofBelfast

Ourcollectivegoalistoprovideanauthoritative,up-to-dateaccountof science – fromtheearliestliteratesocietiesinMesopotamiaandEgyptto theendofthetwentiethcentury – thatevennonspecialistreaderswill find engaging.Writtenbyleadingexpertsfromeveryinhabitedcontinent,the essaysin TheCambridgeHistoryofScience explorethesystematicinvestigation ofnatureandsociety,whateveritwascalled.(Theterm “science” didnot acquireitspresentmeaninguntilearlyinthenineteenthcentury.)Reflecting theever-expandingrangeofapproachesandtopicsinthehistoryofscience, thecontributingauthorsexplorenon-WesternaswellasWesternscience, appliedaswellaspurescience,popularaswellaselitescience,scientific practiceaswellasscientifictheory,culturalcontextaswellasintellectual content,andthedisseminationandreceptionaswellastheproductionof scientificknowledge.GeorgeSartonwouldscarcelyrecognizethiscollaborativeeffortasthehistoryofscience,butwehopewehaverealizedhisvision.

DavidC.Lindberg RonaldL.Numbers

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

WethankDavidC.LindbergandRonaldL.Numbersfortheinvitationto editVolume 1 on AncientScience in TheCambridgeHistoryofScience.David Lindbergwascommittedtothisvolumehavingbroadcoverage;withthisin mind,wearepleasedtohavepersuadedauthorstocontributechapters coveringsuchawidegeographicalandchronologicalspan.Wearevery sadthatDaviddidnotlivetoseethe finalproduct,andwerecordour gratitudetohimforhisencouragementandthoughtfulguidance.Ron Numberswasalsoextremelyhelpfulandencouraging;forhiscontinued enthusiasm,wearegrateful.

EditorialstaffatCambridgeUniversityPresshavebeensupportive throughout,providingskillfuloversightandsuggestions.Inparticular,we thankAlexHolzman,EricCrahan,DeborahGershenowitz,DanaBricken, KristinaDeusch,BethanyThomas,andCassiRoberts,aswellasJoshuaHey andAuriolGriffith-Jones.InCambridge,FrancesWillmoth,Emma Perkins,andArthurHarrisgavevaluableassistanceatvariousstagesasdid MichaelCoxhead(London).Finally,wethanktheauthorsfortheircontributions,patience,andgoodhumorinbringingthisvolumeto publication.

INTRODUCTION

VolumeOneof TheCambridgeHistoryofScience tracestheprincipal scientifictraditionsoftheOldWorldinantiquitythathaveleftsubstantial textualevidence.Someofthesetraditionsarealsorepresentedbyothersorts ofevidence – archaeological,visual,andmaterial.However,ourunderstandingofwhatthesetraditionswereisineveryinstancegroundedprimarilyintexts.Infact,itisnotmerelythecasethatwrittensourcesare aprimarysourceofknowledgeofthesetraditions,butthesetraditionswere inthemselvesfunctionsofliteratescholarlycultures.

Thesetraditionseventuallybecamepartoftheinterconnectedintellectual worldoftheMiddleAges,especiallythroughthewidecirculationofknowledgethatwasfacilitatedbythespreadofIslam.Asageneralphenomenon thisinterconnectednessbecameapparentonlyretrospectively;inmany cases,however,therewasmuchinteractionalreadyinantiquity. Historiansofancientsciencehavelongrecognizedthesignificanceof transmissionsandtransformationscrossinggeographicalandlinguistic boundaries;morerecentlyweareincreasinglyconsciousthatknowledge transfersoccurredwithinindividualcultures,betweendistinctcommunities ofpeopleseparatedbyeducation,self-identification,andotherdifferentiatingfactors.Forexample,wecaninvestigatenotjusttransmissionofastronomicalknowledgebetweenMesopotamiaandGreece,butbetween specialistsandnon-specialistsorbetweendistinctgroupsofspecialists(for example,mathematicians,astrologers,philosophers,evenphysicians).

Wearenotalwaysabletoconstructdetailednarratives,becauseweare alwaysdealingwithfragmentaryevidence,whichmaybedenselyabundant foroneparticularcontextandchronologicalperiodbutotherwisealmost nonexistent.Weareseldomofferedadirectglimpseofmomentsofdiscoveryorinnovation;biographicalinformationaboutkey figuresinthe processesofchangeisusuallyscantyorunreliable.Whatwecanbestdescribe andinvestigatearethepracticesthatsubsistedbetweenandasaconsequence ofsuchmoments.

Ourunderstandingofancientscientifictraditionshaschangedfor anumberofreasons,includingthediscoveryofnewevidence(through archaeology,say,orrediscoveredmanuscripts)aswellastheemergenceof newhistoriographicalquestionsandmethods.Aparticularlyimportant exampleofsuchachangeistheshiftinemphasisincurrentscholarship frompreoccupationwithscientificconceptsandmethodstothepeoplewho engagedinscientificwork,theireducation,theirmotivations,andtheir professionalstatus.Whocountedasa ‘professional’ variesfromcultureto culture.Forexample,inChinaandMesopotamia – butnot,apparently,in Greece – astronomerswereprofessionalsholdingappointmentsandcarrying outsetduties.Manycultureshadvarioustypesofhealthprofessionals, includingphysicians,midwives,androot-cutters.Wheretherewereprofessions,thisimpliedprofessionaltraining,butnotnecessarilyformal accreditation.

