Jessica Male Dissertation

Jessica Male 180260621 Gropius the Expressionist: An Analysis of Walter Gropius’s Expressionist Phase and its Significance in the Study of 20th Century Architecture Tutor: Katie Lloyd Thomas Word count: 8405 (of which 879 words are footnotes) COVID adaptation account on p. 6

Gropius the Expressionist An Analysis of Walter Gropius’s Expressionist Phase and its Significance in the Study of 20th Century Architecture

ARC3060 Dissertation Jessica Male 180260621

With many thanks to Katie Lloyd Thomas for her support and guidance in the development of arguments and writing of this dissertation.

I’d also like to thank Elizabeth Baldwin-Grey for inspiring the ideas behind this subject.

COVID-19 Adaptation Account

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Abstract

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Introduction

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Chapter 1: Before the Bauhaus

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Pre-War Work Origins of the Expressionism War Service Weimar Culture and the Rise of Expressionism

Chapter 2: The Expressionist Years

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Bauhaus Manifesto Monument to the March Dead Expressionist Connections Expressionism at the Bauhaus

Chapter 3: The Return to Rationalism

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The Denial Societal Change and External Pressure Criticism and Opposition

Conclusion

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Bibliography

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List of Figures

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COVID-19 Adaptation Account Covid-19 has, like all aspects of our everyday lives, impacted this dissertation, namely in the research and illustration stages.

Given the restricted access to libraries, it was more difficult to source books, meaning in some cases I had to use limited online versions, and only where available.

Fortunately, I had taken out a significant quantity of books before the library closed and I made use of Google Scholar, so finding research materials wasn’t too challenging.

The pandemic also meant I wasn’t able to conduct site visits to gain first-hand experience or take my own photographs of the work under analysis. Specifically, I would have liked to visit Weimar to gain my own primary reading of the Monument to the March Dead in the town’s cemetery. Instead, I interpreted images online and in books to visually analyse work.

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Abstract The years immediately following the First World War saw Walter Gropius turn to Expressionism, a move which was reflected in the Bauhaus. I became interested in this anomalous period in his career because the expressionist roots of the Bauhaus remain mostly unknown today, overshadowed by the modernist style the school is now renowned for.

Researching this period challenged me to consider the relevance of anomalous phases in architectural careers, questioning in this case if we should study it in earnest, or dismiss it as another emotional response to the war.

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Figure 2: Timeline showing key work and events relevant to this dissertation

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Introduction ‘Feeling is truly the source of invention of creative power, in short, of form’.1 This quote, taken from a 1920 article by Bauhaus founder, Walter Gropius, reveals the deeply emotive side of a man normally associated with the modernist, rational philosophy of the school he had established a year prior. Despite this universal perception of the Bauhaus, the school’s early years were marked by a radically expressionist energy, fuelled by Gropius himself, who had turned to Expressionism after the traumatic events of the First World War. Although this period lasted just four years before the school developed the modernist style we know of it today, it was a significant formative time for both the Bauhaus and Gropius’s architectural career, and yet due to its seemingly anomalous nature it has frequently been overlooked or dismissed. This dissertation will thoroughly examine the period of Expressionism, including its origins and outputs, as well as its significance for Gropius’s career, the Bauhaus and 20th century architecture.

Figure 3: The African Chair

by Marcel Breuer and Gunta Stölzl (1921)

Figure 4: Gropius’s Sommerfeld House (1921) shows the romantic side of the early Bauhaus. Despite featuring some expressionistic detailing, the house is not explored in depth as this dissertation focuses on the psychological rather than material aspect of the movement

Walter Gropius, “Neues Rauen”, Der Holzbau, supplement to the Deutsche Bauzeitung , 5 (1920) as cited in Wolfgang Pehnt, "Gropius The Romantic", The Art Bulletin, 53.3 (1971), 379-392 (p. 386). <https://doi.org/10.2307/3048871>.

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The universal perception of the Bauhaus.

Figure 5: The Dessau building (above) with its rational style, iconic glass façade and stylistic typography is the image commonly associated with the Bauhaus Figure 6: (left) The Wassily Chair (1925-6) was designed by the same student as the African chair (Breuer) 4 years later, showing the transition of the school from Expressionism to Rationalism Figure 7: (right) Abstract geometry became the new focus of the school, as in Composition Z VIII by Moholy-Nagy

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The relationship of the war to the rise of Expressionism is both causation and correlation, since the movement had already been popular in Germany in the early 1910s, but also saw a resurgence in the post-war climate of a country set on dramatic societal change. Due to the movement’s key position in understanding this topic, it is important to define the term ‘Expressionism’ in relation specifically to this dissertation, especially given its often vague application to varied styles and its overlaps with similar ‘isms’.

