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GIVE ME LIBERTY!

AN AMERICAN HISTORY

Brief Fifth Edition

For my mother, Liza Foner (1909–2005), an accomplished artist who lived through most of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first

W. W. Norton & Company has been independent since its founding in 1923, when William Warder Norton and Mary D. Herter Norton first published lectures delivered at the People’s Institute, the adult education division of New York City’s Cooper Union. The firm soon expanded its program beyond the Institute, publishing books by celebrated academics from America and abroad. By midcentury, the two major pillars of Norton’s publishing program— trade books and college texts—were firmly established. In the 1950s, the Norton family transferred control of the company to its employees, and today—with a staff of four hundred and a comparable number of trade, college, and professional titles published each year— W. W. Norton & Company stands as the largest and oldest publishing house owned wholly by its employees.

Copyright © 2017, 2014, 2011, 2008, 2005 by Eric Foner

All rights reserved Printed in Canada

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

ERIC FONER is DeWitt Clinton Professor of History at Columbia University, where he earned his B.A. and Ph.D. In his teaching and scholarship, he focuses on the Civil War and Reconstruction, slavery, and nineteenth-century America. Professor Foner’s publications include Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War ; Tom Paine and Revolutionary America; Nothing but Freedom: Emancipation and Its Legacy; Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877; The Story of American Freedom; and Forever Free: The Story of Emancipation and Reconstruction. His history of Reconstruction won the Los Angeles Times Book Award for History, the Bancroft Prize, and the Parkman Prize. He has served as president of the Organization of American Historians and the American Historical Association. In 2006 he received the Presidential Award for Outstanding Teaching from Columbia University. His most recent books are The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery, winner of the Bancroft and Lincoln Prizes and the Pulitzer Prize for History, and Gateway to Freedom: The Hidden History of the Underground Railroad, winner of the New York Historical Society Book Prize.

CONTENTS

About the Author ... v

List of Maps, Tables, and Figures ... xvi

Preface ... xviii

Acknowledgements ... xxv

1. A NEW WORLD ... 1

THE FIRST AMERICANS 3

The Settling of the Americas ... 3  Indian Societies of the Americas ... 3

Mound Builders of the Mississippi River Valley ... 5  Western Indians ... 6

 Indians of Eastern North America ... 6  Native American Religion ... 7

 Land and Property ... 9  Gender Relations ... 10  European Views of the Indians ... 10

INDIAN FREEDOM, EUROPEAN FREEDOM 11

Indian Freedom ... 11  Christian Liberty ... 12  Freedom and Authority ... 12  Liberty and Liberties ... 13

THE EXPANSION OF EUROPE ... 13

Chinese and Portuguese Navigation ... 14  Freedom and Slavery in Africa ... 14  The Voyages of Columbus ... 16

CONTACT 16

Columbus in the New World ...16  Exploration and Conquest ... 17

 The Demographic Disaster ... 19

THE SPANISH EMPIRE ... 20

Governing Spanish America ... 20  Colonists and Indians in Spanish America ... 21  Justifications for Conquest ... 22  Reforming the Empire ... 24  Exploring North America ... 24  Spain in Florida and the Southwest ... 26  The Pueblo Revolt ... 27

Voices of Freedom: From Bartolomé de las Casas, History of the Indies (1528), and From “Declaration of Josephe” (December 19, 1681) ... 28

THE FRENCH AND DUTCH EMPIRES 30

French Colonization ... 30  New France and the Indians ... 32  The Dutch Empire ... 33  Dutch Freedom ... 34  The Dutch and Religious Toleration ... 34  Settling New Netherland ... 35  Features of European Settlement ... 35  Borderlands and Empire in Early America ... 36

REVIEW ... 37

2. BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH AMERICA, 1607–1660 ... 38

ENGLAND AND THE NEW WORLD 40

Unifying the English Nation ... 40  England and Ireland ... 40

 England and North America ... 40  Spreading Protestantism ... 41

 The Social Crisis ... 42  Masterless Men ... 43

THE COMING OF THE ENGLISH ... 43

English Emigrants ... 43  Indentured Servants ... 44  Land and Liberty ... 44  Englishmen and Indians ... 45  The Transformation of Indian Life ... 45

SETTLING THE CHESAPEAKE 47

The Jamestown Colony ... 47  Powhatan and Pocahontas ... 48  The Uprising of 1622 ... 49  A Tobacco Colony ... 50  Women and the Family ... 50  The Maryland Experiment ... 51  Religion in Maryland ... 52

THE NEW ENGLAND WAY 52

The Rise of Puritanism ... 52  Moral Liberty ... 53  The Pilgrims at Plymouth ... 54  The Great Migration ... 55  The Puritan Family ... 55  Government and Society in Massachusetts ... 56  Church and State in Puritan Massachusetts ... 58

NEW ENGLANDERS DIVIDED ... 58

Roger Williams ... 59  Rhode Island and Connecticut ... 60  The Trial of Anne Hutchinson ... 60  Puritans and Indians ... 61 Voices of Freedom: From “The Trial of Anne Hutchinson” (1637), and From John Winthrop, Speech to the Massachusetts General Court (July 3, 1645) ... 62

The Pequot War ... 64  The New England Economy ... 65  A Growing Commercial Society ... 66

RELIGION, POLITICS, AND FREEDOM 67

The Rights of Englishmen ... 67  The English Civil War ... 68  England’s Debate over Freedom ... 68  The Civil War and English America ... 69  Cromwell and the Empire ... 70 REVIEW ... 71

3. CREATING ANGLO-AMERICA, 1660–1750 ... 72

GLOBAL COMPETITION AND THE EXPANSION OF ENGLAND’S EMPIRE ... 74

The Mercantilist System ... 74  The Conquest of New Netherland ... 74  New York and the Indians ... 76  The Charter of Liberties ... 77 

The Founding of Carolina ... 77  The Holy Experiment ... 78  Land in Pennsylvania ... 79 ORIGINS OF AMERICAN SLAVERY 80

Englishmen and Africans ... 80  Slavery in History ... 81  Slavery in the West Indies ... 81  Slavery and the Law ... 82  The Rise of Chesapeake Slavery ... 83  Bacon’s Rebellion: Land and Labor in Virginia ... 83  A Slave Society ... 85 COLONIES IN CRISIS 86

The Glorious Revolution ... 86  The Glorious Revolution in America ... 87  The Salem Witch Trials ... 89

THE GROWTH OF COLONIAL AMERICA 90

A Diverse Population ... 90  The German Migration ... 91

Voices of Freedom: From Memorial against Non-English Immigration (December 1727), and From Letter by a Swiss-German Immigrant to Pennsylvania (August 23, 1769) ... 92

Religious Diversity ... 95  Indian Life in Transition ... 95  Regional Diversity ... 96  The Consumer Revolution ... 97  Colonial Cities ... 97

 An Atlantic World ... 98

SOCIAL CLASSES IN THE COLONIES 99

The Colonial Elite ... 99  Anglicization ... 100  Poverty in the Colonies ... 100  The Middle Ranks ... 101  Women and the Household Economy ... 101  North America at Mid-Century ... 102

REVIEW ... 103

4. SLAVERY, FREEDOM, AND THE STRUGGLE FOR EMPIRE, TO 1763 ... 104

SLAVERY AND EMPIRE 106

Atlantic Trade ... 106  Africa and the Slave Trade ... 107  The Middle Passage ... 108  Chesapeake Slavery ... 109  The Rice Kingdom ... 110

 The Georgia Experiment ... 111  Slavery in the North ... 112

SLAVE CULTURES AND SLAVE RESISTANCE 113

Becoming African-American ... 113  African Religion in Colonial America ... 113  African-American Cultures ... 114  Resistance to Slavery ... 115

AN EMPIRE OF FREEDOM 116

British Patriotism ... 116  The British Constitution ... 116  Republican Liberty ... 117  Liberal Freedom ... 117

THE PUBLIC SPHERE ... 118

The Right to Vote ... 118  Political Cultures ... 119  The Rise of the Assemblies ... 120  Politics in Public ... 121  The Colonial Press ... 121  Freedom of Expression and Its Limits ... 122  The Trial of Zenger ... 123  The American Enlightenment ... 123 THE GREAT AWAKENING 124

Religious Revivals ... 124  The Preaching of Whitefield ... 125  The Awakening’s Impact ... 125 IMPERIAL RIVALRIES 126

Spanish North America ... 126  The Spanish in California ... 128  The French Empire ... 130 BATTLE FOR THE CONTINENT 130

The Seven Years’ War ... 131  A World Transformed ... 132  Pontiac’s Rebellion ... 132  The Proclamation Line ... 133 Voices of Freedom: From Scarouyady, Speech to Pennsylvania Provincial Council (1756), and From Pontiac, Speeches (1762 and 1763) ... 134

Pennsylvania and the Indians ... 137  Colonial Identities ... 137 REVIEW ... 138

5. THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 1763–1783 ... 139

THE CRISIS BEGINS 140

Consolidating the Empire ... 140  Taxing the Colonies ... 142  Taxation and Representation ... 143  Liberty and Resistance ... 144  The Regulators ... 145

THE ROAD TO REVOLUTION 145

The Townshend Crisis ... 145  The Boston Massacre ... 146  Wilkes and Liberty ... 147  The Tea Act ... 148  The Intolerable Acts ... 148

THE COMING OF INDEPENDENCE 149

The Continental Congress ... 149  The Continental Association ... 150  The Sweets of Liberty ... 150  The Outbreak of War ... 151  Independence? ... 151  Paine’s Common Sense ... 152  The Declaration of Independence ... 153  An Asylum for Mankind ... 154 