Whilewerecognizethatapplyingthename ‘Science’– asifthereever existedinantiquityaunifyingconceptionevenapproximatelycoextensive withthemodernone – isananachronism,neverthelessitisaconvenientand usefulanachronism.Ratherthanapplyingasinglecriterionforwhatconstitutedascientific tradition,wetakeintoconsiderationthreeelementsthat didnotallhavetobepresentinaparticulartradition:thecollectionand organizationofinformationandknowledge;prediction;andcausalexplanation.Whilethusrefusingtodefinescienceinareductivemanner,weregard somecombinationoftheseactivitiesascharacterizingscientificendeavors.

Theancientscientifictraditionsdealtwithinthisvolumewerenot exclusivelytheoretical,pursuedpurelyorevenprimarilyasknowledgefor knowledge’ssake.EventraditionssuchasGreekmathematics,whichwere caricaturedeveninantiquityas ‘ivory-tower’ pursuits,hadpracticalapplicationsandsocialroles.Conversely,itissometimesimpossibletotellfromthe surfacelevelofmanyofthetextswhethertheyweretrulyconcernedwith real-worldproblems,becausemanyoftheseproblemsarecastaspractical, butwereactuallyartificiallyconstructedintellectualordidacticexercises.

Wehavenotfeltitnecessarytoattempttocovereveryancientscientific tradition,eithergeographicallyorculturally,noristheaimofthisvolumeto discusseverysingletraditionthatmightqualifyasscientificaccordingtothe principleswehavegiven.Webelievethatwehaveincludedthemost importantandwell-documentedscientifictraditionsofantiquity,and that,broadlyspeaking,thechaptersreflectthevarietyofsuchtraditionsin eachmajorculturetotheextentthatthisispossibleinthepresentstateof historicalscholarship.Ouraimistoberepresentative,notcomprehensive.

Weresistthetemptationtoprojectthecategoriesofmodernscientific culturebackwards;thusitisnotmeaningfultowriteahistoryof ‘chemistry’ or ‘physics’ inanyancientcontext.Werecognizethatevenatermsuchas ‘ astronomy ’ didnotmeanthesamethinginanyancientcontextthatit wouldinamodernuniversity,buttheredidatleastexistmoreorless

coherentintellectualtraditionsinwhichtheheavenlybodieswerethe primaryobjectsofstudy.Boththeareasofancientscienceandthewaysin whichtheyhavecometobecategorizedhavetoalargeextentbeendeterminedbythetrajectoriesofpastscholarship,andbythereadinessofpresentdayscholarstostudywhattheyregardasscientificortechnical fields. Nevertheless,wehaveattemptedtobeinclusivewhenconsideringwhat countsasscience.Forexample,chapterstreatbotany,understoodinantiquityprimarilyasbeingaboutclassificationand materiamedica;music theoryasanexplanatoryandmathematicalsciencelargelyconcernedwith thepitchsystemsofancientmusic;andastrologyandastraldivinationas complexsystemswithclosetiestoastronomyandcosmology.

Eachchapter’sauthorhasdeterminedtheappropriatechronological rangetocover:generally,eachonestartsfromtheearliestdocumented period,butwhere ‘antiquity’ endsisamatterofconventionthatvaries fromculturetoculture.So,forexample,asweseeinthechapteron Indianmathematics,somestylesofteachingandlearningpersistdownto thepresent.Labelslike ‘antiquity’ , ‘classical’,and ‘medieval’ arethusterms ofconvenience.

Insomeoftheculturesconsideredhere,notablyEgypt,Mesopotamia, andChina,institutionalandadministrativesettingsestablishedtheframeworksforsomescientifictraditions.InMesopotamia,forexample,literacy, scholarship,andscientificactivitieswerecloselyrelated,andlargelyoverlapped.Institutionsandgovernmentalstructureswerelesssignificantin othercultures,whileothersocialandculturalfactorshadagreaterimpact inshapingscientificandtechnicalwork.InGreeceandRome,certain scientificpursuitswereassociatedwithspecificphilosophicalsectsor ‘schools’ (e.g.zoologyandbotanywiththePeripatetics),butinstitutions orpatronagesupportingscience – whentheyexistedatall – tendedtobe short-lived.

Insomeculturalcontextsscientificpracticeswereembeddedwithin hieraticinstitutions:forexample,observationalandmathematicalastronomyinthetemplesofBabylonia.Elsewherewe findthecoexistenceof religion-basedandscience-basedpractices,suchasphysiciansoperating withintheconfinesoftemplesofAsclepiuswheredivinedream-based healingwaspracticed.Eveninthemostapparentlysecularapproachesto scientificquestions,termslike ‘divine’ frequentlyoccur.Oneishard-pressed to findanyinstanceinwhichascientificauthorattacksinstitutionalized religion;indeed,withintheculturesunderconsiderationhere,thereis almostnoevidenceofanyadversarialrelationshipbetweenreligionand science.

