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Matthew P. Sayre · Maria C. Bruno Editors
Social Perspectives on Ancient Lives from Paleoethnobotanical Data SocialPerspectivesonAncientLives fromPaleoethnobotanicalData MatthewP.Sayre • MariaC.Bruno Editors
SocialPerspectives onAncientLives fromPaleoethnobotanical Data Editors MatthewP.Sayre DepartmentofAnthropology
UniversityofSouthDakota Vermillion,SD USA
MariaC.Bruno DepartmentofAnthropology andArchaeology
DickinsonCollege Carlisle,PA USA
ISBN978-3-319-52847-2ISBN978-3-319-52849-6(eBook) DOI10.1007/978-3-319-52849-6
LibraryofCongressControlNumber:2017930792
© SpringerInternationalPublishingAG2017
Thisworkissubjecttocopyright.AllrightsarereservedbythePublisher,whetherthewholeorpart ofthematerialisconcerned,specificallytherightsoftranslation,reprinting,reuseofillustrations, recitation,broadcasting,reproductiononmicrofilmsorinanyotherphysicalway,andtransmission orinformationstorageandretrieval,electronicadaptation,computersoftware,orbysimilarordissimilar methodologynowknownorhereafterdeveloped.
Theuseofgeneraldescriptivenames,registerednames,trademarks,servicemarks,etc.inthis publicationdoesnotimply,evenintheabsenceofaspecificstatement,thatsuchnamesareexemptfrom therelevantprotectivelawsandregulationsandthereforefreeforgeneraluse.
Thepublisher,theauthorsandtheeditorsaresafetoassumethattheadviceandinformationinthis bookarebelievedtobetrueandaccurateatthedateofpublication.Neitherthepublishernorthe authorsortheeditorsgiveawarranty,expressorimplied,withrespecttothematerialcontainedhereinor foranyerrorsoromissionsthatmayhavebeenmade.Thepublisherremainsneutralwithregardto jurisdictionalclaimsinpublishedmapsandinstitutionalaffiliations.
Printedonacid-freepaper
ThisSpringerimprintispublishedbySpringerNature TheregisteredcompanyisSpringerInternationalPublishingAG Theregisteredcompanyaddressis:Gewerbestrasse11,6330Cham,Switzerland
Theoriginalversionofthebookwasrevised: Thebooktitlewascorrectedfrom “SocialPerspectives onAncientLivesfromPaleothnobotanicalData” to “SocialPerspectivesonAncientLivesfrom PaleoethnobotanicalData” .
1SocialPaleoethnobotany:NewContributionsto ArchaeologicalTheoryandPractice 1 MariaC.BrunoandMatthewP.Sayre
2IntegratingArchaeologicalDataTowardaBetter UnderstandingofFoodPlantsChoicesandTerritory ExploitationintheNorthwesternEuropeanEarlyNeolithic: TheCaseofRemicourt “EnBiaFloII”
15 AlexandreChevalierandDominiqueBosquet
3CultigenChenopodsintheAmericas:AHemispherical Perspective ...............................................
GayleJ.Fritz,MariaC.Bruno,BrieAnnaS.Langlie, BruceD.SmithandLoganKistler
4RethinkingtheRoleofWildResourcesinAgriculturalist Societies:ArchivesfromRockshelterCasesofNorthwestern Argentina 77 M.AlejandraKorstanje
5ExploringCulinaryPracticesThroughGISModeling atJoyadeCerén,ElSalvador 101 AlanFarahani,KatherineL.Chiou,RobQ.Cuthrell, AnnaHarkey,ShantiMorell-Hart,ChristineA.Hastorf andPaysonD.Sheets
6RitualandPlantUseatConchopata:AnAndean MiddleHorizonSite ....................................... 121 MatthewP.SayreandWilliamT.Whitehead
7RitualTime:TheStruggletoPinpointtheTemporality ofRitualPracticeUsingArchaeobotanicalData .................
ChristopherT.Morehart
8ACompellingIntersectionality:Paleoethnobotany, SocialTheory,andFeministCommitments
MargaretW.Conkey
9Commentary:PaleoethnobotanyBeyondDiet,Environment, andEcology
DeborahM.Pearsall
Index
EditorsandContributors AbouttheEditors Dr.MatthewP.Sayre iscurrentlyAssistantProfessorattheUniversityofSouthDakota.He teachescoursesinArchaeology,BiologicalAnthropology,andHistoricalEcology.Heisalso activeinthedevelopmentandteachingofthenewSustainabilityMajor.Hisresearchfocuseson thepastecology,ritual,andproductionpracticesofpeopleintheAndeanregionofSouthAmerica. HehasworkedattheUNESCOWorldHeritagesiteofChavindeHuantar,Peruoverthelast decadeandleadsa fieldprojectfocusedonthedomesticsettlementsintheLaBandasectorofthe site.
Dr.MariaC.Bruno iscurrentlyAssistantProfessoratDickinsonCollegewheresheteaches coursesinArchaeologyandWorldPrehistory,EnvironmentalArchaeology,andArchaeological MethodandTheory.SheisalsoactivelyengagedinDickinsonCollege’sinterdisciplinaryCenter forSustainabilityEducation.Herresearchfocusesontheenvironmental,technological,social,and politicaldynamicsofancientagriculturalsystemsinSouthAmerica,particularlyintheLake TiticacaBasinoftheAndesandintheLlanosdeMoxosregionoftheAmazonBasin.