Expressionism refers to the artistic movement prevalent in early 20 th century Germany, characterised by strong, unrealistic use of colour, distortion of form, an arbitrary treatment of space and a disregard of light and shade. Although Expressionism defied aesthetic conventions, it was not pure abstraction, rather an alteration of reality to exaggerate the emotion felt by the artist. 2 Architecturally, Expressionism freed itself from formal conventions like symmetry, perpendicularity and rectilinear form. Through this use of bold colour, striking, powerful form and immersive spatial application, it aimed to convey the personal and emotional responses of the artist to external stimuli.

This dissertation will focus on the psychological aspect of Expressionism, examining work in terms of the emotion the artist wanted to express as well as the feeling it evokes in the viewer. Alongside visual and spatial expression, the expressionists wanted to bring dramatic change to post-war Germany, overturning the status quo with a spiritual revolution. Through the chaos of their forms, they challenged not only traditional, conventional art, but the accepted norms of society and the hierarchy of the ruling class, envisioning a socialist future.

2

Charles L Kuhn, German Expressionism And Abstract Art (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), p. 22.

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Expressionist architecture: Exaggerated form and treatment of space

Expressionist art: Distorted form and bold, unrealistic colour

Fig. 8: Einstein Tower, Erich Mendelsohn, 1921

Fig. 9: Street, Dresden, Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, 1908

Fig. 10: Grundtvig’s Church, Peter JensenKlimt, 1921-6

Fig. 12: Dancing House, Frank Gehry, 1992

Fig. 11: Stadtbild aus Soest, Karl SchmidtRottluff, 1923

Fig. 13: Composition IV, Wassily Kandinsky, 1911

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Existing research on this four years of Expressionism is limited as many, including Gropius himself, have dismissed the period. The extent to which Gropius even belonged to the expressionist movement has not been properly established, as highlighted by Wolfgang Pehnt in his 1971 article, ‘Gropius the Romantic’. Although Pehnt touches on similar themes and focal points to this dissertation, he explores more generally the relationship between Romanticism and Modernism in Gropius’s work, rather than focusing specifically on its expressionist links between 1919 and 1923. Other literature relating to the topic includes biographies by Reginald Isaacs (1991) and the more recent ‘Walter Gropius: Visionary Founder of the Bauhaus’ (2019), which both use Gropius’s correspondences to document his upbringing, personal experiences of the war, and thinking pre- and post-war. Due to their broad scopes, these works understandably do not analyse the causes and significance specifically of the four year expressionist period. For analysis of this expressionist turn, there is ‘Walter Gropius and the Founding of the Bauhaus at Weimar’ by Marcel Franciscono, which discusses the phase openly and in depth, as well as the 1919 Bauhaus manifesto, a primary source which provides great insight into Gropius’s initial objectives for the school. The German Expressionist movement is well documented in books, articles and exhibition catalogues, but much of the expressionist work at the Bauhaus is overlooked. For instance, the catalogue for the 1938 Bauhaus exhibition at the MoMA hides all expressionist work at the back, and dismisses the school’s early direction in an introduction by Alexander Dorner.

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This dissertation aims to counteract this erasure, examining the aims and origins of this four year Expressionist period, and ultimately establishing its significance for Gropius and the Bauhaus, as well as for 20th century architectural history. As research, primary written sources like Gropius’s 1919 Bauhaus manifesto were analysed, as well as secondary literature sources and close interpretation of visual material. Since in-person site visits were not possible during the research process, images of work, including a key monument designed by Gropius in 1921, have been consulted for visual analysis.

Using a chronological structure, the dissertation’s methodology will begin by assessing Gropius’s pre-war work and thought in Chapter 1, showing how this contrasts with the expressionist outputs of Gropius and the early Bauhaus in Chapter 2. The final chapter will then analyse Gropius’s move away from Expressionism, indicating how his work after 1923 returns to a similar style and approach to before the war. It shall also identify the reasons for his philosophical shifts at each stage, in order contextualise them. Ultimately, the dissertation will determine the relevance of the period in the study of 20th century architecture, establishing what insight can be gained into Gropius, the Bauhaus and historical society from analysis of this seemingly anomalous expressionist phase.

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Chapter 1: Before the Bauhaus Despite a few signs of Expressionism, Gropius’s industrially-focused pre-war work appears as a natural precursor to his later career centred around the Bauhaus and Modernism. Thus, the four year Expressionist interruption can be distinguished as a phase, triggered by the war, as opposed to the entire period of his career prior to 1923.

