|Introduction ChangingMasculinitiesinaChangingIran
Sometimein1945,renownedauthorandplaywrightSadeqHedayat publishedoneofhismostpopularworks,thebitinglysatiricalplay HajiAqa (Mr.Haji).TheprotagonistisHajiAqaAbuTurab,an elderlyandold-fashionedwheeler-dealerwholivesinTehranduring thelastyearsofRezaShah’srule(1925–1941).HajiAqastandsforall thatiscorrupt,immoral,andharmfulinIraniansociety.Heisa “fi xer” whohelpsmenofvarioussocialstrataandoriginstosucceedin businessorinpoliticsinordertoadvancehisowngoals.Hedoesnot hesitatetocheatandlie,alwayspreferringtoswindleothersthantobe swindledhimself.
Hajiisthesonofatobaccomerchantwhomadeafortunefrom hoardingduringtheTobaccoRevoltof1891–1892,profiteeringfrom whatisusuallyconsideredtheinauguraleventoftheIraniannationalistmovement.Despitehiswealth,Hajihimselfisstingy,especially whenhisfamilyisconcerned.Hehasseveral 'aqdi (permanently married)wivesaswellastwotemporaryonesandnumerouschildren, allofwhomheregardswithequaldistaste.Hiswivesrepayhimby havingaffairs,whichresultinmorechildrenHajipretendsarehisown.
Haji’sappearanceisunattractive:hehas “stubby,hairycalves” and hands, “saucereyes,” andhewears “grubbycanvasshoes” anda threadbarecamelhaircloak.Hisdeterioratingphysicalconditionis furthermanifestinhis “swollentesticles,” theresultoforchitisthat makeshimsterile.
Hajihaslittleregardformodernknowledgeandeducation.Uneducatedhimself,hedidsendhissontostudyinEurope,butthisturned outtobeawasteofmoneyasthesonprovedtobeagood-for-nothing dandy,whoneverthelessfoundhimselfacomfortablepositionasa driverincourt.HajiAqaseestheeffectsofmodernizationinIranas nothingmorethanthespreadofdebaucheryandindecency.Moreover, hepretendstobepiousandreligiouswhileinfactheneglectsthemost basicdutiesofaMuslim.Inshort,inlooksandbeliefs,inmoralsand
familylife,HajiAqaistheabsoluteoppositeofallthata “good” or “properman” issupposedtobe.1
Notwithstandinghisglaringshortcomings,Hajiishighlyregarded bytownspeople,bazaarmerchantsandevengovernmentministers. Menwhogoonpilgrimageentrusttohimthecareoftheirproperty, theirwives,andtheirchildren,eventhoughheoftenprovestobe unworthyofthistrust.Heclaimsthathiswordissovaluableinthe bazaarthathecan “pawn” ahairofhismustacheandget50million tumanworthofgoodsforit.Hisacquaintances(butnotmembersof hishousehold)believeHajitobea javanmard:atrustworthyand honestmantowhomallmayapplyforhelp,anidealman.Thus, Hedayatsuggeststhatunderneaththerespectableandpiousfaçadeof HajiAqa(and,implicitly,menlikehim)liethoroughlyrottenbodies andcharacters.ThefactthatHaji’sailmentislocatedinhistesticles furtherstressestheinfi rmityofhismasculinity.
As HajiAqa isasatireonIraniansociety,Haji’s figurerepresentsa masculinitythatbythe1940shadbecomeoutmodedandengendered reproachandridicule:thatoftheprominentbazaari,whoclingsto conservativeviewsandlifestylesandpretendstobeanexemplarof decencyandrespectability.ForHedayat,thisiswhatIranianmen oughtnottobe.Yetinnineteenth-centuryIran,whentheprotagonist wasborn,manyofhischaracteristicswerepartofawidelyacceptable notionofanappropriatemasculinity.Age,alargefamilyandabig household,businessacumenandtheabilitytomediateandinfl uence people’scareersandfortunes,religiosityandconservatismwereall deemedessentialtotheconstructionofhonorablemasculinity.Even theridiculedcanvasshoesandcamelhaircloakwerewornbyrespectablemen.How,then,didittranspirethatbythe1940stheselaudable qualitiescametobedenouncedasasourceofallthatwasevilin Iraniansociety?Howdidanotheridealofmasculinitythatpresented theoppositeofHajiAqa – ayoung,patriotic,educated,westernized, andmonogamousman – emergeanddevelopsincethelatenineteenth century?
1 SadeqHedayatandIntroductionbyLoisBeck, Hāji Āghā:PortraitofanIranian ConfidenceMan,trans.G.M.Wickens(Austin,TX:CenterforMiddleEastern Studies,UniversityofTexasatAustin,1979);MinooMoallem, BetweenWarrior BrotherandVeiledSister:IslamicFundamentalismandthePoliticsofPatriarchy InIran (Berkeley,CA:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2005),71–72.
