Dedication
LW: Dedicated to William, Benjamin, and Owen.
EM: Dedicated to Natasha.
Listoffigures
Introduction: The birth of rhetorical children
1 The potentiality of rhetorical children
2 Child labor and the March of the Mill Children
3 Civil rights and the Children's Crusade
4 Gun violence and the March for Our Lives movement
5 Climate change and the Greta Effect
6 The disposition of rhetorical children Acknowledgments Index
Figures
0.1 University of Minnesota students protest against hate speech. Familiar images of campus protests illustrate the difference between the social acceptance of college students as active political citizens and the denial of children's political agency.
0.2 Malala Yousafzai meets with the Obama family in the White House in 2013. Although a potent public rhetor, Malala complicates the definition of rhetorical children as she blurred epideictic conceptual boundaries.
1.1 Mamie Till and her fiancé, Gene Mobley, look over the body of her son Emmett Till at the morgue before his funeral. The decision of Emmitt Till's mother to leave his casket opened unconcealed to the world the bloated corpse of a child and the collective moral failing of a nation.
1.2 Rather than remain privately ensconced in the home, on the playground, or at school, Pennsylvania children in 1906 labor in a mine while their supervisor watches with his stick at the ready.
2.1 A child working as a shoe-shine in Bolivia in 2010. Although compulsory education, as an alternative to child labor, became the norm in the United States and in many other industrializing countries in the twentieth century, to this day, hundreds of millions of children still work.
2.2 In 1908, an 11-year-old child laborer for Rhodes Manufacturing gets a glimpse of the outside world during her job as a spinner in North Carolina.
2.3 A savvy publicist who understood the power of iconography, labor activist Mary Harris, better known as “Mother” Jones, was instrumental in using rhetorical children to combat exploitive child labor.
2.4 Children working in a mill in Macon, Georgia, 1909.
2.5 In 1903, children break from their job in a textile factory to advocate for the end of child labor.
3.1 Civil rights leaders Fred Shuttlesworth, Martin Luther King, and Ralph Abernathy at a press conference in Birmingham, Alabama, 1963. Adult civil rights leaders were stymied until the use of rhetorical children catalyzed the movement.
3.2 Police leading a group of Black schoolchildren into jail, following their arrest for protesting against racial discrimination near the city hall of Birmingham, Alabama, on May 4, 1963.
3.3 An African American high school student, Walter Gadsden, 15, is attacked by a police dog during a civil rights demonstration in Birmingham, Alabama, May 3, 1963. Gadsden was an onlooker to the protest. On the afternoon of May 4, 1963, during a meeting at the White House, President Kennedy discussed this photo, which had appeared on the front page of the day's NewYorkTimes.
4.1 David Hogg speaking at the Westminster Town Hall Forum in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Hogg became an influential rhetorical child in the March for Our Lives movement.
4.2 The sign appeared at a demonstration organized by Teens for Gun Reform, an organization created by students in the Washington, D.C., area, shortly after the shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida.
4.3 Protesters reacting to Emma Gonzalez going silent for six minutes and 20 seconds during a speech at the March for Our Lives rally in Washington, D.C., in 2018.
5.1 Greta Thunberg, outside the Swedish Parliament building in August 2018. Her sign in English reads, “School strike for climate.”
5.2 Greta Thunberg speaking at the Reichstag in Berlin, Germany in 2021.
5.3 Greta Thunberg outside the Swedish Parliament building in 2018. The aesthetic dimensions of her public presentation influenced her potency as a rhetorical child, including her rain jacket, hooded sweatshirt, and backpack.
5.4 Greta Thunberg, together with striking activists, outside the Swedish Parliament in 2019.
5.5 Greta Thunberg protesting with student activists outside the United Nations headquarters in New York City, 2019.
Introduction
The birth of rhetorical children
DOI: 10.4324/9781003436416-1
Despite the title, this book is not about children or childhood. Rather, this book is about the unique theoretical insights rhetorical children illuminate for scholars of rhetoric, public address, and social movements.
In the twentieth century, children became visible and vocal communicators, attracting media attention, shaping public discourse on contentious social issues, and sparking social change. Starting with labor protests in the early twentieth century, where children were mostly publicity props, to twenty-first-century activism against gun violence and climate change, children have organized and mobilized, orated and marched. In so doing, children have fulfilled the definition of communicative agency by participating in social movements, responding to democratic challenges with courage and innovation, shaping public argument, and moving people to action.1 But the historical record does not suggest that rhetorical children changed minds or manufactured new political realities. Rhetoric is not well equipped to explore those causal connections anyway.2 Instead, rhetorical children made things matter by influencing how we engage with the world, shifting our attention, and drawing our focus to fresh rhetors and new messaging. Put another way, rhetorical children kept adults from looking away.
We use four case studies featuring children engaged in rhetorical struggle to support our thesis: the 1903 Mother Jones-led March of the Mill Children to reform child labor laws; the 1963 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.,-led Children’s Crusade to end segregation; the 2018
Parkland student-led March for Our Lives movement to end gun violence; and the ongoing struggle for climate change mitigation known as the Greta Effect, led by Swedish activist Greta Thunberg. Our four case studies are not meant to be a comprehensive intellectual history of children, labor, race, gun violence, or climate change. Analyzing the primary documents of each case is a worthwhile scholarly pursuit, but that is not the purpose of our book. Rather, we want to explore broad communicative procedures and practices among a social group neglected by the discipline, to widen the scope of communicative practice and theory, and to explore fresh techniques of rhetorical invention – especially the constraints and opportunities exposed when the marginalized push back against their oppressors. We also want to be clear that the theoretical constructs we explore are not exclusive to our four case studies, nor are they solely used by children. They are also not the only three strategies that children have used or will use in the future. But it is relevant that all three strategies are found in all four high-profile cases, forming a transcendent, conceptually-stable pattern across time and subject matter.