Pre-War Work In terms of constructed work, the only signs of Gropius’s expressionist side was in the farm buildings commissioned by his Uncle Erich, for which Gropius designed dramatic gabled roofs and areas of half-timbered, Germanic façade. Gropius later referred to these buildings, both romantic and vernacular in design, as ‘youthful sins’, indicating the later shame he experienced towards his non-rationalist work. 3

Figure 14: The Granary building at Janikow (1905) expresses traditional Germanic vernacular in its half-timbered, ‘fairy-tale’ tower and exaggerated gables

3

Reginald R Isaacs, Gropius (Boston: Bulfinch Press, 1991), p. 14.

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Three years later, in 1908, Gropius found employment at the Berlin office of Peter Behrens. The practice embraced the new challenges of urbanisation, specialising in socially-conscious industrial architecture. It was through Behrens and their close personal and professional relationships that Gropius was introduced to many architectural values.4 Having left Behrens’s office in 1910, the new practice Gropius established received its first major commission a year later. This commission was for the Fagus factory, which manufactured shoe lasts, and is a critical example of Gropius’s pre-war capability in industrial design. The factory’s wrap-around, glazed façade spans multiple storeys and is without terminal piers of masonry, giving the structure a sense of lightness and simplicity.5 (See fig. 16). Gropius’s proficiency with the materials and processes of early modernist design, shown in the rectilinear form and use of large expanses of glass, contrasts with the subjective, emotive philosophy underpinning the expressionist outputs produced between 1919 and 1923. It also indicates that after his expressionist phase, when Gropius began designing in the rationalist, modern style for which he became famous, it was not the adoption of an entirely new philosophy, but actually the return to a previous affinity developed before the war. Thus, the similarity in style between his work pre-war and post1923 outlines his expressionist sentiment as a phase.

4

Gilbert Lupfer and Paul Sigel, Walter Gropius, 1883-1969 (Cologne: Taschen, 2004) p. 8.

5

Carsten Krohn, Walter Gropius, Buildings and Projects (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2019), p. 28.

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Figure 15: The Fagus factory (1911) is evidence of Gropius’s early proficiency in industrial design

Figure 16: The glazed façade, with its recessed piers of masonry and open corners, is an example of early Modernism 17

However, the period of Expressionism that interrupted this focus on industrial design is not always clearly defined. A speech Gropius gave in Leipzig in 1919 entitled ‘Baugeist oder Krämertum’ concentrated on machinery and mass production, and reused lines from a 1913 essay of his on the development of modern industrial construction.6 The subject matter and rationalistic tone of the speech is surprising when compared with the Bauhaus manifesto of the same year, which had quasireligious connotations. The timing of the speech demonstrates that some of Gropius’s technologically-forward thinking survived the war period, leaving him with conflicting points of view that he made little effort to reconcile.

According to Marcel Franciscono, author of Walter Gropius and the Creation of the Bauhaus at Weimar, the pre- and post-war Gropius are often seen as 2 distinct people, but the reality is not so easily distinguishable.7 Here, he is referring to the overlapping of Gropius’s expressionist and rationalist ideas at the beginning of his career. As highlighted by the Leipzig speech, Gropius maintained some of his technically-focused ideas immediately after the war, and eventually recentred around these by 1923. The fact that his expressionist thought occurred alongside an enduring, underlying attraction to industrial design, emphasises the temporary nature of this period of Expressionism.

Marcel Franciscono, Walter Gropius And The Creation Of The Bauhaus In Weimar (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971), p. 18.

7 Franciscono, p. 16.

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Origins of the Expressionism There are numerous potential factors which contributed to Gropius’s expressionistic phase between 1919-23. It is possible these were myriad factors, but the main apparent causes of his turn to Expressionism can be roughly split into three: his upbringing and personal outlook on the world, his traumatic war experience, and the general, liberal climate of Weimar Germany. Gropius’s frontline service during the First World War and the psychological impact this had on him is arguably the most specific and significant cause, whilst the more general post-war culture, society and his view on this played more subtle roles in influencing the expressionist turn.

Gropius’s worldview, developed from his childhood and personal life, had always leant itself to some of the ideas of Expressionism. When asked his favourite colour, a young Gropius would assert, ‘multi-coloured is my favourite colour’, an openminded approach that remained with him into adulthood. 8 This acceptance of variety allows for a movement as broad and diverse as Expressionism, which lacked one set policy or rigid style of working. Artistic diversity can be seen not just in Expressionism, but also in the Bauhaus itself, with the faculty’s wide mix of characters and the programme’s broad range of disciplines, from film to furniture design. The development of Gropius’s varied approach can be traced back to his privileged yet liberal upbringing in Berlin, from which he, from a young age, was exposed to many forms of the arts. 9 For instance, the Alte and Neue Pinakothek art galleries were opposite the school he attended in 1903, meaning a 20 year-old Gropius could spend his free time gaining inspiration from the old masters and French Impressionists on display there.10 This early introduction made Gropius more susceptible to art in general, but specifically a movement as diverse and sociallyaware as Expressionism.

