Matteo Hunt-Cafarelli Dissertation

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(Word Count Excludes: Abstract, Captions, Titles, List of Illustrations, Bibilography and COVID research Adaption)

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The Heart of Rome: A Manipulated Identity Matteo Giovanni Amedeo Hunt-Cafarelli 170235736 Sana Al-Naimi 9,462 (Dissertation: 8,182, Footnotes: 1,280) Included in table of contents, Page 50.

Matteo Hunt-Cafarelli 170235736

THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

CONTENTS THE HEART OF ROME A MANIPULATED IDENTITY Abstract: Rome’s ‘historical’ centre and urban landscape are central to the identity of Roman (and Italian) cultural heritage. Home to the Colosseum, the Roman Forums, and many historical artefacts that all collectively cultivate the ‘Roman’ identity. This identity, however, is a forced one.

Focusing around the historic centre of Rome and some of its counterparts (specifically, the Piazza Venezia and Via dell’Impero), the intention of this dissertation is to explore the impact that the interventions (by the Fascist regime) had on (central) Rome’s urban context and how their representation of an idealised identity has affected and still influences the way we experience the city today.

Abstract (100) Introduction Chapter 1: Linking Destiny to Legacy

Legacy 7 Connection 12 Destiny 17 Architecture as a Political Tool 20

Chapter 2:The Theatrics of Maintaining Control

Anticipating the Future 23 Tradition 29 Propaganda 33 Visual Representation as a Political Tool 38

Chapter 3: Identity

Preservation and its Implications 41 The Growing Necessity for Change 46

Conclusion 49 Impact of COVID-19 50 List of Illustrations 51 Bibliography 54

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THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

“In 1910, a young, prominent and still socialist leader,” Benito Mussolini, had written “disparagingly about the city of Rome” for what he felt “represented the entire country,” calling it a “parasitic city of bedsits,” expressing how he felt Rome was “not worthy of its name.”1 This assertion sowed the seeds for the future ambitions of Mussolini which would soon blossom into an obsession. Setting himself the task to bring back a Rome “that is, purified, disinfected” and deserving of its name.2 For Mussolini, there was only one Rome that fit this description. Imperial Rome.

In March 1922, 12 years later, Mussolini, now a leader of a new group called, the “National Fascist 3 Party,” had organised a large political demonstration which would come to be known as the “March on Rome.”4 A demonstration, equivalent to that of “crossing the Rubicon.”5 This demonstration resulted in Mussolini’s rise to power. By 1928, Mussolini was in total control of the government, quickly pro-claiming himself dictator and seizing total authoritarian power.6 With this, his ambitions for restoring Rome to its former glory were now within his grasps.

Mussolini’s obsession began to materialise itself through grand interventions, such as the development of new avenues and “liberating” Imperial monuments (such as the Roman Forums).7 In doing so he was able to curate the city into a contemporary “stage for display,”8 allowing himself the opportunity to re-contextual Imperial history with his new empire. The most prominent manifestation of this is visible in the “historic centre,”9 a location Mussolini pro-claimed to be “the “heart” of the new Fascist Italy.”10

Focusing on the Heart of Rome, this dissertation will explore the exploitations of architecture and urban space and how they played a role in the maintenance of control. As well as exploring the methods of how these spaces were then represented, and how this aided Mussolini in transforming Rome. Specifically looking at; the Piazza Venezia and the Via dell’Impero (refer to Figure 0.1).

Additionally, drawing on Antonio Gramsci’s theory of Hegemony and literature on nationalism to help explore the extent of Mussolini’s success in appropriating Imperial history to his regime and then considering what was sacrificed to achieve this. Then finally, Looking at how the preservation of the historic centre may have resulted in potentially damaging consequences for the heritage sites and looking at what new developments are occurring and how this could help influence the growing necessity for change.

Figure 0.1- Piano Regulator di Rome 1931 - Highlighting Main Focus Points. (Marked in red by Author)

1. Aristotle A. Kallis, The Third Rome, 1922-43 : The Making of the Fascist Capital (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), p. 2.

2. Small extract from a Mussolini speech, 1924 - Borden W. Painter, JR, Mussolini’s Rome: Rebuilding the Eternal City, 1st edn (New York & Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p. 4.

3. Fascism is a far-right political ideology which uses authoritarian approaches to governing. Often resulting in dictatorship. Popular examples are Benito Mussolini for Italy [1922-1945] and Adolf Hitler [1935-1945].

4. Painter, JR, p. 21.

5. The phrase “Crossing the Rubicon” derives from Imperial Rome when Julier Caesar went to civil war with Pompey for the possession of Rome, and this symbolised the declaration of Civil War.- Richard Lopez, Roman Empire: Julius Caesar: Master of Rome (Netflix, 2019), pt. 3 <https://www.netflix.com/ watch/80191198?trackId=155573558> [accessed 12 August 2020].

6. Anthony M Tung, Preserving the World’s Great Cities: The Destruction and Renewal of the Historic Metropolis, 1st edn (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2001), p. 61 7. Painter JR, p. 9.

8. D. Medina Lasansky, The Renaissance Perfected; Architecture, Spectacle, and Tourism in Fascist Italy, 1st edn (Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004), p. 3.

9. Lasansky. p. 3.

10. Painter, JR, p.6

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CHAPTER 1

LINKING LEGACY TO DESTINY

LINKING LEGACY TO DESTINY

LEGACY The first task Mussolini faced in reaching his ambitions was in re-creating an Imperial image in a way that would both re-connect people to their heritage and simultaneously fulfil the political needs of the regime.

Mussolini “understood that capitalising on Italy's cultural heritage was strategic in maintaining the image of the country as a powerful nation,”11 so by re-contextualising their Imperial heritage, Mussolini believed he could present his regime as “direct descendants of the Imperial Romans,”12 and signify his regime as the next empire - “the third Rome.”13

“Up to this point, the modernisation of Rome had caused substantial but carefully limited damage,” and one of the large contributing factors to this was due to the “perseverance of a leading conservationist and architect, Gustavo Giovannoni.”14 Gustavo tried to urge the regime into a “restrained clearing that would have left intact the accretion of the Roman history,”15 however this was ignored as Mussolini advocated for a more ruthless approach in his search of Rome’s new identity, beginning with the new urban policy “Sventramento,” meaning disembowelment.16

In order to accomplish any kind of urban intervention, Mussolini needed a team to oversee the urban changes, so in 1925 he established a group called the “Governatorato dell' Urbe”17 to oversee the urban developments of the capital.

Using the Imperial heritage as a “reference”18 for the modernisation of Rome, the Governatorato pin-pointed specific Imperial monuments such as the Colosseum, the Roman Forums, and the Basilica Maxentius and began “liberating” them (See Figure 1.4). This was intended to re-emphasise them as historical landmarks, giving them a more “powerful presence” and allowing them too once again be, “monumental”19 (see Figure 1.6(iii)) 1

Figure 1.2.The Colosseum

Figure 1.1. Mussolini in Front of the Colosseum

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11. Lasanky, p. 84.

12. Richard A Etlin. Modernism in Italian Architecture, 1890-1940 (Cambridge, Mass,: Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1991). p, 391 13. Kallis, p. 13.

14. Tung, p. 62.

15. Tung, p. 62.

16. Tung, p. 62; Etlin, p. 391.

17. Further members included Marcello Piacentini and Gustavo Giovannoni - Lasansky; p. 140; Painter JR, p8; Kallis, p. 6.

18. Painter JR, p. 3.

19. Lasansky, p. 181

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LINKING LEGACY TO DESTINY

THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

Figure 1.3(i). Locations of Key Monuments (Marked in Red by Author)

Figure 1.3(ii). Locations of Monuments to be "Liberated" (Marked in Red by Author)

Figure 1.3(iii). Locations of Monuments After “Liberation” (Marked in Red by Author)

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Figure 1.4.The Monuments in Regard to their Location

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THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

LINKING LEGACY TO DESTINY

With the success of portraying the “liberation” as poetic, any “interest in ancient ruins was motivated not by an abstract respect for heritage but rather by its political instrumentality."20 For example, the Colosseum and the Forums were once considered the [old] “Heart of Rome,”21 and they symbolised their once prosperous way of life, so by emancipating and reasserting them back into a contemporary context, allowed them to “re-assume visual dominance” in the modern “city skyline."22 This was intentional to indicate a restoration of Rome’s former glory, as well as setting the tone for the rebirth of their Imperial identity.23

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Figure 1.6(i) - The Altare Della Patria (Before its "Liberation")

Figure 1.5 - Rome City Skyline: Along the Via Dell'Impero

This policy, however, was also about a resurgence of “Imperial traditions.”24 By re-integrating these artefacts back into a contemporary setting, they could be manipulated to encourage a new “Fascist lifestyle.”25 Furthermore, they could then be used to illustrate that the “spirit of [Imperial] Rome would rise again within Fascism.”26 This rhetoric made it easier to translate national pride into a (false) sense of national strength.

Architects like Giuseppe Pagano, ‘argued against steering Rome back towards monumentalism’ because he believed that in pursuing this, Rome would “lose contact with reality,”27 he instead urged for a modern architecture that did not depend on historical forms, and in some instances this occurred, but in the historic centre, nothing materialised.28

Sventramento was critical to the regime’s success, because it provided an opportunity for a visual continuity between the legacy and “destiny” that the regime had been trying to encourage. This was because Mussolini believed that “nations received the destiny that they themselves have created.”29

Following this, the second phase of the Governatorato’s plans were concerned with how to physically connect the monuments in the urban landscape and the solution to this, in Mussolini’s perspective, was a matter of “grandeur.”30

20. Pier Vittorio Aureli, The Possibility of an Absolute Architecture, Writing Architecture Ser, 1st edn (MIT Press, 2011), p. 96.