Children and public argument
Even as rhetorical scholars focus more attention on the rhetorical agency of marginalized groups, adult rhetors continue to be the dominant focus of theory construction.3 To be sure, scholars have explored rhetoric for children, including the rhetoric of Disney movies and Barbie dolls. Scholars have studied rhetoric on behalfof children, including efforts by adult activists and politicians to eradicate child labor. And scholars have explored rhetoric for adults featuring children, including marketing research on the vulnerability
of children in Michelin Tire ads (“Because so much is riding on your tires”) and for Johnson & Johnson’s Band-Aids (“Say hello to your child’s new bodyguard”).4 Beyond children in advertising, Wendy Hesford explored how the rhetorical representation of the child-inperil is so often appropriated by adult constituencies for purposes that have little to do with the actual needs of children.5 Politicians and political campaigns often use children to attract attention and bolster their arguments.6 Children draw the focus of adults arguing about the size and scope of the government, tax policies, and controversial partisan debates about the nutritional value of school lunches, COVID-19 mask wearing, drag shows, and teaching critical race theory.7
There is a self-evident one-sidedness to the invoking of children –an uncontestable, uncontroversial set of cultural priorities reflected in the rhetorical representations of children and childhood crying out for defense.8 Children and childhood achieve taken-for-granted status, almost prediscursive in their normative invocations. As a discrete category, “child” and “children” became an a priori public warrant – an explanation in and of itself. Arguments need not be made explicit; evoking “children” is powerful enough to justify arguments without having to explain much else.9 “Children” and “childhood” are ideographs that, on the surface, assume a degree of assumed demographic clarity. Look no further than TheSimpsonsfor evidence. The catchphrase of the pious Helen Lovejoy is now a wellworn meme: “Won’t someone pleasethink of the children?”
Adults so often claim to be fighting for children because it ensures adult political activity does not look to be self-serving and partisan. “It’s about the kids,” the adults can say. “Not us.” Hava Gordon argued that children become the focus of adult argument because the ignorance of the young seems to necessitate adult intervention on behalf of those who cannot defend themselves.10 The common assumption that young people cannot speak up in their own defense
informs how a society proclaiming universal equal rights has no hesitation prohibiting millions of citizens from voting, driving, or buying cold medication.11 Childhood, according to John Holt, is supposed to be a “kind of walled garden” in which adults protect the “small and weak” from the cruelty of the world until they become strong and mature enough to manage on their own.12 The self-evident logic of children in public argument draws rhetorical strength from biological, legal, and social formations. Biologically, the bodies of infants and children activate a “cuteness reflex” drawn from the ingrained desire to care and nurture our offspring.13 This hard-wired response informs our social and rhetorical reactions to children and childhood, bolstered by the localized harmony between a parent and child and the natural responsibility for all adults to care for all children. Legally, protecting the young from abuse and neglect informs the ways “child” is defined by the courts. First, “child” informs legal interpretations of domestic relations, as in “child” is the correlative of “parent” understood in relation to a mother or father. But according to Black’s Law Dictionary, “child” is also defined as “the opposite of ‘adult,’ meaning the young of the human species (generally under the age of puberty) without any reference to parentage and without distinction of sex.”14 When children are defined as a disempowered opposite, adults can assume legal responsibility to advocate on their behalf.15 Third, social institutions have been shaped to confer a set of rights upon children by erecting a familiar distinction between “child” and “adult.” For example, the United Nations, the International Labour Organization, and the International Olympic Committee each demarcate a discrete stage of childhood separate and distinct from adulthood that grants children protected status.16
Understanding children as objects-of-adult discourse can yield significant value for better understanding how social and cultural norms are passed down from adults to children.17 For example, in The Mighty Child, Clémentine Beauvais explores how children’s literature affirms adult’s didactic authority in books ostensibly “for kids.” On the surface, the child-figure in most children’s books is made to symbolize promise and potential. But Beauvais argues that upon closer inspection, the child-figure is often little more than a “semantic place-holder” for adults seeking to transmit their ideological and political preferences to the next generation before they die.18 As evidence, notice how enthusiastic adults can become in banning books from elementary school libraries that defy social and cultural norms and contradict a preferred adult–child relationship, including Madeleine L’Engle’s A Wrinkle in Time, Toni Morrison’s TheBluestEye, and Maia Kobabe’s GenderQueer.