Thisbookdealswiththeconstructionanddevelopmentofanew modelofmasculinitythatbegantoevolveinIraninthelatenineteenth century,andsubsequentlybecamehegemonicduringRezaShah Pahlavi’sreign.Thebooktracestheidealsandimagesthatformedthe newhegemonicmasculinity,itsrepresentationsandthepracticesand experiencesofIranianmenwhoembodied,articulated,imitated,or rejectedit.Beingconsidereda “realman” meantcompletelydifferent thingsinlate-nineteenth-centuryandmid-twentieth-centuryIran.In RezaShah’speriodmenlived,dressed,andbehavedinanewfashion, andheldnewnotionsandbeliefsregardingscienceandeducation, patriotism,love,marriage,sexuality,andtheirownbodies.These changeswerenotcoincidental,asmasculinityisnotnaturalbuthistoricalandchanging:theywerecontingentonspeci ficsocioculturaland politicaldynamics,andwereculturallyproducedandactivelypromotedbyindividualsandgroups,aswellasthroughstateindoctrinationandcoercion.Thisbooklooksatthemenadvocatingand embodyingthenewmasculinityandathowtheclusterofimages, ideas,andpracticesassociatedwithitservedtheirmaterialandideologicalinterests.Italsolooksatthemenexcludedfromthenew masculinityandhowtheirdifferentmasculinitieswereportrayedand imagined.
TracingtheformationandchangesofhegemonicmasculinityinIran isimportantinandofitself.Thisbookoffersmore,however.Investigatingchangingmaleideals,representations,practices,andnormsalso allowsustoreexaminesomeofthemostimportantandwidely researchedprocessesinthehistoryofmodernIranfromanewgenderedperspective,onethatdoesnotplacewomenatitscenter.During theperiodstudiedhere,Iranhasexperiencedtheriseofnationalism, theemergenceofanewurbanelite,andtherelatedemergenceand developmentofnewformsofeducation.Ithaswitnessedvarious projectsofmodernizationfromtheestablishmentofacentralized government,statebureaucracy,andarmy,throughthebuildingof transportationandcommunicationinfrastructure,totheintroduction andadoptionofWesterndress,leisurepractices,andfamilymodels. Whereasmanystudiesfromrecentyearshaveconsideredthegender aspectoftheseprocesses,usuallytheirfocushasbeenonwomen,oron theimpactmodernizationprocesseshadonwomen’slives.Thisbook aimstocomplementthesestudies,byfocusingonthemasculinesideof thegenderequation.
Theextensivechangesmentionedabovehadtheiroriginsintheearly nineteenthcentury,butbecameprominentandacceleratedduringthe lastquarterofthatcentury.Evenearlier,politicalandmilitarydefeats byimperialistpowerssuchasRussia(intheRusso-Persianwarsof 1804–1813and1826–1827)andGreatBritain(in1856–1857),alongsidetechnologicalanddiplomaticdevelopments,increasinglyexposed Iranianstothechangingworldoutsidetheircountry’sborders.Communicationstechnologieswereimportedanda firsttelegraphline connectedTehrantotheRussianborderin1868.In1872,aconcession grantedtotheBritishBaronJuliusdeReuterlaunchedaperiodof concessionhuntingbythecolonialWesternpowers.Duringthelast quarterofthenineteenthcentury,Iranexperiencedthegrowingspread ofPersian-languagenewspapersaswellasofphotography.2
Humiliatedbydefeatandemboldenedbytheintroductionofnew technologies,reformsaimingtoenhanceIran’sinternationalstatus weresuggestedanddebated,andsocioculturalchangestookhold mostlyamongeducated,urban,eliteIranianmen – thechiefhistorical actorsinthisbook.Theyweretheonesmostexposedtomodern educationandEuropeanideasandpractices.Theywerealsothemain advocatesofmodernizingreforms,manyofwhichshapedandwere affectedbynotionsofmasculinityandfemininity.
Onesuchreformwastheintroductionofmodern,Western-style educationbeginninginthemid-nineteenthcentury.3 Moderneducationandthepresshadanimportantroleinintroducingnationalism andpatriotismtotheIranianpublic,andtheturnofthetwentieth centurywitnessedtheemergenceandgrowthofanIraniannationalist
2 PeterAvery, “Printing,thePressandLiterature,” in TheCambridgeHistoryof Iran,vol.7,ed.PeterAvery,GavinR.G.Hambly,andCharlesMelville (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1991),815–869;DonnaStein, “Three PhotographicTraditionsinNineteenth-CenturyIran,” Muqarnas 6(1989): 112–130.
3 ForadiscussionofmoderneducationseeDavidMenashri, Educationandthe MakingofModernIran (Ithaca,NY:CornellUniversityPress,1992);A.Reza Arasteh, EducationandSocialAwakeninginIran (Leiden:Brill,1962);Monica M.Ringer, Education,Religion,andtheDiscourseofCulturalReforminQajar Iran (CostaMesa,CA:Mazda,2001);AfshinMarashi, NationalizingIran: Culture,Power,andtheState,1870–1940 (Seattle,WA:Universityof WashingtonPress,2008);SoliShahvar, TheForgottenSchools:TheBaha’isand ModernEducationinIran,1899–1934 (London:I.B.Tauris,2009);Mikiya Koyagi, “CreatingFutureSoldiersandMothers:GenderandPhysicalEducation inModernIran,1921–1941” (MAThesis,UniversityofTexasatAustin,2006).
movementthatsucceededinmobilizingcrowdsinmasseventssuchas theTobaccoRevoltandtheConstitutionalRevolution(1905–1911).4 Risingnationalismengenderedaheateddebateonthebene fitsand dangersofwesternization.Westernobjects,ideas,knowledge,and practiceshadbeenenteringIranatanacceleratedpacesincethelate nineteenthcentury – andtheiradoptionorrejectioncausedstrifeand enmityamongdifferentsectionsofIraniansociety.5 Thisbookcriticallyappliestheanalyticaltoolsofmasculinitystudiestoahistoryof Iranianmasculinities,andtotheirdevelopmentandinterrelationswith thesignificantprocessesofmodernizationoutlinedabove.