21. J.B Ward-Perkins, Roman Imperial Architecture (The Pelican History of Art), 2nd edn (Great Britain: Penguin Books, 1981), p. 67.

22. Lasansky, p. 191.

23. Kallis, p. 11.

24. Painter, JR, p. 115.

25. Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, Italian Futurism 1909-1944: Reconstructing the Universe, 1st edn (Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York, 2014), p. 71.

26. Painter, JR, p. 3.

27. Pagano refused to work for the regime, and as a result he died in Mauthausen Concentration camp (1945). - Painter, JR. p. 61 - 62 28. Painter, JR, p. 61 29. Mussolini, 1939 - Macgregor Knox, Mussolini Unleashed 1939-1941: Politics and Strategy in Fascist Italy’s Last War, 2nd edn (Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 158.

30. Painter, JR, p. 3.

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Figure 1.6(ii) - Highlighting What was Sacrificed (Highlighted in by Author)

Figure 1.6(iii) - The Altare Della Patria ("Liberated")

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LINKING LEGACY TO DESTINY

CONNECTION Reaping the seeds sown by sventramento, phase two of the Governatorato’s plans resulted in a connect-the-dots type intervention. In re-establishing the monuments, and using them to create new connections, it is as if these artefacts were “modelled” like new “discoveries.”31 In essence, it appears that the plans for the new streets re-defined ancient Rome into a “contemporary city.”32 1

Figure 1.8(i). Map of Central Rome 1903)

Figure 1.7 - 1903 Map of Rome - 'Connect-the-Dots' (Marked in Red by Author)

These grand avenues would eventually become the dominant feature in Mussolini’s Rome, as they encouraged connections through visual framing, providing the Governatorato the power to “choreograph” and influence ones experience of the city.33 Furthermore, this provided some permeability to weave a “Fascist spirit” in-between the Imperial monuments,34 promoting the “emotional legacy" of Imperial Rome.35 However, “it is somewhat ironic” that in doing this, “Mussolini himself was then subjected to Fascist strategies of surveillance and control.”36

The development for these interventions was led by architect ‘Antonio Munoz’37 and the Governatorato dell’Urbe, and it is through them that the development of the Via dell’Impero was even possible. Furthermore, the Via dell’Impero itself was designed to “commemorate the March on Rome, 1922.”38 When presenting the plans for the avenue to the “senate,” Munoz used Mussolini’s words to present the changes as “necessary” for providing better “conditions of health” within the city centre,39 as well as highlighting the “possibilities” the “interventions would provide.”40

31. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflection on the Origins and Spread of Nationalsim, 1st edn (London & New York: Verso, 1983), p. 69.

32. Tung, p. 58.

33. Lasansky, p. 97.

34. Etlin, p. 384.

35. Anderson, p. 4.

36. Anderson, p. 97.

37. Painter, JR. p. 60 38. Heather Hyde Minor, ‘Mapping Mussolini: Ritual and Cartography in Public Art during the Second Roman Empire’, Imago Mundi, 2008, p. 8 <https:// doi.org/10.1080/03085699908592907>.

39. Painter, JR. p. 32.

40. Painter, JR, p. 32

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Figure 1.8(ii). Area to be demolished (Highlighted in Red by Author)

Figure 1.8(iii). Map 1931 - Highlighting Connection (Highlighted in Red by Author)

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THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

Subsequently, in order to construct the Via dell’Impero, this required the removal of the “entire Alessandrino district,” (originally suggested in 1911 by Corrado Ricci).41 Despite the efforts of conservationists, Munoz and his team realised that in order to expose the Roman Forums and provide space adequate enough for the construction of the avenue this demolition was “a necessary condition”42 that needed to be met and it was therefore presented to the citizens of Rome as such.43

This resulted in the demolition of “5,500 habitable housing units”44 which displaced hundreds of families and marginalised them to the periphery in a public housing project called “Borgate” – meaning the “scraps of the city.”45 The void left by the Alessandrino demolitions, “revealed ruins unseen for up to 1500 years,"46 uncovering approximately “80,000m2” of the Roman Forums, however, upon its “liberation,” up to “67,000m2” (around 84%) was then immediately covered up by the Via dell’Impero.47 In doing this Munoz and the Governatorato were able to carve Fascism into the identity of Rome, with Mussolini claiming that they had “gained more than what they had lost.”48

LINKING LEGACY TO DESTINY

Whilst acknowledging the physical qualities and benefits that the avenue provided, it’s applications to the regime were potentially immeasurable. Designed as a platform applicable for the uses of military parades, speeches, and propaganda.56 It demonstrated the hierarchy that Mussolini, Munoz and the Governatorato had towards the different cultural fragments originally embedded in the city centre, and the priority to celebrate and preserve its Imperial identity above all.

When Mussolini referred to the development of the avenue as a matter of 'grandeur' – he not only referred to the physical transformations but also the symbolic. Achieving this through the combination of urban planning (appealing to the whole) the incorporation of the Imperial monuments (appealing to specific groups) and doing this to encourage a new “Fascist lifestyle” (appealing to the individual).

Through the Via dell’Impero, we can begin to see how the government prioritised certain characteristics (such as performance/theatrics and framing) and how these elements were able to saturate themselves into the context and into the lives of its users.

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Figure 1.9(i) - Alessandrino District (Marked in Red by Author)

Figure 1.9(ii) – Photograph Showing the Result of Demolitions

The Via dell’Impero, links the Colosseum to the Altare Della Patria, in a poetic connection, representing a new association between “past and present.”49 The street was then encompassed by the monuments that this intervention “liberated” (refer to Figure 1.4). The combination of all these things helped "introduce the concept of the Via dell'Impero as a work of art"50 - a public and social space, adapted for modern transport, surrounded by cultural relics, and considered (by some) as “one of the most beautiful” spaces “in the world."51

Furthermore, the completion of the Via dell’Impero (1931-1932) was presented as a “victory” for the regime.52 The fast-paced development took less than a year to complete, which was then used to exuberate the regime's rhetoric of “speed” and “physical fitness.”53 This gave them a desired attention from the public which aided the political needs of the regime and the economic needs of the city,54 providing a new idyllic “narrative” of Rome, through the architectural moments that “seamlessly stressed a sense of beauty.”55 41. Luca Basso Peressut and Pier Federico Caliari, Piranesi Prix de Rome: progetti per la nuova Via dei Fori Imperiali (Florence: Aión edizioni, 2017), p. 93 (13/16). <https://rometheimperialfora19952010.files.wordpress.com/2017/11/de-prospectiva-muniendi.pdf> [accessed 5 January 2021].

42. Luca Basso Peressut and Pier Federico Caliari, p. 93 (13/16).

43. Kallis, p.6.

44. Tung, p. 62.

45. The relocation of these people was to Acilia (15km away from Rome) where they lived in poor conditions. - Painter JR. p. 91 46. Basso Peressut and Caliari, p. 75 (4/16).

47. Tung, p. 62.

48. Painter, JR, p. 25.

49. Painter, JR, p. 3.

50. Basso Peressut and Caliari, p. 76 (5/16).

51. Basso Peressut and Caliari, p. 76 (5/16) 52. Painter, JR, p. 22.

53. Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p. 71-72.

54. Painter. JR, p. 4 55. Basso Peressut and Caliari, p. 76 (5/16).

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Figure 1.10 - Map Highlighting half of the Covered Area of the Forums (Marked in Red by Author).

56. Painter, JR, p. 22.

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LINKING LEGACY TO DESTINY

DESTINY

Figure 1.12(i). Piazza Venezia (1885)

Figure 1.12(ii). Piazza Venezia (1903)

Figure 1.11. Arial shot, highlighting the new Via Dell'Impero following completion.

Figure 1.12(iii). Piazza Venezia (1931)

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LINKING LEGACY TO DESTINY

Following what had blossomed from phases one and two, the Piazza Venezia was the main civic space in the historic centre and was considered the ‘heart’ of Rome during the regime's occupation. It quickly became a political space for the regime, because of its new connection with the Via dell’Impero, this linked the piazza with the old heart of Rome (the Colosseum) inferring a symbolic succession from the Imperial empire.

Mussolini believed that Rome was entitled to a “destiny” simply because of the existence and success of their Imperial predecessors. He felt his regime was meant to be a continuation of what the Imperial Empire started. However, to achieve this he needed a way to promote a sense of entitlement to help him gain public support, and for this, the Piazza Venezia was an ideal space to play the crowds (See Figure 1.14).

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Figure 1.13(i). Piazza Venezia (1885)

Figure 1.13(ii). Piazza Venezia (1932)

Through evoking Imperial traditions and combining them with theatrics, they were able to create a nationalistic atmosphere which contributed to the growing support of the regime. This helped allow them to change the meaning of the Piazza Venezia from a public space to a performance space.

Following the completion of the Via dell’Impero, this meant that the piazza could also become a transitional space, used as part of a “scripted route” through the city centre (refer to Figure 1.11).57 Because the piazza held several significant buildings, such as the Palazzo Venezia, the Altare Della Patria, and the Tomb of the Unknown Soldiers, this helped promote the piazza as a very powerful space within Rome.