The Global Declaration of Independence ... 155

Voices of Freedom: From Samuel Seabury, An Alarm to the Legislature of the Province in New-York (1775), and From Thomas Paine, Common Sense (1776) 156

SECURING INDEPENDENCE 158

The Balance of Power ... 158  Blacks in the Revolution ... 159  The First Years of the War ... 159  The Battle of Saratoga ... 160  The War in the South ... 162  Victory at Last ... 164

REVIEW ... 166

6. THE REVOLUTION WITHIN ... 167

DEMOCRATIZING FREEDOM ... 169

The Dream of Equality ... 169  Expanding the Political Nation ... 169  The Revolution in Pennsylvania ... 170  The New Constitutions ... 171 

The Right to Vote ... 171

TOWARD RELIGIOUS TOLERATION ... 172

Catholic Americans ... 173  Separating Church and State ... 173  Jefferson and Religious Liberty ... 174  Christian Republicanism ... 175  A Virtuous Citizenry ... 175

DEFINING ECONOMIC FREEDOM 176

Toward Free Labor ... 176  The Soul of a Republic ... 176  The Politics of Inflation ... 177  The Debate over Free Trade ... 178

THE LIMITS OF LIBERTY 178

Colonial Loyalists ... 178  The Loyalists’ Plight ... 179  The Indians’ Revolution ... 179

SLAVERY AND THE REVOLUTION 182

The Language of Slavery and Freedom ... 182  Obstacles to Abolition ... 182

 The Cause of General Liberty ... 183  Petitions for Freedom ... 184  British Emancipators ... 185

Voices of Freedom: From Abigail Adams to John Adams, Braintree, Mass. (March 31, 1776), and From Petitions of Slaves to the Massachusetts Legislature (1773 and 1777) ... 186

Voluntary Emancipations ... 188  Abolition in the North ... 188  Free Black Communities ... 188

DAUGHTERS OF LIBERTY 189

Revolutionary Women ... 189  Republican Motherhood ... 190  The Arduous Struggle for Liberty ... 191

REVIEW ... 192

7. FOUNDING A NATION, 1783–1791 ... 193

AMERICA UNDER THE CONFEDERATION 195

The Articles of Confederation ... 195  Congress, Settlers, and the West ... 196  The Land Ordinances ... 198  The Confederation’s Weaknesses ... 200  Shays’s Rebellion ... 200  Nationalists of the 1780s ... 201

A NEW CONSTITUTION 202

The Structure of Government ... 202  The Limits of Democracy ... 203  The Division and Separation of Powers ... 204  The Debate over Slavery ... 205  Slavery in the Constitution ... 205  The Final Document ... 206 THE RATIFICATION DEBATE AND THE ORIGIN OF THE BILL OF RIGHTS 207

The Federalist ... 207  “Extend the Sphere” ... 208  The AntiFederalists ... 209

Voices of Freedom: From David Ramsay, The History of the American Revolution (1789), and From James Winthrop, Anti-Federalist Essay Signed “Agrippa” (1787) 210

The Bill of Rights ... 214 “WE THE PEOPLE” 215

National Identity ... 215  Indians in the New Nation ... 216  Blacks and the Republic ... 217  Jefferson, Slavery, and Race ... 218  Principles of Freedom ... 219 REVIEW ... 220

8. SECURING THE REPUBLIC, 1791–1815 ... 221

POLITICS IN AN AGE OF PASSION 222

Hamilton’s Program ... 223  The Emergence of Opposition ... 223  The Jefferson–Hamilton Bargain ... 224  The Impact of the French Revolution ... 225  Political Parties ... 226  The Whiskey Rebellion ... 226  The Republican Party ... 226  An Expanding Public Sphere ... 227

Voices of Freedom: From Judith Sargent Murray, “On the Equality of the Sexes” (1790), and From Address of the Democratic-Republican Society of Pennsylvania (December 18, 1794) 228

The Rights of Women ... 230

THE ADAMS PRESIDENCY 231

The Election of 1796 ... 231  The “Reign of Witches” ... 232  The Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions ... 233  The “Revolution of 1800” ... 233  Slavery and Politics ... 234  The Haitian Revolution ... 235

 Gabriel’s Rebellion ... 235

JEFFERSON IN POWER 236

Judicial Review ... 237  The Louisiana Purchase ... 237  Lewis and Clark ... 238  Incorporating Louisiana ... 240  The Barbary Wars ... 240

 The Embargo ... 241  Madison and Pressure for War ... 242

THE “SECOND WAR OF INDEPENDENCE” 242

The Indian Response ... 243  The War of 1812 ... 243  The War’s Aftermath ... 246  The War of 1812 and the Canadian Borderland ... 246

 The End of the Federalist Party ... 247

REVIEW ... 248

9. THE MARKET REVOLUTION, 1800–1840 ... 249

A NEW ECONOMY 251

Roads and Steamboats ... 251  The Erie Canal ... 252  Railroads and the Telegraph ... 254  The Rise of the West ... 254  An Internal Borderland ... 256  The Cotton Kingdom ... 257 MARKET SOCIETY 260

Commercial Farmers ... 260  The Growth of Cities ... 260  The Factory System ... 261  The “Mill Girls” ... 263  The Growth of Immigration ... 264  The Rise of Nativism ... 265  The Transformation of Law ... 266 THE FREE INDIVIDUAL ... 267

The West and Freedom ... 267  The Transcendentalists ... 268  The Second Great Awakening ... 268 Voices of Freedom: From Recollections of Harriet L. Noble (1824), and From “Factory Life as It Is, by an Operative” (1845) 270 The Awakening’s Impact ... 272  The Emergence of Mormonism ... 272 THE LIMITS OF PROSPERITY ... 274 Liberty and Prosperity ... 274  Race and Opportunity ... 274  The Cult of Domesticity ... 275  Women and Work ... 276  The Early Labor Movement ... 277  The “Liberty of Living” ... 278 REVIEW ... 279

10. DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA, 1815–1840 ... 280

THE TRIUMPH OF DEMOCRACY 281

Property and Democracy ... 281  The Dorr War ... 282  Tocqueville on Democracy ... 282  The Information Revolution ... 283  The Limits of Democracy ... 284  A Racial Democracy ... 284 NATIONALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS 285

The American System ... 285  Banks and Money ... 287  The Panic of 1819 ... 287  The Missouri Controversy ... 288

NATION, SECTION, AND PARTY 289

The United States and the Latin American Wars of Independence ... 289  The Monroe Doctrine ... 290  The Election of 1824 ... 291

Voices of Freedom: From The Memorial of the Non-Freeholders of the City of Richmond (1829), and From Appeal of Forty Thousand Citizens Threatened with Disfranchisement (1838) 292

The Nationalism of John Quincy Adams ... 294  “Liberty Is Power” ... 294  Martin Van Buren and the Democratic Party ... 294  The Election of 1828 ... 295

THE AGE OF JACKSON 296

The Party System ... 296  Democrats and Whigs ... 297  Public and Private Freedom ... 298  South Carolina and Nullification ... 299 

Calhoun’s Political Theory ... 299  The Nullification Crisis ... 300 

Indian Removal ... 301  The Supreme Court and the Indians ... 302

THE BANK WAR AND AFTER 304

Biddle’s Bank ... 304  The Pet Banks, the Economy, and the Panic of 1837 ... 306  Van Buren in Office ... 307  The Election of 1840 ... 307

REVIEW ... 310

11. THE PECULIAR INSTITUTION ... 311

THE OLD SOUTH ... 312

Cotton Is King ... 313  The Second Middle Passage ... 313  Slavery and the Nation ... 314  The Southern Economy ... 314  Plain Folk of the Old South ... 316  The Planter Class ... 317  The Paternalist Ethos ... 317  The Proslavery Argument ... 318  Abolition in the Americas ... 319  Slavery and Liberty ... 320

LIFE UNDER SLAVERY ... 321

Slaves and the Law ... 321  Conditions of Slave Life ... 321  Free Blacks in the Old South ... 322  Slave Labor ... 323  Slavery in the Cities ... 324  Maintaining Order ... 324

SLAVE CULTURE 325

The Slave Family ... 326  The Threat of Sale ... 326  Gender Roles among Slaves ... 327  Slave Religion ... 327  The Desire for Liberty ... 329 RESISTANCE TO SLAVERY 329 Forms of Resistance ... 330

Voices of Freedom: From Letter by Joseph Taper to Joseph Long (1840), and From “Slavery and the Bible” (1850) 332

The Amistad ... 334  Slave Revolts ... 334  Nat Turner’s Rebellion ... 335

REVIEW ... 337

12. AN AGE OF REFORM, 1820–1840 ... 338

THE REFORM IMPULSE 339

Utopian Communities ... 340  The Shakers ... 341  Oneida ... 342  Worldly Communities ... 342  Religion and Reform ... 343  Critics of

Reform ... 344  Reformers and Freedom ... 345  The Invention of the Asylum ... 345  The Common School ... 346

THE CRUSADE AGAINST SLAVERY 346

Colonization ... 346  Militant Abolitionism ... 347  Spreading the Abolitionist Message ... 348  Slavery and Moral Suasion ... 350  A New Vision of America ... 351

BLACK AND WHITE ABOLITIONISM 352

Black Abolitionists ... 352  Gentlemen of Property and Standing ... 353

THE ORIGINS OF FEMINISM 354

The Rise of the Public Woman ... 354  Women and Free Speech ... 355  Women’s Rights ... 355  Feminism and Freedom ... 356  Women and Work ... 357  The Slavery of Sex ... 357  “Social Freedom” ... 358 

The Abolitionist Schism ... 359

Voices of Freedom: From Angelina Grimké, Letter in The Liberator (August 2, 1837), and From Catharine Beecher, An Essay on Slavery and Abolitionism (1837) 360