4 OntheIraniannationalistmovementseeMangolBayat, Iran’sFirstRevolution: Shi’ismandtheConstitutionalRevolutionof1905–1909 (NewYork:Oxford UniversityPress,1991);VanessaMartin, IslamandModernism:TheIranian Revolutionof1906 (Syracuse,NY:SyracuseUniversityPress,1989);AliM. Ansari, ThePoliticsofNationalisminModernIran (Cambridge:Cambridge UniversityPress,2012);Marashi, NationalizingIran. OnthegenderedaspectsofIraniannationalismseeJanetAfary, TheIranian ConstitutionalRevolution,1906–1911:GrassrootsDemocracy,Social Democracy,andtheOriginsofFeminism (NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1996);AfsanehNajmabadi, TheStoryoftheDaughtersofQuchan:Genderand NationalMemoryinIranianHistory (Syracuse,NY:SyracuseUniversityPress, 1998);AfsanehNajmabadi, “TheEroticVatan[Homeland]asBelovedand Mother:ToLove,ToPossess,andToProtect,” ComparativeStudiesinSociety andHistory 39,no.3(1997):442–467;AfsanehNajmabadi, “Zanha-YiMillat: WomenorWivesoftheNation?,” IranianStudies 26,no.1(1993):51–71; FiroozehKashani-Sabet, FrontierFictions:ShapingtheIranianNation, 1804–1946 (Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1999);Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi, “FromPatriotismtoMatriotism:ATropologicalStudyof IranianNationalism,1870–1909,” InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies 34,no.2(2002):217–238;MohamadTavakoli-Targhi, “RefashioningIran: LanguageandCultureDuringtheConstitutionalRevolution,” IranianStudies 23,no.1(1990):77–101.
5 MohamadTavakoli-Targhi, RefashioningIran:Orientalism,Occidentalismand Historiography (Basingstoke:PalgraveMacmillan,2001);AliGheissari, Iranian Intellectualsinthe20thCentury (Austin,TX:UniversityofTexasPress,1998); MehrzadBoroujerdi, “TheAmbivalentModernityofIranianIntellectuals,” in IntellectualTrendsinTwentieth-CenturyIran:ACriticalSurvey,ed.Negin Nabavi(Gainesville,FL:UniversityPressofFlorida,2003):11–23;Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi, “InventingModernity,BorrowingModernity(Tajaddod-e Ekhtera’i,Tamaddon-e ‘AriyativaEnqelab-eRuhani),” Iran-Nameh 20,no.2–3 (2002):195–235;MehrzadBoroujerdi, IranianIntellectualsandtheWest:The TormentedTriumphofNativism (Syracuse,NY:SyracuseUniversityPress, 1996);GuityNashat, TheOriginsofModernReforminIran,1870–1880 (Urbana,IL:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1982);FarzinVahdat, Godand Juggernaut:Iran’sIntellectualEncounterwithModernity (Syracuse,NY: SyracuseUniversityPress,2002).
Modernizationandwesternizationweretakenastepforwardduring thereignofRezaShah,who,togetherwithagovernmentanda bureaucracymannedbysupportersofreform,wishedtomakeIran andIranianstheequalsofwesterners,anddidnotshyawayfrom coercioninordertopromotethisaim.6 WhenRezaShahwasforced bytheAlliestoabdicatein1941,adistinctchangecouldbedetectedin Iraniannotionsandperceptionsofmasculinity.Themodelofmasculinity,whosebearersnowrepresentedthecountry’snewprofessional, political,andculturalelite,reachedahegemonicpositioninstateand society.Thelate1930swasalsotheperiodwhenWesternorWesternstyleeducationbegantospreadbeyondthenarrowranksofelite groups.Inthefollowingdecades,asmoreandmorestrataofsociety gotaccesstohigher,scientificeducation,newsocialgroupswithnew resourcesofpowerbegantotaketheirplaceinthenationalarena. Furthermore,thespreadofmassmediatechnologiessuchastheradio (fromthelate1930s)andtelevision(from1958)contributedtothe disseminationofWesternnorms,ideas,andpracticesamongwider audiences.7 Startinginthe1940s,newpoliticsdrewparticipantsfrom hithertouninvolvedsegmentsofIraniansociety.Allofthesewereto eventuallycontestthehegemonyofelitemenwithWesterneducation andsomeofthetraitsofmasculinitythatthesemenrepresented. Accordingly,thebookendsin1941although,naturally,masculinities inIrancontinuedandstillcontinuetoevolveandchange.
6 TourajAtabakiandErikJ.Zurcher,eds., MenofOrder:Authoritarian ModernizationunderAtaturkandRezaShah (London:I.B.Tauris,2004); StephanieCronin, Soldiers,ShahsandSubalternsinIran:Opposition,Protest andRevolt,1921–1941 (NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2010);HouchangE. Chehabi, “StagingtheEmperor’sNewClothes:DressCodesandNation-Building underRezaShah,” IranianStudies 26,no.3–4(1993):209–233;Stephanie Cronin,ed., TheMakingofModernIran:StateandSocietyunderRizaShah, 1921–1941 (London:Routledge,2003);BiancaDevosandChristophWerner, eds., CultureandCulturalPoliticsunderRezaShah (London:Routledge,2014); TourajAtabaki,ed., TheStateandtheSubaltern:Modernization,Societyandthe StateinTurkeyandIran (London:I.B.Tauris,2007);StephanieCronin, Tribal PoliticsinIran:RuralConflictandtheNewState,1921–1941 (London: Routledge,2007);AliM.Ansari, ModernIranSince1921:ThePahlavisand After (London:PearsonEducation,2003).