The Palazzo Venezia in particular, was instrumental to both Mussolini and the regime. The elevated position, allowed him to present himself to large audiences, so that more people could participate in public events, for example, in May 9th, 1936, "when Mussolini spoke from his balcony on the Palazzo Venezia declaring the new Fascist empire, he shouted to the crowd, "Are you worthy of it?" The crowd, of course roared back "Yes!"58

Because of the flexibility the space provided the regime, it was, at the time, one of the most important spaces in Fascist Rome. Thereby, in re-positioning himself within the Palazzo di Venezia, Mussolini could metaphorically place himself at the epicentre of the ‘Heart of Rome,’59 contrasting not just the Altare Della Patria against the Imperial Legacy,60 but also juxtaposing himself, portraying the illusion that he and his regime were the ‘destiny’ of Rome.62

Figure 1.14 Mussolini Delivering a Speech from The Palazzo Venezia.

57. Lasansky, p. 97.

58. Painter, JR, p. 71 59. Painter, JR, p. 6.

60. Tung, p. 58.

61. Macgregor Knox, p. 158.

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LINKING LEGACY TO DESTINY

ARCHITECTURE AS A POLITICAL TOOL In order to better understand the extent of Mussolini’s success in maintaining control and prolonging his rule, one can look at Gramsci’s theory of Hegemony. It is important to keep in mind that Gramsci developed this theory whilst imprisoned under Mussolini,62 so, in a sense, it’s a study of the Fascist regime.

Hegemony means leadership through dominance - primarily by a state or social group. It “is the most successful political system in modernity at preserving an objective condition of domination while transforming it into a subjective conviction of freedom.”63 At its core, it emphasises that the most important method to gaining (and maintaining) control revolves around the “consent of the people.”64

However, this theory only functions if you consider the contemporary context that things were occurring in, this includes the political, economic, cultural, and social states of Italy prior to the regime.

Mussolini did not just appear, nor was his rise to power something which fufilled "prophecy,"65 it occurred due to the state of Italy decades prior to the Fascist’s revolution. For example, Italy did not have political stability and the state of the economy was not improving due to rising unemployment following the first world war. These conditions all contributed to a new idiom which was gradually growing due to the engagement of movements such as the Futurists (1909-1943). It is a result of these naturally occurring circumstances which helped construct “the pre-conditions for consent and, thus, successful domination.”66

The strategies employed by the regime followed a “process of combination.”67 Meaning that the regime needed to “construct new relationships” between the political and social classes, and embed themselves within those connections, through things such as, architecture, art, “philosophy, and folklore.”68 Then by adapting themselves with Italy’s changing lifestyle, they could obtain public consent from the varying classes. If this were successful, then the regime could saturate themselves into everyday life and create a type of “Fascist hegemony.”69

Following this statement, the regime responded to these conditions in ways that benefited the nation economically, however, these benefits were simply biproducts of the regimes ulterior motives (to gain more power), for example sventramento helped reduce unemployment (which appealed to the working-class) and thus, improved the economy, but only doing so to provide the nation a facade symbolising strength. Equally, in presenting new open spaces and the restoration of the Imperial monuments appealed to nationalists (and intellectuals) and represented a wanted change. However, once Mussolini got in power, it was clearer that he was trying to re-create the conditions of Imperial Rome,70 and because he couldn’t simply “wait for the right economic or political conditions,” he had to encourage them.71

Looking at literature on nationalism, we can infer that Mussolini was able to do this through the union of National-Fascist rhetoric and the constant Imperial imagery through the use of the monuments they “liberated,” the new avenues which “displayed” them, and through the use of propaganda.

In doing so he could present Rome as an Imperial-Fascist “community”72 (See Figure 1.16).

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Figure 1.15. Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini on the Palazzo Venezia's Balcony

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62. ‘Antonio Gramsci | Italian Politician’, Encyclopedia Britannica <https://www.britannica.com/biography/Antonio-Gramsci> [accessed 21 January 2021].

Paragraph 3 63. Marco Fonseca, Gramsci’s Critique of Civil Society: Towards a New Concept of Hegemony (Routledge, 2016), p. Abstract/Blurb <https://doi. org/10.4324/9781315644196>.

64. Nadia Urbinati, ‘From the Periphery of Modernity: Antonio Gramsci’s Theory of Subordination and Hegemony’, Political Theory, 26.3 (1998), 370–91 (p. 375).

65. Knox, p. 7.

66. Fonseca, p. Abstract/Blurb.

67. Fonseca, p. 83.

68. Urbinati, p. 379.

69. Lasansky, p. 164.

70. Etlin, p. 392; Painter. JR, p. 73; Aureli, P. 222 71. Fonseca, p. 72.

72. Anderson, p. 6.

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Whilst architecture and urban space alone are not enough to maintain control, they were highly significant contributors to its success, especially the Piazza Venezia and the Via dell’Impero, as the rhetoric delivered in these spaces became driving forces for propaganda, which could then be used to expand 1 the growing “Fascist hegemony” (developing in central Rome) nationally.73

CHAPTER 2

THEATRICS OF MAINTAINING CONTROL

Figure 2.1. Mussolini Delivery a Troop Rally Insdie the Colosseum.

Figure 1.16. La Domenica del Corrier – October 1932

73. Lasansky, p. 164.

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THEATRICS OF MAINTAINING CONTROL

ANTICIPATING THE FUTURE When the urban changes in the historic centre had begun to slow following the effects of sventramento and the construction of the Via dell’Impero. Mussolini and his regime had created an illusion that they had successfully begun ‘restoring the glory of Rome’74 and presented the success as the beginnings for its new identity. However, what they created was not a "new" identity; but a plagiarized one, altered and manipulated to benefit the needs of the regime.

Proclaiming that “with all the traditions of the past, the certainties of its present,” Mussolini’s final and unrealised phase, dealt with “the anticipation of its future."75 This was about embedding Fascism into the Via dell’Impero.76 In doing so, they believed that by presenting themselves alongside the former empires, it could “thematically, provide Mussolini a final link in a symbolic landscape that reached back through Roman history.”77

The alteration that defined Fascism in Rome was the Via dell’Impero, which connected and framed a multitude of monuments, but it most significantly highlighted the Altare Della Patria as a symbol of their ‘destiny.’78 The main issue was that the Altare Della Patria was not distinctly a Fascist monument, this implies that the use of this building to represent their destiny was temporary, meaning that the regime was searching for a new monument to symbolise the divinity of the Fascist regime.

The winning design was produced by the “The Milanese Group.”83 It was chosen because “every aspect of their project had a symbolic intent that was to link the modern forms with the historical past.”84 Whilst it didn’t materialise, it still highlights the influences that the regime was beginning to have on the future of Italian architecture in central Rome.

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Figure 2.3. Detailed Massing Model of the Project (Annotations in Red by Author)

Designed like a giant snake, the curved walls, were to act as a large ‘backdrop’ to the ‘new’ Fascist monument. This was a reaction to the growing demands for a new type of "architectural display."85 This was in response to the way the regime had begun to decorate buildings and monuments with propaganda, for example the Basilica Maxentius, directly opposite this project, displayed the maps of the Imperial Empire (with the final map representing the Fascist regime visually hinting at the contiunation of the Imperial Empire through Fascism).

Figure 2.2. Piazza del’Littorio - 'Fascist' Monument Location (Highlighted in Red by Author)

This led to a rise in architectural competitions in the city centre. Following this, “architects showed a willingness and often an eagerness, to work for the regime and participate in constructing a new Fascist Italy, as Fascist patronage meant both money and prestige."79

This competition was held in 1936, in search for a new office building and performance space.80 Set halfway along the Via dell’Impero in the “Piazza Del Littorio”81 (Refer to Figure 2.2). The objective of the competition was to showcase an “exhibition for the Fascist Revolution” and to find the “perfect Fascist response to the architecture of Imperial Rome.”82

74. Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p. 71.

75. Etlin, p. 386.

76. Etlin, p. 430–31.

77. Etlin, p. 426.

78. Imagery that Mussolini was doing what Emperor Augustus had done – transform Rome from ‘brick’ to ‘marble - Ward-Perkins, p. 21.

79. In order for any architects to enter the competition they had to be “registered as Fascist members” - Painter, JR, p. 60.

80. Etlin, p. 433.

81. Etlin, p. 426 82. Etlin, p.426

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Figure 2.4. Basilica Maxentius and Fascist Propaganda. (Propaganda Highlighted in Red by Author)

83.Antonio Carminati, Pietro Lingeri, Giuseppe Terragni, and Luigi Vietti – Etlin, p. 430 84. Etlin, p. 433.

85. Etlin, p. 432.

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THEATRICS OF MAINTAINING CONTROL

This project was intended to maintain a continuity with the Via dell’Impero, further emphasising both the Colosseum and the Piazza Venezia,86 in a (futile) attempt to place themselves amongst the greatest achievements of Rome, defining what was “real-dreamed, present-future, desired-attained.”87

Finally, the large rectangular monument in front of the building was to be dedicated to Fascism and entirely engraved in pickaxes (a symbol of Imperial Rome), the platform that the monument rests on would act as a podium for Mussolini to deliver his speeches and underneath this there was to be an exhibition space dedicated to the Fascist revolution.91

As the winning project, it demonstrates what was becoming a Fascist style, narrowing its persona to things such as monumentalism, decoration, framing, theatrics, and additionally, responding to characteristics “of masculinity and force.”92 These features were already becoming “practice rituals”93 through the Palazzo Venezia and so, this example shows the beginnings of a refinement for an architecture “specialized for public rallies and mass meetings.”94

1

Figure 2.5. Site Plan (with Fascist monument)

Furthermore, it was designed with an emphasis on the re-integration of Imperial tradition as it was concieved as a “modern temple,”88 and given the "historical form of the Rostrum,"89 and even through its isolation, this trait reflected inherently Imperial traditions. Designed to act in ‘harmony’ with the Basilica Maxentius and the Colosseum in order to provide the regime a presence proportionately as powerful as the Imperial Empire. "For visitors coming to the city, the long horizontal form of the administrative block was bent at one point as a "visual reflection" of the Colosseum, thereby creating a monumental gateway to the heart of Rome.”90 1

Figure 2.7(i) Palazzo Venezia - Balcony (Marked by Author)

Figure 2.7(ii) Fascist Monument - Balcony

Figure 2.6. Atmospheric Drawing (a) – Highlighting the Colosseum Figure 2.7(iii) Palazzo Venezia - Pickaxe (Marked by Author) 86. Etlin, p. 386.