Contributors
DominiqueBosquet SPW-DGO4-Servicedel’Archéologieenprovincede BrabantWallon,Wavre,Belgium
MariaC.Bruno DepartmentofAnthropologyandArchaeology,Dickinson College,Carlisle,USA
AlexandreChevalier RoyalBelgianInstituteofNaturalSciences,Brussels, Belgium
KatherineL.Chiou DepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofCalifornia, Berkeley,USA
MargaretW.Conkey DepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofCalifornia, Berkeley,USA
RobQ.Cuthrell ArchaeologicalResearchFacility,UniversityofCalifornia, Berkeley,USA
AlanFarahani CotsenInstituteofArchaeology,UniversityofCalifornia,Los Angeles,USA
GayleJ.Fritz DepartmentofAnthropology,WashingtonUniversity,St.Louis, USA
AnnaHarkey DepartmentofSociologyandAnthropology,WoffordCollege, Spartanburg,USA
ChristineA.Hastorf DepartmentofAnthropologyandArchaeologicalResearch Facility,UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley,USA
LoganKistler DepartmentofAnthropology,NationalMuseumofNatural History,SmithsonianInstitution,Washington,D.C.,USA
M.A.Korstanje InstitutodeArqueologíayMuseo(FCNeIML,Universidad NacionaldeTucumán),InstitutoSuperiordeEstudiosSociales(CONICET/UNT), SanMigueldeTucumán,Argentina
BrieAnnaS.Langlie DepartmentofAnthropology,LoyolaUniversityChicago, Chicago,USA
ChristopherT.Morehart DepartmentofAnthropology,ArizonaState University,Tempe,AZ,USA
ShantiMorell-Hart DepartmentofAnthropology,McMasterUniversity, Hamilton,Canada
DeborahM.Pearsall DepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofMissouri, Columbia,MO,USA
MatthewP.Sayre DepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofSouthDakota, Vermillion,SD,USA
PaysonD.Sheets DepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofColorado,Boulder, USA
BruceD.Smith PrograminHumanEcologyandArchaeobiologyandDepartment ofAnthropology,NationalMuseumofNaturalHistory,SmithsonianInstitution, Washington,D.C.,USA
WilliamT.Whitehead SWCAEnvironmentalConsultants,Albuquerque,NM, USA
Chapter1 SocialPaleoethnobotany:New ContributionstoArchaeologicalTheory andPractice MariaC.BrunoandMatthewP.Sayre
Introduction
Paleoethnobotanyorarchaeobotany,1 simplydefinedasthestudyofplantremains fromarchaeologicalsites,hasbecomeacentralcomponentofarchaeological practiceacrosstheglobe.Notonlyareitsmethodsfortherecoveryandanalysisofa widerangeofplantremainsregularelementsofthemostrigorousacademicand contractarchaeologicalprojectstoday,butresearchagendasareincreasingly informedbyquestionsthatcanbeansweredwitharchaeologicalplantremains (Marstonetal. 2015:9–10).Althoughstillsometimesviewedasmerelya methodologicalspecialization,paleoethnobotanistshavealonghistoryofusingthe datatheyproducetoaddresslargerquestionsaboutthehumanpastandcontribute tobroadertheoreticaldiscussionsinthe fieldofarchaeology(seeHastorf 1999; Marstonetal. 2015;Pearsall 2015;VanDerwarkeretal. 2016 forreviewsofthe discipline).Paleoethnobotanyhascontributedrathersubstantiallytotheoriesofthe natureofhuman–environmentalinteractionsandsubsistencechange,particularly theoriginsofagriculture.Ithasalso,butinamorelimitedway,contributedto theoriesaboutsocialandpoliticalprocesses,especiallywithregardtofoodproductionandconsumptionamongcomplexsocieties.Thisvolumeaddstothe growingarenaofsocialpaleoethnobotany(MorehartandMorell–Hart 2013)witha seriesofpapersexploringdynamicaspectsofpastsociallife,particularlythe
1ThetermpaleoethnobotanyismorecommoninNorthAmericawhereasarchaeobotanyisthe dominantterminEurope.Inthisvolumewewillrefertothe fieldaspaleoethnobotany.
M.C.Bruno(&)
DepartmentofAnthropologyandArchaeology,DickinsonCollege,Carlisle,USA e-mail:brunom@dickinson.edu
M.P.Sayre
DepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofSouthDakota,Vermillion,USA e-mail:Matthew.Sayre@usd.edu
© SpringerInternationalPublishingAG2017
M.P.SayreandM.C.Bruno(eds.), SocialPerspectivesonAncientLives fromPaleoethnobotanicalData,DOI10.1007/978-3-319-52849-6_1
day-to-daypracticesandpoliticsofprocuring,preparing,andconsumingplants acrossrangeofplaces,times,andcontexts.Whilemanyofthepapersbringsocial perspectivestothemoretraditionalrealmsofpaleoethnobotanicalresearchsuchas definingsubsistencepracticesanddomesticactivities,theyalsodelveintotopics thatarestillemergingwithinthesub-fi eldincludingritualandgender.Together, thesepapersshedlightonwaysinwhichthespecializedanalysisofplantremains cancontributetotheorybuildingandadvancingarchaeologicalunderstandingof pastlifeways.
Althoughnotthefocusofthisvolume,methodologicaladvancementsinpaleoethnobotanyhavebeencentraltoitsgrowingimportancewithinarchaeologyas well(HastorfandPopper 1989;Marstonetal. 2015;Pearsall 2015).Fromthe adventofwater flotationfortherecoveryofmacrobotanicalremains,tothe chemicalextractionsofphytolithsandstarchgrains,andnowtechnologiesto collect aDNAfromarchaeologicalplantremains,apowerfulsuiteofbotanical techniquesaregrowingourpaleoethnobotanicaldatabases.Theideaspresentedin thesechaptersarefoundedontherigorousapplicationofawiderangeofpaleoethnobotanicalmethods.AsPearsall(thisvolume)highlightsinher finalchapter, theuseofmultiplelinesofpaleoethnobotanicalevidenceisessentialtocreating robustexplanationsregardingpasthumanactivities.
ArchaeologicalTheoryandPaleoethnobotany Thedevelopmentofpaleoethnobotanyhasfollowedsomeofthegeneraltrends apparentinthebroader fieldofarchaeologyinNorthAmericaandEurope(Hastorf andJohannessen 1996;Morell–Hart 2015),althoughitstrajectoryisalsolinkedto trendsintheeconomicsandpoliticsofarchaeologyasaprofession(Morehartand Morell–Hart 2013).Theearlieststudiesofplantremainsfromarchaeologicalsites weretheresultoffortuitousdiscoveriesofplantspreservedinuniquecontextssuch asEgyptiantombs,water-loggedsitesofEurope,andinextremelydrysitesinthe Andes(Ford 1979;Renfrew 1973).Intheseearlycases,botanistsweresoughtto identifythespeciesrecoveredandtheir findingspresentedasanappendixattheend ofareportorbook(Reitzetal. 2008).Aswithothermaterialculture,theplants encounteredatthesesitesenteredintodescriptivesummariesofpastculturehistoriescontributingtogrowingknowledgeaboutpastfoodways,construction,and craftingmaterials.
Asarchaeologistsbegantomovebeyonddescriptiontoaddressbroaderquestionsaboutthehumanexperience,theformalsub- fieldofpaleoethnobotany solidi fied.Practitionersnotonlydevelopedmorepreciseandsystematicmethods fortherecoveryandidenti ficationofawiderangeofplantremainsbuttheydidso inordertoaddressthecomplexinterrelationshipsofplantsandhumansinthepast (Ford 1994;HastorfandPopper 1989).AlthoughtheearlyadvancementofpaleoethnobotanycertainlycoincidedwiththeNewArchaeologyand “processual” approacheswithitsemphasisonenvironmentaladaptationsandsubsistence,its
rootsinethnobotanyalsomaderelevantthesocialandpoliticalnatureofhuman–plantinteractions(Ford 1994;Hastorf 1990;Jones 1941;Lentz 1991). Paleoethnobotanistswerethusamongthe firstoftheenvironmentalarchaeologists toevaluateissuessuchasmeaningandgenderusingtheirdatasetswithinthe “post-processual” movement(Fritz 1990;Hastorf 1991, 1993;Hastorfand Johannessen 1996;Jones 1985;WatsonandKennedy 1991).Inouranalysisof theoryandpaleoethnobotany,weaimtobreakdownthetraditional “processual/post-processual” divisionandexaminetheuniquewaysinwhich paleoethnobotanistshaveusedtheirdatasetstocontributetoawiderangeoftheoreticalissues.Whilewedoadvocateforgreateruseofthesocialapproachesinthis volume,werecognizethatpaleoethnobotanistsutilizingevolutionary/biological paradigmshavemadeeffortstotakeintoaccountthesocialandpoliticalnatureof human–plantinteractions(Gremillion 2015;Rosen 2007;Smith 2015).