In children’s literature, what can look to be unadulterated promise and potential is confined tightly within adult expectations, including classics like Robinson Crusoe and Swiss Family Robinson, and more recently, books like Harry Potter and Diary of a Wimpy Kid. The child-figure is constructed to be an instrument for transmitting adult preferences, not an empowered individual agent. William Golding’s classic Lord of the Flies offers a fitting example of an adult rhetor using children to explore the complications of the adult world. Although the setting is similar, LordoftheFliesdiffers from Robinson Crusoe and Swiss Family Robinson because in Golding’s classic tale of marooned English schoolchildren humans are not unfailingly cooperative, loving, and lovable.19 Writing in the ashes of World War II, where Golding saw first-hand the “expenditure of human ingenuity” in the service of evil, he wanted to explore the depths of the unredeemed and unrestrained human heart. In the end, the main protagonist, Ralph, is saved, but he weeps as his experience on the island reflected adults’ experience after Hitler, the end of innocence, and the darkness of the human condition, fulfilling
Golding’s aim to show how “the defects of society are traceable to the defects of the individual.”20
Useful insights can be gleaned from exploring how adults treat children, along with more local insights about how the adult–child relationship influences the kind of adults children will grow up to be. As John Milton said, “The childhood shows the man as morning shows the day.”21 Further, children offer a window into the development of adult consciousness because they magnify the extremes of human life, oscillating between resilient and vulnerable, helpless and hardy, sacred and profane.
But a lingering gap remains. To base the centrality of children in public argument in evolutionary biology contradicts the collective care and concern all adults are supposed to have for all children.22 Legal distinctions between “child” and “adult” are also fraught. Demarcating life stages – including puberty, but also childhood, adolescence, and old age – is more complicated than Black’s Law Dictionary implies. Should legal interpretations be based on the assumption that a “child” is fundamentally and qualitatively different from adults? Or are children more like incomplete or miniature versions of adults?23 Further, is the demarcation between adulthood and childhood marked by a rupture, as in a radical break between adults and children, or do childhood and adulthood exist as life stages gradually blending into each other across overlapping borders?24
And perhaps most importantly, adults are not the only humans. Nor are adults the only rhetors. As we argue here, children can be active participants in the complex negotiations of political, social, and cultural life, not merely objects of adult discourse but also as autonomous, engaged, independent rhetorical agents.25
Not being an adult is not the same as being a child. Historically, not all humans under 18 have been worthy of protection and the freedom of expression that might come with it. As Philippe Ariès
argued long ago in Centuries of Childhood, historical variations in how public opinion interprets childhood do not emerge from objective assessments of demographic structures.26 Instead, children and childhood are operationalized at the convergence of powerful racialized, gendered, and classed discourses beyond one’s age. Children and childhood are sociohistorical, cultural, political, and symbolic/rhetorical constructs, both encompassing and transcending the real and represented lives of children.27 In other words, to study rhetorical children requires acknowledging how years-since-birth and symbolic childhood operate intersectionally within overlapping systems of empowerment and oppression. Age cannot constitute a one-dimensional axis of difference.28 Eric King Watts showed how scholars interested in public argument must locate specific deployments of racial, sexualized, and gendered tropes in relation to each other, each contingent “on the intersectionality structuring identification and difference.”29 To attend in any meaningful way to the “ensemble of institutional practices” reflecting and shaping the rhetorical potency of children requires a recognition that human agency, in general, and the power of speech, more specifically, require the acknowledgment that children and childhood are always already embedded in race, gender, sexuality, class, and ability.30 Following Watts, by endowing rhetorical children with voice, we are reminded of the ethical and affective dimensions “inscribed in speaking choices and actions and of the risks human beings take” to become political actors.
For example, older children, especially teenagers, have long assumed a destabilized and contingent identity.31 Black children must overcome rhetorical representations of the young Black body as savage and animalistic, and so, Black child-rearing involves a discrete socialization process in which Black children are prepared for life in America’s racial caste system by becoming socialized through subjugation and silence.32 Female children are much more
likely to be expected to learn the virtues of silent obedience, sacrifice, and self-denying devotion before they express their agency, especially in rural regions.33 The contingency of children and childhood is relevant for scholars of public address and social movements because young people’s individual and collective social locations produce different social movement strategies and tactics, always in dynamic relationship to the adult society and historical moment they operate within.34
The rhetoric of children and childhood
Since the 1970s, scholars interested in children and childhood have worked hard to shift conceptualizations of children from a biologically stable marker of demographic clarity to a socially constructed and historically contingent category imbued with meanings and contained by boundaries varying across time and space.35 In turn, scholars study children and childhood as a category of social identity – akin to race, gender, sexuality, class, and ability. In Difference Matters, Brenda Allen listed a number of markers that comprise her own social identity: she is a Black woman, a wife, a professor, a U.S. citizen, a middle-class heterosexual, and a Steelers fan.36 Allen goes on to note that social identity markers like these tend to overlap, vary across historical and cultural moments, reflect existing ideologies, and dictate privilege and advantage.37 Along with chapters on race, gender, sexuality, class, and ability, Allen explores how age compares and contrasts with other social identity markers. Age is embedded in intersecting identity matrixes; age influences social inequalities and power relationships, constituting axes of social
power; and age structures individual identities by informing how we relate to others and how others relate to us.38 And yet, age is a unique social identity marker irreducible to race, gender, sexuality, class, and ability.
First, age is a common topic in public conversations. While social movements in the twenty-teens have made direct references to race, gender, and sexuality more common, age has long been discussed openly as a central feature of social relations. For example, compare how common it is to hear “Act your age” to “Act your race” or “Act your gender.”
Second, age is universal. Everyone will experience both “the privileges and penalties of age” depending on where you sit on the life span, Allen argued.39 Age is generationally structured, derived from broadly shared patterns common to the human experience.40 To once be young and to then be old is a defining feature of a completed human life, regardless of race, gender, sexuality, class, or ability.