87. ‘Metaphysical Selfishness’ - Fortunato Bellonzi, 1930. - Willard Bohn, Italian Futurist Poetry (Toronto: Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005), p.

207 88. Etlin, p. 433.

89. A ‘Rostrum’ is an elevated platform, often associated with Imperial temple design. – Etlin, p. 433 90. "As long as the Colosseum stands, Rome also stands; when the Colosseum falls, Rome also falls; when Rome falls, the world falls." - Etlin, p. 427

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Figure 2.7(iv) Fa/scist Monument - Pickaxes

91. Etlin, p. 433.

92. Etlin, p. 386.

93. Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p. 71.

94. Lasansky, pp. 164–65.

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THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

TRADITION Following the physical alterations of Rome, what they now lacked was the symbolic association between the new spaces and Fascism. In order for this to be achieved, it was necessary for the regime to inspire personal connections between the spaces they created and the public that used them - this was achieved through the re-integration of traditions.

The role of tradition was significant in encouraging public engagement within the civic spaces, which helped these new areas form a new cultural allegiance to Fascism.

Historical traditions were employed throughout the Piazza Venezia and the Via Dell’Impero.This was because of their new connections with the variety of historical monuments that they now shared, which allowed them to be easily “pirated”98 and used for practicing new “Fascist traditions.”99

Figure 2. 8 - Atmospheric Drawing (b) - Facing towards the Torre Dei Fonti and The Piazza Venezia

However, despite being the winning project, note how the form of the Fascist monument, which is supposed to respond to the forms of Imperial Rome, lazily mimics the Torre Dei Fonti (see Figure 2.8 and Figure 2.2), a monument built during the Medieval period.This partly undermines the original intent of the competition as this implies that neither the regime nor its architects really had a clear definition of what an Imperial-Fascist style should look like – but at least it had some pickaxes etched on it.

None-the-less the Milanese group held Mussolini in high regards, proclaiming that he “is like a God, against the sky. There is nobody above Him. The entire facade exalts His force, His genius. From all parts of the great street that is the heart of Rome, the pulse of the world, from Piazza Venezia, from the arches of the Colosseum, high, alone, in the light. He will be before the cheering crowds: before everybody, with everybody."95

Reflecting on this statement it is clear that the regime had a powerful influence on “the younger generation of architects,” as by “1938, when Italy's race laws were implemented, architectural professionals and the public had become quite comfortable with the idea of a single, pure, simple, Italian culture rooted in the traditions of the past.”96 Through this project, it becomes clearer that even through unrealised projects, the role of Imperial traditions was gaining significance in both the urban landscape and through new architectural design, further escalating the intensity of the increasingly ever-present “Fascist Hegemony.”97

Figure 2.10. Piazza Venezia during Mussolini Speech, 1936

Culturally in Medieval Italy, Piazza’s were often associated as the ‘heart’ of the public and political domains. In pro-claiming the Piazza Venezia as the new ‘Heart of Rome,’100 Mussolini was linking this title to the medieval tradition to help provide the Piazza some social and political power.

Traditionally, piazzas represented the “civic identity,” and this was specifically because of the civic buildings.101 In this piazza, the Palazzo Venezia was the main civic building. However, when the piazza began to change as a result of the development of the Altare Della Patria (1885-1930) this differentiated it from a traditional medieval style piazza, so the Palazzo Venezia, despite its inability to tower of the rest of the space, was only able to maintain its traditional authority due to its inhabitation with Mussolini. This demonstrates the regimes ability to adapt various traditions into new contexts.

1

1

Figure 2. 9 - Elevation of Fascist Monument (collaged by Author)

95. Etlin, p. 433 96. Lasansky, p. 181.

97. Lasansky, p. 164.

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98. Anderson, p. 67.

99. Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p. 71.

100. Etlin, p. 433.

101. Lasansky, p. 110.

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THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

The building mirroring the Palazzo Venezia was built in 1907 (following the development of the Altare Della Patria), and was built to symmetrically reflect the form of the Palazzo Venezia. This was deliberate in order to perfectly frame the Altare Della Patria as a grand monument, meaning that this space had already provided the pre-condition for the return to monumentalism (See Figure 2.11(iii)).102

The Palazzo Venezia’s usage was predominantly for performances, this helped architecture and urban space become “part of the event itself.”103 Whilst the Palazzo Venezia was not imperial, it, like many other monuments, became highly susceptible to decorations, using the building as a tool to display Fascist symbols, and propaganda which was already becoming a growing ‘practice’ in Fascist Rome (See Figure 2.7(iii)).

THEATRICS OF MAINTAINING CONTROL

In saturating the whole avenue with traditions and symbolisms to represent the party's ‘grandeur’ provided Mussolini “historical “legitimization” for his regime's adoption of Imperial rhetoric."104 In doing this he could begin to create emblematic connection between his regime and the Imperial Empire.

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Figure 2.12. Hitler Youth Marching 1936 - Note the Colosseum in the background Figure 2.11(i). Piazza Venezia

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Figure 2.11(ii). Public Space (Highlighted in Red by Author)

Figure 2.11(iii). Highlighting the symmetry/ deliberate framing

Through the appliance of historical traditions, they could create the illusion that Rome was returning to its former prosperity which appealed largely to nationalists.

For example, the Via dell’Impero was designed as if reminiscent to the Imperial style infrastructure (long straight roads). It also symbolized the 10th anniversary of the March on Rome (1922).

This implies that in using the Via dell’Impero for militaristic demonstrations, that this would eventually become a Fascist tradition, commemorating the rise of Fascism and furthermore, indicating that the avenue itself was a tribute to Mussolini as the leader of this revolution (See Figure 2.13).

Figure 2.13 Mussolini inspecting the Via dell'Impero.

102. Ward-Perkins, p. 32.

103. Lasansky, pp. 164–65.

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104. Heather Hyde Minor, ‘Mapping Mussolini: Ritual and Cartography in Public Art during the Second Roman Empire’, Imago Mundi, 2008, p. 8

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THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

PROPAGANDA

The Altare Della Patria’s significance on the other hand, was growing as it represented what the regime felt symbolised their “cultural superiority.”105 For example, it’s “reference to Imperial tradition” is highly prominent,106 as it is “set on a loft platform,” and is “dominating the rectangular space before it”107 as well as its design elements and materiality.The “Botticino marble,”108 was specifically chosen for its “pure” white aesthetic, which the regime translated to represent an “aesthetic of purity.”109 It was the ideal ‘backdrop’ which become “a subtext of almost every public event"110 (See Figure2.19(ii)).

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Figure 2.14. Comparison Between Altare Della Patria and a Re-imagined Foro Augustus from the Via Dell'Impero (Authors Own)

These demonstrations were important, not just for displaying strength, but in building upon a lifestyle which was becoming militaristic. If they succeeded in this then they could create the impression that the uniform “equalised” every man.111 Leading towards a militaristic lifestyle not only fit the times following the first world war but it was also a “conceivable effort to make class struggles vanish,”113 and provided the opportunity to create a new “revolutionary class.”113

When the Altare Della Patria was built, the museum originally represented the “unification of 114 Italy,” so it was used in propaganda to maintain its symbol under the regime, but it was also being used for the glorification of war. The installation of the Tomb of the Unknown Soldiers further emphasises this. These types of memorials provided the Altare Della Patria "religious” qualities,115 and as literature on nationalism suggests, the Tombs for the Unknown Soldiers offeres a type of “immortality by transforming fatality into continuity. In this way, it concerned itself with the links between the dead and the yet unborn."116 Meaning that the regime could appropriate their sacrifice and transform it into a spiritual foundation for the development of the next generation.

Gradually over time the “nature of the exhibits was becoming more political. What began as benign cultural celebrations quickly transformed into declarations of racial superiority,”117 and the use of traditions fanned the flames that the urban transformations had begun to rekindle. What was now needed was a method in which to broadcast their achievements to the rest of the nation, and this was achieved through propaganda.

105 Lasansky, p. 84.

106. ‘The History of the Complesso | Vittoriano’ <https://vittoriano.beniculturali.it/en/history/genesis-vittoriano-two-competitions> [accessed 9 October 2020]. – Part III. 107. Ward-Perkins, p. 32.

108. https://vittoriano.beniculturali.it/en/history/genesis-vittoriano-two-competitions [accessed 9 October 2020]. Part III 109. Lasansky, p. 16 110. Lasansky, p. 164–65.

111. Urbinati, p. 375.

112. Fonseca, p. 80.

113. Urbinati, p. 375.

114. https://vittoriano.beniculturali.it/en/history/victor-emmanuel-iii-and-inauguration-1911. Para. 1.

