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A cknowledgements
This book is a combined effort of many who made this study possible. We would like to thank all our contributors both in Israel and Turkey for sharing their knowledge and expertise. Each of them has added a unique and valuable chapter to this edited volume which is an important pillar to the study of Israel–Turkish relations in the contemporary era.
We would like also to thank Nickie Gina Reid, for editing our own chapter, introduction and conclusions: for her professional, succinct work and for her endless kindness, advise and willingness to assist at any time.
We would also like to thanks Dr. Effe Pedaliu and Prof. Amikam Nachmani for their kind assistance and advise.
Last but not least to Palgrave Macmillan Publishers for giving us the opportunity and a platform to publish this study and for believing in us and the importance of our study. A special thanks to Alina and Mary from Palgrave for their advice and passion and to Karthika for her assistance with the fnal production process.
n otes on c ontributors
Orna Almog is a graduate of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and has received her Ph.D. from the London School of Economics and Political Science, International History Department. She is the author of: Britain, Israel and the United States 1955–1958—Beyond Suez (Frank Cass, 1993). Her main expertise is Israeli foreign policy: the Arab–Israeli confict and confict resolution. Until most recently she has been a senior lecturer in Politics and International relations at Kingston University London, UK. She took part in different research project focusing on the international relations of the Middle East. In 2013, Dr. Almog was also a visiting fellow at the Aegean University in Rhodes, Greece Department Mediterranean Studies and later a visiting fellow at the M.A. program Mediterranean studies, Department of Political Science & International Relations, University of the Peloponnese, Corinth, Greece where she also participated as a guest lecturer. Almog also appears on the BBC and the’ Voice of America’ as well as many other international conferences. Among her other publications are “Hide and Seek- Israeli Turkish relations and the Baghdad Pact, Middle Eastern Studies, January 2017, Vol. 53, issue 3. (with Ayşegül Sever)”, and “Unlikely Relations: Israel, Romanian and the Egyptian—Israeli peace accord. Middle Eastern Studies” (June 2016. Vol. 52. Issue 6).
Mert Bilgin is a Professor of international relations and teaches diverse aspects of energy policy, energy transitions and international political economy of energy. He holds his Ph.D. in Socio-Economy of
Development from CEMI of L’École des hautes études en sciences sociales in Paris. He has been working on energy issues within the private sector as well as within the academia since 1993. He is the author of three books, many book chapters, and highly cited research articles published in leading academic journals such as Energy Policy, Communist and PostCommunist Studies, Futures, International Journal of Global Energy Issues, Journal of Business Ethics, Journal of International Relations and Social Indicators Research. His current research interests focus on international oil and gas trade, energy security and their interaction with global political economy. He is native in Turkish, fuently speaks English and French, and possesses basic command of Russian and German.
Tuğçe Ersoy is an Assistant Professor at İzmir Democracy University, Department of International Relations. She is graduated from Galatasaray University. She pursued her studies in France at Université Lyon II (IEP), Center for Research on Mediterranean and Near East. She obtained her Master degree from METU, Middle East Studies Program. She fnished her Ph.D. studies at Marmara University, Institute of Middle East Studies. Her dissertation focused on the Palestinians in Israel and their relations with the Jews and the state for which she did a feld study at Haifa University in Israel in 2015. She has published research articles and book chapters on the issues of Israeli politics, Israeli–Palestinian confict. She is the editor of Public Diplomacy (2012), Cultural Diplomacy (2012) and Balkan Wars in 100th Anniversary: Prevention of Conficts, Vision of Peace and Welfare (2013). Her current research focuses on the confictual relations of religious and secular Jews in Israel.
Gallia Lindenstrauss is a research fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies (affliated with Tel Aviv University) and specializes in Turkish foreign policy. Her additional research interests are ethnic conficts, Azerbaijan’s foreign policy, the Cyprus issue, and the Kurds. She has written extensively on these topics and her commentaries and op-eds have appeared in all of the Israeli major media outlets, as well as in international outlets such as National Interest, Hurriyet Daily News, Turkey Analyst and Insight Turkey. Dr. Lindenstrauss completed her Ph.D. in the Department of International Relations at Hebrew University. She formerly lectured at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and at the Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya, and was a postdoctoral fellow at
the Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations at the Hebrew University, and a visiting fellow at the Bipartisan Policy Center in Washington, DC.
Selin Nasi is a doctoral candidate at Bogaziçi University Department of Political Science and International Relations. She is also a regular columnist at Hürriyet Daily News and Şalom, the weekly newspaper of the Jewish Community of Turkey. She received her B.A. from Marmara University Department of Political Science and her M.A. at Istanbul Bilgi University. Her publications include “Managing the Middle East: The need to revive Transatlantic Cooperation” Turkish Policy Quarterly, Fall, 2006 and “An anatomy of a troubled partnership,” Vocal Europe, 2016 and (with Henri Barkey) “Turkey and the Arab Spring: From Engagement to the Sidelines” in External Powers and the Arab Spring edited by Sverre Lodgaard, Denmark: SAP, 2016.