Third, age is temporary. Until time can be stopped, or eternal youth discovered, everyone who lives to old age was once a child and then ceased to be, and everyone who is now an adult was once a child.41
Fourth, age is transitional. Other than ability – which can change in an instant – race, gender, sexuality, and class are more stable than age. Granted, one can win the lottery and change their socioeconomic status in an instant, come out of the closet and (publicly) change their sexual orientation, or transition from one gender to another. But compared to the definitional inevitability of aging, such transitions are rare.
Finally, age is used as a justified mechanism for political, legal, and social discrimination. Overt acts of discrimination based on race, gender, sexuality, class, and ability are, for the most part, illegal and out-of-fashion.42 Age discrimination is not. Our society has
developed laws, policies, and procedures to justifiably discriminate against children, including legal prohibitions on the right to vote, to drive, to drink alcohol, to own land, to sign contracts, to marry, and to work.43 Akin to racism and sexism, age discrimination has its own descriptor: “ageism,” or the systematic discrimination against elderly people. But there is no comparable term for systematic discrimination against the young.44
As a result, age-related otherness is a specific type of “alienation which requires its own theorization,” Beauvais argued, irreducible to race, gender, class, sexuality, and ability.45 While years-since-birth is a fixed and simple signifier based on biology and math, children and childhood are symbolic anchoring concepts, which encompass both communication practices and social relationships.46 In turn, children and childhood are more contingent than age, muddying the conceptual boundaries marking the adult–child relationship.47
Communication scholars can lend unique insight into the theorization of children and childhood because the conceptual differences among age and social identity markers are constituted by communicated differences between children and adults.48 Identity is not just an answer to the question, Who am I? Identity is social, Allen argues, and therefore informed by how one answers the more complicated question, Who am I in relation to others?49 The resulting communicated differences inform the unique theorizing potential of rhetorical children. When adults and children recognize themselves as belonging to distinct symbolic temporalities, an “alteration of their discourses is a condition of their encounter,” Beauvais argues, and this altered communication is a precondition for making sense of their relationship and the world around them.50 In other words, communication is changed by symbolic temporality; in turn, scholars and curious citizens can use the alteration of discourses to explore sense making and power hierarchies.
In an effort to theorize the unique positionality and potential of young people, there is a need to identify shared concepts that transcend historical moments and discrete individual identities, including race, gender, class, and ability. The theoretical aspects of our study remain grounded in the distinction that concerns us most: the vertical temporal distinction between adult and child, rather than the horizontal distinctions marking sociohistorical, ethnic, gender, and class differences among children.51 Without reducing the diversity of childhood experiences, we can construct conceptual parameters based on the fact that young people’s rhetorical efforts are not just qualitatively different from each other and their historical moment. Rhetorical children are qualitatively distinct from rhetorical adults.
Agency, voice, andrhetoricalchildren
Since 2015, rhetorical scholars have extended the interdisciplinary exploration of children and childhood by highlighting the contingency and constitutive potency of children’s agency and voice. If we understand agency as the capacity to act, speak, and write in a way that will be recognized by a community, and voice as the endowment occurring when a community acknowledges the ethical and affective dimensions of speech, then the larger conceptual challenges of children and childhood highlighted by childhood studies scholarship should be positioned upon the terrain of the rhetorical.52 In other words, if “children” is operationalized at the convergence of powerful racialized, gendered, and socioeconomic discourses beyond one’s age, then agency and voice can represent the symbolic terrain upon which children can become rhetorical. This is not to suggest that every speaker or writer under 18 years old falls within the conceptual parameters of rhetorical children.
Rhetorical children tend to be uniquely precocious representations of biographical, historical, and cultural specificity. Rhetorical children attract attention because they balance novelty and familiarity, innocence and politicization. They are simultaneously us and notus. And their rhetorical impact is evinced in the audience they constitute, not by manufacturing a new political reality but by orienting our collective attention in alignment with a preexisting reality. Rhetorical children offer didactic object lessons to model. Rhetorical children situate their messaging, bodies, and personas within dynamic conservative and progressive oscillations. However, rhetorical children must also align with familiar and nonthreatening ideological frameworks.53 Rhetorical children challenge the status quo, but they do so slowly and incrementally.54 For comparison, consider rhetorical children in relation to the extant literature on traditionally disempowered rhetors, especially aggrieved women and mothers. Like aggrieved women, rhetorical children highlight the distinct ways the marginalized can articulate truths, attract attention, and use their unique dependency, insufficiencies, and (perceived) vulnerabilities as rhetorical characteristics unpossessed by empowered men. Like aggrieved women, rhetorical children press audience constitution upon a community defined by the recognition and necessity of political action.55 And like aggrieved women, rhetorical children expose contradictions, paradoxes, and incongruities highlighting the abdication of empowered men.56
But theorizing rhetorical children goes beyond attaching adult conceptualizations of agency and voice onto younger rhetors. Rhetorical children are theoretically distinct and conceptually selfencapsulated. Rhetorical children maintain incommensurable explanatory dimensions, including minimal overlap of explanatory content across the categories and constructs of adult rhetors, including aggrieved women and mothers.57 For example, compared to adult rhetors, rhetorical children assume a unique latency, existing
between a material present and unrealized future. Rhetorical children live “prospectively in and engage purposefully with the past and the present,” according to Beauvais.58 When rhetorical children communicate, they are not just transmitting information; their words are uttered in the present but focused on the future. Their latent positionality allows rhetorical children to reflect and shape public discourse, constituting a reflection and a projection, looking backward onto the world they did not create and forward onto a temporal futurity centering their forthcoming influence – a potential futurity that stands in sharp contrast to the diminishing length of time adults have left.59 Latency also informs rhetorical children’s unique ability to imagine themselves and their generation outside of, and beyond present political conditions, living out an unarticulated future of possibilities.