7 PeterJ.Chelkowski, “PopularEntertainment,MediaandSocialChangein TwentiethCenturyIran,” in TheCambridgeHistoryofIran,vol.7,ed.Peter Avery,GavinHambly,andCharlesMelville(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press,2007),808–810.
GenderandMasculinityintheMiddleEast
Fromthe1990sandtoagreaterextentsincetheearly2000s,historiansbegantoexploremasculinitiesinWesternandnon-Westernsocieties.8 ScholarsofMiddleEasternhistorycalledforgreaterinclusionof masculinitystudiesinscholarshipongenderintheMiddleEast,butit seemsthatlittlehasbeendonesofarandmostresearchongender historyintheMiddleEaststillfocusesonwomenandfemininity.9 In recentyears,therehasbeenatrickleofarticlesanddoctoraldissertationsonvariousaspectsofthehistoryofMiddleEasternmasculinities,
8 GeorgeL.Mosse, TheImageofMan:TheCreationofModernMasculinity (New York:OxfordUniversityPress,1998);MichaelS.Kimmel, ManhoodinAmerica: ACulturalHistory (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2011);KamLouieand MorrisLow,eds., AsianMasculinities:TheMeaningandPracticeofManhoodin ChinaandJapan (London:RoutledgeCurzon,2003);ChristopherE.Forth, MasculinityintheModernWest:Gender,CivilizationandtheBody (NewYork: PalgraveMacmillan,2008);JohnTosh, AMan’sPlace:Masculinityandthe Middle-ClassHomeinVictorianEngland (NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversity Press,2007);RobertA.Nye, MasculinityandMaleCodesofHonorinModern France (Berkeley,CA:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1998);BarbaraEvans Clements,RebeccaFriedman,andDanHealey,eds., RussianMasculinitiesin HistoryandCulture (Basingstoke:PalgraveMacmillan,2002);KamLouie, TheorisingChineseMasculinity:SocietyandGenderinChina (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress,2002);MrinaliniSinha, ColonialMasculinity:The “ManlyEnglishman” andthe “EffeminateBengali” intheLateNineteenth Century (Manchester:ManchesterUniversityPress,1995);VictorM.MacíasGonzálezandAnneRubenstein,eds., MasculinityandSexualityinModern Mexico (Albuquerque:UniversityofNewMexicoPress,2012);Lahoucine OuzganeandRobertMorrell,eds., AfricanMasculinities:MeninAfricafromthe LateNineteenthCenturytothePresent (NewYork:PalgraveMacmillanand UniversityofKwaZulu-NatalPress,2005).
9 DenizKandiyoti, ‘TheParadoxesofMasculinity:SomeThoughtsonSegregated Societies,” in DislocatingMasculinity:ComparativeEthnographies,ed.Andrea CornwallandNancyLindisfarne-Tapper(London:Routledge,1994),196–212; JoannadeGroot, “Gender,DiscourseandIdeologyinIranianStudies:Towarda NewScholarship,” in GenderingtheMiddleEast:AlternativePerspectives,ed. DenizKandiyoti(London:I.B.Tauris,1996),45;DenizKandiyoti,ed., GenderingtheMiddleEast:EmergingPerspectives (London:I.B.Tauris,1995); BethBaron, EgyptasaWoman:Nationalism,Gender,andPolitics (Berkeley, CA:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2005);LilaAbuLughod,ed., Remaking Women:FeminismandModernityintheMiddleEast (Princeton,NJ:Princeton UniversityPress,1998);FatmaMügeGöçekandShivaBalaghi, Reconstructing GenderintheMiddleEast:Tradition,Identity,andPower (NewYork:Columbia UniversityPress,1994);MargaretL.MeriwetherandJudithTucker,eds., ASocialHistoryofWomenandGenderintheModernMiddleEast (Boulder, CO:WestviewPress,1999).
butthe fieldisstillinitsinfancy.10 AnotableexceptionisWilson ChackoJacob’sstudyofmasculinityinEgypt.11 Twomultidisciplinary editedvolumesonMiddleEasternandIslamicmasculinitiespreceded hiswork,butweremostlynotinformedbymasculinitystudiesor theory,anddidnotofferacoherentbodyofknowledge.12 One field ofstudythatdidattracttheattentionofnumeroushistoriansisthe historyofmalehomosexualityintheMiddleEast,onwhichseveral bookswerepublished.13 ThehistoriographyofsexualityintheMiddle EastandinIranhasfocusedmostlyonmarriageandthefamily,but considerablylessonmaleheterosexualsexualityoronwomen’ssexuality.14 StudiesofMiddleEasternmasculinitiesindisciplinesoutside
10 SamuelDolbee, “MandatoryBodybuilding:Nationalism,Masculinity,Class andPhysicalActivityin1930sSyria” (MAThesis,GeorgetownUniversity, 2010);StacyFahrenthold, “SoundMindsinSoundBodies:Transnational PhilanthropyandPatrioticMasculinityinAl-NadiAl-HomsiandSyrianBrazil, 1920–32,” InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies 46,no.2(2014): 259–283;WilsonChackoJacob, “Overcoming ‘SimplyBeing’:StraightSex, MasculinityandPhysicalCultureinModernEgypt,” Gender&History 22,no. 3(2010):658–676;JosephMassad, “ConceivingtheMasculine:Genderand PalestinianNationalism,” TheMiddleEastJournal 49,no.3(1995):467–483; HananKholoussy, “MonitoringandMedicalisingMaleSexualityinSemiColonialEgypt,” Gender&History 22,no.3(2010):677–691.