Eachchapterofthisvolumeisintendedtobeself-standingwhilecontributingtothelargerprojectof TheCambridgeHistoryofScience.Aseditors, wehavenotimposedasingleapproachontheauthorsofindividualchapters. Somearepresentedchronologically,somethematically;contributorshave

adoptedwhateverapproachtheyregardasmostilluminating.Theywerenot discouragedfromgivinganinformed,personalinterpretationofmaterial; hence,thechaptersdonotalwayspresentatotallyneutral ‘take’ onthe subject.Forthemostpart,individualauthorshavenotpresentedtheir subjectastheprecursorofsomethingthathappenslater.Rather,each chapterconsidersthescienceofthatcultureassomethingworthunderstandinginitsownrightandinitsowncontext.Whilethecontributorshave aimedtomaketheirsubjectcomprehensibletonon-specialists,thereis muchthatwillbeofinteresteventospecialists.Fromourownexperience aseditors,weknowthatwehaveeachlearnedmuchthroughreadingthe chapterspresentedhere.

PartI MESOPOTAMIA

SCIENCEANDANCIENTMESOPOTAMIA

HowthestudyofphysicalphenomenainancientMesopotamiarelatestothe historyofscienceisaquestionasimportantforthestudyofancient Mesopotamiaasitisforthehistoryofscience.Itaddressesboththenature ofknowledgeintheoldestliteratecultureaswellasthehistoricalreachof whatwecallscience.Iftheessenceofscienceistobefoundinitssystematizationofknowledgeaboutphenomenaandinthevariouspractices associatedwithsuchknowledgesystems – practicessuchascelestialobservation,prediction,andexplanation – thensciencewasacentralpartofcuneiformintellectualculture.

Divination,magic,andmedicinewereintegralpartsofwhatthescribes termed “scholarship” (tupsarrūtu,literally “theartofthescribe”)aswellas “wisdom” (nēmequ).Scholarshipandwisdomwereclassifiedasa “secretof thegreatgods” (pirištiilānirabûti),referringtoaconceptionoftheoriginsof knowledgewiththedivine.Cuneiformknowledgewasthusreservedfor initiates,andinjunctionsagainstscribeswhowerenotamongtheprivileged fewwithaccesstotextsclassifiedas “ secret ” (pirištu)or “guarded” (nis ˙ irtu) areknownfromtheMiddleBabylonian(ca.sixteenthtoeleventhcenturies bce)totheLateBabylonian(ca.fourthto firstcenturies bce)periods.2 Theclassificationofknowledgeassecretappliedtodivinatorytexts,incantations,apotropaicritualsagainstominoussigns,medicaltexts,scholarly commentariesondivinatorytexts,andastronomicaltexts,andbythelate firstmillenniumtheinterrelationsamongtheseformsofknowledgebecome moreapparent.ALateBabylonianastronomicaltextgivingrulesforcalculatingmonthlengthsandintervalsoflunarvisibilityaroundthefullmoon,

1 TherearevariousabbreviationsthatarestandardwithinAssyriology.Thoseunfamiliarwiththese mayconsulthttp://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/abbreviations_for_assyriology.

2 SeeA.Lenzi, SecrecyandtheGods:SecretKnowledgeinAncientMesopotamiaandBiblicalIsrael (State ArchivesofAssyriaStudies 19;Helsinki:UniversityofHelsinkiPress, 2008),pp. 64–6,andcf. P.-A.Beaulieu, “NewLightonSecretKnowledgeinLateBabylonianCulture,” ZA 82 (1992), 98–111.

forexample,beginswiththestatement: “Tabletoftheguardedsecretof heaven,secretknowledgeofthegreatgods.”3

Thesourcesforcuneiformscholarshipspantwomillennia,beginningin theOldBabylonianPeriod(ca. 1800–1600 bce)andcontinuinguntilthe earlycenturiesoftheCommonEra.Thischapterfocuses firstonthecontent ofcuneiformscholarshipandwisdom,followswithaspectsofthemethods ofthescholar-scribes – observation,prediction,andexplanation – particularlywithrespecttocelestialdivinationandastronomy,andcloseswith anoteonthemodernnomenclatureandclassificationofcuneiformastronomical/astrologicaltexts.

CUNEIFORMSCHOLARSHIPANDWISDOM

Assyro-BabylonianscholarlydivinationoriginatedinBabyloniain thesecondmillennium bce,wherecollectionsoftextsforthereadingof signs,particularlythosefromtheheavensandfromtheextaofsacrificed sheep,weretypicallyformulatedinthecasuistic,orcaseform “IfPthenQ,” style,asinthefollowing:

Ifwatersecretesinsidethegallbladder:The floodwillcome.4 Ifthegallbladderisturnedandhaswrappedaroundthe “finger ” : Thekingwillseizetheenemycountry.5