A second theoretical distinction is that rhetorical children assume a unique temporal ambiguity compared to adult rhetors. Time means something different to rhetorical children. Temporal ambiguity includes the differences in years-since-birth distinguishing children and adults, but temporal ambiguity also includes a longer future full of possibilities for action.60 Temporal ambiguity’s longer future allows rhetorical children to point to an alternative ethical accounting, as evinced by the moral authority of rhetorical children in the forthcoming historical interventions into labor and race relations. But an alternative ethical accounting can also allow rhetorical children to amplify an unrealized political reimagining. Temporal ambiguity positions rhetorical children between today’s political crises and fresh possibilities for action, allowing for critiques of the Second Amendment, air travel, and cheeseburgers that adult rhetors tend to avoid out of political expediency.
Third, compared to adult rhetors, rhetorical children are simultaneously empowered and disempowered. Rhetorical children lack technical expertise, experience, and nominal authority. But the “possibility capital of childhood” allows rhetorical children to maintain
a richness of future possibilities, extolling in their time left on earth.61 The child’s indeterminate and extended future explains why children are dominant objects in adult discourse: children reconcile the haunting but inevitable end of adult’s time on earth. In turn, adult rhetoric featuring children is marked by the paradoxical desire to use children as a conduit for immortality, while also containing the unpredictability of the child’s unrealized and unknowable potential.62 Compared to children’s boundless future, adults are anchored by present political conditions, prompting the painful realization that adult’s didactic authority is limited by their inability to control the future.63
Rhetoricalchildren andrhetoricalinvention
Rhetorical children turn their social constraints into unique sites of rhetorical invention. Discursive materials are developed by rhetorical children as the values of a community are revealed to be incongruous with the lived political reality, especially the collective belief that adults should protect innocent children.64 Because childhood innocence is assumed, the presence of children and youth in public conversations points to adult abdication. Adults are not supposed to have created the conditions where children are motivated to enter the soiled arena of protest and agitation. An assumed sense-making mechanism is leveraged, and arguments are justified by the presence of rhetorical children because to remain innocent, children must be excluded from the political-rhetorical world of adults. The possibilities of social protest specifically, and rhetorical invention more generally, are masked and unmasked by the presence of children occupying physical spaces from which they should be excluded.65
Two examples illustrate the unique inventional capacity of protesting children. First, consider the difference between a conventional adult labor strike at an Amazon distribution center in Long Island, New York, and a high school walkout at Marjory Stoneman Douglas in Parkland, Florida. Each share similar formal features, except that when the Parkland students walked out of school to protest gun violence, they were challenging adult expectations and raising uncomfortable incongruities in a way a conventional Amazon labor strike does not. We expect capital to exploit labor, and we expect labor to push back. We do not expect children to walk out of school in protest because we do not expect children to be exploited in suburban high schools. In contrast, we expect adults to care for children, and so, when children walk out of school it is because they are not being cared for by adults.
A second example illustrating the unique inventional capacity of protesting children concerns the difference between a high school walkout and a protest on the campus of a college or university. Primary and secondary schools, like Marjory Stoneman Douglas high school, are supposed to provide a barrier between children and adult society.66 Unlike an Amazon distribution center, schools are supposed to cocoon the young and vulnerable from the adult challenges motivating a walkout or strike. And unlike UC Berkeley or CUNY, primary and secondary schools are supposed to protect the young and vulnerable from developing political agency. Children can run for Associated Student Body and participate in a Model United Nations, but those activities remain within the school confines because children are supposed to remain invisible and unrecognizable in the adult political sphere.67
Figure 0.1University of Minnesota students protest against hate speech. Familiar images of campus protests illustrate the difference between the social acceptance of college students as active political citizens and the denial of children’s political agency.
Source: (Fibonacci Blue). This is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution License 2.0 Generic (CC BY 2.0): https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/
Of course, adults often break through the apolitical barrier and engage in political activism on K-12 campuses and school board meetings. After the COVID-19 pandemic, K-12 campuses became sites of protests about gender and locker rooms, discussions of sexuality in the classroom, and banning materials deemed to be sexually explicit from the library. In 2023, an adult protest turned into an adult fistfight at Saticoy Elementary school in Los Angeles as protesters and counter-protestors clashed over whether an LGBTQ Pride event held at the school was indoctrinating children or offering children a chance to learn about cultural differences within families. But in the tussle the voices of the schoolchildren remained muted.68 As opposed to a primary or secondary school, the college campus is designed to introduce young people to the adult political world
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Cass Timberlane. By Loew’s, Inc. 119 min. © 19Nov47; L1314. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Inc. (PWH); 29Nov74; R591703.
R591704.
Summer holiday. By Loew’s, Inc. 93 min. © 26Nov47; L1345. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Inc. (PWH); 29Nov74; R591704.
R591746.
Pirates of Monterey. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 8 reels. © 17Nov47; LP420. Universal Pictures (PWH); 29Nov74; R591746.
R591747.
Universal international newsreel. Vol. 20, no. 88. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 1 reel. © 4Nov47; M2480. Universal Pictures (PWH); 29Nov74; R591747.