11 WilsonChackoJacob, WorkingOutEgypt:EffendiMasculinityandSubject FormationinColonialModernity,1870–1940 (Durham,NC:DukeUniversity PressBooks,2011).
12 MaiGhoussoubandEmmaSinclair-Webb,eds., ImaginedMasculinities:Male IdentityandCultureintheModernMiddleEast (London:SaqiBooks,2000); LahoucineOuzgane,ed., IslamicMasculinities (London:ZedBooks,2006).
13 StephenO.MurrayandWillRoscoe,eds., IslamicHomosexualities:Culture, History,andLiterature (NewYork:NewYorkUniversityPress,1997);Afsaneh Najmabadi, WomenwithMustachesandMenwithoutBeards:Genderand SexualAnxietiesofIranianModernity (Berkeley,CA:UniversityofCalifornia Press,2005);JosephMassad, DesiringArabs (Chicago,IL:Universityof ChicagoPress,2007);KhaledEl-Rouayheb, BeforeHomosexualityintheArabIslamicWorld,1500–1800 (Chicago,IL:UniversityofChicagoPress,2009); JosephA.Boone, TheHomoeroticsofOrientalism (NewYork:Colombia UniversityPress,2014).SeealsoadissertationbyWendyNoelDeSouza: “ScholarlyMysticismandMysticalScholars:EuropeanandIranianIntellectuals attheDawnofModernSexualityandGender” (UniversityofCaliforniaLos Angeles,2010).
14 JanetAfary, SexualPoliticsinModernIran (NewYork:CambridgeUniversity Press,2009);WillemM.Floor, ASocialHistoryofSexualRelationsinIran (Washington,DC:Mage,2008);KathrynBabayanandAfsanehNajmabadi, eds., IslamicateSexualities:TranslationsacrossTemporalGeographiesof Desire (Cambridge,MA:HarvardCenterforMiddleEasternStudies,2008);
historysuchassociology,anthropology,andliteratureexploredcontemporarysocieties,withsomewhatgreaterfocusontheirpractices, images,andidealsofmasculinity.15
HistoricalstudiesonIransufferfromasimilarimbalance.Many importantstudiesonmodernIranianwomenhaveexaminedwomen’s changingstatusinthepolitical,legal,social,andculturalspheres.16
Women’srolesinthecountry’spoliticalupheavalshavebeenbrought totheforeandtheirimportanceinnationalandpoliticalsymbolism scrutinized,aswellastheirstruggleforlegalrightsandbetterpositions inthepublicandprivatelabormarkets.17 CamronAminhasdescribed
DrorZe’evi, ProducingDesire:ChangingSexualDiscourseintheOttoman MiddleEast,1500–1900 (Berkeley,CA:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2006).
15 MarciaC.Inhorn, TheNewArabMan:EmergentMasculinities,Technologies, andIslamintheMiddleEast (Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,2012); SamiraAghacy, MasculineIdentityintheFictionoftheArabEastsince1967 (Syracuse,NY:SyracuseUniversityPress,2009);HosseinAdibi, “Sociologyof MasculinityintheMiddleEast,” paperpresentedinSocialChangeinthe21st CenturyConference,CarseldineCampus,Brisbane,October27,2006;Andrea CornwallandNancyLindisfarne-Tapper,eds., DislocatingMasculinity: ComparativeEthnographies (London:Routledge,1994);NurhayatKizilkan, “SpacesofMasculinities:BachelorRoomsinSuleymaniye” (MAthesis,Middle EastTechnicalUniversityinAnkara,2009);HodaElSadd, “Imagingthe ‘New Man’ GenderandNationinArabLiteraryNarrativesintheEarlyTwentieth Century,” JournalofMiddleEastWomen’sStudies 3,no.2(2007):31–55; AsifaSiraj, “‘MenAreHard WomenAreSoft’:MuslimMenandthe ConstructionofMasculineIdentity,” in MasculinitiesinaGlobalEra,ed. JosephGelfer,vol.4,InternationalandCulturalPsychology(NewYork: SpringerNewYork,2014),101–116.
16 AlargeportionofthestudyofgenderinIranconcernstheperiodsof MohammadRezaShah,theIslamicRevolutionandpostrevolutionaryIran.See HaidehMoghissi, PopulismandFeminisminIran:Women’sStruggleinaMaleDefinedRevolutionaryMovement (London:Macmillan&Co.,1996);Azar TabariandNahidYeganeh,eds., IntheShadowofIslam:TheWomen’ s MovementinIran (London:ZedPress,1982);GuityNashat,ed., Womenand RevolutioninIran (Boulder,CO:WestviewPress,1983);MahnazAfkhamiand EricaFriedl,eds., IntheEyeoftheStorm:WomeninPost-RevolutionaryIran (Syracuse,NY:SyracuseUniversityPress,1994);TaraPoveyandElaheh Rostami-Povey,eds., Women,PowerandPoliticsin21stCenturyIran (Farnham:Ashgate,2012);HammedShahidian, WomeninIran:Gender PoliticsintheIslamicRepublic (Westport,CT:GreenwoodPublishing Group,2002).