REVIEW ... 363

13. A HOUSE DIVIDED, 1840–1861 ... 364

FRUITS OF MANIFEST DESTINY ... 365

Continental Expansion ... 365  The Mexican Frontier: New Mexico and California ... 366  The Texas Revolt ... 367  The Election of 1844 ... 368  The Road to War ... 370  The War and Its Critics ... 370  Combat in Mexico ... 371  The Texas Borderland ... 373  Race and Manifest Destiny ... 374  Gold-Rush California ... 374  Opening Japan ... 376

A DOSE OF ARSENIC 377

The Wilmot Proviso ... 377  The Free Soil Appeal ... 378  Crisis and Compromise ... 378  The Great Debate ... 379  The Fugitive Slave Issue ... 380  Douglas and Popular Sovereignty ... 381  The KansasNebraska Act ... 381

THE RISE OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 383

The Northern Economy ... 383  The Rise and Fall of the Know-Nothings ... 383  The Free Labor Ideology ... 386  “Bleeding Kansas” and the Election of 1856 ... 386

THE EMERGENCE OF LINCOLN 387

The Dred Scott Decision ... 388  Lincoln and Slavery ... 389  The Lincoln-Douglas Campaign ... 389

Voices of Freedom: From The Lincoln-Douglas Debates (1858) ... 390

John Brown at Harpers Ferry ... 392  The Rise of Southern Nationalism ... 393  The Election of 1860 ... 394

THE IMPENDING CRISIS 396

The Secession Movement ... 396  The Secession Crisis ... 397  And the War Came ... 398

REVIEW ... 400

14. A NEW BIRTH OF FREEDOM: THE CIVIL WAR, 1861–1865 ... 401

THE FIRST MODERN WAR 402

The Two Combatants ... 403  The Technology of War ... 404  The Public and the War ... 405  Mobilizing Resources ... 406  Military Strategies ... 406  The War Begins ... 407  The War in the East, 1862 ... 407  The War in the West ... 408

THE COMING OF EMANCIPATION 409

Slavery and the War ... 409  Steps toward Emancipation ... 411  Lincoln’s Decision ... 412  The Emancipation Proclamation ... 413 

Enlisting Black Troops ... 415  The Black Soldier ... 415

THE SECOND AMERICAN REVOLUTION 416

Liberty, Union, and Nation ... 416  The War and American Religion ... 417

Voices of Freedom: From Frederick Douglass, Men of Color to Arms (1863), and From Abraham Lincoln, Address at Sanitary Fair, Baltimore (April 18, 1864) 418

Liberty in Wartime ... 420  The North’s Transformation ... 421  Government and the Economy ... 421  The West and the War ... 422 

A New Financial System ... 424  Women and the War ... 426  The Divided North ... 426

THE CONFEDERATE NATION 428

Leadership and Government ... 428  The Inner Civil War ... 428  Economic Problems ... 429  Women and the Confederacy ... 430  Black Soldiers for the Confederacy ... 431

TURNING POINTS 432

Gettysburg and Vicksburg ... 432  1864 ... 433

REHEARSALS FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND THE END OF THE WAR 434

The Sea Islands Experiment ... 435  Wartime Reconstruction in the West ... 435  The Politics of Wartime Reconstruction ... 436  Victory at Last ... 436  The War and the World ... 439  The War in American History ... 439

REVIEW ... 440

15. “WHAT IS FREEDOM?”: RECONSTRUCTION, 1865–1877 ...

441

THE MEANING OF FREEDOM 443

Families in Freedom ... 443  Church and School ... 444  Political Freedom ... 444  Land, Labor, and Freedom ... 445  Masters without Slaves ... 445  The Free Labor Vision ... 447  The Freedmen’s Bureau ... 447  The Failure of Land Reform ... 448  The White Farmer ... 449

Voices of Freedom: From Petition of Committee in Behalf of the Freedmen to Andrew Johnson (1865), and From A Sharecropping Contract (1866) 450

The Aftermath of Slavery ... 453

THE MAKING OF RADICAL RECONSTRUCTION 454

Andrew Johnson ... 454  The Failure of Presidential Reconstruction ... 454  The Black Codes ... 455  The Radical Republicans ... 456  The Origins of Civil Rights ... 456  The Fourteenth Amendment ... 457  The Reconstruction Act ... 458  Impeachment and the Election of Grant ... 459  The Fifteenth Amendment ... 460  The “Great Constitutional Revolution” ... 460  The Rights of Women ... 461

RADICAL RECONSTRUCTION IN THE SOUTH 462

“The Tocsin of Freedom” ... 462  The Black Officeholder ... 464  Carpetbaggers and Scalawags ... 464  Southern Republicans in Power ... 465  The Quest for Prosperity ... 465

THE OVERTHROW OF RECONSTRUCTION 466

Reconstruction’s Opponents ... 466  “A Reign of Terror” 467 The Liberal Republicans ... 469  The North’s Retreat ... 470  The Triumph of the Redeemers ... 471  The Disputed Election and Bargain of 1877 ... 472  The End of Reconstruction ... 473 REVIEW ... 474

APPENDIX

DOCUMENTS

The Declaration of Independence (1776) ... A-2  The Constitution of the United States (1787) ... A-5  From George Washington’s Farewell Address (1796) ... A-17  The Seneca Falls Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions (1848) ... A-22  From Frederick Douglass’s “What, to the Slave, Is the Fourth of July?” Speech (1852) ... A-25  The Gettysburg Address (1863) ... A-29  Abraham Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address (1865) ... A-30  The Populist Platform of 1892 ... A-31  Franklin D. Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address (1933) ... A-34  From The Program for the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom (1963) ... A-37  Ronald Reagan’s First Inaugural Address (1981) ... A-38  Barack Obama’s First Inaugural Address (2009) ... A-42 TABLES AND FIGURES

Presidential Elections ... A-46  Admission of States ... A-54

Population of the United States ... A-55

Historical Statistics of the United States: Labor Force—Selected Characteristics Expressed as a Percentage of the Labor Force, 1800–2010 ... A-56  Immigration, by Origin ... A-56  Unemployment Rate, 1890–2015 ... A-57  Union Membership as a Percentage of Nonagricultural Employment, 1880–2015 ... A-57  Voter Participation in Presidential Elections, 1824–2016 ... A-57  Birthrate, 1820–2015 ... A-57

SUGGESTED READING ... A-59

GLOSSARY ... A-73

CREDITS A-105

INDEX ... A-109

MAPS

CHAPTER 1

The First Americans . . . 4

Native Ways of Life, ca. 1500 8

The Old World on the Eve of American Colonization, ca. 1500 15

Voyages of Discovery 18

Early Spanish Conquests and Explorations in the New World 25

The New World—New France and New Netherland, ca. 1650 31

CHAPTER 2

English Settlement in the Chesapeake, ca. 1650 . . . 48

English Settlement in New England, ca. 1640 59

CHAPTER 3

Eastern North America in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries 75

European Settlement and Ethnic Diversity on the Atlantic Coast of North America, 1760 94

CHAPTER 4

Atlantic Trading Routes 107

The Slave Trade in the Atlantic World, 1460–1770 108

European Empires in North America, ca. 1750 129

Eastern North America after the Peace of Paris, 1763 . . . 136

CHAPTER 5

The Revolutionary War in the North, 1775–1781 161

The Revolutionary War in the South, 1775–1781 163

North America, 1783 . . . 165

CHAPTER 6

Loyalism in the American Revolution 180

xvi List of Maps, Tables, and Figures

CHAPTER 7

Western Lands, 1782–1802 197

Western Ordinances, 1784–1787 . . . 199

Ratification of the Constitution 213

CHAPTER 8

The Presidential Election of 1800 234

The Louisiana Purchase 239

The War of 1812 . . . 245

CHAPTER 9

The Market Revolution: Roads and Canals, 1840 253

Travel Times from New York City in 1800 and 1830 256

The Market Revolution: The Spread of Cotton Cultivation, 1820–1840 258

Cotton Mills, 1820s 263

CHAPTER 10

The Missouri Compromise, 1820 289

The Presidential Election of 1824 291

The Presidential Election of 1828 . . . 296

Indian Removals, 1830–1840 302

The Presidential Election of 1840 308

CHAPTER 11

Slave Population, 1860 315

Size of Slaveholdings, 1860 319

Major Crops of the South, 1860 . . . 325

Slave Resistance in the Nineteenth-Century Atlantic World 331

CHAPTER 12

Utopian Communities, Mid-Nineteenth Century 341

CHAPTER 13

The Trans-Mississippi West, 1830s–1840s . . . 367

The Mexican War, 1846–1848 372

Continental Expansion through 1853 373

The Kansas-Nebraska Act, 1854 382

The Railroad Network, 1850s . . . 384

The Presidential Election of 1856 387

The Presidential Election of 1860 394

CHAPTER 14

The Secession of Southern States, 1860–1861 403

The Civil War in the East, 1861–1862 408

The Civil War in the West, 1861–1862 . . . 410

The Emancipation Proclamation 413

The Civil War in the Western Territories, 1862–1864 425

The Civil War, 1863 433

The Civil War, Late 1864–1865 . . . 438

CHAPTER 15

The Barrow Plantation 446

Sharecropping in the South, 1880 452

The Presidential Election of 1868 . . . 460

Reconstruction in the South, 1867–1877 471

The Presidential Election of 1876 472

TABLES AND FIGURES

CHAPTER 1

Table 1.1 Estimated Regional Populations: The Americas, ca. 1500 19

Table 1.2 Estimated Regional Populations: The World, ca. 1500 20

CHAPTER 3

Table 3.1 Origins and Status of Migrants to British North American Colonies, 1700–1775 91

CHAPTER 4

Table 4.1 Slave Population as Percentage of Total Population of Original Thirteen Colonies, 1770 112

CHAPTER 7

Table 7.1 Total Population and Black Population of the United States, 1790 217

CHAPTER 9

Table 9.1 Population Growth of Selected Western States, 1800–1850 259

Table 9.2 Total Number of Immigrants by FiveYear Period 264

Figure 9.1 Sources of Immigration, 1850 265

CHAPTER 11

Table 11.1 Growth of the Slave Population 314

Table 11.2 Slaveholding, 1850 . . . 318

CHAPTER 14

Figure 14.1 Resources for War: Union versus Confederacy 406

PREFACE

Give Me Liberty! An American History is a survey of American history from the earliest days of European exploration and conquest of the New World to the first decades of the twenty-first century. It offers students a clear, concise narrative whose central theme is the changing contours of American freedom.