Soli Özel holds a B.A. in Economics from Benningon College (1981) and an M.A. in International Relations from Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS-1983). Mr. Özel is currently a full-time Professor at Kadir Has University. He is also a columnist at Habertürk Daily newspaper. He has guest lectured at Georgetown, Harvard, Tufts and other US universities, taught at UC Santa Cruz, SAIS, University of Washington, Hebrew University and held fellowships at Oxford, the EU Institute of Strategic Studies and was a Fisher Family Fellow of the “Future of Diplomacy Program” at the Belfer Center of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. In the Spring of 2013, he was a Keyman fellow and a visiting lecturer at Northwestern University. From 2015 to 2017 he was a Richard von Weizsacker fellow at the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin. He is a regular contributor to German Marshall Fund’s web site’s “ON Turkey” series. His work has been published in Internationale Politik, Journal of Democracy, Foreign Policy, International Security, Wall Street Journal, Financial Times, New York Times, The Guardian, Bitterlemons-International. He publishes regularly for l’Espresso magazine in Italy.
Paul Rivlin is a senior fellow at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle East and African Studies at Tel Aviv University and adjunct professor at the Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya. He studied at Cambridge, London and Harvard Universities and is the author of fve books: The Dynamics of Economic Policy Making in Egypt; The Israeli Economy;
Economic Policy and Performance in the Arab World; Arab Economies in the Twenty First Century and The Israeli Economy from the Founding of the State to the Twenty-First Century as well as monographs, papers, reports and contributions to books on economic development in the Middle East, international energy markets, defense and trade economics. He has taught Middle East economics at London and Ben Gurion Universities and has been a visiting professor at Emory University.
Aviad Rubin is a Senior Lecturer (US Associate Professor) in the School of Political Science, University of Haifa. He holds a Ph.D. from McGill university. Dr. Rubin specializes in the intersection between the politics of identity—particularly religion, nationalism and language—and regime theory. Dr. Rubin has written extensively on the politics on identity and democratic performance in Turkey and Israel.
Ayşegül Sever is a Professor of International Relations at Marmara University in Turkey. Currently, she is a Visiting Scholar at London School of Economics IDEAS, UK. After graduated from Faculty of Political Science, Ankara University, she completed her postgraduate studies in Britain (M.A. Birmingham University, Ph.D. Reading University). Her areas of interest include International Politics of the Middle East, Turkish Foreign Policy, Cold War History and Regionalism. She has widely published on these issues and participated in numerous conferences. She was a Visiting Scholar at the Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, Hebrew University in 2002 and the Wolfson College, Oxford University in 2009. Some of her works include “Power led’ outside intervention in the Kurdish politics in Iraq and Turkey in the early 1970s”, Middle Eastern Studies, 2013; “Turkish Perception of the Mediterranean and Euro-Mediterranean Relations in the 1980s”, Journal of Mediterranean Studies, 2015; “UN Factor in “Regional Power Role” and the Turkish Case in the 2000s, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 2016. “Globalism, Regionalism and the Middle East” in Confict and Diplomacy in the Middle East edited by Yannis Stivatchtis, Bristol, E-IR Publishing, 2018.
Sultan Tepe is an Associate Professor at the Department of Political Science at the University of Illinois in Chicago. Dr. Tepe authored numerous publications, including the book Beyond Sacred and Secular: Politics of Religion in Israel and Turkey published by Stanford University Press in 2008. Her forthcoming book analyzes the transformation
transnational communities of religious identities in global cities. Her articles appeared in the Journal of Democracy, Democratization, Political Research Quarterly, Politics and Religion, and Mediterranean Quarterly
Umut Uzer is an Associate Professor at the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences at Istanbul Technical University. He has published on the impact of nationalism, identity and state-building in the Middle East and the Caucasus. He is the author of An Intellectual History of Turkish Nationalism and Identity and Turkish Foreign Policy. For his doctoral studies, he attended University of Virginia, whereas he obtained his Master’s degree from Middle East Technical University and Bachelor’s degree from Bilkent University in the feld of international relations. Dr. Uzer was a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard’s Center for Middle Eastern Studies from 2007 to 2010. He has taught at Smith College, University of Maryland University College, Fashion Institute of Technology (SUNY), University of Utah and Boğaziçi University.
l ist of t A bles
Table 7.1 Israel–Turkish trade in goods, 2000–2016 ($billions)
180
Table 7.2 Shares of imports, 2000–2016 180
Table 7.3 Israeli tourism in Turkey, 2006–2016 (thousands) 183
Table 8.1 Turkey’s international gas pipelines and projects 211
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Ayşegül Sever and Orna Almog
The relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the State of Israel is unique in the Middle East. The two most prominent military powers in the region, both are close allies of the United States; and both view themselves as modern, Westernized, advanced countries. Their relationship is central to the stability of the Middle East.