115. Anderson, p. 11.

116. Anderson, p. 11 117. Lasansky, p. 78.

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Mussolini was a very “media savvy” ruler,118 and the use of propaganda played out two critical purposes for the regime. Firstly, it was a useful tool for presenting any intervention as successful, and secondly, it used Imperial Rome to create a “national-print language,”119 so in broadcasting this they could forge a “national consciousness” and mould it into something resembling Fascism.120

Architecture was often a secondary feature in propaganda. For example, in Rome, imagery was often drawn from the Piazza Venezia and the Via dell’Impero because of their significance to the regime, but also due to their Imperial settings. The architecture and Imperial monuments, however, were used as ‘backdrops’ against something (or someone) symbolising Fascism. This allowed for the potential re-association of the monuments to the regime.

Whilst the physical changes of Rome were carried out by Antonio Munoz and his team, the main individual behind the production of the regimes propaganda was Galeazzo Ciano.121 He was an Italian politician, whom was an early supporter of Mussolini and he was given the position of the ‘Office of Press and Propaganda’ by Mussolini himself (a fitting position for his son-in-law).122

The main source of publicity came from, the ‘La Domenica Del Corriere’ magazine. Following instruction from Galeazzo Ciano, they highlighted events such as military demonstrations, rallies, or speeches for newspapers, magazine covers and posters. These were all deliberately staged in order to try associate depictions of; unity (with the Altare Della Patria), strength (with the Colosseum) and opportunity (with the Via dell'Impero).

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Figure 2.15(i) Propaganda (a)

Figure 2.15(ii) Propaganda (b)

Figure 2.15(iii) Propaganda (c)

For example, one of the more important examples of propaganda was of Mussolini swinging a pickaxe to emphasise the development for the Via dell’Impero.

The pickaxe was a symbol of “unity” in Imperial Rome,123 however through the use of propaganda, the ‘office of press and propaganda’ were able to transform it into a symbol for Fascism.

118. Lasansky, p. 9.

119. Anderson, p. 67.

120. Enric Castello, ‘Anderson and the Media. The Strength of “Imagined Communities”’, Universitat Rovira | Virgili, 2016, 59–63 (p. 4).

121. The propaganda that he helped produced was influenced by Joseph Goebbels (developer of Nazi Propaganda)-Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p.72 122. ‘Count Ciano’ <https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/europe/it-count-ciano.htm> [accessed 16 November 2020] Paragraph 2; ‘Galeazzo Ciano’, Spartacus Educational <https://spartacus-educational.com/2WWciano.htm> [accessed 16 January 2021] Paragraph 2.

123. Painter, JR, p. 12.

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THEATRICS OF MAINTAINING CONTROL

This helped show how the Imperial Empire was still alive and contributing to the modernisation of Rome through the people, further accentuating that the Imperial empire would live on through the regime. With each strike of the pickaxe representing “a blow against the errors, abuse, and passivity of the past.”124 By presenting Mussolini alongside the working-class, they could demonstrate that laborious work was “honourable and necessary,”125 as well as presenting the job opportunities available in the city centre.

In having the Altare Della Patria and the Forums on display was a deliberate ploy to present both the restoration of Imperial Rome as well as to emphasise an internal union. Furthermore, this example helped contrast the ancient and modern symbols of unification and the necessity of the development of the Via dell’Impero to sustain this visual.

Another important example is the image of Mussolini saluting his troops in front of the Colosseum. Note Mussolini’s body posture (in raising his arm to salute his troops) was a symbolic gesture to what the Roman Emperors used to do (See Figure 2.17(ii)). The imagery of his troops along one of the new avenues also helped emphasise the intended usage of the streets for militaristic and ‘traditional’ purposes.

Futhermore, notice how the Colosseum is framed in the background, further demonstrating the usage of the monuments as ‘backdrops’ against the regime, showing how easy it was to achieve this with the way the avenues 'naturally' framed the monuments. In staging specific routes throughout the historic centre, the Governatorato essentially transformed the urban landscape itself into a physical form of urban propaganda.

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Figure 2.16(i). Monuments ‘Back-drop.’

Figure 2.16(ii) Mussolini and Workers

Figure 2.16(iii) Buildings to be demolished.

To emphasise this, note how the audiences view of the street is deliberately blocked by the building in the bottom half of the photo.With the body language of Mussolini swinging the pickaxe, representing that he could “liberate” the audiences view of the Via dell’Impero in this photograph, further visually stressing the importance of the sacrifices needed to obtain the bigger picture.

Figure 2.17(i). Mussolini Body Posture

Figure 2.17(ii) Salute is Imperial

Figure 2.17(iii). Militaristic Use

Figure 2.18. Postcard Showing the New Via dell'Impero

Propaganda was also used at an intricate and personalised scale, for things such as postcards.

Despite being relatively small, the difference from that of national propaganda was that these images could then be sent internationally, which was ideal for attracting tourists to see the resurgence of Imperial Rome.

Figure 2.19(i). March on V.D.I

Figure 2.19(ii). Military demonstration in the Piazza Venezia

124. Painter, JR, p. 73.

125. Painter JR, p. 73.

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THEATRICS OF MAINTAINING CONTROL

Whilst Propaganda was a highly persuasive tool, it was not the only source of imagery inspiring rhetoric to younger audiences, for example the Futurist movement were still highly influential.

The features that “defined” Fascism “owed much to Futurism,”126 as they both “celebrated war as a means to remake Italy.”127 Meaning the characteristics that were contributing to the Fascist “way of life,” had been growing over a period of 20 years prior to the regime’s rise to power. 128

However, the Futurists views on the ‘new’ identity of Rome differentiated them from Fascism, as the Futurists did not want Rome to derive it’s new character entirely from its past,129 and this contrasted what the regime was doing. For example, Giovanni Papini (leader of the Futurist movement), compared the Altare Della Patria to an “enormous white, luxury urinal.”130 Gradually, the role of the movement changed, however, they remained as “catalysts for youthful energies,” still influencing ideas of ‘performance’ and ‘set design’ for the regime.131

Futurism is an example of how the regime was perceived by some in Italy during the 1920’s-1940’s and exposes how the regime attempted to "control and diffuse a Fascist culture throughout the nation"132 (See Figure 2.20). This highlights how the role of visual representation of architecture and the urban landscape was just as crucial to the regime in the pursuit of power and the maintenance of control.

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Figure 2.20. Aeroritratto di Mussolini Aviatore (Aerial Portrait of Mussolini) - Ambrasi Alfredo, 1930

126. Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p. 71-72.

127. Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p. 21.

128. Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p. 22 129. Futurism wanted to create “new” way of life (Future - ism) - Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p. 71.

130. https://vittoriano.beniculturali.it/en/history/victor-emmanuel-iii-and-inauguration-1911 - Paragraph 6 131. Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p. 41.

132. Vivien Greene and Claudia Salaris, p. 69.

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THEATRICS OF MAINTAINING CONTROL

VISUAL REPRESENTATION AS A POLITICAL TOOL It is hard for “historians to determine” the full “extent” of the “impact” that Mussolini had,133 however, we can still determine that through hegemony and literature on nationalism, that architecture is both a powerful source for “imagining the nation,”134 but is also susceptible to manipulation through the integration of tradition, and propaganda. This refers to the “process of combination” for which we can determine was critical to the regime for maintaining public consent and control.135

Supported by Anderson, as he suggests that nations are “framed by cultural and social dynamics” which focuses a blend between the “imagination and substantiation of culture and the creative process,” furthermore, he explains that this is “situated in a dimension that links cultural studies and the media.”136 What this means is that in order for sventramento and the new avenues to have had any real impact they needed to combine them with some form of cultural practice and the use of media to give them any real significance to the public in central Rome and, or the rest of the nation.

This process is what helped the regime’s success in the re-appropriation of some of the Imperial monuments to Fascism, further encouraging the transformation of the nation into Fascist Italy (during the 1930’s-1940’s).

As Anderson suggests, the role of the media and “the availability of new technology,” made it possible for “millions of people to share the same messages at the same time,” this was instrumental for “fostering a national consciousness.”137

This is further complimented by the concept of “banal nationalism by Michael Billing (1995),” as he argues that “nationalism is something that is consumed daily.”138 For those living and commuting to Rome on a circadian basis, meant that those citizens would naturally be subjected to the daily consumption of nationalist rhetoric as a form of psychological imprinting (brainwashing) and those outside the city were exposed to constant imagery of what was occurring in Rome.

This imagery was not strictly limited to newspapers and posters, it expanded into forms such as, theatre, art, language, ‘poetry and song.’139 Propaganda varied itself on a range of scales from the international (postcards), to national (propaganda), to local (décor and tradition), and to personal (education). Supported by Renzo Di Felice’s theory, the “Fabric of Consensus,” which highlights and supports the regimes assimilation with “cultural organization, media and education” as the main threads connecting the regime to the public.140

Whilst education is a separate matter, it is worth noting that it was mandatory that “political, and specifically Fascist themes were included into lessons,” meaning that nationalist rhetoric and propaganda had infiltrated as intimately as the education system (See Figure 2.23). Suggesting that through the integration of propaganda into all manner of scales, they could mould a new Fascist generation, for example, children were instructed to learn the “fascist oath” - “In the name of God and Italy, I swear to carry out the orders of the Duce [Mussolini] and to serve with all my strength and, if necessary, with my blood, the cause of the Fascist Revolution.”141

Overall, the excessive use of propaganda enhanced their control and influence, however the success of the regime was only achievable through the process of combination. The impact the regime had on Rome was and still is now, incalculable. Because of the success in appropriating buildings and spaces to the regime, it has now become hard to “separate artistic quality from the political ideals” that shaped the very city and its current identity.142 1

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133. Painter, JR, p. 116.