I am extremely gratified by the response to the first four editions of Give Me Liberty!, which have been used in survey courses at many hundreds of twoand four-year colleges and universities throughout the country. The comments I have received from instructors and students encourage me to think that Give Me Liberty! has worked well in their classrooms. Their comments have also included many valuable suggestions for revisions, which I greatly appreciate. These have ranged from corrections of typographical and factual errors to thoughts about subjects that needed more extensive treatment. In making revisions for this Fifth Edition, I have tried to take these suggestions into account. I have also incorporated the findings and insights of new scholarship that has appeared since the original edition was written.

The most significant changes in this Fifth Edition reflect my desire to integrate the history of the American West and especially the regions known as borderlands more fully into the narrative. In recent years these aspects of American history have been thriving areas of research and scholarship. Of course earlier editions of Give Me Liberty! have discussed these subjects, but

in this edition their treatment has been deepened and expanded. I have also added notable works in these areas to many chapter bibliographies and lists of websites.

The definition of the West has changed enormously in the course of American history. In the colonial period, the area beyond the Appalachians— present-day Kentucky, Tennessee, and western Pennsylvania and New York— constituted the West. In the first half of the nineteenth century, the term referred to Ohio, Michigan, Alabama, and Mississippi. After the Civil War, the West came to mean the area beyond the Mississippi River. Today, it is sometimes used to refer mainly to the Pacific coast. But whatever its geographic locale, the West has been as much an idea as a place—an area beyond the frontier of settlement that promised newcomers new kinds of freedom, sometimes at the expense of the freedom of others, such as native inhabitants and migrant laborers. In this edition we follow Americans as they constructed their Wests, and debated the kinds of freedom they would enjoy there.

Borderlands is a more complex idea that has influenced much recent historical scholarship. Borders are lines dividing one country, region, or state from another. Crossing them often means becoming subject to different laws and customs, and enjoying different degrees of freedom. Borderlands are regions that exist on both sides of borders. They are fluid areas where people of different cultural and social backgrounds converge. At various points in American history, shifting borders have opened new opportunities and closed off others in the borderlands. Families living for decades or centuries in a region have suddenly found themselves divided by a newly created border but still living in a borderland that transcends the new division. This happened to Mexicans in modern-day California, Arizona, and New Mexico, for example, in 1848, when the treaty ending the Mexican-American War transferred the land that would become those states from Mexico to the United States.

Borderlands exist within the United States as well as at the boundaries with other countries. For example, in the period before the Civil War, the region straddling the Ohio River contained cultural commonalities that in some ways overrode the division there between free and slave states. The borderlands idea also challenges simple accounts of national development in which empires and colonies pave the way for territorial expansion and a future transcontinental nation. It enables us, for example, to move beyond the categories of conquest and subjugation in understanding how Native Americans and Europeans interacted over the early centuries of contact. This approach also provides a way of understanding how the people of Mexico and the United States interact today in the borderland region of the American Southwest, where many families have members on both sides of the boundary between the two countries. Small changes relating to these themes may be found throughout the book. The major additions seeking to illuminate the history of the West and of borderlands are as follows:

Chapter 1 now introduces the idea of borderlands with a discussion of the areas where European empires and Indian groups interacted and where

authority was fluid and fragile. Chapter 4 contains expanded treatment of the part of the Spanish empire now comprising the borderlands United States (Arizona, California, New Mexico, Texas, and Florida) and how Spain endeavored, with limited success, to consolidate its authority in these regions. In Chapter 6, a new subsection, “The American Revolution as a Borderlands Conflict,” examines the impact on both Americans and Canadians of the creation, because of American independence, of a new national boundary separating what once had been two parts of the British empire. Chapter 8 continues this theme with a discussion of the borderlands aspects of the War of 1812. Chapter 9 discusses how a common culture came into being along the Ohio River in the early nineteenth century despite the existence of slavery on one side and free labor on the other. Chapter 13 expands the treatment of Texan independence from Mexico by discussing its impact on both Anglo and Mexican residents of this borderland region. Chapter 14 contains a new examination of the Civil War in the American West.

In Chapter 16, I have expanded the section on the industrial west with new discussions of logging and mining, and added a new subsection on the dissemination of a mythical image of the Wild West in the late nineteenth century. Chapter 17 contains an expanded discussion of Chinese immigrants in the West and the battle over exclusion and citizenship, a debate that centered on what kind of population should be allowed to inhabit the West and enjoy the opportunities the region offered. Chapter 18 examines Progressivism, countering conventional narratives that emphasize the origins of Progressive political reforms in eastern cities by relating how many, from woman suffrage to the initiative, referendum, and recall, emerged in Oregon, California, and other western states. Chapter 20 expands the treatment of western agriculture in the 1920s by highlighting the acceleration of agricultural mechanization in the region and the agricultural depression that preceded the general economic collapse of 1929 and after. In Chapter 22 we see the new employment opportunities for Mexican-American women in the war production factories that opened in the West. In Chapter 26, there is a new subsection on conservatism in the West and the Sagebrush Rebellion of the 1970s and 1980s. Chapter 27 returns to the borderlands theme by discussing the consequences of the creation, in the 1990s, of a free trade zone connecting the two sides of the Mexican-American border. And Chapters 27 and 28 now include expanded discussions of the southwestern borderland as a site of an acrimonious battle over immigration—legal and undocumented—involving the federal and state governments, private vigilantes, and continuing waves of people trying to cross into the United States. The contested borderland now extends many miles into the United States north of the boundary between the two nations, and southward well into Mexico and even Central America.

I have also added a number of new selections to Voices of Freedom, the paired excerpts from primary documents in each chapter. Some of the new documents reflect the stronger emphasis on the West and borderlands; others

seek to sharpen the juxtaposition of divergent concepts of freedom at particular moments in American history. And this edition contains many new images— paintings, broadsides, photographs, and others—related to these themes.

Americans have always had a divided attitude toward history. On the one hand, they tend to be remarkably future-oriented, dismissing events of even the recent past as “ancient history” and sometimes seeing history as a burden to be overcome, a prison from which to escape. On the other hand, like many other peoples, Americans have always looked to history for a sense of personal or group identity and of national cohesiveness. This is why so many Americans devote time and energy to tracing their family trees and why they visit historical museums and National Park Service historical sites in ever-increasing numbers. My hope is that this book will convince readers with all degrees of interest that history does matter to them.

The novelist and essayist James Baldwin once observed that history “does not refer merely, or even principally, to the past. On the contrary, the great force of history comes from the fact that we carry it within us, [that] history is literally present in all that we do.” As Baldwin recognized, the force of history is evident in our own world. Especially in a political democracy like the United States, whose government is designed to rest on the consent of informed citizens, knowledge of the past is essential—not only for those of us whose profession is the teaching and writing of history, but for everyone. History, to be sure, does not offer simple lessons or immediate answers to current questions. Knowing the history of immigration to the United States, and all of the tensions, turmoil, and aspirations associated with it, for example, does not tell us what current immigration policy ought to be. But without that knowledge, we have no way of understanding which approaches have worked and which have not—essential information for the formulation of future public policy. History, it has been said, is what the present chooses to remember about the past. Rather than a fixed collection of facts, or a group of interpretations that cannot be challenged, our understanding of history is constantly changing. There is nothing unusual in the fact that each generation rewrites history to meet its own needs, or that scholars disagree among themselves on basic questions like the causes of the Civil War or the reasons for the Great Depression. Precisely because each generation asks different questions of the past, each generation formulates different answers. The past thirty years have witnessed a remarkable expansion of the scope of historical study. The experiences of groups neglected by earlier scholars, including women, African-Americans, working people, and others, have received unprecedented attention from historians. New subfields—social history, cultural history, and family history among them—have taken their place alongside traditional political and diplomatic history.

Give Me Liberty! draws on this voluminous historical literature to present an up-to-date and inclusive account of the American past, paying due attention

to the experience of diverse groups of Americans while in no way neglecting the events and processes Americans have experienced in common. It devotes serious attention to political, social, cultural, and economic history, and to their interconnections. The narrative brings together major events and prominent leaders with the many groups of ordinary people who make up American society. Give Me Liberty! has a rich cast of characters, from Thomas Jefferson to campaigners for woman suffrage, from Franklin D. Roosevelt to former slaves seeking to breathe meaning into emancipation during and after the Civil War.

Aimed at an audience of undergraduate students with little or no detailed knowledge of American history, Give Me Liberty! guides readers through the complexities of the subject without overwhelming them with excessive detail.

The unifying theme of freedom that runs through the text gives shape to the narrative and integrates the numerous strands that make up the American experience. This approach builds on that of my earlier book, The Story of American Freedom (1998), although Give Me Liberty! places events and personalities in the foreground and is more geared to the structure of the introductory survey course.