Todate,paleoethnobotanicalcontributionstoarchaeologicaltheoryhavelargely engagedwithparadigmsthatcanbecategorizedasevolutionary,ecological,and biological.SomeofthemostprominentNorthAmericanpaleoethnobotanists includingKristenGremillion,ArleneMillerRosen,DeborahPearsall,Dolores Piperno,andBruceSmithhavewrittenmajortreatiesutilizingframeworkssuchas humanbehavioralecologyandnicheconstructiontheory(e.g.,PipernoandPearsall 1998;Rosen 2007;Smith 2011).Itisnoteworthythatthesepaleoethnobotanists havenotonlyutilizedtheseframeworkstoanalyzetheirdata,buthavesubstantially contributedtoelaboratingandmodifyingthesetheoreticalapproachesforarchaeology(e.g.,Gremillion 2002;Smith 2007).Theseapproachesgenerallyview humansandtheirinteractionswithplantsasanyotherorganismsonEarth,shaped bytheprocessesofnaturalselection,resourceavailability,andfeedbackloopsthat createparticularecologiesandevolutionarychanges.Socialandpoliticalaspectsof humanbehaviorareconceptualizedasextensionsofthebiologicaladaptationof culture.Suchapproachesshedlightongeneral,long-termprocessessuchassignificantshiftsinsubsistenceassociatedwithmajorclimaticchangesincludingthe Pleistocene–Holocenetransitionandtheecologicalconsequencesofhumaninterventionsintoplantcommunitiessuchasresourcedepletionordisturbance,butoften failtocapturethelocalized,small-scalesocialand/orpoliticalprocessesthatcontributetoormitigatesuchchanges.Theyareexplicitlyeticanalysesofthepastthat donotnecessarilyaimtocapturethelivedexperiencesandculturalimplicationsof theseprocesses.Also,whilethereareseveralcasesthatseemto fi tthesemodels (seeGremillion 2015),thereareoftenexceptions,andtheexceptionsarelikely betterexplainedbyculturalandsocialpreferencesratherthan “optimal,” risk-reducingcalculations(ChevalierandBoquetthisvolume;Ingold 1996).
Whiletheseevolutionaryapproachesremaindominantinthe field,agrowing numberofpaleoethnobotanistshavearguedforgreaterconsiderationofsocial factorsshapinghuman–plantinteractionsandtheirrolesinunderstandingthepast humanexperience(e.g.,AsoutiandFuller 2013;Bruno 2009;Denham 2005, 2009; Fairbairn 2008;Hastorf 1991, 1993;HastorfandJohannessen 1996;Jones 1985; MorehartandHelmke 2008;MorehartandMorell–Hart 2013;Morell–Hart 2015). Plantremainsarenotonlyevidenceofenvironmentalphenomenabutalsoofdeeply
culturalandpoliticalonesaswell.Althoughhumansinteractwiththeplantworldin averymaterialway,theseinteractionsareimbuedwithmeaningthatshapevarious realmsofhumansociallife.Inmanyhumansocieties,plantsarenotsimplyviewed asresourcestobeusedandcaloriestobeconsumed,butarecentralentitiesinthe dailylivesofpeoplewhocollect,tend,cultivate,transform,destroy,andingest them(e.g.,Anderson 2000;Arnold 1996;Balée 1994;Descola 1994;Fowler 1996; Rival 1998).Manyarchaeologistsaremoreinterestedinaccessingtheseelements ofthehumanpastthantestingevolutionarymodels.
Plantremainsareparticularlywell-suitedforqueryingthesocialandpolitical dynamicsofpasthumansocieties.Plant-relatedactivitiesoftenoccuronadaily basis,theirremainsregularlydeposited,preserved(albeitnotperfectly),and accessibletoarchaeologistswhoemploythewiderangeofrecoverytechniques nowavailable.Plant-basedcraftandfoodproductionarecarriedoutinprescribed waysresultinginculturallyacceptableobjectsandmealsthatgetreproducedover generationsbutarealsolociforchangeandinnovation(AtalayandHastorf 2006; Bruno 2014;Morell–Hart 2015).Yet,notallplantsareappropriateinallcontexts. Plantsareoftenusedtomarkparticulartimes,people,andplaces,makingimportant contributionstoculturaldefinitionsofcontextssuchasdomestic,ritual,male, female,child,adult,life,anddeath(e.g.,Allen 1988;Descola 1994;Hastorf 2003; Morehartetal. 2005;Sayre 2014).Thus,paleoethnobotanistsarewellpositionedto engagewithsocialtheoriesofthehumanexperienceincludingagency,practice, identity(race,gender,class),andembodiment.Suchapproachesdonotexclude environmental/ecologicalaspectsofthehumanexperience,however.Ratherthan viewinghumansassimplyadaptingtoenvironmentalconstraints,moresocial environmentalparadigmsconsiderthedialecticimpacthumanshaveonshaping localecologies(andviceversa),aswellasthecreationoflandscapes,thephysical andconceptualentitieswroughtfromhuman–environmentalinteractions(Baléeand Erickson 2006;Crumley 1994;Ingold 2000).
Anearlyexampleofasocialpaleoethnobotanycomesfromthepioneering studiesofwooduseintheUpperMantaroValleyofthePeruvianAndesby ChristineHastorfandSisselJohannessen(HastorfandJohannessen 1996; JohannessenandHastorf 1990).Paleoethnobotanistsandpaleoecologistshavelong usedwoodcharcoaltoidentifyspecies’ compositioninpastenvironments,andthe impactofhumanactivitiesparticularlyburninganddeforestation(Asoutiand Austin 2005;DelcourtandDelcourt 1988;SmartandHoffman 1988).Common economicandevolutionarymodelsofhuman–treeinteractionsviewedwoodsimply asaresourcetobeexploitedforfuelandconstruction,anditsoverusewouldbe inevitablethroughexpandedagricultureandincreasinghumanpopulations.Sitesin theUpperMantaroValleycontainedevidenceofpre-Hispaniclifethatspannearly 1000yearsfromapproximatelyAD500tothetimeofSpanishcontactAD1532 (HastorfandJohannessen 1991:144).HastorfandJohannessenfoundthatwood charcoalwasubiquitousacrossalltimeperiodsslightlydecliningintheMiddle Horizonperiods(AD900–1300)butincreasingsignificantlyintheLate IntermediatePeriods(AD1300–1460)andcontinuingintotheInkaperiod.This increaseinwoodcharcoalinthelaterperiods,whenagricultureintensi fiedand
populationsgrew,contradictedevolutionaryandeconomicmodelexpectations. Furthermore,notalltreespeciesincreased,butrathertheyfoundashiftfromthe predominanceof Polylepis sp.and Colletia sp.intheearlierperiodstoanincrease in Buddlejia sp.inthelaterperiods.
