Pottery technologies and sociocultural connections between the aegean and anatolia during the 3rd mi
Pottery Technologies and Sociocultural Connections Between the Aegean and Anatolia During the 3rd Millenium BC
Eva Alram-Stern
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Eva Alram-Stern – Barbara Horejs (Eds.) Pottery Technologies and Sociocultural Connections Between the Aegean and Anatolia During the 3rd Millennium BC
Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosophisch-historische Klasse
Oriental and European Archaeology
Volume 10
Series Editor: Barbara Horejs
Publications Coordinator: Ulrike Schuh
Eva Alram-Stern – Barbara Horejs (Eds.)
Pottery Technologies and Sociocultural Connections
Between the Aegean and Anatolia
During the 3rd Millennium BC
Accepted by the Publication Committee of the Division of Humanities and the Social Sciences of the Austrian Academy of Sciences: Michael Alram, Bert Fragner, Hermann Hunger, Sigrid Jalkotzy-Deger, Brigitte Mazohl, Franz Rainer, Oliver Jens Schmitt, Peter Wiesinger and Waldemar Zacharasiewicz
This publication has undergone the process of anonymous, international peer review. The paper used for this publication was made from chlorite-free bleached cellulose and is aging-resistant and free of acidifying substances.
English language editing: Stephanie Emra, Kelly Gillikin, Guy Kiddey, Jessica Whalen, Roderick B. Salisbury, Clare Burke
Graphics and layout: María Antonia Negrete Martínez
Ceramic Traditions in Southwestern Peloponnese During the Early Helladic II Period: The Romanos Pylias Case Study
Areti Pentedeka – Catherine Morgan – Andreas Sotiriou
Early Helladic Pottery Traditions in Western Greece: The Case of Kephalonia and Ithaca 267
Yiannis Papadatos – Eleni Nodarou
Pottery Technology(ies) in Prepalatial Crete: Evidence from Archaeological and Archaeometric Study 287
Index
Pottery and Analytical Terminology
Preface by the Series Editor
The 10th volume of the Oriental and European Archaeology publication series presents the results of an international conference, organised and hosted by the OREA Institute at the Austrian Academy of Sciences in Vienna from 21st to 23rd of October 2015 The idea for this volume about Pottery Technologies and Sociocultural Connections Between the Aegean and Anatolia During the 3rd Millennium BC is based on current projects by the organisers Eva Alram-Stern and the series editor, who are both dealing with archaeometric studies of Early Bronze Age pottery from Greece and Turkey . The outcome of these interdisciplinary investigations at Midea, the prehistoric Kaykos Valley (Pergamon), and at Çukuriçi Höyük required a broader scientific and socio-cultural contextualisation . This led to the organisation of the conference in Vienna, inviting well-known pottery experts, as well as young scholars, working in this particular scientific field.
This volume presents long-term and well-established approaches used for a range of methodological and theoretical aspects of ceramic research in the Greek Aegean, that also offer a solid framework for new primary data and their interpretation from the eastern Aegean and western Anatolia In addition, the main focus of this volume is on the socio-cultural aspects of the various analytical methods and their scientific results, aiming to provide a broader picture of the role of pottery in past societies, also understandable by non-experts in these highly specialised fields. The enormous amount of scientific data dealing with Early Bronze Age ceramics generally, offers a new insight into important aspects of societies in the 3rd millennium BC, such as the chaîne opératoire of production, vessel function, regionalism, and chronology Finally, it is our view that such a cross-Aegean approach allows intra site comparison, and provides important insights into the relationships and meaning behind trends visible in Early Bronze Age pottery from different regions within the Aegean, particularly cultural-technological concepts and their social impact
The volume brings together 13 contributions that offer primary data from new analyses of ceramic material from western Anatolia, the east, northeast and central Aegean, as well as from Crete, and the Greek mainland . We are very thankful to the authors, who interpret this new data in relation to a range of socio-cultural, economic, chronological, functional and regional contexts The fruitful discussions at the conference, by renowned experts in scientific ceramic analyses, has shed new light on key themes in ceramic and broader archaeological research, and, importantly, highlighted potential connections between the Aegean and Anatolia based on this new archaeometric data .
My sincere thanks go to the authors of all contributions for sharing their expertise and perspectives about Pottery Technologies and Sociocultural Connections Between the Aegean and Anatolia During the 3rd Millennium BC, and to Eva Alram-Stern for her efforts in publishing the 10th OREA volume as soon as possible The international review procedure supervised by the Academy publication committee guarantees the quality assessment of each publication in this series Although this procedure sometimes requires the patience of authors and editors including the acceptance of publication delays, I am very thankful to the anonymous reviewers’ engagement and their helpful suggestions
Financial support for the conference has been provided by the FWF funded projects P 24798, P 25825 and Y 528 as well as by the OREA Institute and the Austrian Academy of Sciences Finally, I am grateful to the experienced team, especially Ulrike Schuh for coordinating the editorial work and María Antonia Negrete Martínez for layouting the entire volume .
Barbara Horejs
Director
of
the Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology Vienna, 13th of June 2018
ORIENTAL AND EUROPEAN ARCHAEOLOGY
Vol 1 B Horejs – M Mehofer (eds ), Western Anatolia before Troy Proto-Urbanisation in the 4th Millenium BC? Proceedings of the International Symposium held at the Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Vienna, Austria, 21–24 November, 2012 (Vienna 2014) .
Vol . 2 B . Eder – R . Pruzsinszky (eds .), Policies of Exchange . Political Systems and Modes of Interaction in the Aegean and the Near East in the 2nd Millennium B C E Proceedings of the International Symposium at the University of Freiburg, Institute for Archaeological Studies, 30th May–2nd June, 2012 (Vienna 2015)
Vol . 3 M . Bartelheim – B . Horejs – R . Krauß (eds .), Von Baden bis Troia . Ressourcennutzung, Metallurgie und Wissenstransfer Eine Jubiläumsschrift für Ernst Pernicka (Rahden/Westf . 2016) .
Vol . 4 M . Luciani (ed .), The Archaeology of North Arabia . Oases and Landscapes . Proceedings of the International Congress held at the University of Vienna, 5–8 December, 2013 (Vienna 2016) .
Vol 5 B Horejs, Çukuriçi Höyük 1 Anatolia and the Aegean from the 7th to the 3rd Millennium BC. With contributions by Ch. Britsch, St. Grasböck, B. Milić, L Peloschek, M Röcklinger and Ch Schwall (Vienna 2017)
Vol 6 M Mödlinger, Protecting the Body in War and Combat Metal Body Armour in Bronze Age Europe (Vienna 2017) .
Vol 7 Ch Schwall, Çukuriçi Höyük 2 Das 5 und 4 Jahrtausend v Chr in Westanatolien und der Ostägäis Mit einem Beitrag von B Horejs (Vienna 2018)
Vol . 8 W . Anderson – K . Hopper – A . Robinson (eds .), Landscape Archaeology in Southern Caucasia Finding Common Ground in Diverse Environments Proceedings of the Workshop held at 10th ICAANE in Vienna, April 2016 (Vienna 2018) .
Vol. 9 St. Gimatzidis – M. Pieniążek – S. Mangaloğlu-Votruba (eds.), Archaeology Across Frontiers and Borderlands Fragmentation and Connectivity in the North Aegean and the Central Balkans from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age (Vienna 2018)
Pottery Technologies in the Aegean and Anatolia During the 3rd Millennium BC: An Introduction
Eva Alram-Stern1 – Barbara Horejs2
After several decades of archaeometric investigations on Early Bronze Age pottery, now is the time to bring these manifold results and experts together for a holistic approach of a broader region through socio-cultural interpretations. The archaeometric approach to pottery in the (Greek) Aegean is based on a long tradition and nowadays forms a well-established scientific field in Bronze Age archaeology in that region. Thanks to various research groups and their longterm engagement in developing the methodological and theoretical background – such as the Fitch Laboratory of the British School and the Demokritos lab in Athens, the University of Bonn, and Sheffield University – pottery experts in the Aegean are now able to use various scientific methods based on a well-established scientific framework and comparable data. This state-ofthe-art interdisciplinary approach for Aegean ceramics not only produces a large amount of new and complex data, which are mainly used by specialists in this field, but also leads to a multifaceted picture hardly manageable by non-experts for their socio-cultural follow-up interpretations. Our main aim is focused on combining the archaeometric experts and their scientific questions and data to gain a broader archaeological-cultural contextualisation within one particular time horizon.