Freedom, and the battles to define its meaning, have long been central to my own scholarship and undergraduate teaching, which focuses on the nineteenth century and especially the era of the Civil War and Reconstruction (1850–1877). This was a time when the future of slavery tore the nation apart and emancipation produced a national debate over what rights the former slaves, and all Americans, should enjoy as free citizens. I have found that attention to clashing definitions of freedom and the struggles of different groups to achieve freedom as they understood it offers a way of making sense of the bitter battles and vast transformations of that pivotal era. I believe that the same is true for American history as a whole.

No idea is more fundamental to Americans’ sense of themselves as individuals and as a nation than freedom. The central term in our political language, freedom—or liberty, with which it is almost always used interchangeably—is deeply embedded in the record of our history and the language of everyday life. The Declaration of Independence lists liberty among mankind’s inalienable rights; the Constitution announces its purpose as securing liberty’s blessings. The United States fought the Civil War to bring about a new birth of freedom, World War II for the Four Freedoms, and the Cold War to defend the Free World. Americans’ love of liberty has been represented by liberty poles, liberty caps, and statues of liberty, and acted out by burning stamps and burning draft cards, by running away from slavery, and by demonstrating for the right to vote. “Every man in the street, white, black, red, or yellow,” wrote the educator and statesman Ralph Bunche in 1940, “knows that this is ‘the land of the free’ . . . ‘the cradle of liberty.’”

The very universality of the idea of freedom, however, can be misleading. Freedom is not a fixed, timeless category with a single unchanging definition. Indeed, the history of the United States is, in part, a story of debates, disagreements, and struggles over freedom. Crises like the American Revolution, the

Civil War, and the Cold War have permanently transformed the idea of freedom. So too have demands by various groups of Americans to enjoy greater freedom. The meaning of freedom has been constructed not only in congressional debates and political treatises, but on plantations and picket lines, in parlors and even bedrooms.

Over the course of our history, American freedom has been both a reality and a mythic ideal—a living truth for millions of Americans, a cruel mockery for others. For some, freedom has been what some scholars call a “habit of the heart,” an ideal so taken for granted that it is lived out but rarely analyzed. For others, freedom is not a birthright but a distant goal that has inspired great sacrifice.

Give Me Liberty! draws attention to three dimensions of freedom that have been critical in American history: (1) the meanings of freedom; (2) the social conditions that make freedom possible; and (3) the boundaries of freedom that determine who is entitled to enjoy freedom and who is not. All have changed over time.

In the era of the American Revolution, for example, freedom was primarily a set of rights enjoyed in public activity—the right of a community to be governed by laws to which its representatives had consented and of individuals to engage in religious worship without governmental interference. In the nineteenth century, freedom came to be closely identified with each person’s opportunity to develop to the fullest his or her innate talents. In the twentieth, the “ability to choose,” in both public and private life, became perhaps the dominant understanding of freedom. This development was encouraged by the explosive growth of the consumer marketplace (a development that receives considerable attention in Give Me Liberty!), which offered Americans an unprecedented array of goods with which to satisfy their needs and desires. During the 1960s, a crucial chapter in the history of American freedom, the idea of personal freedom was extended into virtually every realm, from attire and “lifestyle” to relations between the sexes. Thus, over time, more and more areas of life have been drawn into Americans’ debates about the meaning of freedom.

A second important dimension of freedom focuses on the social conditions necessary to allow freedom to flourish. What kinds of economic institutions and relationships best encourage individual freedom? In the colonial era and for more than a century after independence, the answer centered on economic autonomy, enshrined in the glorification of the independent small producer— the farmer, skilled craftsman, or shopkeeper—who did not have to depend on another person for his livelihood. As the industrial economy matured, new conceptions of economic freedom came to the fore: “liberty of contract” in the Gilded Age, “industrial freedom” (a say in corporate decision-making) in the Progressive era, economic security during the New Deal, and, more recently, the ability to enjoy mass consumption within a market economy.

The boundaries of freedom, the third dimension of this theme, have inspired some of the most intense struggles in American history. Although founded on the premise that liberty is an entitlement of all humanity, the

United States for much of its history deprived many of its own people of freedom. Non-whites have rarely enjoyed the same access to freedom as white Americans. The belief in equal opportunity as the birthright of all Americans has coexisted with persistent efforts to limit freedom by race, gender, and class and in other ways.

Less obvious, perhaps, is the fact that one person’s freedom has frequently been linked to another’s servitude. In the colonial era and nineteenth century, expanding freedom for many Americans rested on the lack of freedom—slavery, indentured servitude, the subordinate position of women—for others. By the same token, it has been through battles at the boundaries—the efforts of racial minorities, women, and others to secure greater freedom—that the meaning and experience of freedom have been deepened and the concept extended into new realms.

Time and again in American history, freedom has been transformed by the demands of excluded groups for inclusion. The idea of freedom as a universal birthright owes much both to abolitionists who sought to extend the blessings of liberty to blacks and to immigrant groups who insisted on full recognition as American citizens. The principle of equal protection of the law without regard to race, which became a central element of American freedom, arose from the antislavery struggle and the Civil War and was reinvigorated by the civil rights revolution of the 1960s, which called itself the “freedom movement.” The battle for the right of free speech by labor radicals and birth-control advocates in the first part of the twentieth century helped to make civil liberties an essential element of freedom for all Americans.

Although concentrating on events within the United States, Give Me Liberty! also situates American history in the context of developments in other parts of the world. Many of the forces that shaped American history, including the international migration of peoples, the development of slavery, the spread of democracy, and the expansion of capitalism, were worldwide processes not confined to the United States. Today, American ideas, culture, and economic and military power exert unprecedented influence throughout the world. But beginning with the earliest days of settlement, when European empires competed to colonize North America and enrich themselves from its trade, American history cannot be understood in isolation from its global setting.

Freedom is the oldest of clichés and the most modern of aspirations. At various times in our history, it has served as the rallying cry of the powerless and as a justification of the status quo. Freedom helps to bind our culture together and exposes the contradictions between what America claims to be and what it sometimes has been. American history is not a narrative of continual progress toward greater and greater freedom. As the abolitionist Thomas Wentworth Higginson noted after the Civil War, “revolutions may go backward.” Though freedom can be achieved, it may also be taken away. This happened, for example, when the equal rights granted to former slaves immediately after the Civil War were essentially nullified during the era of segregation. As was said in the eighteenth century, the price of freedom is eternal vigilance.

In the early twenty-first century, freedom continues to play a central role in American political and social life and thought. It is invoked by individuals and groups of all kinds, from critics of economic globalization to those who seek to secure American freedom at home and export it abroad. I hope that Give Me Liberty! will offer beginning students a clear account of the course of American history, and of its central theme, freedom, which today remains as varied, contentious, and ever-changing as America itself.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

All works of history are, to a considerable extent, collaborative books, in that every writer builds on the research and writing of previous scholars. This is especially true of a textbook that covers the entire American experience, over more than five centuries. My greatest debt is to the innumerable historians on whose work I have drawn in preparing this volume. The Suggested Reading list for each chapter offers only a brief introduction to the vast body of historical scholarship that has influenced and informed this book. More specifically, however, I wish to thank the following scholars, who generously read portions of this work and offered valuable comments, criticisms, and suggestions:

Joel Benson, Northwest Missouri State University

Lori Bramson, Clark College

Tonia Compton, Columbia College

Adam Costanzo, Texas A&M University

Carl Creasman Jr., Valencia College

Blake Ellis, Lone Star College–CyFair

Carla Falkner, Northeast Mississippi Community College

Van Forsyth, Clark College

Aram Goudsouzian, University of Memphis

Michael Harkins, Harper College

Sandra Harvey, Lone Star College–CyFair

Robert Hines, Palo Alto College

Traci Hodgson, Chemeketa Community College

Tamora Hoskisson, Salt Lake Community College

William Jackson, Salt Lake Community College

Alfred H. Jones, State College of Florida

David Kiracofe, Tidewater Community College

Brad Lookingbill, Columbia College

Jennifer Macias, Salt Lake Community College

Thomas Massey, Cape Fear Community College

Derek Maxfield, Genesee Community College

Marianne McKnight, Salt Lake Community College

Jonson Miller, Drexel University

Ted Moore, Salt Lake Community College

Robert Pierce, Foothills College

Ernst Pinjing, Minot State University

Harvey N. Plaunt, El Paso Community College

Steve Porter, University of Cincinnati

John Putman, San Diego State University

R. Lynn Rainard, Tidewater Community College

Nicole Ribianszky, Georgia Gwinnett College

Nancy Marie Robertson, Indiana University—Purdue University

Indianapolis

John Shaw, Portland Community College

Danielle Swiontek, Santa Barbara Community College

Richard Trimble, Ocean County College

Alan Vangroll, Central Texas College

Eddie Weller, San Jacinto College

Andrew Wiese, San Diego State University

Matthew Zembo, Hudson Valley Community College

I am particularly grateful to my colleagues in the Columbia University Department of History: Pablo Piccato, for his advice on Latin American history; Evan Haefeli and Ellen Baker, who read and made many suggestions for improvements in their areas of expertise (colonial America and the history of the West, respectively); and Sarah Phillips, who offered advice on treating the history of the environment.

I am also deeply indebted to the graduate students at Columbia University’s Department of History who helped with this project. For this edition, Michael “Mookie” Kidackel offered invaluable assistance in gathering material related to borderlands and Western history. For previous editions, Theresa Ventura assisted in locating material for new sections placing American history in a global context, April Holm did the same for new coverage of the history of American religion and debates over religious freedom, James Delbourgo conducted research for the chapters on the colonial era, and Beverly Gage did the same for the twentieth century. In addition, Daniel Freund provided allaround research assistance. Victoria Cain did a superb job of locating images. I also want to thank my colleagues Elizabeth Blackmar and Alan Brinkley for offering advice and encouragement throughout the writing of this book. I am also grateful to students who, while using the textbook, pointed out to me errors or omissions that I have corrected in this edition: Jordan Farr, Chris Jendry, Rafi Metz, Samuel Phillips-Cooper, Richard Sereyko, and David Whittle.

