The Social Infrastructure
On July 12, 1995, a tropical air mass with searing heat and high humidity settled over Chicago, making it feel like Jakarta or Kuala Lumpur. On July 13, the temperature hit 106 degrees and the heat index, which measures how a typical person experiences the weather, reached 126. Local newspapers and television stations announced that the heat wave could be dangerous, but they didn’t recognize its severity. Along with basic health warnings and meteorological reports, they also ran humorous stories about how to “ward off wardrobe wilt and makeup meltdown” and shop for air conditioners. “This is the kind of weather we pray for,” said a spokesperson for one
regional supplier. The Chicago Tribune advised readers to “slow down” and “think cool thoughts.”
Chicago broke its record for energy consumption that day, and the surge in demand overwhelmed the electrical grid, causing outages in more than two hundred thousand homes, some lasting for days. Water pumps failed, leaving units on high floors dry. Across the city, buildings baked like ovens, roads and railways buckled, thousands of cars and buses overheated. Children riding school buses to camp got stuck in gridlocked traffic and had to be hosed off by public health crews to avoid heat stroke. Despite the mounting problems, Chicago’s city government neglected to declare a state of emergency. The mayor, along with leaders of several key city agencies, was out of the city, vacationing in a cooler spot. But millions of residents were stuck in the heat.
Like all cities, Chicago is a heat island, with paved roads and metallic buildings that attract the sun’s warmth and heavy pollution that traps it. While the verdant suburbs surrounding Chicago cooled down at night, urban neighborhoods continued to broil. So many people called 911 that paramedics had to put some of them on hold. Thousands rushed to emergency rooms with heat-related illnesses, and nearly half of the city’s hospitals refused to admit new patients because they had no more space. A line of trucks formed outside the Cook County Medical Examiner’s Office, waiting to unload dead bodies. There were 222 bays at the morgue, all of them filled. The owner of a meatpacking company offered to bring a forty-eight-footlong refrigerated truck. When it was fully loaded, he brought another, and another, until nine trucks holding hundreds of bodies were jammed into the parking lot. “I’ve never seen anything like this in my life,” said the medical examiner. “We’re overwhelmed.”
During the week between July 14 and July 20, 739 people in excess of the norm died in Chicago, roughly seven times the toll from Superstorm Sandy and more than twice as many as in the Great Chicago Fire. Before all the bodies had been buried, scientists began to look for patterns behind the deaths. The US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) sent a team of researchers from
Atlanta and recruited dozens more in Chicago to investigate. Interviewers visited the homes of more than 700 people, creating “matched pairs” of victims and surviving neighbors and compiling demographic information that they used for comparison. Some of the results were unsurprising: Having a working air conditioner reduced the risk of death by 80 percent. Social isolation increased the risk. Living alone was particularly dangerous, because people often fail to recognize the symptoms and the severity of heat-related illnesses. A close connection to another person, even to a pet, made people far more likely to survive.
But fascinating patterns did emerge. Women fared far better than men, because they have stronger ties to friends and family. Despite high levels of poverty, Latinos had an easier time than other ethnic groups in Chicago, simply because in Chicago they tend to live in crowded apartments and densely packed neighborhoods, places where dying alone is nearly impossible.
For the most part, heat wave mortality was strongly correlated with segregation and inequality: eight of the ten community areas with the highest death rates were virtually all African American, with pockets of concentrated poverty and violent crime. These were places where old or sick people were at risk of hunkering down at home and dying alone during the heat wave. At the same time, three of the ten neighborhoods with the lowest heat wave death rates were also poor, violent, and predominantly African American, while another was poor, violent, and predominantly Latino. On paper, these neighborhoods looked like they should have fared badly in the heat wave. In fact, they were more resilient than Chicago’s most affluent areas. Why?
I grew up in Chicago, and when the heat wave hit I was about to move to California for graduate school. I had no plans to return to my home city. I hadn’t thought much about neighborhoods, natural disasters, or the climate. But I couldn’t stop thinking about the heat wave, and the puzzle of why some people and places that seemed fated for disaster managed to avoid it. Although I did move to California, I scrapped my plan to study the drug business and started
digging into the disaster. I came back to Chicago whenever I could and eventually moved there to conduct fieldwork, turning my family’s basement into an operations center and making the heat wave the subject of my dissertation.
Like the CDC, I conducted my own comparison of “matched pairs,” only I was looking at how the heat wave affected entire neighborhoods, not just individuals. To get oriented, I found a map of heat deaths and laid it over various maps of poverty, violence, segregation, and aging in Chicago neighborhoods. I identified adjacent communities that had similar demographic profiles yet sharply different rates of heat wave mortality. I ran the numbers, analyzing all the neighborhood data that social scientists ordinarily use, but none of the standard variables could explain the divergent outcomes. So I turned off my computer and hit the streets.
At ground level, I could observe certain neighborhood conditions that aren’t visible in quantitative data. Statistics do not convey the differences between poor, minority neighborhoods that are cursed with empty lots, broken sidewalks, abandoned homes, and shuttered storefronts, and those that are densely peopled, busy with foot traffic, enlivened by commercial activity and well-maintained parks, and supported by strong community organizations. As I got to know the rhythms of life in various Chicago neighborhoods, I learned how much these local conditions mattered, both every day and during the disaster.
Consider Englewood and Auburn Gresham, two adjacent neighborhoods on the hypersegregated South Side of Chicago. In 1995, they were both 99 percent African American, with similar proportions of elderly residents. Both had high rates of poverty, unemployment, and violent crime. Englewood was one of the most perilous places during the disaster, with 33 deaths per 100,000 residents. But Auburn Gresham’s death rate was 3 deaths per 100,000 residents, making it one of the most resilient places in the city—safer, even, than tony Lincoln Park and the Near North Side.
By the end of my research, I’d discovered that the key difference between neighborhoods like Auburn Gresham and others that are
demographically similar turned out to be what I call social infrastructure: the physical places and organizations that shape the way people interact.
Social infrastructure is not “social capital”—a concept commonly used to measure people’s relationships and interpersonal networks— but the physical conditions that determine whether social capital develops. When social infrastructure is robust, it fosters contact, mutual support, and collaboration among friends and neighbors; when degraded, it inhibits social activity, leaving families and individuals to fend for themselves. Social infrastructure is crucially important, because local, face-to-face interactions—at the school, the playground, and the corner diner—are the building blocks of all public life. People forge bonds in places that have healthy social infrastructures—not because they set out to build community, but because when people engage in sustained, recurrent interaction, particularly while doing things they enjoy, relationships inevitably grow.
During the heat wave, the people of Englewood were vulnerable not just because they were black and poor but also because their neighborhood had been abandoned. The residential blocks looked and felt “bombed out,” and the social infrastructure that had once supported collective life had deteriorated. Between 1960 and 1990, Englewood lost 50 percent of its residents and most of its commercial outlets, as well as its social cohesion. “We used to be much closer, more tight-knit,” says Hal Baskin, who has lived in Englewood for fifty-two years and currently leads a campaign against neighborhood violence. “Now we don’t know who lives across the street or around the corner. And old folks are apprehensive about leaving their homes.”
Epidemiologists have firmly established the relationship between social connections, health, and longevity. In the past few decades, leading health journals have published dozens of articles documenting the physical and mental benefits of social ties. But there’s a prior question that scientists have not explored as thoroughly: What conditions in the places we inhabit make it more
likely that people will develop strong or supportive relationships, and what conditions make it more likely that people will grow isolated and alone?
After the heat wave, prominent Chicago officials publicly declared that the socially isolated people who died had effectively chosen their own fate, and that the communities they lived in had sealed that fate. The mayor, Richard M. Daley, criticized people for not looking after their neighbors, and the human services commissioner, Daniel Alvarez, complained to the press about “people that die because they neglect themselves.” But when I spent time in Chicago’s most vulnerable neighborhoods, I observed something different. Those who lived there expressed the same values endorsed by residents of more resilient places, and they made genuine efforts to help one another, in both ordinary and difficult times. The difference was not cultural. It was not about how much people cared about one another or their community. It was that in places like Englewood, the shoddy social infrastructure discouraged interaction and impeded mutual support, whereas in places like Auburn Gresham the social infrastructure encouraged those things.
During the decades that residents fled neighborhoods like Englewood, Chicago’s most resilient places experienced little or no population loss. In 1995, residents of Auburn Gresham walked to diners, parks, barbershops, and grocery stores. They participated in block clubs and church groups. They knew their neighbors—not because they made special efforts to meet them, but because they lived in a place where casual interaction was a feature of everyday life. During the heat wave, these ordinary routines made it easy for people to check in on one another and knock on the doors of elderly, vulnerable neighbors. “It’s what we always do when it’s very hot or very cold here,” says Betty Swanson, who has lived in Auburn Gresham for nearly fifty years. It’s what they always do, period, no matter the weather. And with heat waves becoming more frequent and more severe, living in a neighborhood with a social infrastructure like Auburn Gresham’s is the rough equivalent of having a working air conditioner in every home.