Itwascleartotheauthorsthatthepre-Hispanicpopulationsweremanagingthe treepopulations.Whilethiscouldhavesimplybeenforfuel,Hastorfand Johannessenexaminedtherichethnographicandethnohistoricrecord,andHastorf conductedinterviewstolearnthattreesweremorethan firewood,butentitieswith deepculturalandpoliticalsignificanceintheregion.Woodcollectingwasan importantactivityofdailylifewithbothyoungandoldindividualsspendingupto eighthoursperdayscollectingfuelfortheirhome fires.Thisnotonlykeptthe hearthburningbutanabundantstoreof firewood “wasasignofprosperity” in Andeanhouseholds(JohannessenandHastorf 1990:77).Giventhatthishigh,dry regionissparselyforested,therearewrittenrecordsofmanagementpracticesthat gobacktotheInca,butbasedonthearchaeologicalrecordevendeeper.TheInka hadexplicitlawsaboutwhereandwhentreescouldbeused,evendesignating sacredforests(HastorfandJohannessen 1996:75–76).Moreover,thescarcityand importanceofcertainspeciesofwoodgavethemdistinctmeaningintermsof symbolicandpoliticalvalue.
Buddlejia sp.,or quishuar inQuechua,wasparticularlysignificanttotheInka. TherearehistoricmemoriesoftheInkamanagingitscultivationandcollectingitas tribute.Moreover,the quishuar (aswellasothertrees)weresymbolicintermsof linkingfamiliestotheland.Aspecificterm mallqui wastorefertoacultivated tree(usuallyplantedinahomecompound).Treesbeinglong-lived,connectingthe earth,water,andsky,symbolizedpermanenceonthelandscape.Intriguingly,theterm mallqui alsomeantancestormummies,whichwereoftenkeptinplacesthatrepresentedalineage’slinktoaparticularterritory(HastorfandJohannessen 1996:73–74).
Buildingfromtheseethnohistoricsources,HastorfandJohannessenarguedthat thearchaeologicalcharcoaldatawereindicativeoftheantiquityoftreecultivation intheregionbeginningbeforetheInkawiththeLateIntermediatePeriodWanka residents.Theyfurtherarguedthatduringthisparticularlycontentiousperiodof politicalhistoryintheregiontrees,likemummies,mayhavebeenusedtoindicate territory.Themanagementoftreesthusservedtomaintainanimportant,consumableresourcebutalsoplayedasigni ficantroleindefiningcontestedsocialand politicalspaces.
Thisexampleillustratesthesocialandpoliticalimportanceofplants,and demonstrateshowpatternsinplantdatacanforceustoreconsiderourassumptions aboutpasthumanbehavior.Thiscanhelpusbuildmorenuancedandrobust theoreticalmodelsfromwhichtothinkaboutbroadertrendsinthepast.Withthis examplewecontendthatpaleoethnobotanistsarewellpositionedtomakesubstantialcontributionstosocialtheoriesofhumanbehaviorandexperienceasthey havetoevolutionaryandbiologicaltheoriesinthesocialsciences.
Thediversesetofpaperspresentedinthisvolumedrawonthepioneeringwork ofsocialpaleoethnobotanists,suchasHastorfandJohannessen.ChristineHastorf ’s contributions,inparticular,havenotonlybeencentraltoadvancing
paleoethnobotanicalmethodandinterpretationbutmakingthisspecializedanalysis anessentialcomponentofgeneralarchaeologicalpracticeandtheorybuilding.She wasamongthe firstpaleoethnobotaniststouseplantdatatobuildsocialtheoriesof theoriginsofagriculture(Hastorf 1998, 2006)andtheemergenceofthestate (Hastorf 1993).Perhapsmostsigni ficantly,shewascentralinshiftingtheviewof plantsas “lowlyitems” hardlyworthyofstudy(Hastorf 1999:57),tocentralunits ofarchaeologicalresearchbecauseoftheirsocialandpoliticalimportanceinthe dailylivesofpeople,particularlywomen(Hastorf 1991, 1998, 2001).Inrecognitionofherwork,shewastherecipientoftheFryxellAwardforInterdisciplinary Researchatthe77thAnnualMeetingoftheSocietyforAmericanArchaeology Meetingandseveralofthepapersinthisvolumeoriginatedinthesessionorganized incelebrationofheraward.Examplesofherworkareusedascasestudies throughoutthisvolume.
NewStudiesinSocialPaleoethnobotany The firstthreechaptersofthevolumeaddress “traditional” paleoethnobotanical issuesrelatedtosubsistence:thecollectionofwildresources,thedomesticationof crops,andspreadofagriculture.Thesechaptersbuildonrichdatasetsofthespatial andtemporaldistributionofwildanddomesticatedplantspecies,andwhatthese patternsindicateabouttherolethesespeciesplayedinthefoodwaysoftheregions examined.Asdiscussedabove,thishaslongbeenoneoftherealmswhereevolutionarytheoriespredominateintheliterature,andthesechaptersprovidenewinsights intothemoresocialprocessesthatcontributedtosubsistencepracticesandchange.
Webeginwithouronlynon-AmericancontributionbyChevalierandBosquet whoexaminetheadoptionofagricultureinNorthwesternEuropethroughthe analysisof fivedifferentbotanicalproxiesfromtheearlyNeolithic(LBK)siteof Remicourt “EnBiaFloII” ineasternBelgium.Thisin-depthstudynotonlyclari fies thetimingoftheentranceofdomesticatedspeciesintotheregionbutalsointerrogatesthesocio-politicalprocessesthatshapedthisprofoundtransformationof localfoodways.ChevalierandBosquetcomparetheutilityofHumanBehavioral Ecological(HBE)andHistoricalEcological(HE)paradigmsforevaluatingthe adoptionofagricultureinthisregion.Theyarguethatofthetwomodels,HE providesamoreappropriateinterpretiveframeworkforitbetteraccountsforthe botanicalevidence,whichdonotmeetthestrictlyadaptationistexpectationsofan HBEmodel.Forexample,theformsofwheatandbarleyencounteredinthesites arenotthosebestadaptedtotheconditionsinthisregion,butratherappeartobe thosepreferredforculturalreasons,like flavororcookingqualities.Furthermore, theyshowthroughpollenandwoodanalysesthattheearlyfarmingpopulationsdid notsimplyadapttolocalenvironmentalconditionsbutmodifi edthelocal florato meettheneedsoftheirfarmingsystemsandplantpreferences.