Thetraditionwasbothsystematicand authoritative,andtabletseries containingcelestialandte rrestrialsigns(Akkadian itt ā tu )becamepartof thespreadofcuneiformwritingtothewestofBabyloniaduring thesecondmillennium,toEmar,Har ā dum,Alalakh,andQatna,as wellastotheHittitecapitalofHattusas,asimportantcomponentsof aninternationalcuneiformscribaltradition. 6 Developmentofscholarly divinationintheMiddleBabylonian(ca. 1600 – 1100 bce )andMiddle Assyrianperiods(ca. 1400 – 1050 bce )indicatestheformationatthattime ofauthoritativeseries,whichlater,especiallyintheseventhcentury bce , assumedaprominentplaceinthestatelibrariesofNineveh,Nimrud,and

3 BM 42282+42294 obv. 1 [t ˙ u]ppinis ˙ irtu šamêpirištuilānirabûti;seeL.Brack-BernsenandH.Hunger, “BM 42282+42294 andtheGoal-YearMethod,” SCIAMVS 9 (2008), 6

4 A.Goetze, OldBabylonianOmenTexts (YaleOrientalSeries 10;NewHaven,CTandLondon:Yale UniversityPress, 1947),no. 31,col.ii,ll. 38–41.

5 Ibid.,no. 31,col.ii,ll. 24–30.

6 The 13 th century bce EmaromensarefoundinD.Arnaud, Recherchesaupaysd’AstataEmar,vol. 6 (Paris:Recherchesurlescivilisations, 1987);Nos. 650–65 arecelestialomens.TheHar~dumtextis publishedinF.Joannès, “UnPrécurseurPaléo-BabyloniendelaSérie Šumma Ālu,” inH.Gasche, M.Tanret,C.Janssen,andA.Degraeve(eds.), Cinquante-deuxréflexionssurleProche-Orientancien offertesenhommageàLéondeMeyer (MesopotamianHistoryandEnvironment,Occasional Publications 2;Leuven:Peeters, 1994),pp.305–12.

Assur. 7 CuneiformscribalculturecontinuedintheBabyloniaoftheNeoBabylonian,Hellenistic,andPart hianperiods,preservingaswellas expandinguponthetraditionalkno wledgeofomens,rituals,prayers, hemerologies,commentaries,andmedical,magical,andastronomical/ astrologicaltexts,untiltheendofcuneiformwritingitself.

Compilationsofomensinlistsrepresenttheresultofscholarlysystematizationandtheorizationaboutthemeaningofsigns,thusestablishingin ourmindstheirconnectiontoscience.Tothedivinatorysciences,therefore,belongallthecuneiformscholarlytextsformulatedinthecasuistic manner,whichassociatedaprotasis(if-clause)withanapodosis(thenclause)suchthataphenomenonwassystematically “explained.” ExplanationinthiscontextismeantinthesenseusedbyDavidPingree whenhede fi nedscienceas “asystematicexplanationofperceivedor imaginaryphenomenaorelse[it]isbasedonsuchanexplanation.” 8

InPingree ’sview,Babyloniandivinationwas “asystematicexplanation ofphenomenabasedonthetheorythatcertainofthemaresignssentbythe godstowarnthoseexpertintheirinterpretationoffutureevents.”9 While thisstatementonlyopensupfordebatewhatthenatureofexplanationisin thedivinatorysciences,onewayinwhichdivinationwasexplanatoryhas todowiththerelationofanomenapodosistoitsprotasisandhowevents werethoughttobeconnectedtooneanother.Theestablishmentof connections,referredtointhetexts asdivinedecisionsorjudgments, furthermanifeststheBabyloniannotionofdivinecausalityandtheview ofanintimateinvolvementofthegodsinphysicalphenomena. 10

Thedivinejudgmentscameintheformofsociallyrelevantevents suchasattackbyenemies,fallofmarketprices,hungerandwant, devastationby fl ood,pestilence,orplaguesoflocusts.Fortuneormisfortunefortherulingelite(king,prince,lord)wasthemainconcern,as inthefollowing:

IfVenusstandsbehindtheMoon:thekingwillhavenorival. IfVenusstandsintheMoon ’ sposition:theking ’ slandwillrevolt againsthim.

7 Inadditiontothetextseries,seethecorrespondencebetweenscholarsandthekingsEsarhaddonand AssurbanipalinS.Parpola, LettersfromAssyrianScholarstotheKingsEsarhaddonandAssurbanipal, 2 vols. (Neukirchen-Vluyn:ButzonandBerckerKevelaer, 1970–83),vol. 1: Texts;vol. 2: Commentaryand Appendices;H.Hunger, AstrologicalReportstoAssyrianKings (StateArchivesofAssyria(=SAA) 8; Helsinki:UniversityofHelsinkiPress, 1992);andS.Parpola, LettersfromAssyrianandBabylonian Scholars (StateArchivesofAssyria(=SAA) 10;Helsinki:UniversityofHelsinkiPress, 1993).

8 D.Pingree, “HellenophiliaVersustheHistoryofScience,” Isis 83 (1992), 554–63,quotesfrom 559–60

9 Ibid.

10 F.Rochberg, InthePathoftheMoon:BabylonianCelestialDivinationandItsLegacy (Leidenand Boston,MA:Brill, 2010),pp. 411–24.