I first reported my findings about the significance of the social infrastructure during the Chicago disaster in my dissertation, and then in a book called Heat Wave. When I finished, I began thinking beyond that particular catastrophic event and investigating the ways that local resources such as libraries, barbershops, and community organizations affect people during ordinary times too. I took a closer look at the neighborhoods that proved so resilient during the heat wave, and I noticed something extraordinary: they were always significantly safer and healthier than other places that are demographically similar, and by margins that were startlingly large. A half decade before the disaster, for instance, life expectancy in Auburn Gresham was more than five years higher than it was in Englewood. The disparity was even greater—ten years—in another matched pair of adjacent neighborhoods that I’d compared extensively: longevity in South Lawndale (also known as Little Village) was significantly higher than in North Lawndale. These differences were so dramatic, and so pervasive, that they made me wonder whether social infrastructure was even more important than I’d realized. I needed to explore the hidden networks and taken-for-granted systems that support—or, in some cases, undermine—all variety of collective life.
This time, I really did leave Chicago. After all, my hometown’s depleted neighborhoods are not the only places that suffer from social disconnection, and the problems affected by social infrastructure transcend heat and health. I moved to New York City, where I began teaching at New York University, and I spent two years at Stanford University. I conducted research in many American cities as well as Argentina, England, France, the Netherlands, Japan, and Singapore. While each of the places I’ve studied has distinctive ecological challenges, political systems, and cultural orientations, their residents share similar concerns. Today, societies around the
world are becoming more fragmented, divided, and conflicted. The social glue has come undone.
According to Canada’s Global News, “We all live in a bubble.” The BBC warns that “class segregation” is “on the rise,” in England. Today Online reports that “India is regressing in the happiness rankings primarily due to abysmal social capital and a lack of interpersonal trust.” Distrust and fear stemming from extreme inequality have fueled a spike in gated communities and armed private security across Latin America. The Associated Press reports that “private guards outnumber public officers” by four to one in Brazil, five to one in Guatemala, and nearly seven to one in Honduras. Foreign Policy notes that in China, “stratification has emerged in a society that had hitherto tried to eradicate the very concept….Social class has become increasingly entrenched, opportunities for upward mobility increasingly limited.” Even the Internet, which was supposed to deliver unprecedented cultural diversity and democratic communication, has become an echo chamber where people see and hear what they already believe.
In the United States, the presidential election of 2016 was an especially disturbing example of political polarization, and the long campaign exposed social chasms far deeper than even the most worried experts had recognized. The language of red and blue states seems too weak to describe America’s splintered cultural and political geography.
The oppositions are not merely ideological, and the divisions run deeper than Trump vs. Clinton, Black Lives Matter vs. Blue Lives Matter, Save the Planet vs. Drill, Baby, Drill. Across America, people complain that their communities feel weaker, that they spend more time on their devices and less time with one another, that schools and sports teams and workplaces have become unbearably competitive, that insecurity is rampant, that the future is uncertain and in some places bleak. Worrying about the decline of communities is a hallmark of modern societies and a trope among public intellectuals. Although I’ve written extensively about social isolation, I’ve long been a skeptic of claims that we’re lonelier and
more disconnected than we were in some mythical golden age. But even I am forced to acknowledge that, in the United States, as in other parts of the world, the social order now feels precarious. Authoritarian leaders threaten to undo entrenched democratic systems. Nations break away from political alliances. Cable news tells its viewers only what they want to hear.
These fissures are expanding at an inopportune moment. The United States, like most developed nations, faces profound challenges—including climate change, an aging population, runaway inequality, and explosive ethnic divisions—that we can address only if we establish stronger bonds with one another and develop some shared interests too. After all, in a deeply divided society each group fends for itself above all others: The rich may make philanthropic contributions, but their own interests are paramount. The young neglect the old. Industries pollute without regard for those downwind or downstream.
Few seem happy about these divisions—oddly, not even the winners. For much of the twentieth century, business leaders and wealthy families believed that they too would benefit from a social pact with blue-collar workers and middle-class professionals; after the Depression, they even supported housing and unemployment insurance for the poor. The system that the United States created was hardly perfect, and entire social programs (for housing, health, and education, among others) said to benefit “the public” actually excluded African Americans and Latinos, who were forcibly relegated into separate social worlds. But by sharing the wealth, investing in vital infrastructure, and promoting an ever-expanding vision of the common good, the nation achieved unprecedented levels of not only social stability but social security too.
Today, this collective project is in shambles. In recent decades, the 1 percent has taken home an outsize share of the nation’s economic gains, while the bottom 80 percent of workers have seen their wages stagnate or decline. When millions lost their homes in the foreclosure crisis, the most affluent Americans locked up their spoils, buying “safe deposit boxes in the sky” in soaring urban condominium
towers. Those who could afford it went one step further, building survivalist retreats in New Zealand or the wooded Pacific Northwest, secluded places where they can prepare for civilization’s end. Meanwhile, the quality of public services deteriorated badly, as did the nation’s critical infrastructure. A small number of extraordinarily wealthy people built parallel private systems for air travel, personal security, even electricity; the merely well-off got fast-tracked (in airports, on special toll roads, and even in amusement park lines). The result is apparent everywhere: the great majority endures systems that are crumbling from overuse and underinvestment. Public transit lines are shoddy and overcrowded. Parks and playgrounds are poorly maintained. Public schools are underperforming. Branch libraries have reduced their hours, and in some cases closed for good. Heat, rain, fire, and wind wreak havoc on places that could once withstand them. Vulnerability is in the air.
None of this is sustainable.
American voters said as much in 2016, electing (albeit through the Electoral College rather than by a majority at the polls) a president who promised to blow up the system. But America’s divisions have only deepened since President Trump took office. Today, the specter of social unrest haunts cities, communities, and college campuses across the country. We fear one another, and everyone wants protection from the other side.
As a sociologist, I have grave concerns about the powerful trembling of these social fault lines. As a citizen, I can’t help asking how we can rebuild the foundations of civil society in the kinds of diverse, democratic nations we find throughout the world today. As a student of history, I wonder how we can move beyond violent opposition to a perceived nemesis and develop a sense of shared purpose based on commitments to justice and decency. As a parent of young children, I wonder whether we can repair things so that they will have a chance to flourish and not spend their lives cleaning up our mess.
But how will we do this? Economic development is certainly one solution, though increasing national prosperity helps a society
become more cohesive only if everyone—not just the most successful —shares in the gains. Besides economic growth, two ideas about how to rebuild society have dominated the conversation: One is technocratic, and involves engineering physical systems that enhance security and facilitate the circulation of people and goods. The other is civic, and involves promoting voluntary associations—the Masons, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, block clubs, gardening groups, and bowling leagues—that bind people into communities. Both ideas are important, but they’re only partial solutions. Social infrastructure is the missing piece of the puzzle, and building places where all kinds of people can gather is the best way to repair the fractured societies we live in today.
It’s long been understood that social cohesion develops through repeated human interaction and joint participation in shared projects, not merely from a principled commitment to abstract values and beliefs. Alexis de Tocqueville admired the laws that formally established America’s democratic order, but he argued that voluntary organizations were the real source of the nation’s robust civic life. John Dewey claimed that social connection is predicated on “the vitality and depth of close and direct intercourse and attachment.” “Democracy must begin at home,” he famously wrote, “and its home is the neighborly community.”
Contemporary students of civil society have made similar observations. In Bowling Alone, the Harvard political scientist Robert Putnam attributes declines in health, happiness, education, economic productivity, and trust to the collapse of community and diminished participation in civic organizations. In Coming Apart, the conservative pundit Charles Murray argues that the “American project” has always been based on human beings “coming together voluntarily to solve their joint problems.” This “civic culture” was once “so widely shared among Americans that it amounted to a civil
religion,” Murray writes, echoing Tocqueville. But recently—and here is the source of his title—the “new upper class” has effectively abandoned the collective project, forming a separate society based on “spatial, economic, educational, cultural, and, to some degree, political isolation.” Unless the nation renews its sense of solidarity across class lines, Murray warns, “Everything that makes America exceptional will have disappeared.”
Both Putnam and Murray advocate changing our cultural attitudes toward civic life and community building, and recommitting to the common good. For nearly two decades, Putnam’s magisterial account of declining social capital and his clarion call for more public engagement have influenced political officials, religious leaders, activists, journalists, and scholars alike. Yet the problems that made Putnam anxious when he published Bowling Alone are just as prevalent today, and in some ways more extreme.
In the late 1990s, when the book was written, one of Putnam’s principal concerns was that families had retreated from public life— the world of sports leagues and community groups—in favor of the private living room, where parents and children gathered together to watch TV. Today, of course, an evening when an entire family watches the same program in a common room is something like a utopian fantasy. Maybe on a special occasion: the Super Bowl, the Oscars, a presidential election, or a session of collective video gaming. But on typical nights it’s everyone on their own device.