R591748.
Universal international newsreel. Vol. 20, no. 89. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 1 reel. © 6Nov47; M2528. Universal Pictures (PWH); 29Nov74; R591748.
R591749.
Universal international newsreel. Vol. 20, no. 90. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 1 reel. © 11Nov47; M2529. Universal Pictures (PWH); 29Nov74; R591749.
R591750.
Universal international newsreel. Vol. 20, no. 91. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 1 reel. © 13Nov47; M2530. Universal Pictures (PWH); 29Nov74; R591750.
R591751.
Universal international newsreel. Vol. 20, no. 92. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 1 reel. © 18Nov47; M2531. Universal Pictures (PWH); 29Nov74; R591751.
R591752.
Universal international newsreel. Vol. 20, no. 93. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 1 reel. © 20Nov47; M2660. Universal Pictures (PWH); 29Nov74; R591752.
R591753.
Universal international newsreel. Vol. 20, no. 94. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 1 reel. © 25Nov47; M2661. Universal Pictures (PWH); 29Nov74; R591753.
R591754.
Universal international newsreel. Vol. 20, no. 95. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 1 reel. © 27Nov47; M2662. Universal Pictures (PWH); 29Nov74; R591754.
R591818.
Paramount news, number 25. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 22Nov47; M2546. Major News Library (PWH); 26Nov74; R591818.
R591845.
Beauty and the beast. By Andre Paulve. Add. ti: La Belle et la bete. 10 reels. © 1Dec46; L1722. Janus Films, Inc. (PWH); 15Nov74; R591845.
R591937.
Chiquita Banana’s reception. By John Sutherland Productions, Inc. 3 min. © 9Aug47; M3749. United Brands Company (PWH); 29Nov74; R591937.
R592080.
Chiquita Banana convinces the cannibal. By John Sutherland Productions, Inc. 3 min. © 2Oct47; M3745. United Brands Company (PWH); 5Dec74; P592080.
R592081.
Chiquita Banana’s school for brides. By John Sutherland Productions, Inc. 3 min. © 2Oct47; M3746. United Brands Company (PWH); 5Dec74; R592081.
R592082.
Chiquita Banana on the air. By John Sutherland Productions, Inc. 3 min. © 2Oct47; M3747. United Brands Company (PWH); 5Dec74; R592082. R592083.
Chiquita Banana makes a better breakfast. By John Sutherland Productions, Inc. 3 min. © 2Oct47; M3748. United Brands Company (PWH); 5Dec74; 8592083.
R592084.
Chiquita Banana on television. By John Sutherland Productions, Inc. 3 min. © 9Aug47; M3750. United Brands Company (PWH); 5Dec74; R592084.
R592085.
Chiquita Banana helps the pie man. By John Sutherland Productions, Inc. 3 min. © 27Oct47; M3751. United Brands Company (PWH); 5Dec74; R592085.
R592086.
Chiquita Banana’s fan. By John Sutherland Productions, Inc. 3 min. © 27Oct47; M3752. United Brands Company (PWH); 5Dec74; R592086.
R592087.
Chiquita Banana’s star attraction. By John Sutherland Productions, Inc. 3 min. © 27Oct47; M3753. United Brands Company (PWH); 5Dec74; R592087.
R592088.
Chiquita Banana goes north. By John Sutherland Productions, Inc. 3 min. © 27Oct47; M3755. United Brands Company (PWH); 5Dec74; R592088.
R592179.
News of the day. Vol. 19, issue no. 217. By Hearst Metrotone News, Inc. 1 reel. © 5Nov47; M2608. Hearst Metrotone News, a division of the Hearst Corporation (PWH); 9Dec74; R592179.
R592180.
News of the day. Vol. 19, issue no. 218. By Hearst Metrotone News, Inc. 1 reel. © 7Nov47; M2609. Hearst Metrotone News, a division of the Hearst Corporation (PWH); 9Dec74; R592180.
R592181.
News of the day. Vol. 19, issue no. 219. By Hearst Metrotone News, Inc. 1 reel. © 12Nov47; M2610. Hearst Metrotone News, a division of the Hearst Corporation (PWH); 9Dec74; R592181.
R592182.
News of the day. Vol. 19, issue no. 220. By Hearst Metrotone News, Inc. 1 reel. © 14Nov47; M2611. Hearst Metrotone News, a division of the Hearst Corporation (PWH); 9Dec74; R592182.
R592183.
News of the day. Vol. 19, issue no. 221. By Hearst Metrotone News, Inc. 1 reel. © 19Nov47; M2612. Hearst Metrotone News, a division of the Hearst Corporation (PWH); 9Dec74; R592183.
R592184.
News of the day. Vol. 19, issue no. 222. By Hearst Metrotone News, Inc. 1 reel. © 21Nov47; M2613. Hearst Metrotone News, a division of the Hearst Corporation (PWH); 9Dec74; R592184.
R592185.
News of the day. Vol. 19, issue no. 223. By Hearst Metrotone News, Inc. 1 reel. © 26Nov47; M2614. Hearst Metrotone News, a division of the Hearst Corporation (PWH); 9Dec74; R592185.
R592186.
News of the day. Vol. 19, issue no. 224. By Hearst Metrotone News, Inc. 1 reel. © 28Nov47; M2615. Hearst Metrotone News, a division of the Hearst Corporation (PWH); 9Dec74; R592186.