17 ElizSanasarian, TheWomen’sRightsMovementinIran:Mutiny,Appeasement, andRepressionfrom1900toKhomeini (NewYork:Praeger,1982);Parvin Paidar, WomenandthePoliticalProcessinTwentieth-CenturyIran (NewYork: CambridgeUniversityPress,1995);HamidehSedghi, WomenandPoliticsin Iran:Veiling,Unveiling,andReveiling (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,
theconstructionofamodernIranianwomanbyindividualsandthe statebetweenthemid-nineteenthandmid-twentiethcenturies,showing howIranianwomenwereimaginedandtheirstatusreformed.18 Ina way,thepresentstudyattemptstodoasimilarthingforthemodern Iranianman:lookingathowthis figurewasimaginedandreformed,by whomandforwhom.Myresearchhasgainedtremendouslyfromthe researchofthescholarswhohadintroducedmasculinitytothehistoricalresearchofgenderinIran.Theseare fi rstandforemostAfsaneh NajmabadiinherstudiesofQajarsexuality,JoannadeGrootinher considerationofmasculinityandnationalism,andMinooMoallem, whoistothebestofmyknowledgethe firstIranianscholartohave referredtotheconceptofhegemonicmasculinity.19
HegemonicMasculinityandItsCritiques
SociologistRaewynConnell’sconceptofhegemonicmasculinityhas beenausefulanalyticaltoolinthisstudy,andoneofthemostinfluentialconceptsinmasculinitystudies.AccordingtoConnell,hegemonic masculinityconsistsofthepractices,traits,andbehaviorsthatturna malehumanbeingintoa “realman.” Thesechangesignificantlyin
2007);Afary, TheIranianConstitutionalRevolution;FiroozehKashani-Sabet, ConceivingCitizens:WomenandthePoliticsofMotherhoodinIran (New York:OxfordUniversityPress,2011);LoisBeckandGuityNashat,eds., WomeninIranfrom1800totheIslamicRepublic (Champaign,IL:University ofIllinoisPress,2004);SarahAnsariandVanessaMartin,eds., Women, ReligionandCultureinIran (NewYork:Routledge,2002).
18 CamronMichaelAmin, TheMakingoftheModernIranianWoman:Gender, StatePolicy,andPopularCulture,1865–1946 (Gainesville,FL:UniversityPress ofFlorida,2002).
19 Najmabadi, “TheEroticVatan”;Najmabadi, WomenwithMustaches;Joanna deGroot, “‘BrothersoftheIranianRace’:Manhood,Nationhoodand ModernityinIran1870–1914,” in MasculinitiesinPoliticsandWar:Gendering ModernHistory,ed.StefanDudink,KarenHagemann,andJohnTosh (Manchester:ManchesterUniversityPress,2004),137–156;Moallem, Between WarriorBrother
SeealsoMehriHonarbin-Holliday, “EmergingFormsofMasculinityinthe IslamicRepublicofIran,” in CulturalRevolutioninIran:Contemporary PopularCultureintheIslamicRepublic (London:I.B.Tauris,2013),59–77; ShahinGerami, “Mullahs,Martyrs,andMen:ConceptualizingMasculinityin theIslamicRepublicofIran,” MenandMasculinities 5,no.3(January1,2003): 257–274;FaeghehShirazi, “ManlyMattersinIran:FromBeardstoTurbans,” in CriticalEncounters:EssaysonPersianLiteratureandCultureinHonorof PeterJ.Chelkowski (CostaMesa,CA:Mazda,2007),145–166.
timeandfromplacetoplaceandareshapedbysystemsofsocialpower relations.Hegemonicmasculinitylegitimizespatriarchyaswellasthe dominationofcertaingroupsofmenoverothers.Usefullyforhistorians,Connellhasemphasizedthathegemonicmasculinityisnotmonolithicorstablebutheterogeneousandcomplexandissituatedinpower relationsvis-à-visbothfemininityandalternativemodelsofmasculinity.Neitherhegemonicnorothermasculinitiesconstitute fixedcharactertypesbutare “configurationsofgenderpractice” contingentonthe relationshipsinwhichtheyexist.20 Ineverysocietyandperiodseveral modelsofmasculinitycanbefound – hegemonic,marginal,complicit, andsubordinate.Whereassubordinatemasculinityistheantithesisof hegemonicmasculinity,andmenwhoembodyitaresubjugatedin manyrespects,complicitmasculinitycharacterizesmenwhodonot embodytheentirerangeofcharacteristicsofhegemonicmasculinity, butstillprofitfromthewayitsubjugateswomenandsubordinates groupsofmen.Therefore,thesemendonotchallengetheexisting order.WhenConnellrefersto “marginalmasculinity,” atermshe admitsisnotideal,sheisconcernedwithpowerrelationsfound alongsidethegenderorderthatintersectwithit,suchasclassorrace.21
Forourpurposeshere,hegemonicmasculinityofferstwoessential insights.First,thatmasculinityisaculturalanddynamicconstruct, andthatwhatisconsideredmanlyisconstantlydebatedandcontested. Second,thatconstructsofmasculinityareinseparablefrompower relations:socioculturalandpoliticalhegemoniesinfl uenceandare influencedbyhegemonicnotionsofgender.Tracingdownchanging conceptsofmanlinesshashelpedmenotonlybetterunderstandgender identities,butalsogainanewperspectiveonpowerrelationsbetween anemergingeliteandothersocialgroupsinIraniansociety,between Iranianmenandwomen,betweentheregimeanditssubjects,and betweenIranandtheWest.