Drawing on the best available data on American social behavior, the Harvard sociologist Peter Marsden shows that, surprisingly, trends in social activity have been fairly steady since the 1970s. Americans spend a bit more time with friends and a bit less time with neighbors than they used to, and, to no one’s surprise, they’re more likely to socialize on the Internet than in a restaurant or bar. Membership in traditional voluntary organizations hasn’t changed much either. But Americans are also more likely than they used to be to say that they cannot trust “most people.” The most recent numbers from the Bureau of Labor Statistics show a modest but steady decline in rates of volunteering, with participation going down
“ across persons of all levels of educational attainment.” Immersion in their private worlds, writes the Berkeley sociologist Claude Fischer, probably goes hand in hand with alienation from public life.
Moral suasion has failed to increase our level of engagement in local institutions, where democracy takes root. But cultural values, and exhortations to change them, are not the only influences on our everyday social routines. As proponents of the New Urbanism movement have demonstrated, people with the same interest in social connection, community building, and civic participation have varying opportunities to achieve those things depending on the conditions in the places where they spend time. The social and physical environment shapes our behavior in ways we’ve failed to recognize; it helps make us who we are and determines how we live.
This book argues that social infrastructure plays a critical but underappreciated role in modern societies. It influences seemingly mundane but actually consequential patterns, from the way we move about our cities and suburbs to the opportunities we have to casually interact with strangers, friends, and neighbors. It is especially important for children, the elderly, and other people whose limited mobility or lack of autonomy binds them to the places where they live. But social infrastructure affects everyone. And while social infrastructure alone isn’t sufficient to unite polarized societies, protect vulnerable communities, or connect alienated individuals, we can’t address these challenges without it. In this book, I’ll explain how and why.
Infrastructure is a relatively new and entirely modern concept. It is “a collective term for the subordinate parts of an undertaking, substructure, foundation,” says the Oxford English Dictionary, and the higher-order projects it supports could be economic, military, or social. “It is by definition invisible, part of the background for other
kinds of work,” writes Susan Leigh Star, the late scholar of science and technology, in a classic article, “The Ethnography of Infrastructure.” It is embedded, “sunk into and inside of other structures, social arrangements, and technologies,” she adds. It is “transparent to use, in the sense that it does not have to be reinvented each time or assembled for each task, but invisibly supports those tasks.” Its scope, in time and in space, is large. It is “fixed in modular increments, not all at once or globally.” It is taken for granted by members of the group that use it most often. And, crucially, it becomes most visible when it breaks down.
The Vanderbilt University anthropologist Ashley Carse writes that the word “infrastructure” first came to the English language in the late nineteenth century, from France, where it was used to refer to the engineering work required for new railways, such as building embankments, bridges, and tunnels. After World War II, infrastructure became a buzzword in military and economic development circles. “Infrastructure was more than a word,” Carse claims. “It was world-making,” because it justified “specific visions and theories of political and socioeconomic organization” that Cold War planners advocated. The infrastructure concept catapulted from policy jargon into popular American discourse in the 1980s, when, perhaps surprisingly, President Ronald Reagan said his foreign policy objective was to help developing countries foster “the infrastructure of democracy, the system of a free press, unions, political parties, universities, which allows a people to choose their own way.”
Today, the word “infrastructure” usually makes us think of what engineers and policy makers refer to as hard or physical infrastructure: large-scale systems for transit, electricity, gas, oil, food, finance, sewage, water, heat, communications, and storm protection. Sometimes experts call these systems the “critical infrastructure,” because policy makers perceive them to be essential for functioning societies.
When the levees break, cities and coastal areas flood, sometimes catastrophically. When the power goes out, most businesses, health
care providers, and schools cannot operate, and many transit and communications networks stop running too. Breakdowns in the fuel supply can be even more consequential, since oil generates most of our heat and gas powers the trucks that deliver nearly all the food and medications consumed in large cities and suburbs as well as the automobiles that most people depend on to travel. No one needs a lengthy description of the problems that occur when the sewage system stops working. But the real problems come when several or all of these systems collapse simultaneously, as they do during extreme weather events or terrorist attacks. Unfortunately, history shows that such things are impossible to prevent, no matter how sophisticated our technology or design. And, as most policy makers and engineers see it, when hard infrastructure fails, as it did in the great Chicago heat wave, it’s the softer, social infrastructure that determines our fate.
“Infrastructure” is not a term conventionally used to describe the underpinnings of social life. But this is a consequential oversight, because the built environment—and not just cultural preferences or the existence of voluntary organizations—influences the breadth and depth of our associations. If states and societies do not recognize social infrastructure and how it works, they will fail to see a powerful way to promote civic engagement and social interaction, both within communities and across group lines.
What counts as social infrastructure? I define it capaciously. Public institutions, such as libraries, schools, playgrounds, parks, athletic fields, and swimming pools, are vital parts of the social infrastructure. So too are sidewalks, courtyards, community gardens, and other green spaces that invite people into the public realm. Community organizations, including churches and civic associations, act as social infrastructures when they have an established physical space where people can assemble, as do regularly scheduled markets for food, furniture, clothing, art, and other consumer goods. Commercial establishments can also be important parts of the social infrastructure, particularly when they operate as what the sociologist Ray Oldenburg called “third spaces,” places (like cafés, diners,
barbershops, and bookstores) where people are welcome to congregate and linger regardless of what they’ve purchased. Entrepreneurs typically start these kinds of businesses because they want to generate income. But in the process, as close observers of the city such as Jane Jacobs and the Yale ethnographer Elijah Anderson have discovered, they help produce the material foundations for social life.
What doesn’t qualify as social infrastructure? Transit networks determine where we live, work, and play, and how long it takes to move between places. But whether they’re social infrastructure depends on how they’re organized, since a system designed for private vehicles will likely keep people separate as they travel (and consume enormous amounts of energy), whereas public systems that use buses and trains can enhance civic life. Although they have obvious social impacts, waterworks, waste treatment facilities, sewage systems, fuel supply lines, and electric grids are usually not social infrastructures. (We don’t congregate in these places.) But conventional hard infrastructure can be engineered to double as social infrastructure.
Take the case of levees. A simple levee is an artificial embankment that people build to prevent water from going into places they don’t want it to be. “A levee,” write Marshall Brain and Robert Lamb, on the popular HowStuffWorks website, “is typically little more than a mound of less permeable soil, like clay, wider at the base and narrower at the top. These mounds run in a long strip, sometimes for many miles, along a river, lake or ocean.” This kind of levee is physical infrastructure that protects social life on the dry side, not a robust social infrastructure. But levees can be designed differently. In the late 1930s, for instance, engineers needed to protect Washington, DC’s Federal Triangle neighborhood after a spell of heavy rains led to massive urban flooding. They could have put up a narrow mound of soil, but instead they built the Potomac Park Levee, a sloped walking path capped by a curved stone wall. In subsequent years the dual-purpose levee and parkland became one of the most popular public spaces in the city, a place where thousands of people
go daily without even knowing that they’re on top of a critical infrastructure. Today, a growing number of architects and engineers are designing hard infrastructure, such as seawalls and bridges, so that it also functions as social infrastructure by incorporating parks, walking trails, and community centers. These projects, which already exist in places like Istanbul, Singapore, Rotterdam, and New Orleans, provide multiple benefits, from protecting against storm surges to promoting participation in public life.
Different kinds of social infrastructure play different roles in the local environment, and support different kinds of social ties. Some places, such as libraries, YMCAs, and schools, provide space for recurring interaction, often programmed, and tend to encourage more durable relationships. Others, such as playgrounds and street markets, tend to support looser connections—but of course these ties can, and sometimes do, grow more substantial if the interactions become more frequent or the parties establish a deeper bond. Countless close friendships between mothers, and then entire families, begin because two toddlers visit the same swing set. Basketball players who participate in regular pickup games often befriend people with different political preferences, or with a different ethnic, religious, or class status, and wind up exposed to ideas they wouldn’t likely encounter off the court.
Social infrastructures that promote efficiency tend to discourage interaction and the formation of strong ties. One recent study, for instance, shows that a day care center that encourages caregivers and parents to walk in and wait for their children, often inside the classroom and generally at the same time, fosters more social connections and supportive relationships than one where managers allow parents to come in on their own schedules and hurry through drop-off and pickup so they can quickly return to their private lives. Because much of our hard infrastructure—highways, airports, food supply chains, and the like—is designed to promote efficient circulation of people or vital resources, it can accelerate the trend of social atomization. Think, for example, about the contrast between a
village where everyone gets their water from the same well and a city where everyone gets their water from faucets in their private homes.
Not all hard infrastructure leads to isolation. A recent ethnographic study of the New York City subway system, for instance, shows that people forge “transient communities” as they ride through the metropolis. The daily experience of spending time on crowded train cars rarely leads to long-term relationships, but it helps passengers learn to deal with difference, density, diversity, and other people’s needs. It fosters cooperation and trust. It exposes people to unexpected behavior and challenges stereotypes about group identity. The subway is not only New York City’s main social artery but also its largest and most heterogeneous public space.