R592268.
G Men never forget. Chap. no. 7–12. By Republic Productions, Inc. 2 reels each. © 21Nov47; L1384. Repix, Inc. (PWH); 23Dec74; R592268.
R592644.
Paramount news, number 26. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 26Nov47; M2547. Major News Library (PWH); 6Dec74; R592644.
R592645.
Paramount news, number 27. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 29Nov47; M2576. Major News Library (PWH); 6Dec74; R592645.
R592646.
Paramount news, number 28. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 3Dec47; M2577. Major News Library (PWH); 6Dec74; R592646.
R592812.
That Hagen girl. By Warner Brothers Pictures, Inc. 9 reels. © 1Nov47; L1282. United Artists Television, Inc. (PWH); 6Dec74; R592812.
R592813.
Escape me never. By Warner Brothers Pictures, Inc. 12 reels. © 22Nov47; L1305. United Artists Television, Inc. (PWH); 6Dec74; R592813.
R592814.
Safari so good. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 7Nov47; L1329. United Artists Television, Inc. (PWH); 6Dec74; R592814.
R592815.
Mexican joy ride. By Vitaphone Corporation. 1 reel. © 30Nov47; M2538. United Artists Television, Inc. (PWH); 6Dec74; R592815.
R592816.
A Horse fly fleas. By Vitaphone Corporation. 1 reel. © 30Nov47; M2549. United Artists Television, Inc. (PWH); 6Dec74; R592816.
R592817.
Doggone cats. By The Vitaphone Corporation. 1 reel. © 30Nov47; M3016. United Artists Television, Inc. (PWH); 6Dec74; R592817.
R592891.
Paramount news, number 29. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 6Dec47; M2579. Major News Library (PWH); 12Dec74; R592891.
R592892.
Paramount news, number 30. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 10Dec47; M2580. Major News Library (PWH); 12Dec74; R592892.
R592965.
Good news. By Loew’s, Inc. 93 min. © 5Dec47; L1397. MetroGoldwyn-Mayer, Inc. (PWH); 6Dec74; R592965.
R592966.
Cradle of a nation. By Loew’s, Inc. 1 reel. © 4Dec47; M2527. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Inc. (PWH); 6Dec74; R592966.
R593022.
Where there’s life. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 8 reels. © 21Nov47; L1313. Emka Division of Universal City Studios, Inc. (PWH); 9Dec74; R593022.
R593023.
Golden earrings. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 10 reels. © 31Oct47; L1333. Emka Division of Universal City Studios, Inc. (PWH); 9Dec74; R593023.
R593268.
Take my life. By Independent Producers, Ltd. 8 reels. © 3Dec47; L1527. Rank Film Distributors, Ltd. (PWH); 18Dec74; R593268.
R593269.
I know where I’m going. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 11 reels. © 11Dec47; L1675. Rank Film Distributors. Ltd. (PWH); 18Dec74; R593269.
R593270.
Bush Christmas. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 8 reels, © 11Dec47; L1922. Rank Film Distributors, Ltd. (PWH); 18Dec74; R593270.
R593271.
This happy breed. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 12 reels. © 11Dec47; L1962. Rank Film Distributors, Ltd. (PWH); 18Dec74; R593271.
R593272.
Tawny Pipit. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 9 reels, 11Dec47; L1979. Rank Film Distributors, Ltd. (PWH); 18Dec74; R593272.
R593273.
Captain Boycott. By Universal Pictures Company, Inc. 11 reels. 11Dec47; L2063. Rank Film Distributors, Ltd. (PWH); 18Dec74; R593273.
R593274.
My brother’s keeper. By Gainsborough Pictures, Ltd. 8 reels. © 3Dec47; L2537. Rank Film Distributors, Ltd. (PWH); 18Dec74; R593274.
R593275.
Uncle Silas. By Two Cities Films, Ltd. © 10Nov47; LP144. Rank Film Distributors, Ltd. (PWH); 18Dec74; R593275.
R593433.
Paramount news, number 31. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 13Dec47; M2593. Major News Library (PWH); 17Dec74; R593433.
R593681.
Blondie in the dough. By Columbia Pictures Corporation. 7 reels. © 29Sep47; L1214. King Features Syndicate, a division of the Hearst Corporation (PWH); 16Dec74; R593681.
R593725.
Forever Amber. 15 reels. © 22Oct47; L1390. Twentieth CenturyFox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593725. R593726.
Nightmare alley. 12 reels. © 18Oct47; L1399. Twentieth CenturyFox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593726.
R593727.
The Invisible wall. 8 reels. © 15Oct47; L1401. Twentieth CenturyFox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593727. R593728.
The Foxes of Harrow. 12 reels. © 1Oct47; L1437. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593728.
R593729.
Daisy Kenyon. 10 reels. © 27Nov47; L1775. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593729.
R59373O.
Gentleman’s agreement. 12 reels. © 11Nov47; L1777. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593730.
R593731.
The 3 R’s go modern. 1 reel. © 7Nov47; M2621. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593731.
R593732.
Vacation magic. (Movietone sports review) 1 reel. © 26Sep47; M2622. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593732.
R593733.
Horizons of tomorrow. 1 reel. © 12Sep47; M2628. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593733.
R593734.
Album of animals. (Lew Lehr’s dribble-puss parade) 8 min. © 21Nov47; M2697. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593734.
R593735.
Draftsmen of dreams. 2 reels. © 12Nov47; M2781. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593735.