This relationship currently appears much more fragile than in its early decades. In spite of increasing trade relations, long-term intelligence sharing, and military cooperation, each state’s perception of the other has recently suffered serious setbacks.
Since the inception of diplomatic relations between Israel and Turkey in 1949, the relationship has never been an easy one among the region’s conficts and uncertainties. Although it was relatively friendly for many years—especially during the 1990s—it has transitioned into one of the
A. Sever (*)
Political Science and International Relations at Marmara University, Anadoluhisarı, Istanbul, Turkey
A. Sever
Visiting Scholar, London School of Economics LSE Ideas, London, UK
O. Almog
Independent Researcher, Politics and International Relations, Kingston University, London, UK
A. Sever and O. Almog (eds.), Contemporary Israeli–Turkish Relations in Comparative Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05786-2_1
most fragile and challenging ties in the contemporary affairs of the region. In the past ten years (2008–2018), the number and severity of crises between the two nations has surpassed all their previous problems.
Against this background, we asked a number of Turkish and Israeli scholars to contribute their various perspectives. Taken together, the chapters of our book, each by different authors, constitute a wideranging study analyzing many of the internal and external events leading up to and affecting the two countries’ relationship at its current diffcult period. Our contributors examine politics and ideologies, national ambitions, military affairs, trade, energy, economics, and tourism.
Relationships with non-Arab states in the region were always important for Israel, which was encircled by hostile Arab states. Close cooperation with Turkey was particularly important to Israeli leaders. As a strategically located Muslim state with a strong army, Turkey was an ideal party in Israel’s constant search for allies. Although their relationship also benefted Turkey, especially in the 1990s, it was Israel that was keener on maintaining it. Although the alliance had its ups and downs, their cooperation, especially in military affairs and intelligence, was considered an Israeli success.
Israeli decision-makers faced a new challenge to cooperation between the two countries soon after the AKP Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party) came to power in Turkey in late 2002 and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan became Prime Minister in 2003. The dominance of Israel’s right-wing Likud party, strengthened by coalition with the nationalist religious party Habyait Hayehudi (the Jewish Home), and Israel Beyitenu (Israel our Home), a right-wing secular party, did not make things any easier for Turkish leaders.
During the past decade, escalating tensions between the two states can be correlated both with their internal, domestic politics and with their external, regional environment. Ankara’s harsh criticism of Israel’s Gaza campaign in 2008, Erdoğan’s stormy confrontation with Israel’s President Shimon Peres at the 2009 Davos Economic Forum, and eventually the Mavi Marmara affair in 2010, brought the relationship, already tense with mutual accusations, animosity and hostility, to a diplomatic break.
The Mavi Marmara incident—when an Israeli special commando unit raided a fotilla that aimed to challenge a naval blockade of Gaza, and killed nine Turkish people on board—brought the relationship between the two countries to an all-time low, and led to a temporary break in diplomatic relations, renewed only in November 2016. The episode created a
rift that took six years to mend. The healing, as well as the rift (economic relations did not cease) has been imperfect: withdrawal of ambassadors, mutual condemnations, and threatening speeches have become routine.
For decades Turkey remained the only Muslim country to have recognized Israel—which Israel appreciated and valued immensely. Indeed, for many years Israel was the active party in the relationship, viewing it as a cornerstone and a major success of its foreign policy. However, with emerging diffculties between the two states, and with growing challenges in Syria, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East, the relationship with Turkey no longer holds its initial signifcance for Israel.
Israel’s position in the region has changed. Despite the ongoing confict with the Palestinians that clouds its relations with Arab states, Israel maintains good working relations with both Egypt and Jordan, and is building new alliances with Cyprus and Greece. Nevertheless, because of Turkey’s military might and strategic position, Israeli decision-makers still put high value on good relations with Ankara.
Other diffcult situations in the region include the growing division between Sunni and Shia Muslims, the addition of non-state actors such as ISIS, and the increasing power and infuence of Iran. These important issues are also addressed in this book, which examines the Israeli–Turkish relationship from a multidimensional, perspective. With the Middle East dominating the international agenda—the Syrian civil war, refugees, transnational armed forces, growing external involvements, the Iran nuclear issue, the rise of Kurds in the Middle East, the development of new relationships in the Persian Gulf and the Arab world—we hope to contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between these two prominent countries for anyone interested in world affairs in general, and to anyone involved in Middle Eastern studies in particular.