While the subway is a form of social infrastructure that, like public athletic fields and childcare centers, promotes interaction across group lines, some social infrastructures encourage bonds among people who already have a great deal in common. In elite American communities, private country clubs, some of which forbid female members and informally exclude certain ethnic or racial minorities, help build strong social ties and business networks that ultimately deepen the nation’s divisions and inequities. Border walls, including the one that currently separates parts of Israel and Palestine as well as the one that President Trump promises to build on the border of Mexico and the United States, are quintessentially antisocial infrastructures. Paradoxically, zones around border walls, including checkpoints and access gates, often attract a diverse set of people, including members of the very groups that the structure is meant to separate, and occasionally they become sites for political engagement and protest. But their net impact is unmistakable: on good days, they segregate, discriminate, and entrench inequalities; on bad days, they incite violence.
Given the world’s cultural diversity, it’s no surprise that there is great variety in the kinds of social infrastructure that people find essential. In rural areas, for instance, hunting clubs, town halls, and fairgrounds are key sites for gathering, and community suppers are a staple of local life. Watering holes are hubs of social activity in
societies across the planet, and some are especially important. “Of all the social institutions that mold men’s lives between home and work in an industrial town,” writes the MassObservation collective, in a classic ethnographic study of British industrial culture, the pub is more prevalent, “holds more people, takes more of their time and money, than church, cinema, dance-hall, and political organizations put together.” In other public places, ordinary people are “the audiences, watchers of political, religious, dramatic, cinematic, instructional or athletic spectacles,” but in the pub, things are different. “Once a man has bought or been bought his glass of beer, he has entered an environment in which he [is] participator rather than spectator.” Drinking grounds serve as sites of civic activity in other societies, of course. The Germans have their beer gardens, the French their cafés, the Japanese their izakayas and karaoke bars. They are vivid examples of those “third places,” the small, warm, intimate settings where people in public can feel like they’re at home.
I’ve observed all kinds of collective life made possible by strong social infrastructures in foreign settings. For several years my family and I spent part of the winter living and working in Buenos Aires, and some of our most rewarding encounters with local residents happened around a soccer field (which in fact was a playground that children informally converted for their purposes every afternoon) where my son became a regular. In Doha and Jerusalem, as in so many Middle Eastern and African cities, I was continually pulled into the magnetic cultural activity at the souk. I never joined the early morning Tai Chi or group dance sessions in the parks near the places I stayed in Shanghai or Beijing, but undoubtedly millions of older Chinese people participate in them regularly for the social as well as physical benefits. In Iceland, geothermal swimming pools called “hot pots” are vital civic spaces, where people regularly cross class and generational lines. The Mexican zócalo, the Spanish plaza (or plaça, in Barcelona), and the Italian piazza serve the same function. I’ve never been to Rio de Janeiro, the Seychelles, Kingston, Jamaica, or Cape Town, but I’ve spent enough time in other coastal areas and
lakefronts to know that nearly everyone appreciates the social opportunities created by a well-maintained beach.
Few modern social infrastructures are natural, however, and in densely populated areas even beaches and forests require careful engineering and management to meet human needs. This means that all social infrastructure requires investment, whether for development or upkeep, and when we fail to build and maintain it, the material foundations of our social and civic life erode.
The components of social infrastructure rarely crash as completely or as visibly as a fallen bridge or a downed electrical line, and their breakdowns don’t result in immediate systemic failures. But when the social infrastructure gets degraded, the consequences are unmistakable. People reduce the time they spend in public settings and hunker down in their safe houses. Social networks weaken. Crime rises. Older and sick people grow isolated. Younger people get addicted to drugs and become more vulnerable to lethal overdoses. Distrust rises and civic participation wanes.
Robust social infrastructure doesn’t just protect our democracy; it contributes to economic growth. One of the most influential trends in urban and regional planning involves converting old hard infrastructure, like discontinued rail lines and shipping docks, into vibrant social infrastructures for pedestrian activities. The High Line, which has driven billions of dollars of real estate and commercial development in Lower Manhattan, generated explosive social activity —and, alas, fueled runaway gentrification and displacement—is the most prominent model of this emerging urban form. But many other recent or current projects are reviving dead infrastructure with social infrastructure networks that attract residents, tourists, and businesses. The BeltLine in Atlanta is developing slowly, but will ultimately repurpose a twenty-two-mile rail corridor circling the city
into thirty-three miles of trails, as well as a string of parks, public artworks, and affordable housing projects, that help connect some forty-five neighborhoods. In New Orleans, the Lafitte Greenway is a bicycle and pedestrian trail that’s designed to connect people and neighborhoods that might otherwise remain divided. The 606 Trail in Chicago, the Philadelphia Viaduct Rail Park, the Los Angeles River Revitalization, and the Petite Ceinture in Paris are being designed to do similar work. After burying the highway, Boston built a greenway on top of the Big Dig. Today, the Toronto City Council is trying to develop an urban park in the underpass of the Gardiner Expressway. A coalition in Sydney, Australia, is pushing to convert the Anzac Bridge into a massive pedestrian green space. The garden and walking path that Rotterdam developed on an abandoned elevated train track has environmental as well as social benefits. The designer, Doepel Strijkers, engineered a system that uses industrial waste to heat buildings along rails, dramatically reducing their carbon emissions and making the air that pedestrians breathe a little cleaner.
Across the planet, projects like these evince the value of social infrastructure, and the rising demand for it as well. Not long ago, Jane Jacobs and other prominent advocates for improving urban life argued that entrepreneurs, not governments, should build the spaces that support our social interactions. But places like the High Line have not emerged from the free market. They required thoughtful design, careful planning, and, crucially, enlightened leadership from the public sector. Often they advanced through partnerships, with nonprofit organizations and civic coalitions supporting initiatives that cities and states couldn’t undertake on their own.
Today, the United States, like most other nations, is primed to make a historic investment in infrastructure, the kind we haven’t made in generations. Despite their many disagreements, American voters are undivided in their support for such public works projects. The need for significant infrastructure spending, if not necessarily the way to pay for it, was one of the few things that both Trump and Clinton agreed on in the 2016 presidential campaign. In coming
decades, perhaps even in the next few years, we will invest hundreds of billions of dollars in critical infrastructure across the country, trillions around the world. Given the extraordinary stresses that are coming from our growing population, rising consumption, and global warming, and the sorry state of the systems that Americans rely on for electricity, transit, food, water, communications, and climate protection, we have no choice.
What we must decide, however, is whether rebuilding our social infrastructure will be part of this project. Most current debates about infrastructure investment in the United States focus exclusively on conventional hardline systems, as if the material underpinning of our social and civic life were an unrelated concern. To be fair, one reason for that omission, in this country at least, is that social infrastructure is not yet a familiar concept. Other nations treat infrastructure more expansively, though, and we should too, lest we squander a historic opportunity to strengthen the places where we live and work.
To that end, this book will identify the elementary forms of social infrastructure and show how they shape conditions in different kinds of places, urban and suburban, rich and poor, in the United States and around the world. When possible, I’ll use the same comparative method I used to study the fate of Chicago neighborhoods, since looking closely at positive and negative cases is a powerful way to illustrate what works and what doesn’t, and sometimes even why. Most of the evidence I’ll marshal to support my claims comes from my own research and experiences. But I will also draw heavily on pioneering studies by colleagues across the social sciences and design fields that show how places shape human interaction and determine our fate. Although they rarely use the term, the body of research they’ve produced helped me understand the value of social infrastructure and its potential role in rebuilding civic life.
In the chapters ahead, I’ll show how social infrastructure can alleviate—or, when neglected, exacerbate—contemporary problems that we spend a great deal of time, money, and energy trying to solve: social isolation, crime, education, health, polarization, and climate change.
As we explore these global challenges, we’ll see that in every case the social infrastructure is just as important as the critical networks we’ve always prioritized, and that each depends on the other in ways we’ve yet to fully appreciate. My argument is neither that social infrastructure matters more than conventional hard infrastructure, nor that investing in social infrastructure is sufficient to solve the underlying problems of economic inequality and environmental degradation that make this moment so dangerous. It’s that building new social infrastructure is just as urgent as repairing our levees, airports, and bridges. Often, as we will see, we can strengthen both simultaneously, building lifeline systems that are also, to borrow the phrase that Andrew Carnegie used to describe the twenty-eight hundred or so grand libraries that he built across the world, “palaces for the people.” But first we need to recognize the opportunity.
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the receipt of a letter from Mr Coventry, a respectable farmer in the neighbourhood, in which that gentleman offered to engage their son for a few years, as a companion and tutor to his children. This was an offer which his parents were too prudent to reject, particularly as it might prove the means of future patronage as well as of present emolument. It was therefore immediately agreed upon, that William should himself be the bearer of their letter of acceptance, and proceed forthwith to his new residence. On this occasion he was admonished anew; but the advices were different from those formerly given, and were delivered by a different person. His mother was now the principal speaker; and, instead of warning him against the snares that are laid for youth in a great city, she furnished him with some rude lessons on the principles of good-breeding, descending to a number of particulars too minute to be enumerated here. William listened to her harangue with becoming reverence and attention, and on the following morning, for the first time, bade farewell to his affectionate parents.