Many thanks to Joshua Brown, director of the American Social History Project, whose website, History Matters, lists innumerable online resources for the study of American history. Thanks also to the instructors who helped build our robust digital resource and ancillary package. The new InQuizitive for History was developed by Tonia M. Compton (Columbia College), Matt Zembo (Hudson Valley Community College), Jodie Steeley (Merced Community College District), Bill Polasky (Stillman Valley High School), and Ken Adler (Spring Valley High School). Our new History Skills Tutorials were created by Geri Hastings. The Coursepack was thoroughly updated by Beth

Hunter (University of Alabama at Birmingham). Allison Faber (Texas A&M University) and Ben Williams (Texas A&M University) revised the Lecture PowerPoint slides. And our Test Bank and Instructor’s Manual was revised to include new questions authored by Robert O’Brien (Lone Star College–CyFair) and Tamora M. Hoskisson (Salt Lake Community College).

At W. W. Norton & Company, Steve Forman was an ideal editor—patient, encouraging, and always ready to offer sage advice. I would also like to thank Steve’s editorial assistants, Travis Carr and Kelly Rafey, and associate editor, Scott Sugarman, for their indispensable and always cheerful help on all aspects of the project; Ellen Lohman and Bob Byrne for their careful copyediting and proofreading work; Stephanie Romeo and Fay Torresyap for their resourceful attention to the illustrations program; Hope Miller Goodell and Chin-Yee Lai for their refinements of the book design; Leah Clark, Tiani Kennedy, and Debra Morton-Hoyt for splendid work on the covers for the Fifth Edition; Jennifer Barnhardt and Katie Callahan for keeping the many threads of the project aligned and then tying them together; Sean Mintus for his efficiency and care in book production; Laura Wilk for orchestrating the rich media package that accompanies the textbook; Jessica Brannon-Wranowsky for the terrific new web quizzes and outlines; Sarah England Bartley, Steve Dunn, and Mike Wright for their alert reads of the U.S. survey market and their hard work in helping establish Give Me Liberty! within it; and Drake McFeely, Roby Harrington, and Julia Reidhead for maintaining Norton as an independent, employee-owned publisher dedicated to excellence in its work.

Many students may have heard stories of how publishing companies alter the language and content of textbooks in an attempt to maximize sales and avoid alienating any potential reader. In this case, I can honestly say that W. W. Norton allowed me a free hand in writing the book and, apart from the usual editorial corrections, did not try to influence its content at all. For this I thank them, while I accept full responsibility for the interpretations presented and for any errors the book may contain. Since no book of this length can be entirely free of mistakes, I welcome readers to send me corrections at ef17@columbia .edu.

My greatest debt, as always, is to my family—my wife, Lynn Garafola, for her good-natured support while I was preoccupied by a project that consumed more than its fair share of my time and energy, and my daughter, Daria, who while a ninth and tenth grader read every chapter as it was written and offered invaluable suggestions about improving the book’s clarity, logic, and grammar.

Eric Foner

New York City July 2016

GIVE ME LIBERTY! DIGITAL RESOURCES FOR STUDENTS

AND INSTRUCTORS

W. W. Norton offers a robust digital package to support teaching and learning with Give Me Liberty! These resources are designed to make students more effective textbook readers, while at the same time developing their critical thinking and history skills.

RESOURCES FOR STUDENTS

All resources are available through digital.wwnorton.com /givemeliberty5brv1 with the access card at the front of this text.

NORTON INQUIZITIVE FOR HISTORY

Norton InQuizitive for history is an adaptive quizzing tool that improves students’ understanding of the themes and objectives from each chapter, while honing their critical-analysis skills with primary source, image, and map analysis questions. Students receive personalized quiz questions with detailed, guiding feedback on the topics in which they need the most help, while the engaging, gamelike elements motivate them as they learn.

Another random document with no related content on Scribd:

THE PALAVER WITH THE KING.

The boy in the foreground, interpreting, was nearly eaten by the natives, who pleaded, in excuse, that it was their custom to eat all of that tribe that they came across

Meanwhile I had to wait. I was simply furious. The suspicion that they were after my ivory kept poisoning my mind. I argued with myself that they knew the value of ivory; that they knew what a lot of gin and “trade” they would get if they took my tusks to the coast. And a white man, a hunter of elephants, “done in,” what would it matter? People would say: “Serve him right,” probably. Then they wanted my rifle. They had seen it kill elephant with one shot. It had wonderful medicine. Curious how near we are to the primitive. I thought of shooting someone; I actually wished to shoot someone. But that would not have helped matters. Then sense and experience came to help me and—I laughed. As soon as I laughed they laughed. I felt master of the situation.

Where was the king? Drinking beer. Let me talk to him.

I sat down in front of my hut. In a short time the king arrived with an escort of some forty guns. He seated himself in front of a hut directly across the street from me. I wanted to shake hands with him, but I did not wish to take

my rifle with me, nor did I wish to leave it behind me, as it was to play a part in the comedy I had thought out.

No one could reach me from the back, as I leant against the wall of the hut. Therefore I assumed a belligerent attitude from the first, demanding to know why all my boys had been taken. The old king was, luckily, still sober—it being early in the day—and very calm and dignified. When I had stated my demand he started. He said that his people had shown me elephant; that without them I could not have found them. He said his people had treated me well. They had offered me wives of my own choosing. Food I had never lacked. Elephant were still numerous in the bush. Why should I wish to desert them in this manner?

I admitted that all he had said was true, but begged to point out that I was not a black man. I could not live always there among them. White men died when they lived too long in hot countries, and so on. Then I pointed to the fact that I had never sold the meat of the elephant I had killed, although I might have done so and bought slaves and guns with it. I had given it all freely away to him among others; and now when I wanted to go they seized my porters.

Then he tried another line. He said I could go freely if I gave him my rifle. He said I could easily get another in my country.

I turned this down so emphatically that he switched to another line.

He said, when black men went to the coast they had to pay custom dues on everything they took to or brought away from it. As this was entirely a white man’s custom and yet they enforced it upon black men, putting them in prison if they did not pay, he would be obliged to make me pay customs on my ivory He thought that if he and I divided it equally it would be a fair thing. At this I could not help laughing. The king smiled and everyone smiled. I suppose they thought I was going to pay.

But, I said, there is a difference between your country and white man’s country. When a traveller arrives at the gates of the white man’s country the very first thing he sees is a long building and on it the magic sign “Customs.” Now on seeing this sign the traveller knows what lies before him. If he objects to paying customs, or if he has not the money with which to pay, he departs without entering that country. But when the traveller reaches the gates of the king’s country, he looks in vain for “customs.” Therefore, he says to himself, what a very wise and good king rules this happy country I will enter, for there is no “customs.” But if, having entered the country on this understanding, the king levies customs without having a Customs House, that traveller will recall what he said about the king and will depart, cursing that king and spreading his ill-fame so that no more travellers or elephant hunters will come near him.

Therefore, I ended, the whole matter resolves itself into this: Have you a Customs House or have you not? Here I peered diligently about as if searching among the huts. The whole lot, king, court, escort and mob roared with laughter.

They were not done yet, though. The palaver ran its usual interminable length. The king accused me of disposing of the pigmy hippo meat in an illegal manner. Pigmy hippo were royal game, and every bit of it should have been sent to him. I had him again with the same gag as the customs one, i.e., that when he made a law he should write it down for everyone to read, or if he could not write he ought to employ some boy who could. And so on and on.

Wearied to exhaustion, I at length decided to try what a little bluff would do. I had hoped that I would not have to use it, but it was now or never. If it came off, and the porters were forthcoming, we could just make the next village, hostile to the king, before dark.

Suddenly seizing my rifle I covered the king. No one moved. The king took it very well, I must say. I said I was going to fight for my porters and begin on the king.

He said that to fight was a silly game. However well I shot, I could not kill more than ten of them before someone got me. I replied that that was so, but that no one knew if he would be among the ten or not.

I had them. They gave it up. I kept the old king covered and told him not to move until the porters arrived. He sent off runners at once. They came on the run, picked up the loads and marched. I stopped a moment to shake hands. The insatiable old rascal begged for at least some tobacco. I felt so relieved and pleased at seeing my loads on the road at last that I promised him some when we had caught up with the caravan.

B. told me on my arrival at the coast that during my absence in the interior the inspector of his company had come on a visit, straight from London. He had started from the coast with a caravan of head carriers to visit another of their depots. He had been promptly arrested, carried before the magistrate and fined twenty-five dollars for travelling on the Sabbath. The fine had been demanded at once, and someone sent off to purchase gin. The magistrate knocked the neck off a bottle, took a pull and offered it to the prisoner!

B. said the inspector had been very haughty with the Liberians and that they were out to get their own back.

It must not be thought that they are unfriendly towards whites. If treated politely they are very nice people indeed; they will do anything to help. But they must be treated just as if they were ordinary white foreigners. I liked them immensely, and regretted having to leave their country owing to the smallness

of the ivory And so ended my dealings with the citizens of Liberia and the natives of the hinterland.