Theprominenceoftheconceptofhegemonicmasculinityinmasculinitystudieshasnaturallyengenderedcriticism,someofwhich Iemployhere.JohnToshhaschallengedConnell’sclaimthathegemonicmasculinity’s main goalistolegitimizepatriarchyandargued
20 R.W.Connell, Masculinities (Berkeley,CA:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1995; 2nded.2005),77.
21 Connellgivestheexampleofgaymenasaformofsubordinatemasculinityin contemporaryWesternsociety,andofblackorworking-classmenasmarginal masculinities. Ibid.,77–81.
thatotherpowerrelationscouldbeequallysigni ficantfortheformationofhegemonicmasculinity.22 Asmyresearchprogressed, Idiscoveredthathegemonicmasculinityinlate-nineteenth-centuryIran hadmuchtodowiththemakingandmaintenanceofahegemonic positionforanewelitethatemergedduringthisperiod.Thisdoesnot excludehegemonicmasculinity’sroleasajustificationofpatriarchy. Idobelieve,though,thatthelatterrolewaslesscrucial,perhaps becausepatriarchywasstillwellentrenchedandhardlycontestedin Iraniansociety.
AsecondhelpfulandrelevantcriticismofConnellconcernsthe natureofrelationsbetweenhegemonicmasculinityandothermasculinities.DemetrakisDemetriouhasclaimedthatthesearenotcomposedsolelyofexclusion,rejection,andcontestation.Hegemonic masculinity,hehasdemonstrated,mayborrowandadoptdifferent componentsfromothermasculinitiesthatcanbenefi titshegemonic position.23 IntheIraniancase,asthisbookshows,thenewhegemonic masculinityadaptedcertaincomponentsofearliernotionsabout masculineidealsthatitwishedtoreplace.Thus,bothcontinuity andchangeareevidentinthedevelopmentofIranianhegemonic masculinity.
TheWestern-EducatedElite
Asalreadynoted,thisbookattemptsto figureoutwhowerethemen thatbenefi ttedmostorwereexcludedfromthenewIranianhegemonic masculinity.Thisnewmasculinity,Iargue,wasadvocatedanddisseminatedbyaveryspeci ficgroup:theWestern-educatedelite.Thesemen camefromwealthyfamilies,whetheraristocraticormercantile,livedin urbancenters,wereeducatedinmodernschoolsinIranoroverseas, andoftenspentlongstretchesoftimeinEurope.Itwasaverysmall group,afractionofIran’spopulation:in1941,despitetheexpansion oftheschoolsystem,outofapopulationofover12.8million,there were355,500students(including210,000primaryschoolpupils,
22 JohnTosh, “HegemonicMasculinityandtheHistoryofGender,” in MasculinitiesinPoliticsandWar (Manchester:ManchesterUniversityPress, 2004),41–56.
23 DemetrakisZ.Demetriou, “Connell’sConceptofHegemonicMasculinity: ACritique,” TheoryandSociety 30(2001):337‒361.
approximately28percentofthemgirls)and105,000schoolgraduates (including65,000primaryschoolsgraduates)inthecountry.Insum, lessthan3percentofthepopulationhadanymoderneducation. 24 The groupofmenIfocusonwasevensmaller,astheywerealreadygrown menin1941.
Yettheinfluenceofthesemenwasdisproportionallygreat.The privilegedpositionofthefamiliesmostofthemcamefromgreatly enhancedtheirinfluence.Theypromotedandcontrolledmoderneducation,theprintedmedia,andnewliteraryformsandgenressuchas theshortstoryanddrama,whichrepresentedtheirinnovativeideason gender.Theyheldpositionsofpowerinthestatebureaucracy,in government,andinparliament.Theidealofmasculinitytheyrepresentedandpromotedbecamethebenchmarkagainstwhichothermen measuredtheirownmasculinityand filtereddowntoother,thoughnot all,socioeconomicgroups.Thesemenarousedadmirationandsuspicion,andsometimesfury.Theywereimitatedandquitefrequently opposed – butcouldnotbeignored.Theyalsoproducedmostofthe primarysourcematerialsonwhichthisstudyisbased – newspaper articles,worksof fiction,autobiographies,andgovernmentreports –andwerethesubjectsandoftentheproducersofphotography.All thosesourcesprovedinvaluableforrevealingandinterpretingthe beliefs,biases,andideologiesofsuchmen.