On the afternoon of the same day, he arrived at Daisybank, where he was welcomed with the greatest cordiality. His appearance was genteel and prepossessing, and it was not long before his new friends discovered, that the slight degree of awkwardness which at first clung to his manners, proceeded more from bashfulness and embarrassment than natural rusticity. But as he began to feel himself at home, this embarrassment of manner gradually gave place to an easy but unobtrusive politeness. Indeed it would not have been easy for a youth of similar views, at his first outset in life, to have fallen into more desirable company. Mr and Mrs Coventry were proverbial among their neighbours for the simplicity and purity of their manners, and they had laboured, not unsuccessfully, to stamp a similar character upon the minds of their children. Their family consisted of two sons and two daughters, the former of whom were confided to the care of William.
Mary, the eldest of the four, now in her sixteenth or seventeenth year, was in every respect the most interesting object at Daisybank. To a mind highly cultivated for her years, she united many of those personal graces and attractions which command little homage in the crowd, but open upon us in the shade of retirement, and lend to the domestic circle its most irresistible charms. In stature she scarcely
reached the middle size. To the beauty derived from form and colour she had few pretensions; yet when her fine blue eyes moistened with a tear at a tale of distress, or beamed an unaffected welcome to the stranger or the friend, he must have been more or less than man who felt not for her a sentiment superior to admiration. Hers, in a word, was the beauty of expression—the beauty of a mind reflected, in which the dullest disciple of Lavater could not for a moment have mistaken her real character. Her education had been principally conducted under the eye of her parents, and might be termed domestic rather than fashionable. Not that she was entirely a stranger to those acquirements which are deemed indispensable in modern education. She had visited occasionally the great metropolis, though, owing to the prudent solicitude of her parents, her residence there had been comparatively short, yet probably long enough to acquire all its useful or elegant accomplishments, without any admixture of its fashionable frivolities.
From this hasty portraiture of Miss Coventry, it will be easily believed that it was next to impossible for a youth nearly of the same age, and not dissimilar in his dispositions, to remain long insensible to charms that were gradually maturing before his eyes, and becoming every day more remarkable. Fortunately, however, the idea of dependence attached to his situation, and a temper naturally diffident determined him to renounce for ever a hope which he feared in his present circumstances would be deemed ungrateful and even presumptuous. But this was waging war with nature, a task which he soon found to be above his strength. He had now, therefore, to abandon the hope of victory for the safety of retreat, and content himself with concealing those sentiments he found it impossible to subdue. Yet so deceitful is love, that even this modest hope was followed with disappointment. One fine evening in June, when he was about to unbend from the duties of the day, and retire to muse on the amiable Mary, he encountered the fair wanderer herself, who was probably returning from a similar errand. He accosted her in evident confusion; and, without being conscious of what he said, invited her to join him in a walk to a neighbouring height. His request was complied with in the same spirit it had been made in, for embarrassment is often contagious, particularly the embarrassment arising from love. On this occasion he intended to summon up all his powers of conversation, and yet his companion had never found him
so silent. Some commonplace compliments to the beauty of the evening were almost the only observations which escaped his lips, and these he uttered more in the manner of a sleep-walker than a lover. They soon reached the limit of their walk, and rested upon an eminence that commanded the prospect of an extensive valley below. Day was fast declining to that point which is termed twilight, when the whole irrational creation seem preparing for rest, and only man dares to intrude upon the silence of nature. Miss Coventry beheld the approach of night with some uneasiness, and dreading to be seen with William alone, she began to rally him upon his apparent absence and confusion, and proposed that they should immediately return to the house. At mention of this, William started as from a dream, and being unable longer to command his feelings, he candidly confessed to her the cause of his absence and dejection. He dwelt with much emotion upon his own demerit, and voluntarily accused himself for the presumption of a hope which he never meant to have revealed until the nearer accomplishment of his views had rendered it less imprudent and romantic. He declared that he would sooner submit to any hardship that incur the displeasure of her excellent parents, and entreated that, whatever were her sentiments with regard to the suit he was so presumptuous as to prefer, she might assist him in concealing from them a circumstance which he feared would be attended with that consequence. To this tender and affectionate appeal, the gentle Mary could only answer with her sighs and blushes. She often indeed attempted to speak, but the words as often died upon her lips, and they had nearly reached home before she could even whisper an answer to the reiterated question of her lover. But she did answer at last; and never was a monarch more proud of his conquest, or the homage of tributary princes, than William was of the simple fealty of the heart of Mary.
In the bosom of this happy family William now found his hours glide away so agreeably that he looked forward with real regret to the termination of his engagement. His condition was perhaps one of those in which the nearest approach is made to perfect happiness; when the youthful mind, unseduced by the blandishments of ambition, confines its regards to a few favourite objects, and dreads a separation from them as the greatest of evils. The contrast between the patriarchal simplicity of his father’s fireside, and the comparative elegance of Mr Coventry’s parlour, for a season dazzled him with its
novelty; while the ripening graces of Mary threw around him a fascination which older and more unsusceptible minds than his might have found it difficult to resist. In his domestic establishment Mr Coventry aimed at nothing beyond comfort and gentility. William was therefore treated in every respect as an equal, and was never banished from his patron’s table to make room for a more important guest, or condemned to hold Lent over a solitary meal, while the family were celebrating a holiday.
All our ideas are relative, and we estimate every thing by comparison. Upon this principle, William thought no female so lovely or amiable as Miss Coventry, and no residence so delightful as Daisybank. And he would not have exchanged his feelings, while seated on a winter evening amidst his favourite circle, scanning, for their amusement, a page of history, or the columns of a newspaper, while the snugness and comfort that reigned within made him forget the storm that pelted without, for the most delicious paradise an eastern imagination ever painted.
It will thus readily be imagined, that the saddest day of our tutor’s life was that on which he parted from this amiable family. He had here, he believed, spent the happiest moments of his existence, and instead of rejoicing that he had passed through one stage of his apprenticeship, he dwelt upon the past with pleasure, and looked forward to the future with pain.
Fortune, however, presented an insuperable obstacle to his spending his days in the inaction of private study; and he knew that he could neither gain, nor deserved to gain, the object of his affection, without establishing himself in life, by pursuing the course which had been originally chalked out to him. After, therefore, “pledging oft to meet again,” he bade adieu to Daisybank, loaded with the blessings of the best of parents, and followed with the prayers of the best of daughters. He now paid a farewell visit to his own parents; and, after remaining with them a few days, he proceeded to Edinburgh, and for a short period felt his melancholy relieved, by the thousand novelties that attract the notice of a stranger in a great city. But this was only a temporary relief, and as he had no friend in whom he could confide, he soon felt himself solitary in the midst of thousands. Often, when the Professor was expatiating upon the force of the Greek particles, his imagination
was hovering over the abodes he had forsaken; and frequently it would have been more difficult for him to have given an account of the lectures he had been attending, than to have calculated the probability of what was passing at a hundred miles’ distance. But this absence and dejection at last wore off; and as he possessed good natural talents, and had been an industrious student formerly, he soon distinguished himself in his classes, and before the usual period was engaged as a tutor in one of the best families in Scotland.
This event formed another important era in his life. His prospects were now flattering; and as vanity did not fail to exaggerate them, he soon dropped a considerable portion of his humility, and began to regard himself as a young man of merit, to whom fortune was lavish of her favours. In his leisure hours he was disposed to mingle much in society, and, as his manners and address were easy and engaging, scarcely a week elapsed that that did not add to the number of his friends. The affections, when divided into many channels, cannot run deep in any, and, probably, for every new acquaintance whom William honoured with his esteem, it required a sacrifice of friendship at the expense of love, and produced some abatement of that devotion of soul which accompanies every true and permanent attachment. At Daisybank he had seen a simple favourite of the graces, but here he beheld the daughters of wealth and of fashion, surrounded with all the gloss of art, and soon began to waver in his attachment, and even to regard his engagement as little more than a youthful frolic. Still this temper of mind was not attained without many struggles between love and ambition, honour and interest; nor could he ever for a moment commune with himself, without feeling remorse for his inconstancy and ingratitude. He could not annihilate the conviction, that Miss Coventry was as faithful and worthy as ever, and had she been present to appeal to his senses, it is probable he might have been preserved from the crime of apostasy. But these were fits of reflection and repentance which repetition soon deprived of their poignancy. The world, the seductive world, returned with all its opiates and charms, to stifle in his bosom the feelings of honour, and obliterate every trace of returning tenderness. After this he became less punctual in his correspondence with Miss Coventry, and in place of anticipating the arrival of her letters, as he was wont to do, he allowed them to be sent slowly to his lodgings, opened them without anxiety, and read them without interest. Of all this
inconstancy, ingratitude, and neglect, the simple Mary remained a silent, though not unconcerned spectator. Kind and generous by nature, and judging of others by herself, she framed a thousand excuses for his negligence; and when he did condescend to write to her, answered him as though she had been unconscious of any abatement in his attentions.