Most studies to date focus on the historical evolution of the Turkish–Israeli relationship. Amikam Nachmani’s book Israel, Turkey, and Greece: Uneasy Relations in the East Mediterranean, 1 and his article on the signifcance of Israeli–Turkish relations, especially during the 1990s, “The Remarkable Turkish–Israeli Ties,”2 examine the reasons behind the
1 Amikam Nachmani, Israel, Turkey and Greece: Uneasy Relations in the East Mediterranean (London: Frank Cass, 1987).
2 Amikam Nachmani, Middle East Quarterly, Vol. 5, No. 2, March 1, 1998.
“Golden Age” of the relationship. Gencer Özcan’s book Türkiye-Israil İlişkilerinde Dönüşüm: Güvenliğin Ötesi (Transformation in Turkish–Israeli Relations: Beyond Security), and Jacob Abadi’s article “Israel and Turkey: From Covert to Overt Relations,” are just a few examples of historical accounts of the relationship up to the late 1990s.3
In the 1990s, several studies dealing with the Israeli–Turkish alignment were published. Ofra Bengio’s research, “The Turkish–Israeli Relationship: Changing Ties of Middle Eastern Outsiders,” Meliha Altunışık’s article “The Turkish–Israeli Rapprochement in the postcold war era,” and G.E. Gruen’s “Dynamic Progress in Turkish–Israeli Relations,” are valuable examples of the literature about that period.4
In his book, Troubled Triangle: The United States, Turkey, and Israel in the New Middle East, 5 William Quand examines relations among the superpower and its Middle Eastern alliances. Brookings Institute’s reports are especially useful in understanding the impact of the United States vis-à-vis the current crises between Israel and Turkey. For example, Dan Arbel’s “The U.S.–Turkey–Israel Triangle”6 looks at diplomatic ties among all three countries before, during, and after the 1990s. Another contemporary account is given by Efraim Inbar’s articles “Israeli–Turkish Tensions and their International Ramifcations” and “Israeli–Turkish Tensions and Beyond.”7
A number of more recent academic articles have added interesting aspects to the understanding of current Israeli–Turkish relations, including İlker Aytürk’s “The Coming of an Ice Age? Turkish–Israeli
3 Gencer Özcan, Türkiye-Israil İlişkilerinde Dönüşüm: Güvenliğin Ötesi (Istanbul: Tesev, 2005), 1–140. Jacob Abadi, ‘Israel and Turkey: From Covert to Overt Relation’, Journal of Confict Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2, 1995, pp. 104–28.
4 Ofra Bengio, The Turkish-Israeli Relationship: Changing Ties of Middle Eastern Outsiders (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 1–249; Meliha Altunışık, “The TurkishIsraeli Rapprochement in the Post-Cold War Era”, Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 36, No. 2, 2000, 172–191; G. E. Gruen’s, ‘Dynamic Progress in Turkish Israeli Relations’, Israel Affairs, Vol. 1, No. 4, 1995, pp. 40–70.
5 William Quand, Troubled Triangle: The United States, Turkey, and Israel in the New Middle East, Just World Books, October 1, 2011.
6 Dan Arbel, The U.S.-Turkey-Israel Triangle, Brookings Institute, October 6, 2014. https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-u-s-turkey-israel-triangle
7 Efraim Inbar, “Israeli-Turkish Tensions and their International Ramifcations and IsraeliTurkish Tensions and Beyond”, Foreign Policy Research Institute, Winter 2011.
Relations Since 2011” and Özlem Tür’s article “Turkey and Israel in the 2000s-From Cooperation to Confict.”8 Civilian aspects of the relationship began to draw attention, as indicated in studies such as Sultan Tepe’s “Beyond Sacred and Secular: Politics of Religion in Israel and Turkey,” and Yusuf Sarfati’s “Mobilizing Religion in Middle East Politics: A Comparative Study of Israel and Turkey.”9
Our book, Contemporary Israeli-Turkish Relations in Comparative Perspective, aims to present the insights of a broader variety of disciplines on the issues and crises in the relationship between Israel and Turkey. Our authors examine both external and internal issues, looking at the changes that have occurred both in foreign relations and in the domestic spheres of both countries. Each chapter focuses on a different issue—collectively forming, we hope, a comprehensive, analysis of various components of Turkish–Israeli relations previously absent from the academic literature.
While focusing on the bilateral relationship, it is essential to understand the wider background of the various events that have impacted and continue to affect the region. Behind the scenes of international politics, there exist a multitude of interests that infuence and direct foreign policy and diplomatic relationships. We believe that the approach adopted in our book is essential for understanding the complexity of relations between Israel and Turkey.
Although each chapter focuses on a different theme, the Mavi Marmara incident is central to every chapter: clearly, it was a turning point in Israeli–Turkish relations.
Although the Mavi Marmara fotilla fasco worsened the already fragile state of affairs between the two countries, our authors expand their perspective beyond that central incident. We believe that in order to understand the complexities of the Israeli–Turkish relationship, it is absolutely necessary to examine the multidimensional aspects of the countries’ different interests, and their ideologies versus their realpolitik.
8 İlker Aytürk, “The Coming of an Ice Age? Turkish-Israeli Relations Since 2002”, Turkish Studies, Vol. 12, No. 4, 2011, pp. 675–687; ÖzlemTür, “Turkey and Israel in the 2000s— From Cooperation to Confict”, Israel Studies, Vol. 17, No. 3, pp. 45–66.