IfVenusreachestheMoonandentersintotheMoon:theking’ssonwillseize hisfather’sthrone.11

Suchpublicapodosesweregenerallyfoundincelestialdivination,malformedbirthomens(oftheseries Šummaizbu),andextispicy.Other omenseries(asinthephysiognomicomensof Alamdimmû orthebirth omensof Iqqur īpuš)focusedonthestabilityofaman’shousehold,personal health,wealth,happiness,andlifespan.Privateapodoseswouldlaterbe integratedwithinnatalastrologicalomensandhoroscopes.12

Asmostclearlyrepresentedinthesurvivingtextsofthelibraryat Nineveh,thecorporaof fivedistinctscholarlyprofessionsrepresentthe scholars’ repertoireofknowledge,namely,thoseofthe “scribeof Enūma AnuEnlil” (tupšarEnūmaAnuEnlil),whowasexpertinastralphenomena, the “onewhoinspects(theliverandexta)” (bārû),i.e.,thedivinerexpertin extispicy;the “exorcist” (āšipu),whotreatedhumanbeingsafflictedby divinedisfavorviaincantationsandritualsaimedatre-establishmentof therightrelationshipbetweenhumananddivine;the “physician” (asû), whotreatedthebodyinthegripofdemonicordivineinfluence(whatwe calldisease);andthe “lamentationpriest” (kalû),whowasresponsiblefor religiousritualperformance(songsoflamentation,alsotheplayingofthe kettledrumfortheritualagainsttheevilofalunareclipse).13 Rigiddistinctionsdidnotobtainbetweenthesescribalprofessionsandthetextsthey wrote,copied,andutilized.Omens(includingastral,abnormalbirth,and humanphysiognomic)andastronomicaltextsare,forexample,withinthe professionaldomainof āšipusand kalûs.

AstralomensbegintoappearintheOldBabylonianperiodwithparticularattentiontolunareclipses.Eventuallythecanonical EnūmaAnuEnlil encompassedarangeofphenomenaofthemoon,sun,planets, fixedstars, andweather.Ofparticularthoughnotexclusiveinteresttothescholarswere periodicphenomena,andtheunderstandingofastronomicalperiodicities wasthereforeincreasinglyofimportance.TheletterstotheAssyriankings EsarhaddonandAssurbanipalintheseventhcenturyreflectsomeabilityto predictastronomicalphenomenasuchasplanetaryappearancesandeven lunareclipses,atleastintheshortterm.Alsoattestedintheseventhcentury, inatabletthatgivescelestialomensinanumericalcryptography,areperiods

11 E.ReinerandD.Pingree, BabylonianPlanetaryOmens,Part 3 (Groningen:Styx, 1998),p. 45,lines 38–9 and 46

12 F.Rochberg, TheHeavenlyWriting:Divination,Horoscopy,andAstronomyinMesopotamianCulture (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 2004),pp. 202–6,andpassim.SeealsoF.Rochberg, BabylonianHoroscopes (TransactionsoftheAmericanPhilosophicalSociety 88;Philadelphia,PA: AmericanPhilosophicalSociety, 1998).

13 P.-A.BeaulieuandJ.P.Britton, “RitualsforanEclipsePossibilityinthe 8thYearofCyrus,” Journal ofCuneiformStudies (henceforth “JCS”) 46 (1994), 73–86;D.BrownandM.Linssen, “BM 134701 = 1965–10–14,1 andtheHellenisticPeriodEclipseRitualfromUruk,” RA 91 (1997), 147–66;andM. Linssen, TheCultsofUrukandBabylon:TheTempleRitualTextsasEvidenceforHellenisticCult Practice (LeidenandBoston,MA:Brill, 2004),pp. 306–20.

fortheplanetarysynodiccycles,someconsistentwithlaterso-calledgoalyearperiods(see,pp. 20 and 24,below).14 Predictionoflunarandplanetary phenomenautilizingtheparametersofso-calledgoal-yearperiodsisalso attestedinthesixth-centuryStrassmaierCambyses 400. 15 Bythe fifth centuryandlater,thesmallgroupofcuneiformhoroscopes(orprotohoroscopes16)requiredthecalculationofplanetarypositions,andthese couldeitherbemadewithgoal-yearmethods,orperhapsbymeansof interpolationsfromthemathematicalschemescharacteristicoftheephemeridesofSeleucidBabylonia.17 Predictionsforastralphenomenadidnot diminishtheominoussignificanceofsigns.Theresponsetoanoccurrenceof alunareclipse,evenintheSeleucidperiod(after 300 bce)whenprediction ofeclipsesiswellattested,wastheperformanceofanapotropaicritualto dispelitsevil.18

Othercelestialomensarenotfromperiodicphenomena,suchasthe followingplanetaryomens(notethatsquarebracketsindicatebreaksin theclaytabletwherethetextisrestoredbyduplicates):

[IfVenusatherappearanceisred:(abundanceforthepeople)],the harvestofthelandwillsucceed,thekingofAkkadwillexperience [joy] – theeastwindblows.