Matters remained in this uncertain state for the space of three long years—at least they seemed long to Miss Coventry—when William received his licence as a preacher. He now therefore thought of redeeming a pledge he had given to the minister of his native parish, to make his first public appearance in his pulpit; and after giving due intimation, he departed for the parish of ——, with his best sermon in the pocket of his best coat. The account of his visit spread with telegraphic despatch, long before telegraphs were invented, and was known over half the county many days before his arrival. This was another great and eventful day for his mother. She blessed Providence that she had lived to see the near fulfilment of her most anxious wish, and rising a little in her ambition, thought she could now die contented, if she should see him settled in a living of his own, and be greeted by her neighbours with the envied name of grandmother.—As William was expected to dine with his parents on his way to the parsonage, or, as it is called in Scotland, the manse, of ——, great preparations were made for his reception, and for the appearance of the whole family at church on the following Sunday. Mrs Arbuthnot drew from the family-chest her wedding-gown, which had only seen the sun twice during thirty summers; and her husband, for the first time, reluctantly applied a brush to his holiday suit, which appeared, from the antiquity of its fashion, to have descended, like the garments of the Swiss, through many successive generations of the Arbuthnots.
The little church of H—— was crowded to the door, perhaps for the first time, long before the bellman had given the usual signal. Mr Coventry, though residing in a different parish, had made a journey thither with several of his family, for the purpose of witnessing the first public appearance of his friend. In this party was the amiable Mary, who took a greater interest in the event than any one, save the preacher, was aware of.
William, on this occasion, recited a well written discourse with ease and fluency, and impressed his audience with a high opinion of his talents and piety. Some of the elder of them, indeed, objected to his gestures and pronunciation, which they thought “new fangled” and theatrical; but they all agreed in thinking him a clever lad, and a great honour to his parents. His mother was now overwhelmed with compliments and congratulations from all quarters, which she received with visible marks of pride and emotion. Mr Coventry waited in the churchyard till the congregation had retired, to salute his friend, and invite him to spend a few days at Daisybank. Mary, who hung on her father’s arm, curtsied, blushed, and looked down. She had no well-turned compliment to offer on the occasion, but her eyes expressed something at parting, which once would have been sweeter to his soul than the applause of all the world beside.
Ambition, from the beginning, has been the bane of love. War and peace are not more opposite in their nature and effects than those rival passions, and the bosom that is agitated with the cares of the one has little relish for the gentle joys of the other. William beheld in the person of Miss Coventry all he had been taught to regard as amiable or estimable in woman; but the recollection of the respect that had been shown him by females of distinction, mixed with exaggerated notions of his own merit, made him undervalue those simple unobtrusive graces he once valued so highly, and think almost any conquest easy after he had been settled in the rich living of B——, which had been promised him by his patron.
On the following day he paid a visit to Daisybank, and received the most cordial welcome from a family who sympathised almost equally with his parents in his prospects and advancement. During his stay there, he had frequent opportunities of seeing Miss Coventry alone, but he neglected, or rather avoided them all; and when rallied on the subject of marriage, declaimed on the pleasures of celibacy, and hinted, with a good deal of insincerity, his intention of living single. Although these speeches were like daggers to the mind of her who regretted she could not rival him in inconstancy and indifference, they produced no visible alteration in her behaviour. Hers was not one of those minds in which vanity predominates over every other feeling, and where disappointment is commonly relieved by the hatred or resentment which it excites. Her soul was soft as the
passion that enslaved it, and the traces of early affection are not easily effaced from a mind into which the darker passions have never entered.
William bade adieu to Miss Coventry without dropping one word upon which she could rear the superstructure of hope, and carried with him her peace of mind, as he had formerly carried with him her affections. From that hour she became pensive and melancholy, in spite of all her efforts to appear cheerful and happy. She had rejected many lovers for the inconstant’s sake, but that gave her no concern. Her union with him had been long the favourite object of her life, and she could have patiently resigned existence, now that its object was lost. But she shuddered at the thought of the shock it would give her affectionate parents, for the softer feelings of our nature are all of one family, and the tenderest wives have ever been the most dutiful daughters.
It was impossible for Mary long to conceal the sorrow which consumed her. Her fading cheeks and heavy eyes gave daily indications of what her lips refused to utter. Her parents became deeply alarmed at these symptoms of indisposition, and anxiously and unceasingly inquired into the cause of her illness; but her only answer was, that she felt no pain. The best physicians were immediately consulted upon her case, who recommended change of air and company; but all these remedies were tried without effect. The poison of disappointment had taken deep root in her heart, and defied the power of medicine.
Her attendants, when they found all their prescriptions ineffectual, began to ascribe her malady to its real cause, and hinted to her parents their apprehensions that she had been crossed in love. The good people, though greatly surprised at the suggestion, had too much prudence to treat it with indifference, and they left no means untried, consistent with a regard for the feelings of their child, to wile from her the important secret. At first she endeavoured to evade their inquiries; but finding it impossible to allay their apprehensions without having recourse to dissimulation, she confessed to her mother her attachment to William, concealing only the promises he had made to her, and every circumstance that imputed to him the slightest degree of blame. At the same time she entreated them, with the greatest earnestness, that no use might be made of a secret which
she wished to have carried with her to the grave. This was a hard task imposed upon her parents. They felt equally with herself the extreme delicacy of making the disclosure; but, on the other hand, they contemplated nothing but the probable loss of their child; an event, the bare apprehension of which filled their minds with the bitterest anguish. After many anxious consultations, Mr Coventry determined, unknown to any but his wife, to pay a visit to William, and ascertain his sentiments with regard to his daughter.
Upon his arrival at Edinburgh, he found that his friend had departed for the manse of B——, with which he had been recently presented. This event, which in other circumstances would have given him the liveliest pleasure, awakened on this occasion emotions of a contrary nature, as he feared it would make his now reverend friend more elevated in his notions, and consequently more averse to a union with his daughter. He did not, however, on that account conceal the real object of his journey, or endeavour to accomplish his purpose by stratagem or deceit. He candidly disclosed his daughter’s situation and sentiments, requesting of his friend that he would open to him his mind with equal candour; and added, that although he held wealth to be an improper motive in marriage, and hoped that his daughter did not require such a recommendation, in the event of this union, whatever he possessed would be liberally shared with him.
On hearing of the situation of Miss Coventry, William became penetrated with the deepest remorse; and being aware that his affection for her was rather stifled than estranged, he declared his willingness to make her his wife. These words operated like a charm upon the drooping spirits of the father, who embraced his friend with ardour, and besought him immediately to accompany him home, that they might lose no time in making a communication, which he fondly hoped would have a similar effect upon the spirits of his daughter.
They departed accordingly together, indulging in the pleasing hope that all would yet be well; but on their arrival at Daisybank, they were seriously alarmed to hear that Miss Coventry had been considerably worse since her father left home. She was now entirely confined to her chamber, and seemed to care for nothing so much as solitude, and an exemption from the trouble of talking. As soon as
she was informed of the arrival of their visitor, she suspected he had been sent for, and therefore refused to see him; but upon being assured by her mother, who found deceit in this instance indispensable, that his visit was voluntary and accidental, she at last consented to give him an interview.
On entering the room, which had formerly been the family parlour, William was forcibly struck with the contrast it exhibited. Every object seemed to swim before his sight, and it was some moments before he discovered Miss Coventry, who reclined upon a sofa at the farther end of the room. He advanced with a beating heart, and grasped the burning hand that was extended to meet him. He pressed it to his lips and wept, and muttered something incoherent of forgiveness and love. He looked doubtingly on Mary’s face for an answer,—but her eye darted no reproach, and her lips uttered no reflection. A faint blush, that at this moment overspread her cheek, seemed a token of returning strength, and inspired him with confidence and hope. It was the last effort of nature,—and ere the blood could return to its fountain, that fountain had closed for ever. Death approached his victim under the disguise of sleep, and appeared divested of his usual pains and terrors.
William retired from this scene of unutterable anguish, and for a long period was overwhelmed with the deepest melancholy and remorse. But time gradually softened and subdued his sorrow, and I trust perfected his repentance. He is since married and wealthy, and is regarded by the world as an individual eminently respectable and happy. But, amidst all his comforts, there are moments when he would exchange his identity with the meanest slave that breathes, and regards himself as the murderer of Mary Coventry.—J. M‘D., in Blackwood’s Magazine, 1817.
ADAM BELL.
B J H ,
“E S .”
This tale, which may be depended on as in every part true, is singular, from the circumstance of its being insolvable, either from the facts that have been discovered relating to it, or by reason; for though events sometimes occur among mankind, which at the time seem inexplicable, yet there being always some individuals acquainted with the primary causes of these events, they seldom fail of being brought to light before all the actors in them, or their confidants, are removed from this state of existence. But the causes which produced the events here related have never been accounted for in this world; even conjecture is left to wander in a labyrinth, unable to get hold of the thread that leads to the catastrophe.
Mr Bell was a gentleman of Annandale, in Dumfriesshire, in the south of Scotland, and proprietor of a considerable estate in that district, part of which he occupied himself. He lost his father when he was an infant, and his mother dying when he was about 20 years of age, left him the sole proprietor of the estate, besides a large sum of money at interest, for which he was indebted, in a great measure, to his mother’s parsimony during his minority. His person was tall, comely, and athletic, and his whole delight was in warlike and violent exercises. He was the best horseman and marksman in the county, and valued himself particularly upon his skill in the broad sword. Of this he often boasted aloud, and regretted that there was not one in the county whose skill was in some degree equal to his own.