9 Sultan Tepe’s Beyond Sacred and Secular: Politics of Religion (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008); Yusuf Sarfati’s Mobilizing Religion in Middle East Politics: A Comparative Study of Israel and Turkey (New York: Routledge, 2013).
Following the introduction, the frst two chapters address national and societal aspects of the relationship between Turkey and Israel. Rather than attempting to cover every possible sociopolitical aspect of the relationship, two relatively little-discussed subjects—the construction of national identity and the issues of civil society—are examined in a comparative fashion. As these chapters demonstrate, much has changed in these spheres; and it is interesting to see that new developments in Israel and Turkey have at times followed similar patterns.
Chapter 2, by Umut Uzer, examines the role of religion in the construction of state identity in Israel and Turkey, arguing that even though each country has a unique relationship with religion in its own formation of state identity, we can observe resemblances in modernity, secularism, Westernization, and nationalism. Uzer treats “both Zionism and Kemalism as state-building and nation-crafting ideologies.” As both countries have moved from their traditional conception of nationalism toward ultranationalism, issues of state identity and religio-politics have become more dominant. Uzer draws attention to the changes that have resulted from “the decline of the secularist ethos” in both Turkish and Israeli politics, and the impact of these phenomena on bilateral relations.
In Chapter 3, Sultan Tepe and Aviad Rubin look at a rarely studied area in the two countries’ relations: comparative civil society. Their work fts with the development Uzer illustrates in Chapter 1, as an increase in exclusive nationalism and religio-politics creates an uncomfortable environment for many opposition groups. Tepe and Rubin examine the relationships of several civil-society groups (Shovrim Shtika, New Israel Fund, Başkent Kadin Platformu, and Mazlumder) with the governing parties and ideologies of the past decade, showing how civil-society organizations (non-state actors) in both countries fnd it increasingly diffcult to promote liberal values and to challenge state policies in an increasingly curtailed public space. They conclude that their chosen cases display “the consumption of civil society by the political sphere” in both states, and “thus challenge the accepted perspectives of civil society as a realm which is clearly defned, highly autonomous, and distinguished from the political.” This highlights the growing role of civic society in both countries. As Almog and Sever also demonstrate in Chapter 4, one of these non-state actors, IHH, became very much a part of the debate in Israeli–Turkish relations.
The next two chapters deal with major changes in the relationship brought about by successive bilateral crises over Gaza, and by regional crises such as the Syrian civil war. In Chapter 4, “The Mavi Marmara: An Embattled Voyage and Its Consequences,” Ayşegül Sever and Orna Almog analyze the main events, diffculties, and conficting views of each country prior to the Mavi Marmara incident, after its climax, and through its multiple consequences. Centered on the political, strategic and legal implications of the Mavi Marmara crisis, the chapter approaches the crisis as a true refection of domestic strains and regional developments that took its toll on relations in the 2000s. This chapter elaborates how domestic politics (i.e., long-running AKP rule, growing right-wing religious politics in Israel, developments in the Middle East, especially the Palestinian issue) dominates one of the most important bilateral relationships in the region. The chapter also shows how continuing tense exchanges have resulted from domestic and regional developments before and after the rapprochement of 2016; and examines whether that rapprochement was a genuine breakthrough or simply a formality that opened only limited channels of communication.
In Chapter 6, Selin Nasi and Soli Özel provide a comprehensive analysis of multiple effects of the Syrian crisis on Turkish–Israeli relations in light of growing numbers of state and non-state-actor involvements in the war since 2011. Identifying the Syrian civil war as an important initiator in restoring Turkey and Israel’s relationship, Özel and Nasi touch upon the critical issue of the war’s impact on current and prospective Turkish–Israeli relations, especially given the involvement of the United States, Iran, Russia, Iraq, and various non-state actors such as ISIS, PYD, and Hezbollah.
Chapters 5 and 8 widen the scope of the study, looking at broader geopolitical and geoeconomic changes in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. In Chapter 5, by Tuğçe Ersoy, the deterioration in relations between Israel and Turkey is viewed against a renaissance in Israel’s relationships with Greece and Cyprus. Israel’s establishment of ties with these countries has created a new geopolitical bloc with political, economic, and military signifcance that could, to some extent, stand up to Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean.10 We term these unprecedented close relations with Greece and Cyprus the “Hellenic Option.”
10 Arye Mekel, “A New Geopolitical Bloc Is Born in the Eastern Mediterranean: Israel, Greece and Cyprus”, BESA Center Perspectives Paper, Vol. 329, 2016, p. 4.
In Chapter 8, Mert Bilgin focuses on energy economics, a relatively new segment of the bilateral relationship, looking at the possibilities of energy-based cooperation between the two in light of Turkey’s energy consumer and transit capacity; and of Israel’s emerging energy supplier role in the Levant basin of the Eastern Mediterranean. Given that Israel’s position as a natural gas supplier and Turkey’s need for gas supplies seem quite complimentary, Bilgin is relatively positive about the countries’ prospects in the energy sector, on the condition that political issues do not overwhelm economic considerations. Comprehension of the relative standing of each state around energy issues is a most relevant addition to a multifaceted understanding of the current regional affairs of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East.