Chronological and Geographical Framework
Due to current scientific requirements, projects and available data, the Aegean and western Anatolia during the periods of Early Helladic I–II / Early Bronze Age 1–2 (c. 3000–2300 BC) have been selected as the general chronological and geographical frameworks. Ongoing research in petrographic3 and chemical analyses, specifically X-ray fluorescence (XRF)4 and Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA),5 were brought together with archaeological contextualisation to discuss potential social and economic patterns in the production and distribution of pottery within a trans-Aegean perspective. This volume represents the outcome of the conference “Pottery Technologies and Sociocultural Connections between the Aegean and Anatolia during the 3rd Millennium BC”, which took place from 21.10. to 23.10.2015 at the Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology of the Austrian Academy of Sciences in Vienna.
The selected focus is closely related to the OREA research group Anatolian Aegean Prehistoric Phenomena, which generally connects Greek and Turkish parts of the Aegean in a holistic approach. Both regions are starting and intermediary points of formative cultural processes, which are studied by archaeological and interdisciplinary basic research methods – conducted in detail with highly specialised analyses as well as supra-regional studies. This research strategy includes
1 Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology, Austrian Academy of Sciences; eva.alram@oeaw.ac.at.
2 Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology, Austrian Academy of Sciences; barbara.horejs@oeaw.ac.at.
3 Whitbread 2001.
4 Gait et al., this volume.
5 Mommsen et al. 1991; Mommsen 2007; Horejs et al., this volume.
excavations, archaeological and environmental surveys, material studies and analyses of all types of artefacts. A further approach deals with chronology and periodisation, climate, subsistence, resources, technologies, rituals, networks, socio-cultural impact and theoretical issues. Recently generated data from our own fieldwork form the scientific fundament and are linked with old data. One of our current research foci concerns Early Bronze Age settlements, economies and technologies dating to Early Helladic (EH) I–II / Early Bronze (EB) 1–2 (3000–2300 BC) on both sides of the Aegean. The research group’s ongoing studies of pottery with conventional archaeological methods combined with petrographic and chemical analyses in micro-regional and trans-regional comparisons brought an abundance of new data to light. Their contextualisation within a broader archaeological perspective offers the opportunity to analyse potential patterns that might reflect trans-Aegean phenomena beyond their local or regional impact. These studies are conducted in various projects financed by the European Research Council, the Austrian Science Fund and the OREA institute. To them belong the Çukuriçi Höyük excavations, the Prehistoric Pergamon Region Survey (Kaykos/Bakırçay valley)6, the Midea project (Argolid) based on the Greek excavations by Katie Demakopoulou7 as well as the Romanos-Navarino project8. Altogether, they put into practice cooperation with archaeometric experts from the Fitch Laboratory of the British School at Athens, the Department of Archaeology of the University of Sheffield, the University of Bonn and the Austrian Archaeological Institute.
6 ERC project 263339; Austrian Science Fund (FWF) projects no. Y 528 and P 25825.
7 Austrian Science Fund (FWF) stand-alone project no. P 24798.
8 Austrian Science Fund (FWF) Lise Meitner program no. M 1468.
Fig. 1 Archaeological sites in Turkey and Greece mentioned in this volume. Sites presented in detail are indicated in capital letters (design: M. Börner)
The 18 papers presented in the conference, of which 13 were submitted to this volume, include manifold new results and data (Fig. 1).9 Additionally, the intense and fruitful discussions between the authors during the conference formulated new local, regional and interregional aspects – which will be summarised in the introduction. Thanks to the very engaged chairmen and chairwomen, the discussions mostly led to some crucial outcomes, which are represented in the following overview of this volume.
Production, Function and Chaîne Opératoire
Questions concerning the production of pottery and its chaîne opératoire require not only detailed scientific analyses of the ceramics themselves but also their environmental contextualisation should be considered – as pointed out in several papers. The clay composition used for the production of pottery is examined by petrographers, who – through microscopic analysis of the mineral composition of the fabric’s inclusions in combination with chemical analysis – can offer knowledge of the choice of raw materials. In general, this approach concerns the exploitation of specific raw material sources that are shared by a group of people of a potential centre of production, and therefore local production is identifiable in ceramic analyses. A selection of similar clay compositions is reflected in the use of a specific temper – such as calcite, marble or grog – in the production of pots with a special use, i.e. cooking or storage; this temper choice could have been shared by people in larger areas.10 Such behaviour would enable us to argue for a pattern in pottery production that could have been shared by people of a wider area. Moreover, the various techniques of pot building are recognisable through macroscopic examination of the pottery, such as using coils, plaques or a throwing table. According to ethnographic studies, these building techniques and their distribution are connected to special groups of people and offer information on potential communication networks, which are likely built upon kin affiliations.11 Furthermore, the degree of specialisation may broadly be assessed on the basis of firing temperatures as well as the controlling mechanisms over the oxidation process, respectively pointing to open fire or a kiln-like construction.12 Experimental studies in refiring sherds have been presented as a successful method for determining firing temperatures. Insight into the possible functions of pots is provided by residue and use-wear analyses.13 Additionally, an analysis of pottery fabrics and forms indicates that pots with certain characteristics were probably used for special purposes.14
Connectivity
An important topic is how pottery of a particular region can give us indications of connectivity between the areas under study. Conventional archaeological research in this respect is based on identification and statistical recording of wares, forms and decoration, which are closely connected with value and the potential use of items. Ethnographic studies have shown that decorative techniques
9 The important papers regarding the relations between Crete and Anatolia at the beginning of the Bronze Age (FN–EB I), on the Chios-Çesme Strait, on Anatolianising types and Aegean traditions in the ceramics of the Late EB II, and on local and Anatolianising traditions across Boeotia during the Late EH II were not submitted by the authors and are therefore not included in this volume.
10 Rice 1987; Peloschek, this volume; Gait et al., this volume; Papadatos – Nodarou, this volume; Pentedeka et al., this volume.
11 Gosselain 2000, 201–208, 210.
12 Daszkiewicz – Schneider 2001.
13 Tzedakis et al. 2008.
14 Riemer 1997; a function analysis of the pottery from Çukuriçi Höyük according to form and fabric is given by Röcklinger – Horejs, this volume.
are distributed “by loose and situational networks of interaction in which the geographic propinquity of sites and local processes of imitation and conformity play a leading role”.15 In contrast, investigations of pottery based on archaeometric analyses of clay composition can give an indication of the provenance of the clay and, therefore, of the circulation of the pots. These studies presuppose that potters used local clay deposits, and suggest that their local production centres can be identified and characterised. At the same time, large-scale macroscopic identification of fabrics, harmonised with petrographic analyses, can help to detect distribution patterns of pottery in large archaeological assemblages. Thus, both methods can help to define local use and middleto long-distance circulation of pots. As mentioned above, the papers of this conference cover the periods EB/EH I and II as well as its transition to the final phase EB III, which is to be understood as a predecessor of the Middle Bronze Age (see chronological chart Fig. 2). It goes without saying that each period has to be characterised against the background of its specific cultural development. Therefore, it can be shown that local pottery production in all its aspects differs from period to period and, consequently, reveals change over time. At the same time, it is worthwhile to investigate if technological and stylistic innovations were passed on through circulation or imitation of pottery. On a broader scale, changes through time in the circulation of pottery over large distances can give indications for changing contacts between regions in general.
In summary, this conference volume aims to add important aspects to our picture of human agency,16 and also shed light on the changing social organisation, economy and identity of the agents who are the producers of pottery, as well as their consumers.17 Pottery analyses are able to illustrate how behaviour of production and distribution changes, and therefore demonstrate aspects of cultural-ecological development in the 3rd millennium BC.