X

BUBA GIDA, THE LAST AFRICAN POTENTATE

Now situated in the French sphere of influence can still be found a remarkable relic of the old slave-dealing days. The country goes by the name of its despotic ruler, Buba Rei on maps, Buba Gida to everyone cognisant of it. The principal town is also so called. And the whole organisation is an example of what can be done by courage, energy, force of character and extreme cunning allied to ferocity and cruelty; for the redoubtable Buba Gida, the owner—body and soul—of tens of thousands of slaves, is no scion of a kingly race. Mothered by a slave of the Lakka tribe and fathered by a Scrub Fulani of sorts, everything he has and is he owes entirely to his own ability

In early life he left his humble home and started out into the wild no man’s land with some companions of a like spirit. Slaves at all costs were what Buba Gida and company were out for. Perhaps it was mere chance that led them towards the Lakka country, whence Buba Gida’s mother had been raided, or perhaps it was information from her. However that may be, in close proximity to the Lakka country they found what they were looking for—a fine country, well watered and obviously good for cattle. Pagan Lakkas and other bush tribes were in plenty within raiding distance. Their first raid set them up in labour. Their tiny camp became a village. More raids were planned and carried out with invariable success. The village became a town.

THE SILENT TOWN: VULTURES THE ONLY SCAVENGERS

OUTSIDE THE WALLS.

Buba now ruled supreme. By pursuing the system of “putting away” all those who obstructed him, judiciously mixed with generous treatment in the matter of women—to acquire which the African will do anything—he obtained such a power over his people that none, not even the white man, has been able to overthrow it.

I will now try to describe how my companion and I fared when the pursuit of elephants took us into Buba Gida’s country. To reach this country we traversed some very rich cattle districts inhabited by Fulani, a tribe akin to the Somals. At Buba Gida’s boundary we were met by some forty or fifty of his smaller fry, for it must be understood that we were simple elephant hunters and not “big” white men. Everything about us was known to Buba Gida days before our arrival at his boundary by his wonderful system of intelligence. We remembered noticing casual horsemen about our caravan; they were Buba Gida’s intelligence. From the boundary to the king’s town was six days’ march, and the headman of every village we slept at was under orders to escort us to Buba Rei. As each headman in turn was escorted by five or six men, all being

mounted, it will be seen that we formed quite a little army by the time we got to the capital. Had we been “big” white men, doubtless we should have been several hundred strong by that time. At the end of the sixth day we were camped within sight of the mysterious city. And mysterious it certainly is, for, surrounded as it is by well-known, if somewhat distant countries, and within 120 miles of a large Government post, nothing is known of this curious mediæval city or its despotic tyrant, Buba Gida; and yet every white man wishes to know more about it. Countless thousands of questions must have been asked about Buba Gida. He even visits the Government station Garua; and sufficiently foolish to us he appears when he does so, for he goes with thousands of followers, women and men. Special beds and tents are carried with all kinds of paraphernalia; in fact, anything for show. He even must buy the whole contents of the stores he honours with a visit, much of them quite useless to him.

It was not clear to us why we had to camp so near the city, so we asked why we did not proceed. The answer was that the king had ordered us to sleep at that spot. There are few remaining places in Africa where a white man’s actions are governed by a black man’s wishes. Abyssinia under Menelik was one. Liberia and Buba Rei are still among them.

On the following morning we all sallied forth in our very best paint. As all the riding horses are stallions and some of them alarmingly vicious, and all of them ready at any time to bite, kick, strike, rear and prance, and, indeed, taught to do so, it is easy to imagine the scene as we drew near the capital. Right in the thick of it, in the middle of the prancing mêlée, on a very high rakish-looking stallion over which he appeared to have no control, was a gentleman with a very white and anxious face. He seemed to be somewhat insecurely seated on a flat saddle and appeared to be trying to do something to his horse by means of a snaffle. I know all this because I was he. My companion looked much more at ease, but I must confess I felt thoroughly alarmed lest I should fall off and disgrace the whole show. This will be better understood when I explain that all the riders except ourselves were in saddles with great high horns in front and high canties behind. Most of them clung openly to the horns; and besides this, their mounts were bitted Arab fashion, with great spades and a ring round the lower jaw, so that they really had control over their beasts.

COMMANDERS OF REGIMENTS

CHIEFS IN ARMOUR WITH ARROW-PROOF QUILTS.

Luckily, I did not fall off, and presently we halted about a mile from one of the great gates in the wall which surrounds the town. We were told we should have to wait here until the king gave the order to enter After waiting about two hours—done chiefly to impress the people with the greatness of the king, to see whom even the white men had to wait—a mob of mounted men about two hundred strong was seen to come forth from the city gate and to approach.

We now hastily mounted, and I remember having more trouble with my infernal beast. The two opposing bodies of horsemen now began to approach one another until there remained perhaps forty yards separating us. Some very impressive speeches were made. Luckily for us, the king had lent us a speech-maker, and he held up our end in a very creditable manner, judging by the amount of talking he did. I thought it would never end, my horse becoming more and more restive. Every time he squealed and bit one of the neighbouring horses the whole mob began playing up. I was awfully afraid he might take charge and go barging in among the knights, for such they were. Genuine knights—if not in armour, at any rate all clothed in arrow-proof quilted cloth—horses and all. On their heads the knights had bright native iron caskets. They carried long bamboo spears with iron heads. At their sides were Arab swords. Beneath the bright little caskets were faces of such revolting ugliness and ferocity as to be almost ludicrous. We had the speeches of the opposition translated to us, and the gist of them was to the effect that we were about to have the honour of entering the town of the greatest king on earth—a king who was, if not immortal, next door to it, and so on. Then we were requested to count the knights. Before we had time to count more than twenty or so we were told that they numbered 500. An obvious lie; 200 at the outside. Then we were told that each of these knights had under him 500 other knights, armed and mounted as he was. After that our attention was drawn to a foot rabble in leopard skins and large quivers full of arrows. I had failed to notice these before owing to anxiety about my steed’s capers. They looked a pretty nasty crowd. Never have I seen so many hideous men together.

After the speeches we proceeded slowly towards the gates, gallopers continuously going off to report progress to the king. The wall totally encloses the town, and the gates are wide enough to allow of six men riding abreast. The wall itself is perhaps 20 ft. high and made of sun-baked mud. The thickness at the gateway is about 50 ft., but this is chiefly to impress the visitor and to shelter the guard. The rest of the wall is no more than perhaps 6 ft. at the base.

The buildings in the town are simply the ordinary grass and mud-and-wattle huts of that part of Africa, any more pretentious style of architecture not being allowed. Even pretentious or costly clothing, ornaments or style of any sort are forbidden. Music is forbidden. The drinking of intoxicants within the town is punishable by death. Outside it is allowed. No child must cry, none may laugh loudly or sing or shout. Noises of any sort are forbidden in this dismal city The filth is indescribable. The obvious healthiness of its dwellers may be due to the fact that Buba Gida has every one of them out of it hard at work in his immense plantations every day and all day long, and also perhaps to the fact that everyone is well nourished. Where all belongs to the king who but he can

make a ring in corn! Who but he can raise the cost of living! The only approach to a grumble that we heard from his people was the wish that they might own their own children.

Near about the centre of the town a great high inner wall became visible. This, we were informed, surrounded the king and his palaces. Few townsmen had ever been inside, and the king seldom comes out. Under this wall our quarters were situated, two unpretentious grass huts. In front of our huts, besides our usual ration, there were mountains of prepared foods. The things for us two white men would have fed thirty. With the food came a taster. That is a man who, by tasting everything before you, thereby guarantees it free from poison. This is the usual thing in Africa. Generally the chief of the village does it. Everything was most comfortable, and we began to think highly of our chances of coming to some arrangement with the king about elephant hunting. We were left alone for about two hours.

When the time came for our audience we were led through streets partly round the wall, and it became evident that the inner wall encircled an enormous area. It was from 40 ft. to 50 ft. high, and enormously thick at the base and in very good repair. Arrived at the gate itself, we got some idea of the immense thickness of the walls, the opening in them forming a high and very long guard-room, with huge doors of black timber at each end. This guard-room was filled with men—soldiers I suppose they were.

AN ENORMOUS MAN, FULLY SEVEN FEET HIGH, ROSE FROM A PILE OF RAGS AND EXTENDED HIS RIGHT HAND, SWINGING A STRING OF HUGE AMBER BEADS IN THE OTHER

WHENEVER THE KING SNEEZES, COUGHS OR SPITS THE ATTENDANT SLAVES BREAK INTO LOUD WAILING

Arrived at the inner doors we were halted. Our guide entered alone. After some twenty minutes’ waiting—again done to impress, I suppose—a slave appeared at the door and beckoned us in. He talked in a whisper and was almost nude. We entered and the great doors were closed behind us. Now we were in a courtyard with more huge doors in front of us. Another wait, but shorter. Presently appears our guide. Up till now he had seemed to us to be rather an important fellow. He had been decently dressed, at all events. But now here he was as nude as the other slaves. Another of the rules of this strange court. Everyone, barring white men, but not excepting the king’s own sons, must approach the Presence almost nude, and on all fours. They must never look at the king’s face, but must keep their foreheads to the ground. And you can bet these rules are strictly observed. Even our man—who must be in and out continually—was several shades more ashen than when outside. Our interpreter then stripped himself, and a very trembly wretch he looked. At last all was ready for our entry to the Presence. We passed through the door into a

large and spotlessly clean courtyard. Along one side ran what was evidently the reception house, a lofty building beautifully thatched, with a low verandah. Lolling on a pile of cushions on the floor of the verandah was a huge and very black negro. We walked quickly towards him, passing two nude slaves with their heads glued to the ground, while our interpreter and the functionary crawled on all fours behind us.