134. Anderson, p. 158.

135. Fonseca, p. 83.

136. Castello, p. 2.

137. Castello, p. 4.

138. Castello, p. 4.

139 Anderson, p. 145 140. Painter, JR. p. 116.

141. Painter, JR. p. 36 142. Basso Peressut and Caliari, p. 5 (76).

Figure 2.21.The new Fascist Generation

Figure 2.22. Mussolini Visiting Young Soldiers

Figure 2.23. Propaganda in School Classrooms

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IDENTITY

IMPLICATIONS OF PRESERVATION

CHAPTER 3

IDENTITY

In the events leading to the end of the Second World War, Mussolini was caught trying to flee and was executed,143 concluding the Regime’s 22-year reign. However, the damage left throughout the nation and "the architectural story of Rome, as it was embodied in the cityscape, had been rewritten."144

What followed Rome was an impossible decision, addressing the ‘tensions’ between the ethics and cultural aesthetic145 - whether to preserve or to rebuild. This decision would then determine the “architectural and urban legacy of Fascism” in Rome.146

In 1946, the government had decided to preserve the historical centre of Rome by introducing a new preservation law called “article 9.”147 This essentially placed the entire historic centre under protection, as it had now been “built into their constitution.”148 However, through this decision to preserve the centre of Rome the way it was, they inevitably preserved the presence of Fascism within it.

There were still occurrences where the demands for change - from what the Regime did to the centre of Rome was increasing. For example, in the 1960’s the Altare Della Patria was subjected to ‘negative criticism because of how it was used by the Fascist regime.’149

This resulted in an attempted bombing in 1969, then in 1979 it closed and by 1986, they held a "trial" deciding whether to demolish it.150 This clearly highlights the success the regime had in re-appropriating monuments to their party, as it was (at this point in time), no longer a symbol of ‘unification’ but a symbol of Fascism and “condemned for being aesthetically offensive.”151 It would also be worth noting that through the “process of combination” that not only was this the case for the modern symbol of Italian unity, but the same for the Imperial symbol of unity – the pickaxe. Both had become symbols of Fascism.

1

Figure 3.2 Altare Della Patria

Figure 3.1.The Effects of Fascism upon Central Rome - (Represnting 1910 (Top)/ 1940 (Middle) and 2000 (Bottom)

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143. https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/benito-mussolini-executed - Paragraph 1.

144. Tung, p. 63.

145. Basso Peressut and Caliari, p. 87 (10/16).

146. Basso Peressut and Caliari, p. 87 (10/16).

147. Gillian Scholz, ‘Italian Cultural Heritage Laws’, Atavist, 2017, sec. Italian Laws-Paragraph 2 <https://gscholz.atavist.com/glsitalian-cultural-heritage-laws> [accessed 12 January 2021].

148. Gillian Scholz, sec. Italian Laws - Paragraph 2.

149. https://vittoriano.beniculturali.it/en/history/post-war-contradictions - Paragraph 1 150. https://vittoriano.beniculturali.it/en/history/post-war-contradictions - Paragraph 2-3 151. https://vittoriano.beniculturali.it/en/history - "Post-war Contradictions"

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THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

Furthermore, the 1980’s held some real potential for change for the historical centre. Politician and major of Rome, Luigi Petroselli (1979-1981) sought to create a “new narrative, known as Progetto Fori.”152 This was intended to “eliminate the entire city plan made by the Governatorato in the 1930’s” - including the removal (or “downsizing”) of avenues such as the Via dell'Impero.153

However, he died in 1981, and following the decision not to remove the Altare Della Patria in 1986, meant this opportunity to erase Fascism from the identity of Rome was wasted.

After that, a new law introduced in 1990 permitted access to the monuments, which increased their significance as tourist attractions,154 asides from this, nothing else has changed.

It is notable that some of the tactics used by the regime have now been further adapted in the modern day. For example, sventramento, was used as an attempt to connect Fascism to Imperial Rome, whereas now the exposed monuments have now been adapted and further monumentalised for the purpose of tourism, for example, tourist maps have (abstractly) enhanced the monuments dominance in the urban landscape. Having grown into one of the most visited tourist destinations, Rome is clearly still benefitting from the urban changes made by the regime in the 1930’s so: Figure 3.4. Photograph of Via dell'Impero (Authors Own)

1 Figure 3.5 Photograph Along the Via dell'Impero (Authors Own)

Figure 3.3.Tourist Map - Showing the Adaption of Monumentalism

“why in fact, should we deprive ourselves of one of the most beautiful and meaningful urban perspectives in the world, and why should we deprive ourselves of a piece of a World Heritage Site that the whole world commemorates, and which identifies our heritage?”155

Without the interventions of Munoz and the Governatorato, we would not be able to interact with what we can today, and whilst its routes are scripted, they provide easy modes of navigation, however, as a result of the laws and growing pressure to preserve the centre of Rome as it was in the 1930’s, this has ushered the historic centre into an “urban paradigm,” this is because in the modern day, it no longer represents Imperial Rome or a contemporary city.156

152. Basso Peressut and Caliari, p. 88 (11/16) 153. Basso Peressut and Caliari, p. 88 (11/16).

154. Gillian Scholz, sec. Italian Laws - Paragraph 4.

155. Basso Peressut and Caliari, p. 96 (15/16) 156. Aureli, p. 25.

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Figure 3.6 Photograph of the Via Dell Mare

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IDENTITY

The ‘historic centre’ of Rome has been physically frozen in time for almost 90 years with no real changes. This is because politicians are now too “determined to protect a world that no longer exists” and are too concerned about “losing its identity.”157 Meaning that Rome has essentially “lost contact with reality,” just as Pagano claimed it would.158

In the modern day, it seems to have been forgotten that the Via dell’Impero was built to commemorate the rise of Fascism, and this too is now protected. Whilst the current identity is not considered Fascist, there is no denying that the “transformation” of Rome is a result of the interventions of the regime and it still remains as a “symbol of Fascist achievement.”159

This includes the ways in which individuals would experience the city, because the grand avenues still provide choreographed routes through the centre, unknowingly influencing and filtering every individual’s experience through the same scripted lens that the regime had set up. Even some of their propaganda placed along the Via dell’Impero, is still displayed in exactly the same place (See Figures 2.4 and 3.7).

Following the removal of some of the Fascist symbols (such as the pickaxes and the 5th Map on the Basillica Maxentius), to the unknowing, Rome may appear as if it has always been a city preserving its monuments. There are no indications or even acknowledgements that the regime had removed an entire housing district to achieve the Via dell’Impero, or that more than three quarters of the forums are still covered. Even the origins of the avenues are not mentioned in its modern context. so, in the efforts to clearly distance Rome from it's reality, it is as if central Rome is pretending that this part of history simply didn't happen. However, “as much as Italians try to ignore the legacy of Mussolini, he will be with them forever.”160 1

157. Deutsche Welle (www.dw.com), ‘Italy’s Fascist Past Reverberates in Rome | DW | 17.08.2019’, DW.COM, sec. ‘Fuel for Nostalgia’ - Paragraph 1 <https://www.dw.com/en/italys-fascist-past-reverberates-in-rome/a-50024325> [accessed 29 December 2020].

158. Refer to Chapter 1: Legacy - Painter, JR. p. 61-62 159. Painter, JR, p. 116.

160. Gretchen Van Horne & Jonathan Rome, ‘Mussolini’s Architectural Legacy in Rome’, Rome on Rome, 2016, sec. Conclusion - Paragraph 1 <https:// romeonrome.com/2016/01/mussolinis-architectural-legacy-in-rome/> [accessed 15 January 2021].

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Figure 3.7. Photographs of the displayed propaganda (Authors Own)

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THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

THE GROWING NECESSITY FOR CHANGE Whilst the presence of Fascism is largely unnoticed or ignored in the modern day and may come across as relatively harmless since it allows us to explore specific parts of Roman history,

However, whether the presence of Fascism has just become accepted or ignored, the issues that the Imperial monuments in central Rome now face are inescapably linked to the changes made by the regime and the laws designed to protect them. This emphasises that Rome is becoming “more oppressed by the weight of its own heritage rather than enriched by it.”161

The preservation of the historic centre has now become a double-edged sword. This is because gradually over time the Via dell’Impero, being so densely covered in traffic, has led to a “exhaust pollution contributing to high acidic rain, which in turn has caused advanced deterioration of marble and travertine throughout the urban area.”162 Meaning that the very avenue designed to “liberate” the Imperial monuments, has now in retrospect, encouraged “an environmental condition that is destroying the stones of which these historic buildings are made off.”163 Furthermore, in choosing to preserve the avenue as part of the historic centre, not only preserves the symbol of Fascism but it also maintains this environmental condition, further increasing the rate of the monuments deterioration (See Figure 3.8)

Does this not mean that in choosing to preserve central Rome, that the pressure to maintain this condition will lead to the eventual deterioration of the very monuments these laws are intending to protect, and if so, why hasn’t this problem been addressed?

1

46

It wasn’t until 2018 that any real change had begun to take place. The Via dell’Impero had been closed off to vehicle movement because of construction regarding the development for a new metro line, called the “Metro line C” (running directly under the Via dell’Impero). This has provided a temporary fix for the monuments.