Chapter 7, by Paul Rivlin, asserts that economic relations have always been at the core of cooperation between the two countries, and that both see signifcant worth in maintaining trade in spite of diplomatic diffculties. As the relations encountered their most serious setback ever in the period of 2008–2016, their continuing trade ties became their most reliable and enduring area of cooperation. Stating that “Israel and Turkey have complimentary economies,” Rivlin concludes that despite all the serious crises since 2008, their economic relations “have been tested by fre but survived.” According to the author, the challenge is to “realize their unrealized potential” in this realm.11
In the concluding Chapter 9, Gallia Lindenstrauss addresses an interesting aspect of economics and diplomacy that is absent from many academic discussions: the relationship between politics and tourism. For many years Turkey was a favored travel destination of Israelis, but the Mavi Marmara crisis prompted many Israeli tourists to visit other Mediterranean resorts, mainly in Greece and Cyprus. As are Rivlin and Bilgin, Lindenstrauss is optimistic about the potential of Israeli–Turkish relations, despite a huge drop in the number of Israelis visiting Turkey.
In presenting Turkish–Israeli Relations in Contemporary Perspectives, we hope to draw attention to the importance of viewing the persistence and durability of the two countries’ relationship from multiple
11 Paul Rivlin (Chapter 7, pp. 177–193).
perspectives rather than through the narrow prism of the strategic and military issues that have always been strongly emphasized and widely discussed. Instead, the countries’ respective domestic political domains, intersocietal ties, human contacts, cultural understanding, and continuing productive economic ties are all well worth consideration, in order to better formulate possibilities for strong, durable, and—hopefully— confict-free relations in forthcoming years.
CHAPTER 2
The New Jew and the New Turk: A Comparative Analysis of Israeli and Turkish Nation-Building Within the Framework of Religion,
Modernity and Secularism
Umut Uzer
This study offers a comparison of Israeli and Turkish national identities and the role of religion in the construction of their respective nations. The new Turk and the new Israeli Jew had ambivalent relations toward religion, trying to jettison certain aspects of it while at the same time retaining elements of Islam and Judaism in the makeup of their respective national identities. In fact, religion determined the delineation of belonging to the Turkish and Jewish nation. Despite the radical secularism practiced in the early decades of Republican Turkey, a non-Muslim
U. Uzer (*)
Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
A. Sever and O. Almog (eds.), Contemporary Israeli–Turkish Relations in Comparative Perspective, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05786-2_2
Turk was unthinkable for most Turks and a Jew who converted to another religion was no longer considered a Jew. In other words, Islam and Judaism has been the identity markers of Turkishness and Jewishness without necessarily denoting religiosity.
Turks are usually perceived as the rulers of the Ottoman Empire which had a 600-year-long history, whereas Jews lacked a state for thousands of years. From such a perspective it could be argued that Turks possessed a number of states including the Seljuk Empire, whereas Jews had none in the past two thousand years, yet it should be kept in mind that the Ottoman Empire was a multinational Empire hence Turkishness was not the dominant consciousness of the state identity. Therefore, in the nineteenth century, Turkish nationalism emerged as one of the rival ideologies to Ottomanism, Islamism and Westernism in the Ottoman Empire. Similarly, in the nineteenth century, Zionism was only one of the ideologies prevalent among the Jewish people in Europe in addition to socialism, liberalism as well as a tendency to assimilate in European societies. In neither case nationalism was the predominant idea.
While both nation-building processes entailed rejection of their immediate pasts, the Diaspora in the case of Israel and the Ottoman Empire in the case of modern Turkey, a total rejection was never possible, therefore both peoples had an ambivalent relation with their recent past. However, both nations tried to leapfrog all the way back to their ancient history be it the Biblical era or that of pre-Islamic Turkish history in Inner Asia. Despite their secular and Western orientations, both nations also employed sacred terminology such as şehit (martyr) and gazi (veteran) in Turkish nationalism and aliya (immigration to the Land of Israel) and geula (redemption) in the case of Zionism.
In sum, this chapter purports to offer a comparative approach to Turkish nationalism and Kemalist state identity on the one hand and Zionism and the Jewish state identity on the other. There are striking resemblances as far as elements of modernity, secularism, Westernism and nationalism in both national movements and state identities are concerned. Both Zionism and Turkish nationalism rejected their recent history and endeavored to create a new Jew and a new Turk. However, they resorted to religious concepts to determine who belonged to their respective nations and to mobilize their peoples. The analysis of the similarities and differences between these two nation-building projects is the major aim of this study.
two PeoPles with ethnoreligious nAtionAlisms
While it is easy to argue that no two countries or political phenomena are exactly the same, “careful comparisons can help us understand the similarities and differences” between two separate cases.1 After all, the subfeld of Comparative Politics endeavors to explicate numerous countries employing the comparative method of differentiating and contrasting political systems and types of government. In this chapter, I purport to analyze two non-Arab countries with analogous diffculties in their defnition of national identity very much predicated on religion. The utmost objective of this chapter is identifying the convergent and divergent aspects of Israeli and Turkish national identities.