Fritz,Bruno,Langlie,Smith,andKistlerbringtogetherrecentarchaeobotanical andmoleculardataonthedomesticationandroleoftheimportantgenus
Chenopodium inNorthandSouthAmerica.Bybuildingonmethodsdevelopedand modifi edinbothregions,theseauthorsshowthatitisnotonlypossibletoidentify wildversusdomesticatedformsofthesespeciesbutdifferentvarietieswithinthem thatrepresentthechoicesmadebyfarmersbaseduponamixofecological,social, political,andculturalvariables.Molecularstudiesdemonstratethat Chenopodium wasindependentlydomesticatedineasternNorthAmerica,Mesoamerica,and SouthAmerica,revealingtheindividualagencyofearlygatherer–hunters throughouttheAmericas.Whileitsecologicaltendencytooccupyhuman-disturbed spaceslikelycontributedtoitsdomesticationinbothregions,comparisonofthe speci fictrajectoriesrevealsdistinctsocialandpoliticalhistoriesofthesechenopod species.Finally,inlightofitsresurgenceininternationalmarketstoday,thisstudy reflectsonhowcolonialincursionsplayedaroleinthe “loss” ofthisgenus’s importanceacrosstheAmericas.
ThesechaptersarefollowedbyKorstanje’sinterrogationofthecommon dichotomyofwildversusdomestic,notintermsofdifferentiatingwildprogenitors fromcrops,buttounderstandtheroleofnondomesticatedplantspeciesinagriculturalandpastoralsocieties.Shedoessobyexaminingthewell-preservedplant remainsfromrocksheltersinNorthwestArgentina.Theconsiderationofrocksheltersthemselveschallengestraditionalarchaeologicalcategoriesofhunter–gathererversusagriculturalist –pastoralistbecausesuchplaceshavelongbeen associatedwiththeformerbut,infact,providerichdataonplantusebythelatter. Korstanjerevealsthediversityofnondomesticatedspeciesthatagriculturalgroups broughttoandusedintherockshelters,andarguesthatalthoughtheywerenot plantedandraised,thelaborandsocialorganizationrequiredtoprocurethemwas stillsignifi cant,especiallyasmanyofthemcamefromotherregions.
Thenextthreechaptersalsodrawonalongtraditioninpaleoethnobotanyof examiningthespatialcompositionanddistributionofplantremains,inconjunction withotherarchaeologicalremains,toelucidatetheactivitiesthattookplaceinparticularcontexts(Hastorf 1988).Suchstudieshavenotonlybeencentralforclarifying thefunctionofdifferenttypesofcontexts,butshedlightontheparticularpractices thatproducedthemandgavemeaningtobothdailylifeandspecialoccasions.
ThechapterbyFarahani,Chiou,Cuthrell,Harkey,Morrell–Hart,Hastorf,and Sheets,whileincludingpaleoethnobotanicaldata,examinearangeofother remarkablywell-preservedobjectsthatwereleftinplaceinasinglehousehold beforetheeruptionoftheLomaCalderavolcanoatthesiteJoyadeCeréninEl Salvador.UsingGeographicInformationSystems(GIS),theauthorsexaminethe spatialrelationshipsofplantremainsaswellasceramics,grindingstones,and animalremains,toshedlightontheculinarypracticestypicalofdailylifeatthis communityinseventhcenturyAD.Theircarefulanalysisofobjectsacrossvarious spaceswithinHousehold1providesavividrenditionoftheinterrelatedactivities, ortaskscapes,involvedindailyfoodways.Thespatialassociationofseveralplant foods,includingbeansandcornnearaduckthathadbeenleftbehind,remindsus thatdomesticfoodstuffsarenotalwaysdestinedforhumansbutalsoprovidefood forothercreaturesthatcontributetoahousehold,includingthosethatmayeventuallybecomefoodthemselves.
SayreandWhiteheadexaminehowplantremainsinformtheinterpretationof differentspacesatthePeruvianMiddleHorizonsiteofConchopata,whichwasa provincialcenteroftheWaristatebetweenAD650and1000.Archaeologists workingatsuchsitesoftendifferentiatedomesticversusritualspaceusingarchitectureandceramicremains.SayreandWhiteheadarguethatplantremainscan providenewinsightintotheformalseparationanddesignationofspaceaswellas theactivitiescarriedoutindomesticandritualareas.LikeKorstanje’spaperthat challengedthewild–domesticdichotomy,theyexploretheboundariesoftheritual–domesticdivideand findareaswhereitisnotsoclearcut.Theyprovideimportant insightintohowthefoodsanddrinksconsumedintheritualspacesareoften preparedinthedomesticones,andthatritualcaninfusedailyactivitiesaswell. Whiletherewassomeclearcontextsofstate-sponsoredfoodanddrinkproduction atConchopata,particularlyforthemaizebeer, chicha,smallerspacesofritualfood anddrinkproductionarealsohintedatinhouseholds.
Morehartalsocontributestotheanthropologicalstudyofritualusingpaleoethnobotanicaldatatodiscernthetemporalityofparticularritualscarriedoutata shrinenearLakeXaltocandatingtotheEpiclassicperiod(AD600–900)in Mexico’snorthernBasin.Morehartdrawsuponthebiologicalaspectsoftheplants encountered,includingtheirlifecycles,ediblepartmaturationseason,particularly maize,andpeakbloomingperiodof flowers,todiscerntheseasonalityofwhen ritualstookplaceusingspecificplants.Then,hedrawsuponethnographicand ethnohistoricinformationonthesymbolismoftheseplants,especiallyasofferings todeities,inMexicancosmologyandtheceremonialcalendarinordertoelucidate thepracticesandmeaningsthatcontributedtheritual(s)conductedatthisshrine. Throughthisanalysis,Morehartarguesthatitispossibletoaccesstheimmaterial, ormeaning,ofritualinarchaeologicalcontextsthroughthestudyofplants.
The finaltwochaptersofthevolumeexaminethebroaderimplicationsfora sociallyengagedpaleoethnobotanyinreviewofworkbyotherpaleoethnobotanists andthosethatcontributedtothisvolume.Conkeyplacestheworkofpaleoethnobotanyinthebroaderhistoryoffeministapproachestoarchaeology.Sheargues thattheintersectionofthesetwoapproachesremindsusthatwedonotjustdo theoryordata,butthatthereisarelationshipbetweenthesedomainsandthey mutuallyinformoneanother.Thisperspectivepermitsustousebotanicalremains toinformnotonlyourunderstandingofpastsubsistencebutalsoonthenatureof genderrolesinsocieties.Asthe fieldhasexpanded,ithasbeguntoinvestigate socialquestionsthatgettotheheartofsocialidentity.Pearsallprovidessummarizingremarksonthepaperswithspecialemphasisonhowmuchpaleoethnobotany hasmovedbeyonddietandsubsistence.Shedescribeshowthe fi eldhasmoved fromafocusonmethodologytowardonethatconsidersmanyofthebroader implicationsofthisresearch.Thissummaryofthevolumeexaminesthreemajor themes:seeking “theinvisible” inthepaleoethnobotanicalrecord,revealingnew aspectsofritualbehavior,andusingpaleoethnobotanytogainnewperspectiveson thesocialrealm.Herperspectiveisimmenselyvaluableassheprovidesinsights intohowimportantitistoanalyzebotanicaldatafromavarietyofperspectives.