Whilst “it may seem a paradox, it was a real cultural revolution, as it has finally been proven that an effective interaction between conservation and technology can give a greater added value especially in terms of offer to the quality of the city.”164 1

Figure 3.9. Section - Showing how the metro would be used to showcase history

In constructing the metro line, they have been able to recover some of what was buried underneath the Via dell’Impero, but they have also been able to excavate further to gain a deeper understanding of what was there before the Imperial Romans, and instead of placing their findings in a museum, they have displayed the artefacts inside the metro, leaving the fragments of history essentially where they were found, then using the form of the metro as an educational timeline to indicate how deep these fragments were located.

They believed that this could “allow us to read the city in continuity with it’s heritage, breaking the traditional boundaries that segregate it from urban life” and they found that, in opening the metro line up for one day, that “the station had more visitors than the Colosseum itself.”165 Additionally, in the event of a delay most individuals were “more proud than angry” because they were able to browse new pieces of history they had never seen before during the wait.166

Figure 3.8 Visible Discolouration - Effects of Acidic Rain (During Clear Sky)

Figure 3.10. Photographs Showing Interaction with Exhibit

161. Filippo Lambertucci, ‘Archaeology for Commuters. The San Giovanni Archaeo-Station on the New Metro Line C in Rome.’, Elsevier, 1, 2018 - p. 2.

162. Tung, p. 63.

163. Tung, p. 63.

164. Filippo Lambertucci, p. 2 (96).

165. Filippo Lambertucci, p. 9 (103)).

166. Filippo Lambertucci, p. 9 (103).

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THE HEART OF ROME : A MANIPULATED IDENTITY

This is an important step in the right direction which is allowing us to regain not only what was lost as a result of the regime, but in providing them the opportunity to uncover and understand more about the history of Rome. As well as inspiring a new and unique approach to modernising Rome’s infrastructure and providing new ways to preserve archaeological finds without displacing them.

Conversely, this is all happening underground, so what will happen when the metro’s construction is fully finished and the Via dell’Impero returns to its usual routine of congested traffic?

It is clear that there is a need for change, but are there any solutions to protect the historic centre of Rome and can we draw inspiration from the Metro Line C to achieve this?

CONCLUSION In conclusion, with central Rome as an example, it is clearly possible to separate the artistic quality of new and exposed cultural elements from the political ideals that generated them, provided enough time has passed.

Whilst it is true that what we are now able to enjoy in Rome, arguably, is a result of the interventions by the Fascist regime, however, we could debate over whether the result of what the regime had done to central Rome had really ruined the cultural quality, or if in retrospect actually enhanced it.

However, the changes that were made to central Rome none-the-less, are what clearly define the identity Rome has today, leaving the individual to speculate, had the vision of Gustavo Giovannoni “prevailed over that of the Fascist dictator," what could the identity of Rome have looked like now.167

The shadow of the regime will be forever frozen within the identity of Rome. Therefore, does this not mean that the decision to preserve central Rome (as it was in the 1930’s), that the original ambitions of Mussolini - to reconnect Rome to its Imperial heritage - has now been achieved?

Considering how the historic centre of Rome has not differed in the last 90 years, its urban context is just as much a representation of Fascist Rome as it was in the 1930’s, and the opportunity to create any real change has passed.

What the centre of Rome now needs to do is to physically acknowledge its modern history in the urban landscape in a meaningful way instead of distancing themselves from it. This is because, based on my visit in 2018, I was not remotely aware of what Rome had used to be until I began my research.

There was nothing physically there along the Via dell’Impero or within the forums that clearly emphasised that the routes that myself and many other tourists were walking, had all been deliberately choreographed to influence our experience of the city. Nor is there anything there which acknowledges what the original purpose of the street was built for or what was sacrificed to achieve this, so how can people be physically educated of those sacrifices if this information is simply ignored.

With new hope coming from the development of the metro line C, recovering artefacts, and discovering new layers of Roman history, it is providing the potential for new methods of both modernising and preserving, which is what the city needs. It would seem meaningless and artificial to rebuild what the centre of Rome used to be, but it is necessary for the city to adequately use the preservation to, at the very least, educate the new generation and travellers of its modern history as well as its Imperial history.

The historic centre also needs to be able to adapt to the dangers that its Imperial monuments are now facing. It is somewhat ironic that the Via dell’Impero - which was designed to “liberate,” display and frame the Imperial monuments - is now one of the contributing factors to an environmental condition that is causing those very monuments to erode.

Will the pressures of preservation allow for the necessity of change that is clearly needed to save the monuments that define the very identity of Rome, or will the preservation laws and the Via dell’Impero be the contributing reasons for their eventual deterioration?

1

167. Tung, p. 63.

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS INTRODUCTION

Figure 0.1- Piano Regulator di Rome 1931 - Highlighting Main Focus Points. (Marked in red by Author) - https://www.romaierioggi. it/piano-regolatore-di-roma-1931/

CHAPTER 1 Effects of COVID-19: Personally, I don’t feel as if I’ve been affected as badly as others. Granted, I couldn’t travel back to Rome last summer (2020) to do a site visit for the dissertation which would’ve been ideal. However, I still found I could make use of some photos from my visit in July 2018.

It did have an impact on accessing Archives. I had planned to use them on my visit but that couldn’t happen. Then I was stuck in Newcastle for all of the first lockdown (March-June/ August-December I was alone), so when I was home (July), I avoided London to reduce any risk of catching and passing COVID to my family.

I relied mostly on finding sources online, which was difficult at first, but I saw it as a challenge and it became really exciting (as when I actually found something useful, I felt like a detective). I did also try to make use of the university library.

I hope you found this interesting, I found it quite exciting because growing up, I was always told old war stories as my Grandad was a part of the Italian Resistance (in Popoli) during the war, but I never understood the significance of what he was up against until now.

Figure 1.1. Mussolini in Front of the Colosseum - - Lasansky, D. Medina,The Renaissance Perfected; Architecture, Spectacle, and Tourism in Fascist Italy, 1st edn (Pennsylvania:The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004). Page 1 Figure 1.2.The Colosseum – https://monovisions.com/rome-italy-19th-century-historic-bw-photos/ Figure 1.3(i). Locations of Key Monuments (Marked in Red by Author) - https://www.romaierioggi.it/piano-topografico-1903/ Figure 1.3(ii). Locations of Monuments to be "Liberated" (1903) (Marked in Red by Author) - https://www.romaierioggi.it/piano-topografico-1903/ Figure 1.3(iii). Locations of Monuments After “Liberation” (1931) (Marked in Red by Author) - https://www.romaierioggi.it/piano-regolatore-di-roma-1931/ Figure 1.4.The Monuments in Regard to their Location - Authors Own Figure 1.5 - Rome City Skyline: Along the Via Dell'Impero - Author Own Figure 1.6(i) - The Altare Della Patria (Before its "Liberation") - https://vittoriano.beniculturali.it/en/history/victor-emmanuel-iii-and-inauguration-1911 Figure 1.6(ii) - Highlighting What was Sacrificed (Highlighted in by Author) - https://vittoriano.beniculturali.it/en/history/victor-emmanuel-iii-and-inauguration-1911 Figure 1.6(iii) - The Altare Della Patria ("Liberated") - https://www.ecosia.org/images?q=arial%20photograph%20of%20altare%20 della%20patria#id=559DA3CBD21BD1DDD64CC955CD1A93ADF7676CAD Figure 1.7 - 1903 Map of Rome/ 'Connect-the-Dots' (Marked in Red by Author) - https://www.romaierioggi.it/piano-topografico-1903/ Figure 1.8(i). Connecting the Dots (Market in Red by Author) - https://www.romaierioggi.it/piano-topografico-1903/ Figure 1.8(ii). Area to be demolished (Highlighted in Red by Author) - https://www.romaierioggi.it/piano-topografico-1903/ Figure 1.8(iii). Map 1931 - Highlighting Connection (Highlighted in Red by Author) - https://www.romaierioggi.it/piano-regolatore-di-roma-1931/ Figure 1.9(i) - Alessandrino District (Marked in Red by Author) - https://romeonrome.com/2015/02/the-life-and-death-of-via-deifori-imperiali-1932-2015/ Figure 1.9(ii) – Photograph Showing the Result of Demolitions - https://romeonrome.com/2015/02/the-life-and-death-of-via-deifori-imperiali-1932-2015/ Figure 1.10 - Map Highlighting the Covered Area of the Forums (Marked in Red by Author) - https://www.flickriver.com/photos/ imperial_fora_of_rome/3780244516/ Figure 1.11. Arial shot, highlighting the new Via Dell'Impero following completion. - – Basso Peressut, Luca, and Pier Federico Caliari, Piranesi Prix de Rome: progetti per la nuova Via dei Fori Imperiali (Florence: Aión edizioni, 2017). Page 99 (Page 16 on the Pdf Spread) Figure 1.12(i). Piazza Venezia Plan (1885) - Authors Own (Based on Plan) - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victor_Emmanuel_II_ Monument#/media/File:Area_demolizioni_Vittoriano.png Figure 1.12(ii). Piazza Venezia Plan (1903) - Authors Own Figure 1.12(iii). Piazza Venezia Plan (1931) - Authors Own Figure 1.13(i). Piazza Venezia (1885) - https://www.radicidelpresente.it/en/the-history-of-piazza-venezia/ Figure 1.13(ii). Piazza Venezia (1932) - http://www.angelotrusiani.it/cartoline-fori-piazza-venezia.htm Figure 1.14 "When Mussolini spoke from his balcony on the Palazzo Venezia and declared the new fascist empire on May 9th, 1936, he shouted to the crowd, "Are you worthy of it?" The crowd, of course roared back "Yes!" - http://www.thehistoryblog.com/ wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Mussolini-balcony-Palazzo-Venezia.jpg Figure 1.15. Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini on the Palazzo Venezia's Balcony - https://www.romaierioggi.it/il-famoso-balcone-di-piazza-venezia/ Figure 1.16. La Domenica del Corrier – October 1932 - https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1dfnt2b.15?seq=12#metadata_info_tab_ contents