In the autumn of 1745, after being for several days busily and silently employed in preparing for his journey, he left his own house,
and went to Edinburgh, giving at the same time such directions to his servants as indicated his intention of being absent for some time.
A few days after he had left his home, one morning, while his housekeeper was putting the house in order for the day, her master, as she thought, entered by the kitchen door, the other being bolted, and passed her in the middle of the floor. He was buttoned in his greatcoat, which was the same he had on when he went from home; he likewise had the same hat on his head, and the same whip in his hand which he took with him. At sight of him she uttered a shriek, but recovering her surprise, instantly said to him, “You have not stayed so long from us, Sir.” He made no reply, but went sullenly into his own room, without throwing off his greatcoat. After a pause of about five minutes, she followed him into the room. He was standing at his desk with his back towards her. She asked him if he wished to have a fire kindled, and afterwards if he was well enough; but he still made no reply to any of these questions. She was astonished, and returned into the kitchen. After tarrying about other five minutes, he went out at the front door, it being then open, and walked deliberately towards the bank of the river Kinnel, which was deep and wooded, and in that he vanished from her sight. The woman ran out in the utmost consternation to acquaint the men who were servants belonging to the house; and coming to one of the ploughmen, she told him that their master was come home, and had certainly lost his reason, for that he was wandering about the house and would not speak. The man loosed his horses from the plough and came home, listened to the woman’s relation, made her repeat it again and again, and then assured her that she was raving, for their master’s horse was not in the stable, and of course he could not be come home. However, as she persisted in her asseveration with every appearance of sincerity, he went into the linn to see what was become of his mysterious master. He was neither to be seen nor heard of in all the country. It was then concluded that the housekeeper had seen an apparition, and that something had befallen their master; but on consulting with some old people, skilled in those matters, they learned that when a “wraith,” or apparition of a living person, appeared while the sun was up, instead of being a prelude of instant death, it prognosticated very long life; and, moreover, that it could not possibly be a ghost that she had seen, for they always chose the night season for making their visits. In short,
though it was the general topic of conversation among the servants and the people in the vicinity, no reasonable conclusion could be formed on the subject.
The most probable conjecture was, that as Mr Bell was known to be so fond of arms, and had left his home on the very day that Prince Charles Stuart and his Highlanders defeated General Hawley on Falkirk Muir, he had gone either with him or the Duke of Cumberland to the north. It was, however, afterwards ascertained, that he had never joined any of the armies. Week passed after week, and month after month, but no word of Mr Bell. A female cousin was his nearest living relation; her husband took the management of his affairs; and concluding that he had either joined the army, or drowned himself in the Kinnel, when he was seen go into the linn, made no more inquiries after him.
About this very time, a respectable farmer, whose surname was M‘Millan, and who resided in the neighbourhood of Musselburgh, happened to be in Edinburgh about some business. In the evening he called upon a friend who lived near Holyrood-house; and being seized with an indisposition, they persuaded him to tarry with them all night. About the middle of the night he grew exceedingly ill, and not being able to find any rest or ease in his bed, imagined he would be the better of a walk. He put on his clothes, and, that he might not disturb the family, slipped quietly out at the back door, and walked in St Anthony’s garden behind the house. The moon shone so bright, that it was almost as light as noonday, and he had scarcely taken a single turn, when he saw a tall man enter from the other side, buttoned in a drab-coloured greatcoat. It so happened, that at that time M‘Millan stood in the shadow of the wall, and perceiving that the stranger did not observe him, a thought struck him that it would not be amiss to keep himself concealed, that he might see what the man was going to be about. He walked backwards and forwards for some time in apparent impatience, looking at his watch every minute, until at length another man came in by the same way, buttoned likewise in a greatcoat, and having a bonnet on his head. He was remarkably stout made, but considerably lower in stature than the other. They exchanged only a single word; then turning both about, they threw off their coats, drew their swords, and began a most desperate and well-contested combat.
The tall gentleman appeared to have the advantage. He constantly gained ground on the other, and drove him half round the division of the garden in which they fought. Each of them strove to fight with his back towards the moon, so that it might shine full in the face of his opponent; and many rapid wheels were made for the purpose of gaining this position. The engagement was long and obstinate, and by the desperate thrusts that were frequently aimed on both sides, it was evident that they meant one another’s destruction. They came at length within a few yards of the place where M‘Millan still stood concealed. They were both out of breath, and at that instant a small cloud chancing to overshadow the moon, one of them called out, “Hold, we cannot see.” They uncovered their heads, wiped their faces, and as soon as the moon emerged from the cloud, each resumed his guard. Surely that was an awful pause! And short, indeed, was the stage between it and eternity with the one! The tall gentleman made a lounge at the other, who parried and returned it; and as the former sprung back to avoid the thrust, his foot slipped, and he stumbled forward towards his antagonist, who dexterously met his breast in the fall with the point of his sword, and ran him through the body. He made only one feeble convulsive struggle, as if attempting to rise, and expired almost instantaneously.
M‘Millan was petrified with horror; but conceiving himself to be in a perilous situation, having stolen out of the house at that dead hour of the night, he had so much presence of mind as to hold his peace, and to keep from interfering in the smallest degree.
The surviving combatant wiped his sword with great composure;— put on his bonnet, covered the body with one of the greatcoats, took up the other, and departed. M‘Millan returned quietly to his chamber without awakening any of the family. His pains were gone, but his mind was shocked and exceedingly perturbed; and after deliberating until morning, he determined to say nothing of the matter, and to make no living creature acquainted with what he had seen, thinking that suspicion would infallibly rest on him. Accordingly, he kept his bed next morning, until his friend brought him the tidings that a gentleman had been murdered at the back of the house during the night. He then arose and examined the body, which was that of a young man, seemingly from the country, having brown hair, and fine manly features. He had neither letter, book, nor signature of any
kind about him that could in the least lead to a discovery of who he was; only a common silver watch was found in his pocket, and an elegant sword was clasped in his cold bloody hand, which had an A. and B. engraved on the hilt. The sword had entered at his breast, and gone out at his back a little below the left shoulder. He had likewise received a slight wound on the sword arm.
The body was carried to the dead-room, where it lay for eight days, and though great numbers inspected it, yet none knew who or whence the deceased was, and he was at length buried among the strangers in Grayfriars churchyard.
Sixteen years elapsed before M‘Millan mentioned to any person the circumstance of his having seen the duel, but at that period, being in Annandale receiving some sheep that he had bought, and chancing to hear of the astonishing circumstances of Bell’s disappearance, he divulged the whole. The time, the description of his person, his clothes, and above all, the sword with the initials of his name engraved upon it, confirmed the fact beyond the smallest shadow of doubt that it was Mr Bell whom he had seen killed in the duel behind the Abbey. But who the person was that slew him, how the quarrel commenced, or who it was that appeared to his housekeeper, remains to this day a profound secret, and is likely to remain so, until that day when every deed of darkness shall be brought to light.
Some have even ventured to blame McMillan for the whole, on account of his long concealment of facts, and likewise in consideration of his uncommon bodily strength and daring disposition, he being one of the boldest and most enterprising men of the age in which he lived; but all who knew him despised such insinuations, and declared them to be entirely inconsistent with his character, which was most honourable and disinterested; and besides, his tale has every appearance of truth. “Pluris est oculatus testis unus quam auriti decem.”
MAUNS’ STANE; OR, MINE HOST’S TALE.
In the latter end of the autumn of ——, I set out by myself on an excursion over the northern part of Scotland; and, during that time, my chief amusement was to observe the little changes of manners, language, &c., in the different districts. After having viewed, on my return, the principal curiosities in Buchan, I made a little alehouse, or “public,” my head-quarters for the night. Having discussed my supper in solitude, I called up mine host to enable me to discuss my bottle, and to give me a statistical account of the country around me. Seated in the “blue” end, and well supplied with the homely but satisfying luxuries which the place afforded, I was in an excellent mood for enjoying the communicativeness of my landlord; and, after speaking about the cave at Slaines, the state of the crop, and the neighbouring franklins, edged him, by degrees, to speak about the Abbey of Deer, an interesting ruin which I had examined in the course of the day, formerly the stronghold of the once powerful family of Cummin.
“It’s dootless a bonny place about the Abbey,” said he, “but naething like what it was when the great Sir James the Rose cam to hide i’ the Buchan woods, wi’ a’ the Grahames rampagin’ at his tail, whilk you that’s a beuk learned man ’ill hae read o’; an’ maybe ye’ll hae heard o’ the saughen bush where he forgathered wi’ his joe; or aiblins ye may have seen’t, for it’s standing yet just at the corner o’ gaukit Jamie Jamieson’s peat-stack. Ay, ay, the abbey was a brave place ance; but a’ thing, ye ken, comes till an end.” So saying, he nodded to me, and brought his glass to an end.
“This place, then, must have been famed in days of yore, my friend?”