IfVenusatherappearanceisblack:Enlilwillglareangrily[atthe land],inthelandbusinesswillbepoor[...],thesouthwindblows. [IfVenusatherappearanceiswhite:]Therewillbedroughtinthe land,[ ] – thenorthwindblows.19

Inadditiontocelestialandterrestrialomens,medicaltextssystematizedboth symptomsandtherapeutictechniquesforreferencepurposes.20 Becausethe aetiologyofdiseasewasconsidereddivine,demonic,fromghosts(qātetemmi “handofaghost”),witches(kišpu “witchcraft”),curses(mamītu),oranythingevil(mimmalemnu “whateverisevil”),the āšipu (“exorcist”)specializedintheincantationsandliturgyusedtoappealtodeitieswhohadthe

14 SeeC.J.Gadd, “OmensExpressedinNumbers,” JCS 21 (1967), 52–63,especiallyp. 61.Theperiods inquestionareSaturn 59,Venus 8,Mars 15,andJupiter 12.SeeJ.P.Britton, “StudiesinBabylonian LunarTheoryPartII.TreatmentsofLunarAnomaly, ” ArchiveforHistoryofExactSciences 63 (2009), 357–431,especiallyp. 349.

15 J.P.Britton, “RemarksonStrassmaierCambyses 400, ” inM.Ross(ed.), FromtheBanksofthe Euphrates:StudiesinHonorofAliceLouiseSlotsky (WinonaLake,IN:Eisenbrauns, 2008),pp. 7–33, withbibliography.

16 H.HungerandD.Pingree, AstralSciencesinMesopotamia (HandbuchderOrientalistik;Leiden, Boston,MA,andCologne:Brill, 1999),pp. 26–7

17 Rochberg, BabylonianHoroscopes,pp. 7–11.

18 Seenote 12.

19 ReinerandPingree,BabylonianPlanetaryOmens,Part 3,pp. 40–3,GroupA,VAT 10218 lines 13–15

20 I.L.Finkel, “OnLateBabylonianMedicalTraining,” inA.R.GeorgeandI.L.Finkel(eds.), Wisdom,GodandLiterature:StudiesinAssyriologyinHonorofW.G.Lambert (WinonaLake,IN: Eisenbrauns, 2000),pp. 137–224;M.J.Geller, AncientBabylonianMedicine:TheoryandPractice (Oxford:Wiley-Blackwell, 2010).

powertohealandprotectthepatient.Incantationscouldbeusedin combinationwithotherprophylacticandapotropaicactssuchasfumigation,thetopicalapplicationofsalves,andtheuseofamuletsasmeansto appeasethedivinesourcesofillnessandpain.Incantationswerecollected, standardizeduptoapoint,andhadakindofcanonicalforceinthesameway asdiddivinatorytexts.21

Whiledivinatorytextsbeganwithdis cretegenreboundaries(celestial, physiognomic,birth,etc.),inthelasthalfofthe fi rstmillennium, duringPersian(Achaemenid),Helle nistic(Seleucid)andParthian (Arsacid)Babylonia,interrelationsareincreasinglyintegrated,and LateBabylonianscholarlycomment ariesestablishmoredirectconnectionsbetweencelestialandterrestr ialrealms.Theintegrationofastral withterrestrialdivinatorysciencesseemstohavebeenmadepossibleby thedevelopmentofastrology,thatis,bytheapplicationofcelestialsigns forthehumanbeing(andthehumanbody)ingeneral,nolonger focusing,asdid En ū maAnuEnlil ,onlyontheking.Inonecommented text,forexample,omenseriesconcerninghumanappearance,health, andbirthswerebroughtintorelationwithcelestialsigns.Itsopening lines:

(Theomenseries) “IfaMalformedfetus,” (theomenseries) “Symptoms,” (theomenseries) “PhysicalCharacteristics.” Aries, Taurus,Orionareforpredictingtheappearance.Whenthey(the planets?) “reach” (thevariouszodiacalsigns)itreferstophysical characteristics.Observethesecretofheavenandearth!22

Thelaconicnatureofthecommentaryleavesopenthequestionofexactly whattheconnectionsbetweenbirth,medical,physiognomic,andastrologicalphenomenawere,yetadecidedlyastrological,thatisgenethlialogical (birthastrology),turnhasbeentaken.Animportantfeatureoflaterastronomicaltexts(DiariesandAlmanacs)wastotrackwhentheplanets “reached” eachzodiacalsign.ThecolophonsofAlmanacsstatethatthese textsare “measurementsofthe ‘reachings’ ofthe(divine)planets” (mešhi ša kašādīša dbibbī).Thearrivalofaplanetintoasignwaspresumably astrologicallysignificant,thoughthestatementsofthese “reachings” in astronomicaltextsdonotprovideanastrologicalmeaning.Thesesame astronomicaltexts,namelytheAlmanacsandDiaries,wereverylikely

21 Forexample,theseries Šurpu (seeE.Reiner, Šurpu:ACollectionofSumerianandAkkadian Incantations (AfOBeiheft 11;Graz:ArchivderOrientforschung, 1958));theanti-demontext Udughul (seeM.Geller, ForerunnerstoUdug-Hul:SumerianExorcisticIncantations (Wiesbaden: F.SteinerVerlag, 1985));theritualseries Mušš’ u (seeB.Böck, “‘WhenYouPerformtheRitualof Rubbing’:OnMedicineandMagicinAncientMesopotamia,” JournalofNearEasternStudies 62 (2003), 1–16,withfurtherbibliography).