This at last was Buba Gida, and a very impressive creature he looked. As we drew near he got up. A fine specimen indeed, 7 ft. high if an inch, and wide in proportion. Soft, of course, but otherwise in fine condition. He extended a hand like a bath sponge for size and almost as flabby, swinging a string of enormous amber beads in the other. Having shaken hands white-man fashion, he waved us to two European chairs while he subsided on his cushions and commenced to stoke up a small charcoal fire, throwing incense on to it. Silence had the stage for some moments and then the king sneezed. At once there was a wail from the two bowed slaves in the middle of the courtyard. This was instantly taken up and drowned by a chorus of wails from the precincts. Whenever, throughout all our interviews, the king thought we were approaching the familiar or asking awkward questions, he would sneeze or cough or spit, or even clear his throat, and there would follow this uproar from his wailing chorus.

The first question he asked was about our rifles. He was very anxious to buy them. We were overjoyed to hear that he would be pleased to help us to a good elephant country, at the same time mentioning the fact that he was very fond of ivory

Presently the conversation drifted to fever. And here we were astounded to find that he really appeared to believe that he was immortal. He naïvely told us he was a great friend of God’s, and that sickness of any sort never touched him. After many polite speeches on both sides we departed from our first visit to this remarkable man.

XI

BUBA GIDA AND THE LAKKAS

After the usual interminable delays inseparable from dealings with African potentates, we were at last ready for the trek to our hunting grounds. Report had it that these lay fifteen days’ march to the south. The king had been most generous. He lavished upon us food, carriers, guides, horses and even milkcows to accompany us. He sent with us his most renowned elephant hunters, from whom I tried to get information regarding the country we were going to. The tales of countless numbers of immense elephant told us by Buba Gida himself we frankly disbelieved, as he had shown us forest tusks from his ivory store as having come from the Lakka country, which we knew lay well to the east of the great forest belt. There is no mistaking the difference between forest ivory and that from grass or scrub bush country, and, from all accounts, the Lakka country was of the latter description.

For some twelve days or so we followed narrow winding native trails through good but almost totally deserted country. Only on two occasions did we camp by human habitations, and these were merely outposts of Buba Gida’s. The contrast between this well watered and healthy but uninhabited country and the miles of plantations and teeming thousands of the immediate vicinity of Buba Rei was most striking. Enquiry elicited the fact that all the former inhabitants of these rolling plains had been “gathered in” by Buba Gida, and that he was surrounded similarly on all sides by broad uninhabited belts. Game was wild and scarce. Giraffe, haartebeeste and oribi we saw in the flesh, while pig and buffalo tracks were infrequently met. Lion we heard once only. Buba’s hunters told us that at one time elephant were numerous all over this country One of them showed us where he had killed his last one. I asked him what reward he had got from the king. He told me that the tusks were only so high, indicating a length of about 3 ft., which would correspond to a weight of perhaps 20 lbs. or 25 lbs. Continuing he said what other king would have given him so much as Baba (i.e., Father), for, in spite of the smallness of the tusks, Baba had given him another woman, making his fourth, and had filled his hut with corn sufficient to keep him drunk on beer for two months. Few indeed are the Sovereigns who could have rewarded their gamekeeper in such a fashion. This man was firmly loyal to his king, and it may be of interest to enquire into this loyalty to a cruel and despotic tyrant, for it was shared by all of his subjects, as far as we could see.

Now, in this kingdom everyone and everything belongs to the king. He farms out his female slaves to all and sundry as rewards for meritorious services rendered the king. All children born as a result of these operations belong to the king, just as the parents do. It must be remembered that this is “domestic” slavery and not at all the horrible affair commercial slavery once was. There is no export of slaves, as the coming of the white man has prevented it. Domestic slavery entails upon the master certain duties towards the slave. Should the slave work well and faithfully for the master, the latter is bound to find for him a wife. The slave may, should he choose, become a freeman after sufficiently long and good service. At any time, should he possess sufficient intelligence to embrace the Mohammedan religion, he automatically becomes a freeman, for it is forbidden to enslave one of the Faith, and Buba Gida himself was a Mohammedan. To my mind the only explanation of the undoubted devotion shown by slaves to their masters is—women.

IN BUBA REI

A FOOT SOLDIER.

To the African a wife is everything. It is equivalent in Western life to having a living pension bestowed on you. For your wife builds your house, provides wood and water, grows your food, makes the cooking utensils, mats, beds, etc., not only for your use, but also for sale. You sell them and pocket the proceeds. Not only this, for she brews beer from the corn which she grows, and you drink it. She drinks it and likes it, too, but naturally, you see that she does not overdo it. Then, again, she bears you children, who also work for you, and you sell the females. It really amounts to selling, although it is very bad manners to speak of the transaction as such. Marriage they call it, and

dowry they call the price paid. Here again you are the lucky recipient of this dowry, and not the girl. True, you have to provide your daughter with certain things, such as a few mats, cloths, cooking pots, etc., most of which your wife makes. From all this it will be seen what very desirable creatures women are in Africa. There, as elsewhere, will be found bad wives, but where we have to grin and bear them, or divorce them, or be divorced by them, the African can send his back to her father and demand her sister in her place. This procedure is only resorted to in the case of a wife failing to bear children; any other fault, such as flirting, nagging, quarrelling, impudence, neglect or laziness, being cured at home by means best known to themselves. It is not so surprising, after all, that a man will work for the better part of his life to serve a master who will, in the course of time, bestow upon him that priceless possession—a wife.

So far our attempts to gain the confidence of our escort had always been met with great reserve on their part. In the evenings round the camp fire is where the African usually unburdens himself, but our lot had evidently been warned not to open their mouths to the white men. These orders they very faithfully obeyed until we approached the boundaries of what might be called Buba Gida’s sphere of influence. Gradually they became less secretive, and we began to hear of strange doings. In a moment of excitement, brought on by the death of a fine buck, one of the old elephant hunters disclosed to me that the king’s people were in the habit of raiding slaves from the Lakka country. As we would enter this country in another day or two’s march for the peaceful purpose of hunting elephants, and as I hoped for the usual and invaluable help from the natives, this news was rather disconcerting, accompanied as we were by fifty or sixty slavers. In reply to the question, What will the natives do when they see us? came the cheering reply, Run like hell!

Where elephant frequent settled country, and especially where they are in the habit of visiting plantations, it is essential for the hunter to be on the most friendly terms with the natives. He must at all costs avoid frightening them. The natural suspicion with which all strangers are regarded must somehow be allayed. Generally speaking, the hunter’s reputation precedes him from country to country, and, if that reputation be a good one, he is welcomed and helped. Only when tribes are at serious war with each other is there a break in this system of intelligence.

On entering the Lakkas’ country, therefore, we were severely handicapped, firstly, by not having previously visited either it or its neighbours, and, secondly by having as our safari a villainous band of slave-raiders, already well known as such to the Lakkas. I anticipated trouble, not so much from the natives as from our own band of thieves. I could see that it would be necessary to take

the first opportunity of impressing upon the king’s people in as forcible a manner as possible that we white men were running the show and not they.

To my astonishment, on arriving at the first Lakka village we and our raiders were received in quite a friendly way On enquiring into this, I found that this section of the Lakkas admitted allegiance to Buba Gida and were at war with the section further on, where we hoped to meet with elephant. Hence our welcome.

A chance to assert ourselves occurred on the first day of our arrival among the Lakkas, for no sooner had the camp been fixed up than our merry band had a Lakka youth caught and bound and heavily guarded. On enquiring into this affair it transpired that this youth had been taken in a previous raid, but had escaped and returned to his country. We had the lad straight away before us, asked him if he wished to go back to Buba Gida, and, on his saying that this was the last thing he desired, at once liberated him. He did not wait to see what else might happen; he bolted. Of course, the king’s people were furious with us. We, on our part, were thoroughly disgusted with Buba Gida for having designed to carry on his dirty work under the cloak of respectability afforded by the presence of two Englishmen on a shooting trip. We had all of them before us, and explained that the very first time we found any one of them attempting anything in the slaving line we would tie him up and march him straight to the nearest military post. We let them see that we were thoroughly determined to take complete command of the expedition from now on, and had little further trouble from them. Later on, it is true, we were annoyed to find that small native boys attached themselves as camp followers to our safari. They rather embarrassed us by saying that they wished to go with us, but they quickly disappeared when their probable future was explained to them. I reckon that we must have spoiled Buba Gida’s scheme to the extent of at least a round dozen of valuable slaves.

After all our trekking and the fussing with semi-civilised Africans, it was a great relief to find ourselves one day at the entrance to a village of the real genuine wild man. We had been passing through No Man’s Land—as we may call the neutral zone between tribes at war—for the last few hours. As the grass was high at this season we had not been spotted, and our arrival at the village was a complete surprise. Amid terrific excitement women and children rushed for the bush, fowls raced about, dogs barked, while the young men appeared from the huts with their shields and spears, and faces dangerously scared. This is the moment of all others when anything but a perfectly tranquil outward appearance generally precipitates a tragedy. Either a native bloods his spear or arrow in the body of one of the visitors or some strung-up visitor fires his gun, when the situation gets out of hand at once. At these tense moments the appearance of a perfectly cool white man, for preference

unarmed, acts in a most extraordinary manner But duck or dodge, or get close to cover, or put up your rifle, and the thing is spoiled. There is no finer instance of this than when Boyd-Alexander went to visit the Sudan chief who had sworn to do him in. Without rifle or escort Boyd-Alexander voluntarily strolled up to this man’s stronghold, knowing, as he must have done, having been warned by the Sudan authorities, that his only chance was to appear perfectly unafraid, or to avoid the country altogether. He visited the chief and, in due course, left the village, closely followed by him. In full view of the inhabitants of his village it was certainly “up to” the chief to show his hand, and I am convinced that he was on the very point of murdering BoydAlexander when he turned a perfectly unmoved face upon the chief and fixed him with a steady look. The chief slunk back to his village, while BoydAlexander pursued his way. From those who can read between the lines his description in “From the Niger to the Nile” of this little incident is an epic.

LAKKAS, SHY AND NERVOUS

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