“Ye may tak my word for that,” said he. “’Od, it was a place! Sic a sight o’ fechtin’ as they had about it! But gin ye’ll gang up the trap-
stair to the laft, an’ open Jenny’s kist, ye’ll see sic a story about it, prented by ane o’ your learned Aberdeen’s fouk, Maister Keith, I think; she coft it in Aberdeen for twal pennies, lang ago, an’ battered it to the lid o’ her kist. But gang up the stair canny, for fear that you should wauken her, puir thing;—or, bide, I’ll just wauken Jamie Fleep, an’ gar him help me down wi’t, for our stair’s no just that canny for them ‘t’s no acquaint wi’t, let alane a frail man wi’ your infirmity.”
I assured him that I would neither disturb the young lady’s slumber, nor Jamie Fleep’s, and begged him to give me as much information as he could about this castle.
“Weel, wishin’ your gude health again.—Our minister ance said, that Soloman’s Temple was a’ in ruins, wi’ whin bushes, an’ broom an’ thristles growin’ ower the bonny carved wark an’ the cedar wa’s, just like our ain Abbey. Noo, I judge that the Abbey o’ Deer was just the marrow o’t, or the minister wadna hae said that. But when it was biggit, Lord kens, for I dinna. It was just as you see it, lang afore your honour was born; an’ aiblins, as the by-word says, may be sae after ye’re hanged. But that’s neither here nor there. The Cummins o’ Buchan were a dour and surly race; and, for a fearfu’ time, nane near han’ nor far awa could ding them, an’ yet mony a ane tried it. The fouk on their ain lan’ likit them weel enough; but the Crawfords, an’ the Grahames, an’ the Mars, an’ the Lovats, were aye trying to comb them against the hair, an’ mony a weary kempin’ had they wi’ them; but, some way or ither, they could never ding them; an’ fouk said that they gaed and learned the black art frae the Pope o’ Room, wha, I mysel heard the minister say, had aye a colleague wi’ the Auld Chiel. I dinna ken fou it was; in the tail o’ the day, the hale country rase up against them, an’ besieged them in the Abbey o’ Deer. Ye’ll see, my frien’ [by this time mine host considered me as one of his cronies], tho’ we ca’ it the Abbey, it had naething to do wi’ Papistry; na, na, no sae bad as a’ that either, but just a noble’s castle, where they keepit sodgers gaun about in airn an’ scarlet, wi’ their swords an’ guns, an’ begnets, an’ sentry-boxes, like the local militia in the barracks o’ Aberdeen.
“Weel, ye see, they surrounded the castle, an’ lang did they besiege it; but there was a vast o’ meat in the castle, an’ the Buchan fouk fought like the vera deil. They took their horse through a
miscellaneous passage, half a mile long, aneath the hill o’ Saplinbrae, an’ watered them in the burn o’ Pulmer. But a’ wadna do; they took the castle at last, and a terrible slaughter they made amo’ them; but they were sair disappointed in ae partic’ler, for Cummin’s fouk sank a’ their goud an’ siller in a draw-wall, an’ syne filled it up wi’ stanes. They gat naething in the way of spulzie to speak o’; sae out o’ spite they dang doon the castle, an’ it’s never been biggit to this day. But the Cummins were no sae bad as the Lairds o’ Federat, after a’.”
“And who were these Federats?” I inquired.
“The Lairds o’ Federat?” said he, moistening his mouth again as a preamble to his oration. “Troth, frae their deeds, ane would maist think that they had a drap o’ the deil’s blude, like the pyets. Gin a’ tales be true, they hae the warmest place at his bink this vera minute. I dinna ken vera muckle about them, though, but the auldest fouk said they were just byous wi’ cruelty. Mony a gude man did they hing up i’ their ha’, just for their ain sport; ye’ll see the ring to the fore yet in the roof o’t. Did ye ever hear o’ Mauns’ Stane, neebour?”
“Mauns’ what?” said I.
“Ou, Mauns’ Stane. But it’s no likely. Ye see it was just a queer clump o’ a roun’-about heathen, waghtin’ maybe twa tons or thereby. It wasna like ony o’ the stanes in our countra, an’ it was as roun’ as a fit-ba’; I’m sure it wad ding Professor Couplan himsel to tell what way it cam there. Noo, fouk aye thought there was something uncanny about it, an’ some gaed the length o’ saying, that the deil used to bake ginshbread upon’t; and, as sure as ye’re sitting there, frien’, there was knuckle-marks upon’t, for my ain father has seen them as aften as I have taes an’ fingers. Aweel, ye see, Mauns Crawford, the last o’ the Lairds o’ Federat, an’ the deil had coost out (maybe because the Laird was just as wicked an’ as clever as he was himsel), an’ ye perceive the evil ane wantit to play him a trick. Noo, Mauns Crawford was ae day lookin’ ower his castle wa’, and he saw a stalwart carl, in black claes, ridin’ up the loanin’. He stopped at this chuckie o’ a stane, an’, loutin’ himsel, he took it up in his arms, and lifted it three times to his saddle-bow, an’ syne he rade awa out o’ sight, never comin’ near the castle, as Mauns thought he would hae done. ‘Noo,’ says the baron till himsel, says he, ‘I didna think that there was ony ane in a’ the land that could hae played sic a ploy; but deil fetch me if I dinna lift it as weel as he did.’ Sae aff he gaed, for
there was na sic a man for birr in a’ the countra, an’ he kent it as weel, for he never met wi’ his match. Weel, he tried, and tugged, and better than tugged at the stane, but he coudna mudge it ava; an’, when he looked about, he saw a man at his elbuck, a’ smeared wi’ smiddy-coom, snightern’ an’ laughin’ at him. The Laird d——d him, an’ bade him lift it, whilk he did as gin’t had been a little pinnin. The Laird was like to burst wi’ rage at being fickled by sic a hag-ma-hush carle, and he took to the stane in a fury, and lifted it till his knee; but the weight o’t amaist ground his banes to smash. He held the stane till his een-strings crackit, when he was as blin’ as a moudiwort. He was blin’ till the day o’ his death,—that’s to say, if ever he died, for there were queer sayings about it—vera queer! vera queer! The stane was ca’d Mauns’ Stane ever after; an’ it was no thought that canny to be near it after gloaming; for what says the psalm—hem!—I mean the sang—
’Tween Ennetbutts an ’ Mauns’ Stane Ilka night there walks ane.
“There never was a chief of the family after; the men were scattered, an’ the castle demolished. The doo and the hoodie craw nestle i’ their towers, and the hare maks her form on their grassy hearthstane.”
“Is this stone still to be seen?”
“Ou na. Ye see, it was just upon Johnie Forbes’s craft, an’ fouk cam far an’ near to leuk at it, an’ trampit down a’ the puir cottar body’s corn; sae he houkit a hole just aside it, an’ tumbled it intil’t: by that means naebody sees’t noo, but its weel kent that it’s there, for they’re livin’ yet wha’ve seen it.”
“But the well at the Abbey—did no one feel a desire to enrich himself with the gold and silver buried there?”
“Hoot, ay; mony a ane tried to find out whaur it was, and, for that matter, I’ve maybe done as foolish a thing mysel; but nane ever made it out. There was a scholar, like yoursel, that gaed ae night down to the Abbey, an’, ye see, he summoned up the deil.”
“The deuce he did!” said I.
“Weel, weel, the deuce, gin ye like it better,” said he. “An’ he was gaun to question him where the treasure was, but he had eneugh to
do to get him laid without deaving him wi’ questions, for a’ the deils cam about him, like bees bizzin’ out o’ a byke. He never coured the fright he gat, but cried out, ‘Help! help!’ till his very enemy wad hae been wae to see him; and sae he cried till he died, which was no that lang after. Fouk sudna meddle wi’ sic ploys!”
“Most wonderful! And do you believe that Beelzebub actually appeared to him?”
“Believe it! What for no?” said he, consequentially tapping the lid of his snuff-horn. “Didna my ain father see the evil ane i’ the schule o’ Auld Deer?”
“Indeed!”
“Weel I wot he did that. A wheen idle callants, when the dominie was out at his twal-hours, read the Lord’s Prayer backlans, an’ raised him, but coudna lay him again; for he threepit ower them that he wadna gang awa unless he gat ane o’ them wi’ him. Ye may be sure this put them in an awfu’ swither. They were a’ squallin’, an’ crawlin’, and sprawlin’ amo’ the couples to get out o’ his grips. Ane o’ them gat out an’ tauld the maister about it; an’ when he cam down, the melted lead was rinnin’ aff the roof o’ the house wi’ the heat; sae, flingin’ to the Black Thief a young bit kittlen o’ the schule-mistress’s, he sank through the floor wi’ an awsome roar. I mysel have heard the mistress misca’in’ her man about offering up the puir thing, baith saul and body, to Baal. But, troth, I’m no clear to speak o’ the like o’ this at sic a time o’ night; sae, if your honour be na for anither jug, I’ll e’en wus you a gude night, for its wearin’ late, an’ I maun awa’ to Skippyfair i’ the mornin’.”
I assented to this, and quickly lost in sleep the remembrance of all these tales of the olden time.—Aberdeen Censor, 1825.