Regional Patterns
Early Bronze Age I
Papers dealing with EB I create an interesting picture for sites of inland and coastal western Anatolia: The area around Pergamon is characterised by production and circulation of pottery within the region although the pottery is integrated into the pottery style of the northeastern Aegean and the Troad. At the same time, pottery production centres show no specialisation. The very few imports from outside the region indicate that the region was more or less excluded from the main routes of eastern Aegean and western Anatolian exchange networks.18 The coastal site of Çukuriçi Höyük situated in central western Anatolia is also characterised by local production,19 and the marble-tempered fabric – although reminiscent of the fabric common in the Cyclades – most probably followed a local tradition mainly used for functional reasons.20 However, the picture of specialised production and use of pots at the coastal site of Çukuriçi Höyük is supported by the contexts connected with on-site metal processing.21 Evidence in the Konya plain show that Early Bronze Age pottery production has a long tradition dating back to the Late Chalcolithic/Final Neolithic period; this is especially evident from the habit of grog-tempering.22 A similar tradition is known from eastern Crete23 as well as in other areas of the Aegean.24 If we look at the western side
15 Gosselin 2000, 193–200, 209.
16 Lemonnier 1993; Dobres – Hoffman 1994.
17 For a further discussion see Papadatos – Nodarou, this volume.
18 Horejs et al., this volume.
19 Röcklinger – Horejs, this volume.
20 Peloschek, this volume.
21 Röcklinger – Horejs, this volume.
22 Gait et al., this volume.
23 Papadatos – Nodarou, this volume.
24 Pentedeka et al., this volume.
Western Anatolia Troy Çukuriçi Liman Tepe
Eastern Aegean Poliochni Heraion
Cyclades Tombs Settlements
Greek Mainland
Lerna Aegina Attica Central GR
Crete Knossos Various Sites
Va IVIII
azzurro (early-late) verde rosso giallo LCh Heraion I IIIIIIV
Palace Well Group West Court House South Front North East Magazines Upper East Well South Front House Foundation
Aphrodite’s Kephali Petras Kephala Poros Katsambas Ayia Photia
Myrtos I Vasiliki I
Myrtos II Vasiliki II
Palaikastro Vasiliki III
Fig. 2 Chronological chart including assemblages discussed in this conference (E. Alram-Stern – Ch. Schwall; absolute dates according to Manning 1995, Manning 2008, and Weninger – Easton 2014)
of the Aegean, local production and consumption also characterises the EM I period of Crete as well as the EH I period of the northeastern Peloponnese. This is also seen in the emergence of regional pottery styles. Furthermore, aside from firing at low temperatures, firing temperatures were higher than in the previous period and the firing atmosphere was more controlled.25 In summary,
25 Burke et al., this volume; Papadatos – Nodarou, this volume.
all over the Aegean EB I seems to have been a period of local production and regional networks with an indication of the first trends in production specialisation. In the later part of EB I, exterior contacts with more distant regions are attested. On Crete during EM IB Cycladic-style pottery of the Kampos group is attested at several sites, and especially on the northern coast of Crete. These assemblages differ from site to site, each context showing different percentages of Cycladic-style pottery. Furthermore, although form and surface treatment are of Cycladic character, the pottery was most probably produced locally on Crete, and followed the typical Cycladic technological tradition of using calcite, along with the grog-tempering characteristic of Cretan pottery.26 In this way, EB I pottery of late EB I demonstrates interconnectivity not seen during the previous phase. This is mainly evident by the Cycladic Kampos Group on Crete, probably the material expression of intensified contacts with the Aegean. A similar picture arises in Attica and Euboea.27 However, EH I fruitstands, made of a fabric characteristically produced in the area close to Talioti in the Argolid, were circulated as far as Nemea in the Corinthia, indicating regular intensive interaction between these areas and also special use, which can already be argued for this period.28
Early Bronze Age II
For the EB/EM/EH II all over the Aegean, local production continued to dominate imports from other regions. The majority of sites produced pottery locally and followed their own common potting traditions while participating in the same regional exchange network.29 Regional pottery styles with characteristic tablewares such as saucers and sauceboats are common all over mainland Greece, the Peloponnese and the Cyclades.30 They indicate an intensification of social activities, especially feasting based on the same eating/drinking rituals.31 In the northeastern Peloponnese, certain fabric recipes common in the entire area point to the possibility that larger groups shared a certain tradition of pottery making.32 However, during EB/EM/EH II, imports of tablewares from neighbouring regions demonstrate higher interconnectivity than has been seen before. In the Konya plain, the non-local “Metallic Ware” with serpentine inclusions was most probably imported from Cappadocia.33 On Samos, imports from Amorgos/Cyclades are known from Heraion II, in the developed phase of EB II. In the northeastern Peloponnese, dark-slipped green-brown tableware – easily distinguishable from the Argive products34 – had been imported from the Corinthia to the Argolid.35 In Crete, high-quality tablewares were exchanged between south-central and north-central Crete, suggesting these regions were host to specialised potting centres. Furthermore, fine, high-quality tablewares and transport jars were imported from the Cyclades, while western Crete shows imports from Kythera and the Peloponnese.36 Consequently, EB/EH/EM II is characterised as a period of prosperity and interaction characterised by the circulation of prestigious pottery, which indicates an increase in connectivity.
26 Day et al. 2012; Papadatos – Nodarou, this volume.
27 Pantelidou Gofa 2008; see also Alram-Stern forthcoming (a) und (b).
28 Burke et al., this volume.
29 Burke et al., this volume; Kouka – Menelaou, this volume. For the local traditions of Kephallonia and Ithaca see Pentedeka et al., this volume.
30 Alram-Stern, this volume; Berger, this volume; Rambach, this volume.
31 Pullen 2011, 190–192.
32 ‘Mudstone-breccia fabric’: Burke et al., this volume.
33 Gait et al., this volume. For characterisation and date of the metallic ware see Tuba Ökse 2011, 265, 269–270; Friedman 2001.
34 Alram-Stern, this volume.
35 Burke et al., this volume.
36 Papadatos – Nodarou, this volume.
Early Bronze Age II Late – III
With EB/EH II Late, pottery shows clear changes in form and technology as seen in the Anatolianising Lefkandi I/Kastri pottery group in the Aegean and the eastern Greek mainland. This development already started in EB II developed (Heraion II) on Samos and was interrupted with EB III (Heraion IV) when new pottery forms and decoration appeared. While all Anatolianising forms are already present in EB II developed (Heraion II), the depas amphikypellon only appears in EB II Late (Heraion III). The Lefkandi I/Kastri complex is not only connected with a change in form, but also the use of the potter’s wheel. However, on Samos these changes in technology and style are not connected with an augmentation of imports, which become common only with EB III Late (Samos V).37 In Eretria on Euboea during EH IIB, the “Helladic” shapes such as the sauceboat and saucer are used alongside the Anatolianising forms; however, the depas amphikypellon is not present. As on Samos, the Anatolianising forms were produced locally; in contrast, some pottery with Helladic shapes were imported so that it can be argued that, as in the Argolid, imports of pottery indicate contacts. In addition, a significant group of coarse ware, among them a pithos, was imported from the Cyclades. This shows that during EH IIB the circulation of pots is a reflection of an intensification of mobility especially in coastal areas. Also, the use of Anatolianising forms for eating/drinking in specific social contexts highlights potential changes in eating/ drinking rituals during this period.38 During EH III, pottery forms and surface treatment changed in Eretria, perhaps reflecting reproduction and adaption of external influences. Local clay sources continued to be exploited, but the potter’s wheel fell out of use.39 Similarly to coastal Euboea, at the site of Aegina-Kolonna the EH II pottery shows various imports from the Cyclades, Attica and the Peloponnese, which demonstrates the important role of Aegina in the exchange systems of the wider Aegean. In EH IIB, typological and technological changes also appear in Kolonna. In contrast to other sites, they produced tankards and hybrid forms of the “Helladic” pottery repertoire such as sauceboats and askoi.40 Another pottery complex dating to the end of EH II, synchronous with the House of Tiles at Lerna,41 comes from Romanos near Pylos in Messenia. This assemblage comes from the fill of a well and consists of mostly entire vessels, some of them extraordinary in size and shape; it is interpreted as the remnant of a special consumption practice, namely the deposition of pottery in the frame of communal feasting.42 This pottery shows a high degree of standardisation and specialisation, is almost exclusively made from local clay resources, and stands in the local potting traditions; although some pots have strong affinities to the Attic-Cycladic and northeastern Peloponnesian pottery traditions. Interestingly, even at Romanos, which is situated far away from the areas characterised by Anatolianising pottery, a rotating device was used for the production of shallow conical saucers.43 In contrast to the Aegean islands and the eastern Greek mainland, EM IIB Crete is not part of the Anatolianising pottery exchange network. It appears that only the Cretan Vasiliki Ware found in Akrotiri indicates a continuous contact of Crete with the southern Aegean.44 On Crete itself, the dense network of pottery exchange continues, although there is a shift towards products from eastern Crete, indicating a change in the mechanisms of interaction.45
37 Kouka – Menelaou, this volume.
38 Maran 1998.
39 Müller Celka et al., this volume.
40 Berger, this volume.
41 Wiencke 2000, 596.
42 Rambach, this volume.
43 Kordatzaki et al., this volume.
44 Nikolakopoulou et al. 2008, 313.
45 See Papadatos – Nodarou, this volume.
Embedding the Conference Outcome into the Early Bronze Age
Based on our current knowledge of the organisation of cemeteries and settlements46, small to medium scale community groups, probably connected to family groups, formed the foundations of Early Bronze Age societies around 3000 BC.47 As seen generally in the results of ceramic petrographic analyses, production from the very beginning of the Bronze Age ceramic onwards was widespread and located close to sites. However, production strategies varied from small-scale to less common extensive production.48
According to typological studies, networks of interaction between the villages produced regional pottery styles.49 In addition, production areas had a range of distribution patterns, some of which were based on local consumption whilst others had products circulating in a larger area. Generally speaking, imports of pottery are rare between 3000 and 2600 BC (EB I/1) in western Anatolia and the Aegean, and most probably found their way via communication networks built upon affiliations of communities.50 Furthermore, the exchange of goods in ceramic containers appears only rarely during these centuries. These exchange patterns changed during EB II, when imports of transport jars became more common,51 pointing to an intensified exchange of goods most probably based on a more stratified and economically differentiated society.