22 SeeB.Böck, “‘AnEsotericBabylonianCommentary’ Revisited,” JournaloftheAmericanOriental Society 120 (2000), 615–20.

usedassourcesforthezodiacalpositionsoftheplanetsquotedincuneiform horoscopes.23

Astrology findsaconnectiontoextispicyintheLateBabylonianPeriodas well,whentraditionallyominouspartsoftheliverareassociatedwithagod, oneofthetwelvemonths,andaheliacallyrisingstar,thus: “thePath(ofthe liver)is Šamaš,Ajāru,Taurus;thegallbladderisAnu,Tašrītu,Libra,” andso on.24 Magicalpracticealsoestablishednewconnectionstothezodiac,such asinalistofspellswiththeircorrelatedregionsinthezodiacalsigns.25 Even theterm “sign” or “ominouspart” (literally “flesh” UZU= šīru)foundearlier inliveromensoccursagaininaSeleucidastrologicalcontextwheredodekatemoria(1/12ths)ofzodiacalsignsarereferredtoas 12 UZU.MEŠ HA.LA ša múlLÚ.HUN.GÁ(variant, múlLU) “the 12 signs(ominousparts)ofthe zodiacalsignAries.”26

Astronomyandthepreservationbythe ummânu ofesotericlearningin magical,medical,andliturgicaltextsdominatedtheactivitiesoftheLate Babylonianliteratiinthelastcenturiesofthecuneiformtradition. TestimonytothecontinuationofthepracticeofBabylonianastronomyin the firstcentury ce comesfromtheElderPliny(23–79 ce),whoclaimsto haveseentheastronomersinBabyloninthe “TempleofJupiter-Bēl.”27 Onthesurface,theastronomicalcontentsofthequantitativepredictivetexts oftheLateBabylonianPerioddonotappeartorelatetodivinatoryknowledge,yetthetextsthatpredictsucheventsasrainsand floods,enemyattacks, andmarketprices,aswellasthefewpreservedcolophonsonephemerides,all reflectthefactoftheidentificationoftheastronomersasmembersofthe classesof t ˙ upšarEnūmaAnuEnlil,kalû,and āšipu.Furthermore,afew preservedrubricsindicatethatthesetabletswereclassifiedbythescribes, alongwithothertextsof t ˙ upšarrūtu,as “ secret ” (pirištu),asinthefollowing colophonfromatextdatedtothesecondcentury bce:

Oneclipsesofthemoon.

TabletofAnu-bēl-šunu,lamentationpriestofAnu,sonofNidintuAnu,descendantofSin-lēqi-unninniofUruk.HandofAnu-[aba-utêr, hisson,scri]beof EnūmaAnuEnlil ofUruk.Uruk,monthI,year 12[1?] Antiochus[...]

23 F.Rochberg, “BabylonianHoroscopy:TheTextsandTheirRelations,” inN.M.Swerdlow(ed.), AncientAstronomyandCelestialDivination (Cambridge,MA:MITPress, 1999),pp. 39–60,andsee alsoRochberg, HeavenlyWriting,pp. 145–57

24 SpTU 14, 159;seeU.Koch-Westenholz, BabylonianLiverOmens:TheChaptersManzāzu,Padānu, PāntākaltioftheBabylonianExtispicySeriesMainlyfromAssurbanipal’sLibrary (TheCarsten NiebuhrInstituteofNearEasternStudiesPublications, 25;Copenhagen:MuseumTusculanum Press, 2000),pp. 24–5

25 BRM 420,withBRM 419 (andparallelswithSTT 300 althoughwithoutthezodiacalreferences), seeM.J.Geller, MelothesiainBabylonia:Medicine,Magic,andAstrologyintheAncientNearEast (Science,Technology,andMedicineinAncientCultures 2;Berlin:DeGruyter, 2014),pp. 28–57

26 TCL 614:11, 12, 13,and 20;seeA.J.Sachs, “BabylonianHoroscopes,” JCS 6 (1952), 49–75,p. 66.

27 Pliny, TheNatualHistory VI 123,VII 193.

WhoeverreveresAnuandAntu[...]

Computationaltable.ThewisdomofAnu-ship,exclusiveknowledgeofthegod[...]

Secretknowledgeofthemasters.Theonewhoknowsmayshow(it)to an[otheronewhoknows].Onewhodoesnotknowmaynot[seeit. Itbelongstotheforbiddenthings]of Anu,Enlil[andEa,thegreatgods].28

CELESTIALOBSERVATION

AstronomicaltextsdonotappearpriortotheOldBabylonianperiod (2000–1600 bce).NoastronomicaltextsareknownintheSumerianlanguage;however,somerudimentaryrecognitionofobservedastronomical phenomenaisattestedintheearlythirdmillennium bce (UruklevelIV)in anUrukcultictextconcerningofferingstothegoddessInannaasthe morningandeveningstar.AculttotheastralInannacontinuedin Sumeriancity-statesthroughthethirdmillennium.Otherwise,poetic descriptions,suchasofthemoongodandhismany “cattle,” i.e.,thestars, arefoundinSumerianliterature,30 andlistsofstarnamesarefoundin SumerianlexicaltextsoftheOldBabylonianperiod(Ura 5,togetherwith geographicalnames31),roughlycontemporaneouswiththeearliestevidence forsystematicattentiontothecelestialbodiesassigns.