(CHAPTER 2 ILLUSTRATIONS ARE ON NEXT PAGE) 50

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CHAPTER 2

Figure 2.1. Mussolini Delivery a Troop Rally Insdie the Colosseum. - https://ozhanozturk.com/2019/02/18/2-dunya-savasinin-nedenleri-sonuclari/ Figure 2.2. Piazza del’Littorio - 'Fascist' Monument Location - Ridolfi, Mario, Concorso per il Palazzo Littorio e della Mostra della rivoluzione fascista. Relazione ([S.l.]: [s.n.], 1934). Page 20 Figure 2.3. Detailed Massing Model of the Project (Annotations in Red by Author) - - Ridolfi, Mario, Concorso per il Palazzo Littorio e della Mostra della rivoluzione fascista. Relazione ([S.l.]: [s.n.], 1934). Page 76 Figure 2.4. Basilica Maxentius and Fascist Propaganda (Propaganda Highlighted in Red by Author) - https://romeonrome.com/2015/02/the-lifeand-death-of-via-dei-fori-imperiali-1932-2015/ Figure 2.5. Site Plan (with Fascist monument) - Ridolfi, Mario, Concorso per il Palazzo Littorio e della Mostra della rivoluzione fascista. Relazione ([S.l.]: [s.n.], 1934) Page 80 Figure 2.6. Atmospheric Drawing (a) – Highlighting the Colosseum - – Ridolfi, Mario, Concorso per il Palazzo Littorio e della Mostra della rivoluzione fascista. Relazione ([S.l.]: [s.n.], 1934). Page 71 Figure 2.7(i) Palazzo Venezia - Balcony (Marked in Red by Author) – https://www.akg-images.co.uk/archive/-2UMEBMB9V8QYG.html Figure 2.7(ii) Fascist Monument - Balcony (Marked in Red by Author) – Ridolfi, Mario, Concorso per il Palazzo Littorio e della Mostra della rivoluzione fascista. Relazione ([S.l.]: [s.n.], 1934). Page 67 Figure 2.7(iii) Palazzo Venezia - Pickaxe (Marked in Red by Author) – https://www.akg-images.co.uk/archive/-2UMEBMB9V8QYG.html Figure 2.7(iv) Fa/scist Monument - Pickaxes (Marked in Red by Author) – Ridolfi, Mario, Concorso per il Palazzo Littorio e della Mostra della rivoluzione fascista. Relazione ([S.l.]: [s.n.], 1934). Page 67 Figure 2. 8 - Atmospheric Drawing (b) - Facing towards the Corre Dei Torre and The Piazza Venezia - Ridolfi, Mario, Concorso per il Palazzo Littorio e della Mostra della rivoluzione fascista. Relazione ([S.l.]: [s.n.], 1934). Page 96 Figure 2. 9 - Elevation of Fascist Monument (collaged by Author) - - Ridolfi, Mario, Concorso per il Palazzo Littorio e della Mostra della rivoluzione fascista. Relazione ([S.l.]: [s.n.], 1934). Page 50 Figure 2.10. Piazza Venezia during Mussolini Speech, 1936 - http://www.ila-chateau.com/magnolia/ Figure 2.11(i). Piazza Venezia - http://www.angelotrusiani.it/cartoline-fori-piazza-venezia.htm Figure 2.11(ii). Public Space (Highlighted in Red by Author) - http://www.angelotrusiani.it/cartoline-fori-piazza-venezia.htm Figure 2.11(iii). Highlighting the symmetry/ deliberate framing - http://www.angelotrusiani.it/cartoline-fori-piazza-venezia.htm Figure 2.12. Hitler Youth Marching 1936 - the Colosseum in the background - https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-german-youths-marching-inrome-italy-september-9-1936-127490273.html Figure 2.13 Mussolini inspecting the Via dell'Impero. - https://www.doppiozero.com/materiali/monumento-continuo (It's also the cover image for Painter JR's - 'Mussolini's Rome.'

Figure 2.14. Comparison Between Altare Della Patria and a Re-imagined Foro Augustus from the Via Dell'Impero - (Authors Own) Figure 2.15(i) Propaganda (a) Mussolini Swinging the Pickaxe - https://www-bridgemaneducation-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/2778334/ summary Figure 2.15(ii) Propaganda (b) Donating of Rings to the War Effort - https://www.pinterest.it/pin/517702919658162766/ Figure 2.15(iii) Propaganda (c) Military Parade. - https://www.maremagnum.com/quotidiani/la-domenica-del-corriere-4-10-giugno-1939-annoxli-n-24/130028093 Figure 2.16(i). Monuments ‘Back-drop.’ (Highlighted in Red by Author) - https://www-bridgemaneducation-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/2778334/summary Figure 2.16(ii) Mussolini and Workers (Highlighted in Red by Author) - https://www-bridgemaneducation-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/2778334/summary Figure 2.16(iii) Buildings to be demolished (Highlighted in Red by Author) - https://www-bridgemaneducation-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/en/asset/2778334/summary Figure 2.17(i). Mussolini Body Posture (Highlighted in Red by Author) - https://www.maremagnum.com/quotidiani/la-domenica-del-corriere-4-10giugno-1939-anno-xli-n-24/130028093 Figure 2.17(ii) Salute is Imperial - https://www.neh.gov/divisions/research/featured-project/looking-the-antichrist-sign-the-times-in-rome Figure 2.17(iii). Militaristic Use (Highlighted in Red by Author) - https://www.maremagnum.com/quotidiani/la-domenica-del-corriere-4-10-giugno1939-anno-xli-n-24/130028093 Figure 2.18. Postcard Showing the New Via dell'Impero - https://www.delcampe.net/en_GB/collectables/postcards/italy-roma-rome/places/via-dellimpero-roma-lazio-c-1920-verdesi-cartolina-562147536.html Figure 2.19(i). March on Via dell'Impero - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Via_dei_Fori_Imperiali#/media/File:Roma_parata_fori_anni_30.jpg Figure 2.19(ii). Military demonstration in the Piazza Venezia - https://www.ecosia.org/images?q=Piazza%20Venezia%20Mussolini&originalQuery=piazza%20venezia&expansion=%257B%2522text%2522%253A%2522Piazza%2520Venezia%2520Mussolini%2522%252C%2522displayText%2522%253A%2522Mussolini%2522%252C%2522thumbnailURL%2522%253A%2522https% 253A%252F%252Ftse1.mm.bing.net%252Fth%253Fq%253DPiazza%252BVenezia%252BMussolini%2526pid%253DApi%2526mkt%253Den-GB%2526adlt%253Dmoderate%2526t%253D1%2522%257D#id=969CB24D62BD031C6C674175E7B015DF67A44959 Figure 2.20. Aeroritratto di Mussolini Aviatore (Aerial Portrait of Mussolini) - Ambrasi Alfredo, 1930 - https://i.pinimg.com/originals/b9/6a/49/ b96a497bb7083082b1426b597154c643.jpg Figure 2.21.The new Fascist Generation - https://www.ecosia.org/images?q=Mussolini%20fascist%20children#id=836CEFEC628BCF51545AD9FB9F52C311BDF6C892 Figure 2.22. Mussolini Visiting Young Soldiers - https://www.ecosia.org/images?q=mussolini%20with%20children%20soldiers#id=C2CAA13FD5277C25BAFBA5EBA3E8F0B522E7F833 Figure 2.23. Propaganda in School Classrooms - https://www.ecosia.org/images/?q=Mussolini%20propaganda%20classroom#id=8DAD1E7EAE4B9E00EDDEC756EE9BF936B900FE72

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Figure 3.1.The Effects of Fascism upon Central Rome (Arial Photographs - ABOVE_ Before any interventions (1910) MIDDLE_ Represents 1930 (it is however the same photo as below, just editied by Author) BELOW_ Result After 2010's.) - https://rometheimperialfora19952010.files. wordpress.com/2014/07/fori-report-2014-introduction-comments1.pdf (Page 7) Figure 3.2 Altare Della Patria - (Edited by Author) https://www.askideas.com/45-most-beautiful-altare-della-patria-rome-pictures-and-photos/ Figure 3.3.Tourist Map - Showing the Adaption of Monumentalism - http://ontheworldmap.com/italy/city/rome/rome-travel-map.jpg Figure 3.4. Photograph of Via dell'Impero - (Authors Own) Figure 3.5 Photograph Along the Via dell'Impero - (Authors Own) Figure 3.6 Photograph of the Via Dell Mare - (Authors Own) Figure 3.7. Photographs of the displayed propaganda - (Authors Own) Figure 3.8 Visible Discolouration - Effects of Acidic Rain (During Clear Sky) - https://1sthoursciencegroup1.weebly.com/economist.html Figure 3.9 Section – Showing How the Metro Would be used to showcase History – Filippo Lambertucci, ‘Archaeology for Commuters.The San Giovanni Archaeo-Station on the New Metro Line C in Rome.’, Elsevier, 1, 2018, 11. Page 101 (7/11) Figure 3.10. Photographs Showing Interaction with Exhibit - Photograph of Exhibition Inside the Metro – Filippo Lambertucci, ‘Archaeology for Commuters.The San Giovanni Archaeo-Station on the New Metro Line C in Rome.’, Elsevier, 1, 2018, 11. Page 104 (10/11)

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