In Cycladic cemeteries, specific sets of pottery vessels are connected to graves as burial goods from EB I onwards.52 The Kampos group in particular allows us to observe an expansion of these standardised sets of burial goods in graves as far away as Crete. Locally produced pottery was probably linked with the high mobility of distinct groups within the larger Aegean, and suggests ties of communities creating specific burial rituals and sharing perceived value of certain pottery vessels.53 The situation in western Anatolia during the 3rd millennium BC was different, and standardisation in pottery burial goods can be seen, for example, in the Yortan graveyard.54 Patterns within the various western Anatolian regions seem to have differed in terms of scales of connectivity. Whereas the central sites such as Troy or Liman Tepe are highly connected with the Aegean as well as inland Anatolia and beyond, the Bakırçay Valley (Pergamon) appears mostly isolated in this aspect.
From the later EB I (2900–2700 BC) onwards a collective consumption of drinks and food becomes common, and is visible in standardised serving, eating and drinking sets in western Anatolia and the Aegean. This process is observable by the emergence of uniform vessel shapes and related technological features, such as surface treatment. The EB I chalices or pedestalled bowls, which are common in the northern and central Aegean as well as on Crete, contained liquid for more than one person and point to their importance in social events.55 In contrast to the local production and consumption of chalices in the Aegean, the large, red-fired chalices, so-called fruitstands (i.e. pedestalled bowls) common in the northeastern Peloponnese, were produced in the Argolid, and also circulated in neighbouring regions, such as the Corinthia.56 Therefore their
47 Pullen 1985, 259–263; Harrison 1995; For a more recent review of Cretan Early Bronze Age society see Schoep –Tomkins 2012, 12–16; for social structures in EBA 1 western Anatolia including potential transformations see for example Kouka 2002; Ivanova 2013; Horejs – Mehofer 2014; Horejs 2016; Horejs – Schwall 2018; Schwall 2018.
48 Burke et al., this volume.
49 Gosselin 2000, 193–210.
50 For a possible kinship organisation of settlements, comprising several islands, in the Cyclades see Broodbank 2000, 86–87.
51 Wilson 1994, 40, 42–43; Papadatos – Nodarou, this volume; Burke et al., this volume.
52 Doumas 1977; Rambach 2000.
53 Papadatos – Nodarou, this volume; for the connection of pottery to burial rituals see Soles 1992, 247–251.
use in both regions underlines the shared dining practices of the emerging elites of this period.57 Comparable patterns are probably detectable in western Anatolia as well, but require further detailed analyses. The evidence of huge shallow bowls with highly polished surfaces across the region from at least 3000 BC onwards might represent a similar pattern.58
The typological evidence in EB II demonstrates a shared dining repertoire between communities all over the Aegean, based on individual eating and drinking vessels. Saucers and sauceboats were common in the entire area of the Greek mainland and the Aegean (including the western Anatolian coastal zones), and are rarely found on Crete.59 In late EB II, the appearance of an Anatolianising dining set partly replaces these and indicates an intensification of mobility from western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean islands and spreading over the coastal Aegean.60 On Crete, individual dining vessel sets consisting of goblets and plates are common.61 Use contexts including storage62 and deposition63 of standardised dining sets indicate shared dining practices and an intensification of social activities. Furthermore, such shared dining practices should be interpreted as part of the social language of emerging elite groups within a hierarchical system, as also seen in settlement architecture.64 Imports of eating and drinking vessels point to the importance of such communal meetings for inter-settlement communication.65
Acknowledgements: The conference was funded by the Austrian Science Fund projects P 24798-G18, Y 528 and P 25825 as well as by the ERC project 263339. The texts were edited by Stephanie Emra, Kelly Gillikin, Guy Kiddey, Jessica Whalen, Roderick B. Salisbury, and Clare Burke, the layout has been prepared by María Antonia Negrete Martínez; we warmly thank all of them. Thanks to the publication coordination by Ulrike Schuh, the proceedings were published within due time. We are grateful to all contributors to the conference and to this volume, which transformed the challenging idea of a broad contextualisation of manifold scientific results of ceramic analyses into reality
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Pottery Technologies in the Aegean and Anatolia During the 3rd Millennium BC: An Introduction 21
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Anatolia & Eastern Aegean
Early Bronze Age Pottery Workshops Around Pergamon: A Model for Pottery Production in the 3rd Millennium BC
Barbara Horejs1 – Sarah Japp2 – Hans Mommsen3
Abstract: Surveys have revealed new insight into the prehistory of western Anatolia at the Bakırçay Valley and its hinterland. These surveys, conducted between 2008 and 2014, have at the outset focussed on the prehistory of the region, which has long been overshadowed by the famed ancient city of Pergamon that dominates the landscape and regional scholarship. This contribution presents the first results of archaeometric pottery studies and also a preliminary model for pottery production in the early 3rd millennium BC. From its typology, and also a macroscopic examination of wares and fabrics, this collection of pottery from the Early Bronze Age (EBA) is rather homogenous. However analysis of the material by Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) reveals that the material may have originated from different sources. Altogether 112 prehistoric pottery fragments stemming from 12 sites in the area surrounding Pergamon were examined by Neutron Activation Analysis, of which 48 can be dated to the Early Bronze Age. These are presented in detail. The analysis reveals that prehistoric pottery workshops in the region of Pergamon operated over an extended period and used the same clay sources and/or the same clay recipes. However it also appears that some workshops were only active during a specific period. Presumably these workshops did not trade their products over vast distances, but satisfied local needs. Imports are hardly detectable in the Early Bronze Age pottery of the Bakırçay Valley, which fits into the overall social and economic picture of this micro-region during the 3rd millennium BC.
Keywords: Early Bronze Age, Bakırçay Valley, pottery production, NAA, Pergamon, archaeometry
Introduction
The prehistoric period has never been the focus of research in the area of the famed city of Pergamon, including the greater Kaykos or Bakırçay Valley. Aside from day-trips by W. Dörpfeld in 1908 and K. Bittel in the 1940s,4 our information about the prehistory of the region is largely based on a single survey conducted by J. Driehaus and published as an article in 1957.5 The glory of Hellenistic Pergamon seems to have captured the attention of all archaeological research in this area over the past 50 years, and as a result the prehistory of this part of western Anatolia has remained almost completely unknown. It is this deficiency that forms the starting point of our archaeological and environmental survey, which incorporates a broad spectrum of archaeological, archaeometric, and geoarchaeological analyses to examine old finds alongside new material and new sites. The aim of this project is to examine (1) settlement in the area and how it changed over time, (2) the environmental conditions in the valley and at the coast, (3) access to raw materials and their use in combination with potential sources in the region, and (4) how the region was integrated into the wider Aegean-Anatolian world. To date, the project has focused on the earliest permanent settlements in the region, including site clustering, the intensity of habitation, and how the settlement pattern has shifted over time. Investigations conducted between 2008 and 2014 have included archaeological surveys (intensive and extensive), geophysical prospection, and
1 Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology, Austrian Academy of Sciences; barbara.horejs@oeaw.ac.at.
geoarchaeological analyses (drilling and source analysis).6 This contribution presents one aspect of EBA settlement and communities in the Bakırçay Valley along with an archaeometric analysis of pottery in the region, including old and new assemblages.