Conclusions Thecontributorstothisvolumeillustratehowonecanbridgedifferencesbetween thenaturalandsocialsciencesthroughthemoresociallyfocusedinterpretationsof botanicaldatasets.Thesepapersdemonstratethatpaleoethnobotanistsnolonger simplyprovidealistofspeciesforotherstointerpretbutareintegratingmultiple linesofevidenceinordertobestunderstandthepatternsinplantremainsthatthey areencounteringwithinthebroadsocietiesthattheystudy.Thefocusonlivedlives ispresentedindiscussionsofchangingfoodpractices,andconsiderationsofhow socialrelationshipssuchasgenderandstatusalteredtherolesthatagentsplayedin thepast.Thisvolumehighlightshowhumaninteractionswiththeplantworldmust beembeddedwithinculturaldiscussionsoffood,place,ritual,andgender.Taken together,thesepaleoethnobotanicalcasestudiesmoveforwardtheoreticaldiscussionsregardingthedomesticationandspreadofplantagriculture,theimportanceof wildplanttaxaincomplexsocieties,landscapesandtaskscapes,themeaningand interpretationofritual,aswellasfeministandintersectionalapproachestothepast. Additionally,thechaptersinthisvolumereflectthediversityofplantremains thatcontributetogeneralpaleoethnobotanicalpracticetoday.Severalchaptersdraw uponmacro-botanicalremainsincludingwood,seeds,andstoragetissues,while manychaptersalsoincorporatemicro-botanicalremainsincludingpollen,phytoliths,andstarchgrains.Whileallofthesedatasetscontributetoourunderstanding ofspeciespresentinpasthumanactivities,thecontextsinwhichtheyarerecovered andthevariationwithwhichtheyappearshedlightontherolestheplantsplayedin thepast.Therichestinterpretationscomefromprojectsthatareabletoconsiderthe widestrangeofdatatypes,particularlyifweaimtogetbeyondsimpledescriptions offooditemsandenvironmentalsettings.Finally,thesepapersillustratethatplant remainsarebestinterpretedinrelationtotheirassociatedartifactsandfeatures, makingthemtrulyculturalartifacts(MorehartandMorell–Hart 2015).
Paleoethnobotanicalanalysesprovideexcellentexamplesofselectionprocesses, nicheconstruction,resilience,andadaptation,butasanthropologistsofthepastwe alsoaimtolearnaboutthesubtletiesof “theholdlifehas” ontheseuniqueplaces andtimesfromourdatasets(Allen 1988:22).Ascanbeseenwiththe Chenopodium examplepresentedbyFritzandcolleagues,wecanobservevery similar,ifnotidentical,biologicalprocessestakingplacethousandsofmiles apart.Theexperiencesandoutcomesofthoseprocesses,however,differgreatlyin theirculturalandpoliticalcontext.Ratherthanattemptingtointerpretarchaeologicaldatathroughthelensesofoneparticulartheoreticalapproach,thesepapers demonstratehowpaleoethnobotanicaldatacan,infact,helprupturetraditional patternsofthoughtandbuildtheorybyhighlightingthesubtlepatternsofhuman behaviorthatoftenrevealinconsistenciesorsurprisesthatdonot fitneatlyinto speci ficexpectationsoutlinedbyparticularparadigms.Ifplantdatateachusanything,itisthatweshouldconstantlybecriticalofourassumptions,viewthedatain newways,andratherthanignoringirregularities,pursuethemandallowthemto refineourthinkingandmodel-building.
Bybringingtolightsocialinterpretationsofarchaeologicalplantremains, paleoethnobotanistscanmakesubstantialcontributionstoawiderrangeof archaeologicalandanthropologicaltheoriesandpractice.Theknowledgethatwe gainfromtheseinvestigationsiswellbeyondlaundrylistsoftaxagathered,andin themomentofinterpretation,disparatepartsofthepastcometogethertoforma broadandattimescohesivevisionofliveslived.Thistackingbackandforth betweendataandtheoryisvitaltoallaspectsofarchaeologybutespeciallywith regardtothesocialimplicationsoflandscapemanagement,thegastropolitical aspectsoffood,theculturallyspecifi cmeaningsofplants,andtherolesthatwomen andmenplayedinconstructingtheseworlds.Paleoethnobotany,therefore,should andwillplayakeyroleinthefuturedevelopmentofarchaeologicalsocialtheory.
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Chapter2 IntegratingArchaeologicalDataToward aBetterUnderstandingofFoodPlants ChoicesandTerritoryExploitation intheNorthwesternEuropeanEarly Neolithic:TheCaseofRemicourt “EnBia FloII”
AlexandreChevalierandDominiqueBosquet
TheBelgianEarlyNeolithic(LBK)WithintheOverall EuropeanNeolithizationProcess
InitiatedatthePleistocene-Holocenetransition,around13,000yearsagointhe NearEast,theneolithizationprocesstooksome6000yearstoreachNorthwestern Europe,around5300BCEthroughtheDanubianexpansion(Mazurié deKeroualin 2001).The Linearbandkeramik (LBK)istheDanubiancentralandnorthwestern culturalcomponentthatpresentsaceramic,lithicandarchitecturalhomogeneity thatspreadsacrossmorethan2000kmfromNorthernSerbiatoMiddleBelgium andtheParisbasin,acrossHungary,Austria,Slovakia,theCzechRepublic,Poland, Germany,EasternFrance,andTheNetherlands(Fig. 2.1).1 TheBelgianLBKis thereforesituatedonthewesternedgeofanexpansionareawhichspreadfromthe BlackSeatoNormandyinitsmaximumextension(Golitko 2015:33,Fig. 2.4). Fromachronologicalpointofview,itseemsthattheLBKexpandswestward withinarelativelyshortperiodoftime,roughlyfrom5600BCEto4700BCE (Golitko 2015;Jadin 2003).TheLBKwasnotaninsituneolithizationprocess,but
1ThetwoothermaincontemporaryEuropeanNeolithicexpansiontraditionsaretheCardialinthe AdriaticSeaarea,Italy,SouthernFranceandeasternSpain;andtheChasséeninCentraland WesternFrance,andtheBritishIslands.