ThisgroupofIranianshasbeenstudiedextensivelybyvirtueofits vastinfluenceonhistoricalprocessesinlateQajarandearlyPahlavi Iran.Itisvariouslyreferredtoasthenew/modernmiddleclass,the educatedclass,theintelligentsia,thebourgeoisie,ortheprofessionalbureaucraticintelligentsia.25 Mostscholarsacknowledgethatan
24 Menashri, Education,110,191;ErvandAbrahamian, AHistoryofModernIran (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2008); “Women’sEducationinthe PahlaviPeriodandAfter,” EncyclopaediaIranica,1996, www.iranicaonline .org/articles/education-xxvi-womens-education-in-the-pahlavi-period-and-after . 25 Abrahamian, AHistoryofModernIran;CyrusSchayegh, WhoIs KnowledgeableIsStrong:Science,Class,andtheFormationofModernIranian Society,1900–1950 (Berkeley,CA:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2009); AzadehKian-Thiébaut, SecularizationofIran:ADoomedFailure?TheNew MiddleClassandtheMakingofModernIran (Paris:Peeters,1998);Menashri, Education;Bayat, Iran’sFirstRevolution;HooshangAmirahmadi, ThePolitical EconomyofIranundertheQajars:Society,Politics,EconomicsandForeign Relations,1796–1926 (London:I.B.Tauris,2012);AshkanRezvani-Naraghi, “MiddleClassUrbanism:TheSocio-SpatialTransformationofTehran, 1921–41,” IranianStudies 51,no.1(2018):97–126;JamesA.Bill, ThePolitics
Iranianmodernmiddleclassbecameprominentduringthereignof MohammadRezaShah(1941–1979),butlocateitsoriginsinearlier decades.Ichoosenottousetheterm “middleclass” asitmaygivethe problematicimpressionthatthegroupreferredtowasrelativelylarge andconsistedofmemberswithmiddleincomeandinfluence,andthat manyofitsmembersoriginatedfrompoorerstrataandenteredthe middleclassasaresultofupwardmobility.However,duringthe perioddiscussedhere,themenusuallydescribedasmiddleclasswere infactthesonsofelitefamilies,whopossessedconsiderablepolitical, socioeconomic,andculturalcapital.26 Theymaythereforebecharacterizedmoreaccuratelyasanemergingelite.Thiselitechallengedthe oldelitesfromwhichitheralded,butalsopreservedsomeoftheir privilegesandbiases.Despitethesesimilarities,however,thebookalso showshowtheirWesternorWestern-styleeducationdistinguished themfromtheelitestheycamefrom,andinfluencedtheirideologies andbeliefs,aswellastheirlifestyleandeverydaypractices,together withmuchoftheircriticismonIran’ssituation.Stressingtheirelite originsandstatusissignifi cantfortheanalysisofpowerrelations becauseitbringstotheforetheirvestedinterestsincertainreforms andinpromotingcertainaspectsofmasculinity.27
ofIran:Groups,ClassesandModernization (Columbus,OH:CharlesE.Merrill Publishing,1972).Billusestheterms “theprofessional-bureaucratic intelligentsia,”“theprofessionalmiddleclass,” and “thenewmiddleclass” interchangeably.
26 IamindebtedtoSheilaMoussaieyforherusefulinsightsonthismatter.
27 Numerousscholarshaveshowntheimmenseinfluenceelitegroupshaveon politics,economics,gender,andculture.SeeforexampleJohnHigleyand MichaelG.Burton, EliteFoundationsofLiberalDemocracy (Oxford:Rowman &Littlefield,2006);ElenaSemenova,MichaelEdinger,andHeinrichBest,eds., ParliamentaryElitesinCentralandEasternEurope:Recruitmentand Representation (NewYork:Routledge,2013);ChristopherWilliams, ResearchingPower,ElitesandLeadership (London:SAGEPublications,2012); IsabelleWerenfels, ManagingInstabilityinAlgeria:ElitesandPoliticalChange since1995 (NewYork:Routledge,2007);MinoVianelloandGwenMoore, eds., WomenandMeninPoliticalandBusinessElites:AComparativeStudyin theIndustrializedWorld,vol.1(London:SAGEPublications,2004);Francie Ostrower, TrusteesofCulture:Power,Wealth,andStatusonEliteArtsBoards (Chicago,IL:UniversityofChicagoPress,2004);RichardLachmann, CapitalistsinSpiteofThemselves:EliteConflictandEconomicTransitionsin EarlyModernEurope (Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2002);VolkerPerthes, ed., ArabElites:NegotiatingthePoliticsofChange (Boulder,CO:Lynne Rienner,2004);EllenLust-Okar, StructuringConflictintheArabWorld:
SourcesandMethodology
ThebookdrawsmostlyonsourcesthatconstitutedtheculturalproductionoftheIranianWestern-educatedelite.Whenreadcriticallyand fromagenderedperspective,thesesourcesinformusonthewritersor photographers’ notionsaboutaspectsofmasculinity.Unlikediscussionsaboutwomen’sstatusandidealsandpracticesoffemininityin Iraniansociety,whichwereexplicitandformedpartofthedebateon the “woman’squestion,” idealsandpracticesofmasculinitywere usuallynotdiscussedexplicitly.Similartomasculinity,socialand occasionallypoliticalpowerrelationsareofteninsinuatedratherthan clearlystated,andIattempttoexposeboththemesbyanuanced readingofthesources.
ThemostsignificantcorpusofsourcesIusedincludesnumerous articlestakenfromalmostthirtydifferentnewspapersandjournals printedbetween1877and1941.Thenewspapers,whetherpublished inIranorabroad,werereadinIranandhadmuchinfluence. 28 These newspapersprovidearichandvariedsourceofknowledgeasthey containavarietyofgenres,fromeditorialsthroughscienti ficorpseudoscientificarticlestosatiricalcolumns,poems,andcartoons.These werewrittenbyprofessionaljournalistsaswellasbyreaderswhosent letterstotheeditors,andpresenttheidealsandideologiesoftheir reformistwritersonsubjectssuchaseducation,nationalism,sport, westernization,andmarriage.Despitethefactthatnewspapersusually didnotachievehighcirculations,thenumberofpeopleexposedtothe viewsexpressedinthemwasprobablymuchhigherthanthenumberof printedcopies,asthesewerereadaloudandpassedalongdifferent audiences.29
TheautocraticnatureoftheQajarregimeinIranmeantthatmany ofthenewspaperswereprintedabroadandsmuggledintothecountry inordertoavoidcensorshipandsanctionsontheiroppositionalviews. Someofthemostinfluentialnewspaperssuchas Akhtar (1876), Qanun (1890),and Hablol-Matin (1893)wereprintedinIstanbul, London,andCalcuttarespectively.DuringRezaShah’sreign,and
Incumbents,Opponents,andInstitutions (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press,2005);WilliamZartman,ed., ElitesintheMiddleEast (NewYork: Praeger,1980).
28 Avery, “Printing,thePressandLiterature.” 29 Ibid.,829.
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