The Environmental and Archaeological Context
The Bakırçay (Kaykos) River is the defining feature of this micro-region, as demonstrated by the results of palaeogeographic investigations.7 Most of the settlements in the valley are located at the edge of the flood plain, at natural elevations or in the immediate coastal zone of the bay (Fig. 1). Presumably, regular flooding did not allow using the plain for purposes such as transport, meaning also that cultivation or pastoralism could only have taken place at the edge of the plain and at the transition zone to the adjacent ridges.8 However the exceptional location of Yeni Yeldeğirmentepe in the middle of the flood plain suggests a certain stability in the river’s course and water level, at least from the Late Chalcolithic through the Early Bronze Age (4th–3rd millennium BC). Spatial analysis of the character of the landscape in the Gümüşova Valley by D. Knitter using fuzzy logic and environmental data in a GIS demonstrated the limited extent of potential agricultural space.9 Various natural resources were exploited by communities in the region, including cherts, radiolarite, and flints (for knapped stone tools),10 serpentinite and basalt (for ground stone tools), andesite (for grinding stones), and clay (for spindle whorls and pottery). Some of these local sources have been identified by the geological investigations of D. Wolf, including a basalt source at Erigöl Tepe in the middle Bakırçay Valley, cherts and flints in various areas, as well as clay sources.11 Exotic raw materials, including obsidian, are thus far completely absent during the EBA.12 Only two metal objects dating to this period have been recovered in the valley; they are made of arsenical copper and from Mehofer’s analyses probably derive from regional western Anatolian copper deposits.13
Altogether nine archaeological sites dating to the Early Bronze Age (EBA 1) or the Late Chalcolithic–Early Bronze Age 1 transition have been identified (Fig. 1). Four are situated at the Aegean coast (Başantepe, Üyücektepe, Psaltıderesi Höyük, and Elaia), two sites are located in the lower Bakırçay Valley (Çiftlik and Yeni Yeldeğirmentepe), and three sites have been identified at the edge of the Yunt Mountain along small river valleys (Gavur Evleri, Üveçiktepe, Bağlı Tepe). The sites are interpreted as settlements based upon a variety of indicators (collected domestic materials, geophysics, architectural remains at the surface, drillings, etc.), although to what extent they were occupied on a permanent or seasonal basis cannot be determined with certainty. The sites are assigned to this period on the basis of pottery studies, argued elsewhere in detail.14 Due to the lack of excavated sites in the Bakırçay Valley, this pottery chronology is dependent on the excavated material of key sites in the broader region such as Thermi, Troy, Yortan, Liman Tepe, Bakla Tepe, Çukuriçi Höyük, and Beycesultan,15 to mention only a few. These studies provide a
6 For annual reports see Horejs 2010b; Horejs 2011a; Horejs 2012; Horejs 2013; Horejs 2014b; Horejs 2015; Horejs et al. 2016.
7 Seeliger et al. 2011; Schneider et al. 2012; for the Gümüşova Valley see Horejs 2015.
8 For detailed results see also Horejs 2010a; Horejs 2014c.
9 Horejs 2014b, 110–111, figs. 32–34.
10 Horejs 2015, 145.
11 Horejs 2013, 207.
12 Knitter et al. 2013.
13 Horejs 2014c, 115, fig. 6; Mehofer in preparation.
detailed chronology of all catalogued sites for the first centuries of the 3rd millennium BC, defined as EBA 1 from the radiocarbon-based sequences at Çukuriçi IV–III and Troy I.16
The EBA Pottery Assemblage
Pottery comprises the foremost category of finds recovered from our surveys and also from former investigations in the region. All this material is kept at the Pergamon depot. This pottery has been studied in all its conventional aspects such as shape, type, and measurements to develop a regional typology. From a total of 648 diagnostic ceramics, 198 pieces can be dated to the EBA or to the transition from the Late Chalcolithic to the EBA. The statistical averages are, in general, distorted because of selection and storage practices employed in the first of half of the 20th century. In addition, our recent surveys had to follow selection strategies in the field. Comprehensive statistical analyses are only possible with material from sites that have been intensively surveyed (e.g. Yeni Yeldeğirmentepe or Değirmentepe).17 In spite of these difficulties, the assemblage of
16 Horejs – Weninger 2016.
17 E.g. Horejs 2012.
Fig. 1 Prehistoric sites in the Bakırçay Valley based on the Prehistoric Survey Project (map by DAI Pergamon and ERC Prehistoric Anatolia/M. Börner)
around 200 diagnostic ceramics dated to the late 4th and 3rd millennia BC allow some general remarks on pottery from the period.
First, the entire sample of ceramics is handmade. The typical domestic assemblage is composed of shallow bowls with open or carinated mouth (inverted or regularly rounded rims and horizontal tubular lugs), deep bowls with slightly curved or vertical body, necked jars, jugs, narrow-mouthed vessels, s-shaped jars, tripod cooking pots, and probably also pithoi18 (Pls. 1–6). The majority of fine to medium wares are fine-burnished or polished with dense and usually plain and often shiny surfaces. A few tablewares are decorated with incised linear motifs, comparable to Troy I and Çukuriçi IV. Fine to medium wares mostly feature dark-coloured surfaces (grey, dark brown, black) with light breaks (red, orange, brown), whereas the majority of medium to coarse wares are entirely brown or red without slip (Plate 7). Coarse wares are frequently smoothed or medium- to coarsely-burnished, sometimes decorated with small vertical knobs.19 In addition, all sherds have been defined macroscopically to categorise ware groups and to systematically define the technological properties of ceramics in the valley. Macroscopic classifications of hardness, porosity, break, colour, temper, and surface treatment have allowed us to delineate a local system of pottery ware groups (Plate 7).20 This analytical tool has been used to assess the ceramic assemblages at various sites, including Çukuriçi Höyük in the neighbouring region.21 From these studies, samples were selected for further archaeometric analysis. In the course of examining early pottery production in the environs of Pergamon, an archaeological-archaeometric project on the prehistoric pottery was initiated and conducted by S. Japp and H. Mommsen.22
Provenancing and Neutron Activation Analyses (NAA) of Pottery and Data Evaluation
For discerning pottery production sites on the basis of pottery from archaeological surveys or excavations, a well-established and widely accepted method is analysing the elemental composition of the clay. The principles of this method have been described many times23 and are only briefly summarised here. This method is more robust if more elements are included in the analysis, especially if the number of experimental uncertainties (formerly called experimental errors) is rather low. The aim is to define the composition of the clay or clays used in the production workshop, which are generally different for different sites or regions and thus point to the place of origin of the clay. From its comparison to a human fingerprint, the method has also been called, ‘chemical fingerprinting’.
Firing does not change the elemental composition of a ceramic object, except for some volatile elements such as or Br. Thus the pattern that is measured corresponds to the composition of the clay paste prepared by the ancient potter. The length of time during which the object has remained buried also does not alter the composition, aside from specific elements like Ca, which may be leached or deposited particularly at the surface layers, or Ba, which is sometimes introduced into the ground by the use of fertilisers. Also the alkali elements Na, K, Rb, and sometimes Cs can be affected.24 If, at a single workshop, different clay pastes were prepared, and adjustments in preparation affected several elements of the production process, or if different clays were mixed
18 The majority of pithoi seem to date to the 2nd millennium BC, but a few examples might be dated to the EBA.
19 For more details see Horejs 2010a.
20 Horejs et al. 2010c.
21 See Röcklinger – Horejs, this volume.
22 This project was part of the archaeological-archaeometric analysis of pottery excavated in Pergamon and its surroundings that was set up within the framework of the scientific program of the Pergamon Excavation of the German Archaeological Institute: see Pirson 2008, 141–142. The results of the first two sample sessions of Hellenistic and Roman pottery have already been published in Japp 2009; Mommsen – Japp 2009; Schneider – Japp 2009.
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contemplated the iniquity of the Molloy family, the deeper did the iron enter into his soul. If ever he set eyes on Thomas G. Molloy again....
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CHAPTER
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He was still busy with these when there was a forceful knock on the door and Sergeant-Major Flannery entered.
Chimp's grip of the table tightened. He held himself together like one who sees a match set to a train of gunpowder and awaits the shattering explosion. His visitor's lips had begun to move, and Chimp could guess how that parade-ground voice was going to sound to a man with a headache like his.
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"Go away!" moaned Chimp, adding in a low voice what seemed to him a suitable destination.
Mr. Flannery regarded him with mild reproach.
"There's nothing gained, Mr. Twist, by telling me to get to 'ell out of here. I've merely come for the single and simple reason that I thought you would wish to know I've had a conversation with the verlent case upstairs, and the way it looks to me, sir, subject to your approval, is that it 'ud be best not to let him out from under lock and key for some time to come. True, 'e did not attempt anything in the nature of actual physical attack, being prevented no doubt by the fact that there was iron bars between him and me, but his manner throughout was peculiar, not to say odd, and I recommend that all communications be conducted till further notice through the window."
"Do what you like," said Chimp faintly.
"It isn't what I like, sir," bellowed Mr. Flannery virtuously. "It's what you like and instruct, me being in your employment and only 'ere to carry out your orders smartly as you give them. And there's one other matter, sir. As perhaps you are aware, the young lady went off in the little car ..."
"Don't talk to me about the young lady."
"I was only about to say, Mr. Twist, that you will doubtless be surprised to hear that for some reason or another, having started to go off in the little car, the young lady apparently decided on second thoughts to continue her journey by train. She left the little car at Lowick Station, with instructions that it be returned 'ere. I found that young Jakes, the station-master's son, outside with it a moment ago. Tooting the 'orn, he was, the young rascal, and saying he wanted half a crown. Using my own discretion, I gave him sixpence. You
may reimburse me at your leisure and when convenient. Shall I take the little car and put it in the garridge, sir?"