A.Chevalier(&)
RoyalBelgianInstituteofNaturalSciences,Brussels,Belgium e-mail:achevalier@naturalsciences.be
D.Bosquet
SPW-DGO4-Servicedel’ArchéologieenprovincedeBrabantWallon,Wavre,Belgium e-mail:dominique.bosquet@spw.wallonie.be
© SpringerInternationalPublishingAG2017
M.P.SayreandM.C.Bruno(eds.), SocialPerspectivesonAncientLives fromPaleoethnobotanicalData,DOI10.1007/978-3-319-52849-6_2
MapoftheLBKextension(adaptedfromSalavert 2010a)
apopulationmovement itisstillamatterofdebatewhetheritwasaconscious migrationordemographicexpansion,orboth thatbroughtalongdomesticated plantandanimals,introducedagriculturalandpastoralpractices,aswellasceramic technology.Itinitiallybeganinforestedareasgrowingonloesssoils,thenspread intootherecologicalsettings,mostofthetimesimplyreplacingnomadicMesolithic groups.Withonlyafewexceptions,suchastheLimbourggroupincurrentCentral Benelux,ortheBlickygroupinSouthernBelgium,nointeractionoracculturation processeswereobservedbetweenhunter-gatherersandagro-pastoralgroups (Mazurié deKeroualin 2001;Gallay 1995).Mesolithicgroupsweremostlikely displacedinlessproductiveareas,wheretheirlifestylefadedunderthe agro-pastoralactivitiesratherthanintegratedintothenewNeolithicpopulations. Agro-pastoralgroupseventuallyreplacedcompletelynomadicandsemi-nomadic Mesolithichunter-gathererswithinabout fivecenturies,forthereisnomoreevidenceoftheMesolithictraditionbythebeginningofthe fifthmillenniumin NorthwesternEurope(ibid.).
Economicpracticesimplyspecifi cmindsetsaboutsocialrelationships,space organization,andperceptionofnature(Ingold 2000):theswitchfromapredation economytoanexploitationeconomyimplies,therefore,strongchangesinsocialand spatialorganizations,aswellasthewayhumansidentifythemselveswithnature.
TwoTheoreticalApproachestoInterpretingtheTransition fromPredationtoFoodProduction
Ofthemanytheoreticalschoolstryingtounderstandandpredicthuman–nature relationshipsinarchaeology,HumanBehavioralEcology(HBE),andHistorical Ecology(HE)arethetwopredominantonescurrentlyusedtoexplainthe
Second LBK extension (5300-4900 aBCE)
Fig.2.1
neolithizationprocess(domesticationand/orspreadofdomesticatedplants).Niche ConstructionTheory(NCT),whichbridgessomeofthedifferencesbetweenHBE andHE,andhasrecentlybeenappliedtoexplaindomesticationprocessesaround theworldandhumanresiliencetoecologicalchange(Smith 2012, 2015;Boivin etal. 2016).WebrieflypresenthereHBEandHEonly, firstbecausewearenot facedwithadomesticationprocess suigeneris,andsecondbecausewhileNCT, unlikeHBE,recognizestheimportanceofmutualinteractionsofthe co-evolutionaryprocessbetweenhumangroupsandnature,itfailstorecognizethat culturalinheritanceisequallyasimportantasecologicalandgeneticones.Cultural processesareoftenthetriggerofchanges,ortheoriginofastatusquo,which induceecologicalandgeneticinheritances,asHEexplicitlyrecognizes.
HBE,alsocalledevolutionaryecology,aimsatpredictingbehavioralresponses tochangingsocio-ecologicalconditions,suchas:exceedingenvironmentalcarrying capacityduetodemographicincrease;alteringlivingresources,whicheitherleads todrasticallylimitingthemortoredistributingthem;climaticchanges;andsocial changeviaendogenoussocioeconomiccompetition,whichcanhappen,according toHBE,onlyinresource-richareasandinsocietieswithpriorsocioeconomic differentiation.Inordertounderstandtheseresponsesandtopredictthem,HBE usesonemainassumption:humanstendtooptimizetheiractions(inputs)togetthe mostoutofthem(outputs).ThedifferentmodelsthatHBEusesarebasedon economicconcepts,suchasmarginalvalue,opportunitycosts,discounting,orrisk analysis.Theuseoftheseconceptsimpliesthathumansbehaverationallyandthat theyassesstherisksandbenefi ts “ofalternativecoursesofactionunderarangeof environmentalconditions” (WinterhalderandKennett 2006:13)whentheydecide whichcourseofactiontheywilltake.
Severalmodelspredictingspeci fichumanbehaviorsstemfromthesemain assumptionsandeconomicconcepts: dietbreadth impliesarankingofresources andtheirfrequencyinagivenspaceinordertomakepredictionsaboutwhether pastgroupsexploitedspecifi cresourcesornot; patchchoicepredictability depends ontheconcentrationofagivenresourceandtherankingoftheresource: patch residencetime predictsthatthebigger,andthereforethelonger,thetraveltime acrossitis,thelongertheresidencetimewillbe; habitatselection,anhabitatmay encloseseveralpatches,predictionisdrivenbyboththeabundanceofgiven resourcesandthedensityofpopulationbasedontheconceptofIdealFree Distribution,thatisanoptimaloccupationofhabitatsaccordingtotheirrankingand thechronologyofsettlements/settlersona firstcome- firstservebasis; centralplace foraging predictsthatthemorecosts,bothintraveltimeandindistance,are associatedtoreacharesource,themorethisresourcemustbevaluableeitherin quantitiesorinquality; settlementrelocation aimsatpredictingwhengroupsmust changetheir centralplace becauseofdepletedresources,theirseasonalavailability orachangeintheirassignedvalue,takenintoaccountthecostassociatedtomove fromonelocationtoanotherone(opportunitycosts).
Allthesedifferentmodelshavebeenwidelyusedinarchaeology(Kennetand Winterhalder 2006;SmithandWinterhalder 1992),andinparticularintheAisne valleyinNorthernFrance,toexplainthedistributionofLBKsitesandthe exploitationoftheterritorybytheirsettlers(Duboulozetal. 2012).Itisnotthe placetocriticizeheretheHBEtheories;thereisenoughliteratureshowingpotential flawsinreasoningandapplication(Ingold 1996;Zeder 2012).However,wewould liketostressthatresearchinmicroeconomicsandconsumerbehaviorhasbeen tryingfordecadestounderstandandtopredictcurrentconsumer ’schoicesbasedon thesameconceptsusedbyHBE,withoutanyclearanddefi nitivesuccess;consumer ’schoicestendnottofollowthemicroeconomicmodels(Mason 1998).In fact,consumerchoicesmayappearillogicalandirrationalifwedonottakeinto accounttheirindividualsocialandpsychologicalsettings(Acharetal. 2016;Foxall 2009),whicheconomicmodelsrarelydiduntilrecently.Sohowcanweapplythe verysameconceptsandpretendtopredictbehaviorsofpasthumangroups?In particular,HBEneglectstoincludesocialandculturalfactorsthatinfluencefood choicesovertime,forinhumangroupsthesefactorsarecrucialwhenitcomesto selectingfoodfromavastarrayofpossibilities,andtodecidewhichonesaregood toeatandwhichonesshouldbeavoided(Chevalieretal. 2014a).