R593736.
Caravans of trade. 2 reels. © 12Nov47; M2782. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593736.
R593737.
Light and power. 2 reels. © 12Nov47; M2783. Twentieth CenturyFox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593737.
R593738.
Lobstertown. 2 reels. © 12Nov47; M2784. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593738.
R593739.
Conservation road. 2 reels. © 12Nov47; M2801. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593739.
R593740.
Communications. 2 reels. © 12Nov47; M2802. Twentieth CenturyFox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593740.
R593741.
The Big harvest. 2 reels. © 12Nov47; M2803. Twentieth CenturyFox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593741.
R593742.
Free horizons. 2 reels. © 12Nov47; M2804. Twentieth CenturyFox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593742.
R593743.
Alaska. 2 reels. © 12Nov47; M2808. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593743.
R593744.
Copenhagen pageantry. (Movietone adventures) 1 reel. © 6Dec47; M2982. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593744.
R593745.
Aqua capers. (Movietone’s sports review) 1 reel. © 22Nov47; M2998. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593745.
R593746.
Home of the Danes. (Ed Thorgersen’s Movietone adventures) 1 reel. © 17Oct47; M3010. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593746.
R593747.
Jungle closeups. (Movietone adventures) 1 reel. © 12Dec47; M3011. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593747.
R593748.
City weekend. 1 reel. © 12Nov47; M3153. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593748.
R593749.
Vacations (two weeks a year) 1 reel. © 12Nov47; M3154. Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593749.
R593750.
Men and machines. 1 reel. © 12Nov47; M3155. Twentieth CenturyFox Film Corporation (PWH); 19Dec74; R593750.
R593901.
Last days of Boot Hill. By Columbia Pictures Corporation. 6 reels. © 20Nov47; L1298. Columbia Pictures Industries, Inc. (PWH); 23Dec74; R593901.
R593902.
It had to be you. By Columbia Pictures Corporation. 10 reels. © 25Nov47; L1299. Columbia Pictures Industries, Inc. (PWH); 23Dec74; R593902.
R593903.
The Crime doctor’s gamble. By Columbia Pictures Corporation. 7 reels. © 19Nov47; L1302. Columbia Pictures Industries, Inc. (PWH); 23Dec74; R593903.
R593904.
Six-gun law. By Columbia Pictures Corporation. 6 reels. © 26Nov47; L1316. Columbia Pictures Industries, Inc. (PWH); 23Dec74; R593904.
R593905.
Kitty caddy. By Screen Gems, Inc. 1 reel. © 6Nov47; L1317. Columbia Pictures Industries, Inc. (PWH); 23Dec74; R593905.
R593906.
On the treasure trail. By Columbia Pictures Corporation. (The Sea Hound, chap. 10) 2 reels. © 6Nov47; L1349. Columbia Pictures Industries, Inc. (PWH); 23Dec74; P593906.
R593907.
Sea Hound attacked. By Columbia Pictures Corporation. (The Sea Hound, chap. 11) 2 reels. © 13Nov47; L1367. Columbia Pictures
Industries, Inc. (PWH); 23Dec74; R593907.
R593908.
Dangerous waters. By Columbia Pictures Corporation. (The Sea Hound, chap. 12) 2 reels. © 20Nov47; L1368. Columbia Pictures Industries, Inc. (PWH); 23Dec74; R593908.
R593909.
The Panther’s prey. By Columbia Pictures Corporation. (The Sea Hound, chap. 13) 2 reels. © 27Nov47; L1386. Columbia Pictures Industries, Inc. (PWH); 23Dec74; R593909.
R594065.
The Law comes to Gunsight. By Monogram Pictures Corporation. 6 reels. © 22May47; L1044. Allied Artists Pictures Corporation formerly known as Monogram Pictures Corporation (PWH); 26Dec74; R594065.
R594066.
Sarge goes to college. By Monogram Pictures Corporation. 7 reels. © 23May47; L1082. Allied Artists Pictures Corporation formerly known as Monogram Pictures Corporation (PWH); 26Dec74; R594066.
R594147.
Paramount news, number 32. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 17Dec47; M2594. Major News Library (PWH); 26Dec74; R594147.
R594148.
Paramount news, number 33. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 20Dec47; M2648. Major News Library (PWH); 26Dec74; R594148.
R594149.
Paramount news, number 34. By Paramount Pictures, Inc. 1 reel. © 24Dec47; M2649. Major News Library (PWH); 26Dec74; R594149.
R594212.
Tenth Avenue angel. By Loew’s, Inc. 74 min. © 23Dec47; L1395. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Inc. (PWH); 26Dec74; R594212.
R594213.
If winter comes. By Loew’s, Inc. 97 min. © 23Dec47; L1398. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Inc. (PWH); 26Dec74; R594213.
R594214.
Bowling tricks. By Loew’s, Inc. 10 min. © 23Dec47; M2603. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Inc. (PWH); 26Dec74; R594214.
٭ U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1975 O-588-418
These entries alone may not reflect the complete Copyright Office record pertaining to a particular work. Contact the U.S. Copyright Office for information about any additional records that may exist.
Copyright Registration or Page Number
MP25712
MP25719
Changed From Changed To
Clever Hikcichi
Southern California California Permanente Medical Group
Clever Hikoichi
Southern California Permanente Medical Group
MP26079 Stan Brakhage Stan Brakhage R567077 Terry Toons Terry-Toons