Chimp gave eager assent to this proposition, as he would have done to any proposition which appeared to carry with it the prospect of removing this man from his presence.
"It's funny, the young lady leaving the little car at the station, sir," mused Mr. Flannery in a voice that shook the chandelier. "I suppose she happened to reach there at a moment when a train was signalled and decided that she preferred not to overtax her limited strength by driving to London. I fancy she must have had London as her objective."
Chimp fancied so, too. A picture rose before his eyes of Dolly and Soapy revelling together in the metropolis, with the loot of Rudge Hall bestowed in some safe place where he would never, never be able to get at it. The picture was so vivid that he uttered a groan.
"Where does it catch you, sir?" asked Mr. Flannery solicitously. "Eh?"
"The pain, sir The agony You appear to be suffering. If you take my advice, you'll get off to bed and put an 'ot-water bottle on your stummick. Lay it right across the abdomen, sir. It may dror the poison out. I had an old aunt...."
"I don't want to hear about your aunt."
"Very good, sir. Just as you wish."
"Tell me about her some other time."
"Any time that suits you, sir," said Mr. Flannery agreeably. "Well, I'll be off and putting the little car in the garridge."
He left the room, and Chimp, withdrawing his hands from his eyes, gave himself up to racking thought. A man recovering from knock-out drops must necessarily see things in a jaundiced light, but it is scarcely probable that, even had he been in robust health, Mr. Twist's meditations would have been much pleasanter. Condensed,
they resolved themselves, like John's, into a passionate wish that he could meet Soapy Molloy again, if only for a moment.
And he had hardly decided that such a meeting was the only thing which life now had to offer, when the door opened again and the maid appeared.
"Mr. Molloy to see you, sir."
Chimp started from his chair
"Show him in," he said in a tense, husky voice.
There was a shuffling noise without, and Soapy appeared in the doorway.
II
The progress of Mr. Molloy across the threshold of Chimp Twist's study bore a striking resemblance to that of some spent runner breasting the tape at the conclusion of a more than usually gruelling Marathon race. His hair was disordered, his face streaked with dust and heat, and his legs acted so independently of his body that they gave him an odd appearance of moving in several directions at once. An unbiassed observer, seeing him, could not but have felt a pang of pity for this wreck of what had once, apparently, been a fine, upstanding man.
Chimp was not an unbiassed observer. He did not pity his old business partner. Judging from a first glance, Soapy Molloy seemed to him to have been caught in some sort of machinery, and subsequently run over by several motor lorries, and Chimp was glad of it. He would have liked to seek out the man in charge of that machinery and the drivers of those lorries, and reward them handsomely
"So here you are!" he said.
Mr Molloy, navigating cautiously, backed and filled in the direction of the armchair. Reaching it after considerable difficulty, he gripped its sides and lowered himself with infinite weariness. A sharp exclamation escaped him as he touched the cushions. Then, sinking back, he closed his eyes and immediately went to sleep.
Chimp gazed down at him, seething with resentment that made his head ache worse than ever. That Soapy should have had the cold, callous crust to come to Healthward Ho at all after what had happened was sufficiently infuriating. That, having come, he should proceed without a word of explanation or apology to treat the study as a bedroom was more than Chimp could endure. Stooping down, he gripped his old friend by his luxuriant hair and waggled his head smartly from side to side several times. The treatment proved effective. Soapy sat up.
"Eh?" he said, blinking.
"What
do you mean, eh?"
"Which...?
Why...? Where am I?"
"I'll
tell you where you are."
"Oh!" said Mr. Molloy, intelligence returning. He sank back among the cushions again. Now that the first agony of contact was over he was finding their softness delightful. In the matter of seats, a man who has ridden twenty miles on an elderly push-bicycle becomes an exacting critic.
"Gee! I feel bad!" he murmured.
It was a natural remark, perhaps, for a man in his condition to make, but it had the effect of adding several degrees Fahrenheit to his companion's already impressive warmth. For some moments Chimp Twist, wrestling with his emotion, could find no form of selfexpression beyond a curious spluttering noise.
"Yes, sir," proceeded Mr. Molloy, "I feel bad. All the way over here on a bicycle, Chimpie, that's where I've been. It's in the calf of the leg that it gets me principally. There and around the instep. And I wish I
had a dollar for every bruise those darned pedals have made on me."
"And what about me?" demanded Chimp, at last ceasing to splutter
"Yes, sir," said Mr. Molloy, wistfully, "I certainly wish someone would come along and offer me even as much as fifty cents for every bruise I've gotten from the ankles upwards. They've come out on me like a rash or something."
"If you had my headache...."
"Yes, I've a headache, too," said Mr. Molloy. "It was the hot sun beating down on my neck that did it. There were times when I thought really I'd have to pass the thing up. Say, if you knew what I feel like...."
"And how about what I feel like?" shrilled Mr. Twist, quivering with self-pity. "A nice thing that was that wife of yours did to me! A fine trick to play on a business partner! Slipping stuff into my highball that laid me out cold. Is that any way to behave? Is that a system?"
Mr. Molloy considered the point.
"The madam is a mite impulsive," he admitted.
"And leaving me laying there and putting a lily in my hand!"
"That was her playfulness," explained Mr. Molloy. "Girls will have their bit of fun."
"Fun! Say...."
Mr. Molloy felt that it was time to point the moral.
"It was your fault, Chimpie. You brought it on yourself by acting greedy and trying to get the earth. If you hadn't stood us up for that sixty-five—thirty-five of yours, all this would never have happened. Naturally no high-spirited girl like the madam wasn't going to stand for nothing like that. But listen while I tell you what I've come about. If you're willing to can all that stuff and have a fresh deal and a square one this time—one-third to me, one-third to you, and one-third to the madam—I'll put you hep to something that'll make you feel good. Yes, sir, you'll go singing about the house."
"The only thing you could tell me that would make me feel good," replied Chimp, churlishly, "would be that you'd tumbled off of that bicycle of yours and broken your damned neck."
Mr. Molloy was pained.
"Is that nice, Chimpie?"
Mr. Twist wished to know if, in the circumstances and after what had occurred, Mr Molloy expected him to kiss him. Mr Molloy said No, but where was the sense of harsh words? Where did harsh words get anybody? When had harsh words ever paid any dividend?
"If you had a headache like mine, Chimpie," said Mr. Molloy, reproachfully, "you'd know how it felt to sit and listen to an old friend giving you the razz."
Chimp was obliged to struggle for a while with a sudden return of his spluttering.
"A headache like yours? Where do you get that stuff? My headache's a darned sight worse than your headache."
"It couldn't be, Chimpie."
"If you want to know what a headache really is, you take some of those kayo drops you're so fond of."
"Well, putting that on one side," said Mr. Molloy, wisely forbearing to argue, "let me tell you what I've come here about. Chimpie, that guy Carmody has double-crossed us. He was on to us from the start."
"What!"
"Yes, sir I had it from his own lips in person. And do you know what he done? He took that stuff out of the closet and sent his chauffeur over to Worcester to put it in the Left Luggage place at the depôt there."
"What!"
"Yes, sir."
"Gee!" said Mr. Twist, impressed. "That was smooth. Then you haven't got it, do you mean?"
"No. I haven't got it."
Mr. Twist had never expected to feel anything in the nature of elation that day or for many days to come, but at these words something like ecstasy came upon him. He uttered a delighted laugh, which, owing to sudden agony in the head, changed to a muffled howl.
"So, after all your smartness," he said, removing his hands from his temples as the spasm passed, "you're no better off than what I am?"
"We're both sitting pretty, Chimpie, if we get together and act quick."
"How's that? Act how?"
"I'll tell you. This chauffeur guy left the stuff and brought home the ticket...."
"... and gave it to old man Carmody, I suppose? Well, where does that get us?"
"No, sir! He didn't give it to old man Carmody. He gave it to that young Carroll fellow!" said Mr. Molloy.
The significance of the information was not lost upon Chimp. He stared at Mr. Molloy.
"Carroll?" he said. "You mean the bird upstairs?"
"Is he upstairs?"
"Sure he's upstairs. Locked in a room with bars on the window. You're certain he has the ticket?"
"I know he has. So all we've got to do now is get it off him."
"That's all?"
"That's all."
"And how," inquired Chimp, "do you propose to do it?"
Mr. Molloy made no immediate reply. The question was one which, in the intervals of dodging the pedals of his bicycle, he had been asking himself ever since he had left Rudge Hall. He had hoped that in the enthusiasm of the moment some spontaneous solution would leap from his old friend's lips, but it was plain that this was not to be.
"I thought maybe you would think of a way, Chimpie," he was compelled to confess.