Historicalecologyaimsatshowinghow “humansocieties[...]ratherthanadapt theirsubsistenceactivities,seasonalroundspopulationssizes,settlementsizes,and soontopreexistingconstraintsoftheenvironment havetransformedmostof thoseconstraintsintonegligiblephenomenaasconcernspeciesdiversities,landscapeheterogeneity,archaeologicalsiteformation,andthedevelopmentofthebuilt environmentmoregenerally” (BaléeandErickson 2006:x).Assuch,Historical EcologyopposestheconceptsandmodelsofHBE(andgoesbeyondNCT); humansarenotobjectsoftheenvironmentswhoneedtocontinuouslyadapttoits changes.Onthecontrary,theyareconsideredasagentsofthesechanges,notonly inthesenseofdegradation,butmostofitinthesenseofenhancementofitstotal biologicalrichnessandlandscapediversity. “Environmentsare[…]adaptedtothe socioculturalandpoliticalsystems(ortohumans’ needsanddesires)thathave coexistedwiththem” (ibid:4).Inturnthesemodi ficationsinfluencehumangroups, theirperceptionsandtheirsocioculturalorganization;andsooninanendless movementofreciprocalinfluence.
ThecentralobjectofHistoricalEcologyisthelandscapeasbothwitnessofthe manyactivitieshumanscarriedoninthebiosphereandasabuildingagentof humansocioculturalandpoliticalsystems:itisthebookofhumanhistorywhichis “embeddedinthelocalandregionallandscape” (ibid.:6),thatcanbereadthrough “patternofresidues,anomaliesandculturalimprints” (ibid.:7)translatedinto biodiversity,biogeography,archaeobotany,geology,soilchemistry,linguistic,or materialculturestudies.
Conscioustransformationofthelandscape,byfavoringspeci ficplantspeciesfor humanpurposes,hasbroughtmodifi cationsthatareobservableinforesttree composition,asdescribedbyBalée(1994)fortheAmazonbasin,forinstance,and
betweenthepioneerLBKphaseandthesecondoccupationphaseofoccupationin Hesbaye,togiveroomforagricultureandpasture,aswewillshowwithpollenand woodcharcoalanalyses.Theanalysisofbotanicalmacroremains,ofcourse,reveals informationregardingtheintroductionofdomesticates,butweeds,aswewillshow, areofparticularinterest,notonlytostudytheswitchfromapredationtoaproductioneconomy,butalsotoassessagriculturalpractices.
AnalyticalToolsofEnvironmentalArchaeology andFoodways Severalanalyticaltoolscanprovideinformationforpaleoecologicalandpastland coverreconstitutions,suchaspollenandwoodcharcoalanalyses.However, obtainingrepresentativedatasetsrequiresnewapproachesforobtainingsuch information,forpollengrainsarenotpreservedinmosttypesofsoil.Inaddition, thisproxycanonlyprovideregionalandsupraregionalinformation.Whenitcomes tounderstandingthelocalhumanimpactonvegetation,anotherproxyisneeded togetherwithwoodcharcoalanalysis,namelyphytolithanalysis,inordertoobtain accuratedataonvegetationcoverchangesonthesmallpatchessurrounding settlements.
Similarly,thedominantmethodinarchaeologytoanalyzeplantchoiceforfood ismacrobotanicalanalysis(Hastorf 1990, 1993, 2003).Unfortunately,analysisof seedsremainsisextremelylimitedinthisregionmainlybecausethesoilsofthis regionarenotamendabletotheirpreservation.Moreover,plantsthatproduceitems suchastuberssimplycannotbeidenti fiedinarchaeologicalsitesbecausetheydo notleaveremainsonceingestedasfoodormedicine.Microbotanicalremainssuch asphytolithsandstarchgrainsarethereforenecessarytoanalyzewhensoilconditionsoragedepositsdonotpermitotherplantremainstobepreserved.These microremainsarecomplementarytootherarchaeobotanicalanalysesinnormal conditionsofpreservationthatpermitarchaeologiststogetinformationonplant partsthatmaynotleavemacroremains.
Differentlinesofevidence seed,woodcharcoal,phytoliths,andstarchgrain analyses havebeenappliedtoseveralsitesintheHesbayeregioninordertobetter understandthehuman–naturerelationshipsandsocialprocessesthattookplace duringinitialLBKsettlementandlaterperiodsoftheearlyNeolithicoccupation (Table 2.1).Inthisarticle,wefocusonthesiteofRemicourt “EnBiaFloII” with somecomparisonstoothersiteswhendataareavailable.Phytoliths,starchgrains, andpollenanalysesareongoingandwillbeappliedinthefuturetootherLBK settlementsinordertobroadenandrefi netheinformationalreadyavailableon changesinvegetationcoverduringtheBelgianLBK(Heim 1985),aswellasin foodprocurementprocessesandsocialorganization.
Table2.1 HesbayesiteswiththeanalysescarriedonandtheirrespectiveC14dates
Pollen analysis Starchgrain analysis Phytolith analysis C14dates a
SitesPioneer houses Laterphases houses Seeds analysis Wood charcoal analysis
Remicourt “ EnBiaFloII ” 19YesYesNoYesYes6108 –6219BP
Remicourt “ FonddeMomalle ” 1or211or10NoNoNoNoYes –
Remicourt “ TombedeHodeige ” NoNoNoNoYes –
Fexhe-le-Haut-Clocher “ Podr î l ’ Cortri ” 39YesYesNoNoYes6120 –6240BP
Fexhe-le-Haut-Clocher/Voroux-Goreux NoNoNoNoYes –
Waremme “ Longchamps ” 11YesYesYesNoNo –
Darion “ Colia ” 14YesYesYesNoNo6060 –6205BP
Alleur “ Domainemilitaire ” –3YesYesNoNoNo –a OnlyAMSdatesonshortlifesamples( Triticum spp.,charredhazelnuts);datesoncharcoalhavebeenexcluded
BelgianLBK TheBelgianLBKwasidenti fiedduringthelate19thcentury,butitwasonly thoroughlydocumentedbeginninginthe1960swiththe firstextensiveexcavations atthesiteofRosmeer(Roosens 1961).Theseexcavationswerefollowedinthe years1980–1990byaseriesofexcavationsinthreecontiguousBelgianprovinces: intheHesbayeintheLiègeprovince,wheremorethan200sitesareknown(Cahen etal. 1990),inFlemishBrabant(Lodewijckx 1990)andinthewesternHainaut (ConstantinandDemarez 1984).Thankstoarchaeologicalrescueoperations undertakenbetween1993and1999bytheWalloonregion,togetherwiththeRoyal BelgianInstituteofNaturalSciences,anunprecedentedcorpusofsiteshasbeen uncoveredandmadeavailableforstudy(Bosquetetal. 2004;Jadin 2003;Keeley etal. 2005;Livingstone-Smithetal. 2012)onthehigh-speedtrainpathbetweenthe FrenchborderandthetownofLiège(Fig. 2.2).TheUniversityofIllinois(Chicago,
MapofBelgiumwiththeLBKsitescluster
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