Oneofthemoderndebatesabouttheroleofobservationinthe cuneiformtraditionhastodowiththeoriginsofomendivination, namelywhethertheobservationofco-occurencesofphenomenaledto theideathatonephenomenon(P)couldindicateanother(Q). 32 Theevidenceisclearthatsignswerestudiedfortheirappearances, regularities,andirregularities,andthepatternsoftheiroccurrence. Noevidenceforanobservationalconnectionofsignstoportents,however,canbedemonstrated.Avarietyofnon-observationalprinciplescan

28 O.Neugebauer, AstronomicalCuneiformTexts, 3 vols.(London:LundHumphries, 1955),No. 135, readingofthedateisuncertain,seep. 19 fordiscussion;alsoH.Hunger, BabylonischeundAssyrische Kolophone (AlterOrientundAltesTestament 2;Kevelaer:Butzon&Bercker;Neukirchen-Vluyn: NeukirchenerVerlagdesErziehungsvereins, 1968),No. 98.

29 SeealsoF.Rochberg, “ScientificObservationandKnowledgeoftheWorldinCuneiformCulture” inE.RobsonandK.Radner(eds.), OxfordCompaniontoCuneiformCulture (Oxford:Oxford UniversityPress),pp. 618–36

30 SeeF.Rochberg,“SheepandCattle,CowsandCalves:TheSumero-AkkadianAstralGodsas Livestock,” inS.MelvilleandA.Slotsky(eds.), OpeningtheTabletBox:NearEasternStudiesin HonorofBenjaminR.Foster (CultureandHistoryoftheAncientNearEast, 42;LeidenandBoston, MA:Brill, 2010),pp. 347–59

31 Seehttp://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/dcclt/Q000042,lines 387–410

32 Forexample,P.Huber, “DatingbyLunarEclipseOminawithSpeculationsontheBirthofOmen Astrology,” inJ.L.BerggrenandB.R.Goldstein(eds.), FromAncientOmenstoStatistical Mechanics:EssaysontheExactSciencesPresentedtoAsgerAaboe (Copenhagen:UniversityLibrary, 1987),pp. 3–13.

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25. I shall recommend but one more help; and that is, the conscientious use of that holy sacrament, which is peculiarly appointed to nourish and increase the spiritual life, when once it is begotten in the soul. All the instruments of religion meet together in this ordinance; and while we address ourselves to it, we are put to practise all the rules which were mentioned before. Then it is that we make the severest survey of our actions, and lay the strictest obligations on ourselves: then are our minds raised to the highest contempt of the world, and every grace doth exercise itself with the greatest activity and vigour All the subjects of contemplation there present themselves unto us with the greatest advantage; and then, if ever, doth the soul make its most powerful sallies towards heaven, and assault it with a holy and acceptable force. And certainly the neglect, or careless performance of this duty, is one of the chief causes that be-dwarfs our religion, and make us continue of so low a size.

A P R A Y E R.

AND now, O most gracious God, Father and fountain of mercy, who hast blessed us with the knowledge of our happiness, and the way that leadeth unto it, excite in our souls such ardent desires after the one as may put us forth to the diligent prosecution of the other. Let us neither presume on our own strength, nor distrust thy assistance; but while we are doing our utmost endeavours, still depend on thee for success. Open our eyes, O God, and teach us out of thy law. Bless us with an exact and tender sense of our duty, and a knowledge to discern perverse things. O that our ways were directed to keep thy statutes! Then shall we not be ashamed when we have a respect unto all thy commandments. Possess our hearts with a generous and holy disdain of all those poor enjoyments which this world holdeth out to allure us, that they may never be able to inveigle our affections, or betray us to any sin. Turn away our eyes from beholding vanity, and quicken thou us in thy law. Fill our souls with such a deep sense of those great truths which thou hast revealed in the gospel, as may influence and regulate our whole conversation: so that the life which we henceforth live in the flesh, we may live through faith in the Son of God. O that the infinite perfections of thy blessed nature, and the astonishing expressions of thy goodness may overpower our hearts; that they may be constantly rising towards thee in flames of devout affection, and enlarging themselves in cordial love towards all the world for thy sake; and that we may cleanse ourselves from all filthiness of flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in thy fear, without which we can never hope to behold and enjoy thee. Finally, O God, grant that the consideration of what thou art, and what we ourselves are, may both humble and lay us low before thee, and also stir up in us the strongest and most ardent aspirations towards thee. We desire to give up ourselves to the conduct of thy Holy Spirit: lead us in thy truth, and teach us, for thou art the God of our salvation. Guide us with thy counsel, and afterwards receive us unto glory; for the merits and intercession of thy blessed Son, our Saviour Amen.

The End of the E V.

E R R A T A, Volume VIII.

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