"Oh? Me, eh?"
"You're smart," said Mr. Molloy, deferentially. "You've got a head. Whatever anyone's said about you, no one's ever denied that. You'll think of a way."
"I will, will I? And while I'm doing it, you'll just sit back, I suppose, and have a nice rest? And all you're suggesting that I'm to get out of it...."
"Now, Chimpie!" quavered Mr. Molloy. He had feared this development.
"... is a measly one-third. Say, let me tell you...."
"Now, Chimpie," urged Mr. Molloy, with unshed tears in his voice, "let's not start all that over again. We settled the terms. Gentlemen's agreement. It's all fixed."
"Is it? Come down out of the clouds, you're scaring the birds. What I want now, if I'm going to do all the work and help you out of a tough spot, is seventy-thirty."
"Seventy-thirty!' echoed Mr. Molloy, appalled.
"And if you don't like it let's hear you suggest a way of getting that ticket off of that guy upstairs. Maybe you'd like to go up and have a talk with him? If he's feeling anything like the way I felt when I came to after those kayo drops of yours, he'll be glad to see you. What does it matter to you if he pulls your head off and drops it out of the window? You can only live once, so what the hell!"
Mr. Molloy gazed dismally before him. Never a very inventive man, his bicycle ride had left him even less capable of inspiration than usual. He had to admit himself totally lacking in anything resembling a constructive plan of campaign. He yearned for his dear wife's gentle presence. Dolly was the bright one of the family. In a crisis like this she would have been full of ideas, each one a crackerjack.
"We can't keep him locked up in that room for ever," he said unhappily.
"We don't have to—not if you agree to my seventy-thirty."
"Have you thought of a way, then?"
"Sure I've thought of a way."
Mr. Molloy's depression became more marked than ever. He knew what this meant. The moment he gave up the riddle that miserable little Chimp would come out with some scheme which had been staring him in the face all along, if only he had had the intelligence to see it.
"Well?" said Chimp. "Think quick. And remember, thirty's better than nothing. And don't say, when I've told you, that it's just the idea you've had yourself from the start."
Mr. Molloy urged his weary brain to one last spurt of activity, but without result. He was a specialist. He could sell shares in phantom oil wells better than anybody on either side of the Atlantic, but there he stopped. Outside his specialty he was almost a total loss.
"All right, Chimpie," he sighed, facing the inevitable.
"Seventy-thirty?"
"Seventy-thirty. Though how I'm to break it to the madam, I don't know. She won't like it, Chimpie. It'll be a nasty blow for the madam."
"I hope it chokes her," said Chimp, unchivalrously. "Her and her lilies! Well, then. Here's what we do. When Flannery takes the guy his coffee and eggs to-morrow, there'll be something in the pot besides coffee. There'll be some of those kayo drops of yours. And then all we have to do is just simply walk upstairs and dig the ticket out of his clothes and there we are."
Mr. Molloy uttered an agonized cry. His presentiment had been correct.
"I'd have thought of that myself ..." he wailed.
"Sure you would," replied Chimp, comfortably, "if you'd of had something that wasn't a hubbard squash or something where your head ought to be. Those just-as-good imitation heads never pay in
the long run. What you ought to do is sell yours for what it'll fetch and get a new one. And next time," said Chimp, "make it a prettier one."
CHAPTER XIII I
The dawn of what promised to be an eventful day broke grayly over Healthward Ho. By seven o'clock, however, the sun had forced its way through the mists and at eight precisely one of its rays, stealing in at an upper window, fell upon Sergeant-Major Flannery, lovely in sleep. He grunted, opened his eyes, and, realizing that another morning had arrived with all its manifold tasks and responsibilities, heaved himself out of bed and after a few soldierly setting-up exercises began his simple toilet. This completed, he made his way to the kitchen, where a fragrant smell of bacon and coffee announced that breakfast awaited him.
His companions in the feast, Rosa, the maid, and Mrs. Evans, the cook, greeted him with the respectful warmth due to a man of his position and gifts. However unpopular Mr. Flannery might be with the resident patients of Healthward Ho—and Admiral Sir James RigbyRudd, for one, had on several occasions expressed a wistful desire to skin him—he was always sure of a hearty welcome below stairs. Rosa worshipped his moustache, and Mrs. Evans found his conversation entertaining.
To-day, however, though the moustache was present in all its pristine glory, the conversation was lacking. Usually it was his custom, before so much as spearing an egg, to set things going brightly with some entertaining remark on the state of the weather or possibly the absorbing description of a dream which he had had in the night, but this morning he sat silent—or as nearly silent as he could ever be when eating.
"A penny for your thoughts, Mr Flannery," said Mrs. Evans, piqued. The Sergeant-Major started. It came to him that he had been remiss.
"I was thinking, ma'am," he said, poising a forkful of bacon, "of what I may call the sadness of life."
"Life is sad," agreed Mrs. Evans.
"Ah!" said Rosa, the maid, who, being a mere slip of a girl and only permitted to join in these symposia as a favour, should not have spoken at all.
"That verlent case upstairs," proceeded Mr. Flannery, swallowing the bacon and forking up another load. "Now, there's something that makes your heart bleed, if I may use the expression at the breakfast table. That young fellow, no doubt, started out in life with everything pointing to a happy and prosperous career.
"Good home, good education, everything. And just because he's allowed himself to fall into bad 'abits, there he is under lock and key, so to speak."
"Can he get out?" asked Rosa. It was a subject which she and the cook discussed in alarmed whispers far into the night.
Mr. Flannery raised his eyebrows.
"No, he cannot get out. And, if he did, you wouldn't have nothing to fear, not with me around."
"I'm sure it's a comfort feeling that you are around, Mr. Flannery," said Mrs. Evans.
"Almost the very words the young fellow's sister said to me when she left him here," rumbled Mr. Flannery complacently. "She said to me, 'Sergeant-Major,' she said, 'it's such a relief to feel that there's someone like you 'ere, Sergeant-Major,' she said. 'I'm sure you're wonderful in any kind of an emergency, Sergeant-Major,' she said." He sighed. "It's thinking of 'er that brings home the sadness of it all to a man, if you understand me. What I mean, here's that beautiful young creature racked with anxiety, as the saying is, on account of this worthless brother of hers...."
"I didn't think she was so beautiful," said Rosa. An awful silence followed these words, the sort of silence that would fall upon a housekeeper's room if, supposing such a thing possible, some young under-footman were to contradict the butler. SergeantMajor Flannery's eyes bulged, and he drank coffee in a marked manner.
"Don't you talk nonsense, my girl," he said shortly.
"A girl can speak, can't she? A girl can make a remark, can't she?"
"Certainly she can speak," replied Mr. Flannery. "Undoubtedly she can make a remark. But," he added with quiet severity, "let it be sense. That young lady was the most beautiful young lady I've ever seen. She had eyes"—he paused for a telling simile—"eyes," he resumed devoutly, "like twin stars." He turned to Mrs. Evans, "When you've got that case's breakfast ready, ma'am, perhaps you would instruct someone to bring it out to me in the garden and I'll take it up to him. I shall be smoking my pipe in the shrubbery."
"You're not going already, Mr. Flannery?"
"Yes, ma'am."
"But you haven't finished your breakfast."
"I have quite finished my breakfast, ma'am," said Sergeant-Major Flannery. "I would not wish to eat any more."
He withdrew. To the pleading in the eyes of Rosa he pointedly paid no attention. He was not aware of the destructive effect which the moustache nestling between his thumb and forefinger had wrought on the girl's heart, but he considered rightly that if you didn't keep women in their place occasionally, where were you? Rosa was a nice little thing, but nice little things must not be allowed to speak lightly of goddesses.
In the kitchen which he had left conversation had now resolved itself into a monologue by Mrs. Evans, on the Modern Girl. It need not be reported in detail, for Mrs. Evans on the Modern Girl was very like all the other members of the older generation who from time to time have given their views on the subject in the pulpit and the press.
Briefly, Mrs. Evans did not know what girls were coming to nowadays. They spoke irreverently in the presence of their elders. They lacked respect. They thrust themselves forward. They annoyed good men to the extent of only half finishing their breakfasts. What Mrs. Evans's mother would have said if Mrs. Evans in her girlhood had behaved as Rosa had just behaved was a problem which Mrs. Evans frankly admitted herself unable to solve.
And at the end of it all the only remark which Rosa vouchsafed was a repetition of the one which had caused Sergeant-Major Flannery to leave the table short one egg and a slice of bacon of his normal allowance.
"I didn't think she was so beautiful," said Rosa, tossing a bobbed auburn head.
Whether this deplorable attitude would have reduced Mrs. Evans to a despairing silence or caused her to repeat her observations with renewed energy will never be known, for at this moment one of the bells above the dresser jangled noisily.