The nationalist projects of Israelis and Turks, namely, Zionism and Kemalism are “modernizing, secularist national ideologies” which were spearheaded under the leadership of the Mapai and later Labor Party in Israel and Republican People’s Party (CHP) in Turkey.2 Similar to India, both countries have passed through a secular revolution rejecting their immediate religious pasts. Creation of a new identity was the paramount objective of the founding fathers of both countries.
Having said that however, they have employed religion for constructing national identities3 nationalizing religious symbols and presenting religious belonging as the criterion for the defnition of the members of the nation. In other words, national and religious identities were very much perceived as identical in both of our cases resulting in an ethnoreligious defnition of the nation.
Another similarity was the pro-Western approach in both internal and external policies of Israel and Turkey. For David Ben Gurion (1886–1973) and other Israeli leaders Westernism was a matter of survival in the Middle East thus an existential concern as it denoted modernity, urbanization, an increase in the educational level of the populace and advancement in science and technology. Therefore, to be strong Israel had to excel in all these spheres. As a function of his Westernism, Ben Gurion was typically Orientalist as he believed the impact of the West would also result in the economic development of the country.4 Referring to
1 Michael Walzer, The Paradox of Liberation, p. x.
2 Sarfati, Mobilizing Religion, p. 2.
3 Belcim Tasçıoğlu, p. 3.
4 David Tal, pp. 351–353, 357.
Mizrahi Jews as “dust of man, with no language, no tradition, no roots”5 who had to be civilized in the ways of the European Jews undoubtedly demonstrated his Orientalism. Or as Foreign Minister Moshe Sharett (1948–1956) remarked: “the Jews of Eastern Europe are the salt of the land”.6 Furthermore, the founding fathers of Zionism such as Theodor Herzl (1860–1904) and Max Nordau (1849–1923) had similar Occidentalist outlooks as can be observed in Herzl’s desire to create an outpost of Europe in the Middle East or in Max Nordau’s words: “to extend the moral boundaries of Europe”7 to the Middle East. As a logical conclusion of this mindset, Western Jews (Ashkenazim) were considered to be superior to Eastern Jews (Mizrahim) as well as to Arabs.
A comparable Westernism could be observed in the Kemalist form of Turkish nationalism which accepted the West as superior in science and technology and that for survival Western methods and outlook including dress codes needed to be adopted. Having said that however, national sovereignty has been jealously protected during the reign of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881–1938) as a cautionary policy against the semiindependent status of the Ottoman Empire under the capitulations which provided extra-territorial rights to the citizens of European powers on Ottoman territory.
Therefore, for Israelis and Turks, Westernism was not only a matter of taste or preference but also a policy of utmost signifcance to survive in a world of enormous danger for their national survival. To be strong Western methods in science had to be accepted, internalized and applied.
the turkish cAse
As latecomers to nationalism, Turks had an ethnoreligious defnition of their nation. Therefore, ethnically non-Turkish Muslim peoples such as Albanians, Circassians, Laz and Kurds were accepted as targets for Turkifcation but not the non-Muslim Turkish citizens such as the Armenians, Jews, Greeks or Syriacs, whose Turkishness and loyalty was seriously questioned. Thus the nation was imagined as Muslims with a Turkish core in the center and other non-Muslim peoples in the periphery being expected to Turkify in the process of nationalization.
5 Tal, p. 359.
6 Tal, p. 360.
7 Shafr and Peled, p. 75.
Unlike Arabs among whom there are a number of Christians, there are few Christian ethnic Turks such as the Gagavuz living in Moldova who are evidently outside the boundaries of Turkey. For instance, the Turkish ambassador to Romania, Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver (1855–1966) during his tenure between 1931 and 1944 tried to have the Gagavuz moved to Turkey but was unsuccessful8 in his efforts. In other words, a non-Muslim Turk was considered an anomaly for the secular statesmen. As the above example demonstrates, the defnition of the Turkish nation was predicated on the formulation of the common people as “those belonging to my religion and speaking my language”,9 which was repeated by Ziya Gökalp, one of the signifcant ideologues of Turkish nationalism.
During the reign of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk between 1920 and 1938, despite all the secularist reforms under a republican regime, the nation continued to be defned implicitly as Turkish-speaking Muslims without outright expressions of religiosity. At the same time, unlike the Ottoman era, bureaucratic positions were mostly closed for non-Muslims. Thus, there was an irony in the policy of closed doors for non-Muslim Turkish citizens in contrast to Christian and Jewish appointments in an Islamic empire, namely the Ottoman Empire. To reiterate the nation was implicitly defned as being composed of Turkish-speaking Muslims.