"That's Him," said Mrs. Evans. "Go and see what He wants." She usually referred to the proprietor of Healthward Ho by means of a pronoun with a capital letter, disapproving, though she recognized its aptness, of her assistant's preference for the soubriquet of Old Monkey Brand. "If it's His breakfast, tell Him it'll be ready in a minute."
Rosa departed.
"It's not His breakfast," she announced, returning. "It's the Case Upstairs's breakfast. Old Monkey Brand wants to have a look at it before it's took him."
"Don't call Him Old Monkey Brand."
"Well, it's what he looks like, isn't it?"
"Never mind," replied Mrs. Evans, and resumed her speculations as to what her mother would have said.
"He's to have some bacon and eggs and toast and a potter coffee," said Rosa, showing rather a lack of interest in Mrs. Evans's mother.
"And old Lord Twist wants to have a look at it before it's took him. It all depends what you call beautiful," said Rosa. "If you're going to call anyone beautiful that's got touched-up hair and eyes like one of those vamps in the pictures, well, all I can say is..."
"That's enough," said Mrs. Evans.
Silence reigned in the kitchen, broken only by the sizzling of bacon and the sniffs of a modern girl who did not see eye to eye with her elders on the subject of feminine beauty.
"Here you are," said Mrs. Evans at length. "Get me one of them trays and the pepper and salt and mustard and be careful you don't drop it."
"Drop it? Why should I drop it?"
"Well, don't."
"There was a woman in Hearts and Satins that had eyes just like hers," said Rosa, balancing the tray and speaking with the cold scorn which good women feel for their erring sisters. "And what she didn't do! Apart from stealing all them important papers relating to the invention...."
"You're spilling that coffee."
"No, I'm not."
"Well, don't," said Mrs. Evans.
IIOut in the garden, hidden from the gaze of any who might espy him and set him to work, Sergeant-Major Flannery lolled in the shrubbery, savouring that best smoke of the day, the after-breakfast pipe. He was still ruffled, for Dolly had made a deep impression on him and any statement to the effect that she was not a thing of loveliness ranked to his thinking under the head of blasphemy.
Of course, he mused, there was this to be said for the girl Rosa, this rather important point to be put forward in extenuation of her loose speech—she worshipped the ground he walked on and had obviously spoken as she did under the sudden smart of an uncontrollable jealousy. Contemplated in this light her remarks became almost excusable, and, growing benevolent under the influence of tobacco, Mr. Flannery began to feel his resentment changing gradually into something approaching tenderness.
Rosa, when you came to look at it squarely, was, he reflected, rather to be pitied than censured. Young girls, of course, needed suppressing at times, and had to be ticked off for their own good when they got above themselves, but there was no doubt that the situation must have been trying to one in her frame of mind. To hear the man she worshipped speaking with unrestrained praise of the looks of another of her sex was enough to upset any girl. Properly looked at, in short, Rosa's outburst had been a compliment, and Sergeant-Major Flannery, now definitely mollified, decided to forgive her.
At this moment he heard footsteps on the gravel path that skirted the shrubbery, and became alert and vigilant. He was not supposed to smoke in the grounds at Healthward Ho because of the maddening effect the spectacle could not fail to have upon the patients if they saw him. He knocked out his pipe and peered cautiously through the branches. Then he perceived that he need have had no alarm. It was only Rosa. She was standing with her back to him holding a laden tray. He remembered now that he had left instructions that the Case's breakfast should be brought out to him, preliminary to being carried up the ladder
"Mr. Flanner-ee!" called Rosa, and scanned the horizon.
It was not often that Sergeant-Major Flannery permitted himself any action that might be called arch or roguish, but his meditations in the shrubbery, added to the mellowing influence of tobacco, had left him in an unusually light-hearted mood. The sun was shining, the little birds were singing, and Mr. Flannery felt young and gay. Putting his pipe in his pocket, accordingly, he crept through the shrubbery until
he was immediately behind the girl and then in a tender whisper uttered the single word: "Boo!"
All great men have their limitations. We recognize the inevitability of this and do not hold it against them. One states, therefore, not in any spirit of reproach but simply as a fact of historical interest, that tender whispering was one of the things that Sergeant-Major Flannery did not do well. Between intention and performance there was, when Mr. Flannery set out to whisper tenderly, a great gulf fixed. The actual sound he now uttered was not unlike that which might proceed from the fog horn of an Atlantic liner or a toastmaster having a fit in a boiler shop, and, bursting forth as it did within a few inches of her ear without any warning whatsoever, it had on Rosa an effect identical with that produced on Colonel Wyvern at an earlier point in this chronicle by John Carroll's sudden bellow outside the shop of Chas. Bywater, Chemist. From trivial causes great events may spring. Rosa sprang about three feet. A sharp squeal escaped her and she dropped the tray. After which, she stood with a hand on her heart, panting.
Sergeant-Major Flannery recognized at once that he had done the wrong thing. His generous spirit had led him astray If he had wished to inform Rosa that all was forgotten and forgiven he should have stepped out of the shrubbery and said so in a few simple words, face to face. By acting, as it were, obliquely and allowing himself to be for the moment a disembodied voice, he had made a mess of things. Among the things he had made a mess of were a pot of coffee, a pitcher of milk, a bowl of sugar, a dish of butter, vessels containing salt, mustard, and pepper, a rack of toast, and a plateful of eggs and bacon. All these objects now littered the turf before him; and, emerging from the shrubbery, he surveyed them ruefully "Oo-er!" he said.
Oddly enough, relief rather than annoyance seemed to be the emotion dominating his companion. If ever there was an occasion when a girl might excusably have said some of the things girls are so
good at saying nowadays, this was surely it. But Rosa merely panted at the Sergeant-Major thankfully.
"I thought you was the Case Upstairs!" she gasped. "When I heard that ghastly sound right in my ear I thought it was him got out."
"You're all right, my girl," said Mr. Flannery. "I'm 'ere."
"Oh, Mr. Flannery!"
"There, there!" said the Sergeant-Major.
In spite of the feeling that he was behaving a little prematurely, he slipped a massive arm around the girl's waist. He also kissed her. He had not intended to commit himself quite so definitely as this, but it seemed now the only thing to do.
Rosa became calmer.
"I dropped the tray," she said.
"Yes," said Mr. Flannery, who was quick at noticing things.
"I'd better go and tell him."
"Tell Mr. Twist?"
"Well, I'd better, hadn't I?"
Mr. Flannery demurred. To tell Mr. Twist involved explanations, and explanations, if they were to be convincing, must necessarily reveal him, Mr. Flannery, in a light none too dignified. It might be that, having learned the facts, Mr. Twist would decide to dispense with the services of an assistant who, even from the best motives, hid in shrubberies and said "Boo!" to maidservants.
"You listen to me, my girl," he advised. "Mr. Twist is a busy gentleman that has many responsibilities and much to occupy him. He don't want to be bothered with no stories of dropped trays. All you just do is run back to the kitchen and tell Mrs. Evans to cook the Case some more breakfast. The coffee pot's broke, but the cup ain't broke and the plate ain't broke and the mustardan-pepperan-salt thing ain't broke. I'll pick 'em up and you take 'em back on the tray
and don't say nothing to nobody While you're gone I'll be burying what's left of them eggs."
"But Mr. Twist put something special in the coffee."
"Eh? How do you mean?"
"When I took him in the tray just now, he said, 'Is that the Case Upstairs' breakfast?' and I said Yes, it was, and Old Monkey Brand put something that looked like a aspirin tablet or something in the coffee pot. I thought it might be some medicine he had to have to make him quiet and keep him from breaking out and murdering all of us."
Mr. Flannery smiled indulgently.
"That Case Upstairs don't need nothing of that sort, not when I'm around," he said. "Doctor Twist's like all these civilians. He gets unduly nervous. He don't understand that there's no need or necessity or occasion whatsoever for these what I may call sedatives when I'm on the premises to lend a 'and in case of any verlence. Besides, it don't do anybody no good always to be taking these drugs and what not. The Case 'ad 'is sleeping draught yesterday, and you never know it might not undermine his 'ealth to go taking another this morning. So if Mr. Twist asks you has the Case had his coffee, you just say 'Yes, sir,' in a smart and respectful manner, and I'll do the same. And then nobody needn't be any the wiser."
Mr. Flannery's opportunity of doing the same occurred not more than a quarter of an hour later. Returning from the task of climbing the ladder and handing in the revised breakfast at John's window, he encountered his employer in the hall.
"Oh, Flannery," said Mr. Twist.
"Sir?"
"The—er—the violent case. Has he had breakfast?"
"He was eatin' it quite 'earty when I left him not five minutes ago, sir."