At the same time, the legal system has been holistically transformed as secular laws based on numerous European nations were adopted. Hence there is no space for sharia (şeriat in Turkish) in the Turkish legal system. In that sense Turkey has gone further down the path of radical secularization as far as the judiciary and constitution-making is concerned when compared to other Muslim countries or Israel for that matter.
As in all kinds of nationalism, also in Turkish nationalist orientation, language and historical studies were of utmost importance. The Turkish Historical Thesis and the Sun Language Theory developed by Kemalists scholars and ideologues such as Yusuf Akçura (1876–1935) and Afet İnan (1908–1985) entailed the construction of a new identity for the Turkish people. For the realization of this objective, the frst Historical Congress was held under the auspices of the Ministry of Education
8 “Hamdullah Suphi’nin Romanya Büyükelçiliği ve Gagauz Türkleri”, http://www.atam. gov.tr/dergi/sayi-54/hamdullah-suphinin-romanya-buyukelciligi-ve-gagauz-turkleri.
9 Umut Uzer, An Intellectual History of Turkish Nationalism, p. 75.
and the Committee for the Study of Turkish History in Ankara in July 1932 where the martial, artistic, scientifc and other qualities of Turks as well as their contribution to the advancement of civilizations in Central Asia and Anatolia were praised. The nine-day congress was attended by President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk who was exalted as the Great Chief (Büyük Şef Gazi Mustafa Kemal Hazretleri) as not only having “saved the Turkish homeland and independence” but also having achieved his desire to “teach the real national history”10 to the Turkish people.
Minister of Education Esat in his opening speech on 2 July 1932 argued that Turks in Central Asia created a more advanced civilization thousands of years before Europe and saved the latter from “a primitive life in the caves” and laid the foundations for Chinese, Indian, Hittite, Sumerian and Egyptian civilizations.11 The minister was also critical of education during the Ottoman times including Abdülhamid II’s era when general history was expunged from the curriculum and only history of the Prophets, Islamic history and Ottoman history were taught at schools. However, even Ottoman history was insuffciently taught as the courses covered only up to the time of Süleyman the Magnifcent (Kanuni Sultan Süleyman) in the sixteenth century.12 In the Republican Era, Esat argued national history was being taught based on national sentiments, morality, education and national unity. Turks having been born and living free throughout centuries would learn their history based on nationalism, statism and populism13 very much in line with the Kemalist understanding of the world.
Afet İnan, who was a professor of history at the Music Teachers School, delivered an academic and from time to time an emotional presentation based on her research in Europe, arguing that Turks were the autochthonous people of Central Asia and that they had reached a high cultural level when the Europeans were still living in an age of ignorance and wild life.14 Once again, we can observe the desire to prove that Turks were not inferior to the Europeans.
10 Birinci Türk Tarih Kongresi: Maarif Vekaleti ve Türk Tarih tetkik Cemiyeti tarafından tertip edilmiştir. Konferanslar Müzakere Zabıtları (TC Maarif Vekaleti, no date), pp. v–vi.
11 Birinci Türk Tarih, p. 6.
12 Ibid., pp. 10–11.
13 Ibid., pp. 12–13.
14 Ibid., pp. 40–41.
The president of Turkish Historical Society Yusuf Akçura, similar to the minister, specifed that general history was omitted from the curriculum during the reign of Abdülhamid II15 and praised Atatürk as the Exalted Gazi (Ulu Gazi) “who has shown the true path” and “taught us about ourselves” because of which the Turkish people were grateful to him. Additionally, Akçura and other participants at the congress were critical of Western approaches to Turks and called for a reappraisal of historiography from a Turkish perspective. Interestingly, Akçura was adamant that they had peaceful sentiments toward peoples colonized and oppressed by Europeans and that they should be considered as equals to Europeans before international law.16 In other words, he was critical of European feelings of superiority toward colonial peoples.
It should be clarifed that both Westernism and nationalism were important components of Kemalist ideology. While Westernism was not among the six arrows of Kemalism, namely republicanism, nationalism, revolutionism, statism, secularism and populism, being part of the Western world was one of the main objectives of the offcial ideology. However, this aim was tempered with nationalism as Westernization was to be undertaken on Turkey’s own terms. That is why the frst Turkish Historical Congress also tried to prove to the world that Turks were equal if not superior to the Europeans in terms of science, culture and political rights.
The president of Turkish historical society summarized the conclusions of the conference as having demonstrated that the “Turkish race” has created great civilizations in Central Asia even in pre-historic times and has taken civilization to all corners of the world.17 It follows that there was no blind emulation of the West among Kemalist ideologues and scholars as claimed by post-Kemalist writers in later decades.
Therefore, Kemalist ideologues and scholars wanted to prove that Turks were equal if not superior to the Europeans but at the same time they rejected European academics who labeled Turks as part of the Mongolian group of peoples. At the conference, Reşit Galip among others argued, again utilizing Western academic scholarship, that Turks
15 Ibid., p. 595.
16 Ibid., p. 607. The quotes are from page 618.
17 Ibid., p. 617.
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