MacCarthy, p. 11.

Isaacs, p. 4.

10 Isaacs, p. 10.

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His embracing of variety is also rooted in the key expressionist concept of the Gesamtkunstwerk, a term meaning the unification of arts to form one allencompassing piece.11 The concept was possibly introduced to him by Antoni Gaudi, during his 1907 trip to Barcelona. It was during this year-long travelling of Spain that Gropius first encountered the work of the Catalan architect, who at the time was working on La Sagrada Família (fig. 17). Although the work and philosophy of the two architects would appear to be wholly opposite, Gropius was inspired by Gaudi’s passion and eccentric style, seemingly independent from a formal architectural movement. His experience of Gaudi’s work would later influence the prophetic tone of the Bauhaus’s 1919 manifesto and its quasi-religious, spiritual declarations.

Gropius’s early exposure to expressionist principles indicates that the post-war period was not totally random, but in fact the realisation of ideas developed from childhood, the shift to which probably triggered by his impactful war experience.

Figure 17: Gropius visited Gaudi (who was working on La Sagrada Familia) on his 1907 trip around Spain

Figure 18: The expressionist fervour with which Gaudi worked inspired a young Gropius

Peter Guenther, ‘An Introduction to the Expressionist Movement’, in German Expressionist Prints and Drawings, ed. by Karen Jacobson (Munich: Prestel-Verlag, 1989), pp. 1-37 (p. 7).

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The War Service As previously mentioned, the effects of Gropius’s First World War service must be analysed as a crucial explanation for his expressionist turn. For Gropius, who was at this point in his mid-30s, his experiences on the frontlines shaped him both physically and mentally for years to come, and caused considerable change in his design philosophy in the four years directly after.

Having served in the prestigious Hussar Regiment, Gropius already had a military background, and was therefore drafted immediately to fight upon the breakout of war. Initially, he approached his war service with a sense of duty, but by 1916 his attitude had transformed entirely. Physically and emotionally exhausted, he recognised that his turmoil was not confined to him, but reflected across Germany as a whole, foreseeing that the war would decimate his country. In a letter to his mother, he describes himself as, ‘livid with rage, sitting here in chains through this mad war which kills any meaning of life’.12 In short, Gropius felt frustrated, resentful, and powerless to change his desperate situation.

During the course of the war, Gropius suffered numerous, traumatic events. These are relevant as specific examples of his devastating war time experiences, which affected him for some time after, and in some cases caused lifelong mental damage.

He describes the death of his Captain, who was shot in the heart while stood next to him, and the loss of many of his comrades in a single attack in November of 1914.

Gropius experienced first-hand the potential devastating power of military technology when on the 1st of January 1915, a mortar grenade exploded in front of him. Although mostly uninjured, he suffered terrible shock as a result. 13 Following a bombardment of a stronghold in a battle near Reims in 1918, Gropius, one of the only survivors of his contingent, was buried alive in the rubble. Trapped beneath debris and breathing thanks only to a nearby flue, he spent 2 days evaluating himself, his life and his future, before he was eventually rescued.14

12

Isaacs, p. 49.

Isaacs, p. 41.

14 Isaacs, p. 56.

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However Gropius’s troubles were not limited to his distressing military service, as the war had come in a time of great personal struggle for him, via his turbulent marriage to prominent Viennese composer and socialite, Alma Mahler. Mahler was inconsistent in her correspondences to him; Gropius knew his marriage was in jeopardy but was still unaware until August 1918 of her affair with another man.15 This revelation worsened his mental state even further, as outlined in a letter to his mother, which described his nerves as ‘shattered’ and his mind ‘darkened’. 16 The coinciding of these tremendously difficult life events unsurprisingly changed Gropius’s outlook on the world and his position in it, and the psychological effects of this alteration can be seen in the work he produced in the following few years.

The impact of this period on Gropius, and the subsequent founding of the Bauhaus, is significant, and explains its emotionally driven and radically spiritual formative years.

On a personal level, Gropius had suffered emotional exhaustion, physical disability and losses of family and friends as well as his inner sense of peace and order.17 These devastating consequences fell alongside the crushing defeat of his country, which suffered years of economic hardship and spiritual fatigue. Nevertheless, Gropius was able to take some advantage out of the situation, as the post-war tension and violence forced him into action after his release from service on the 18th of November 1918. It was in this regard that the Bauhaus was founded on the back of the chaos and destitution of the First World War.18 Gropius drafted specific plans for the school – including establishing its aims, requirements and the nature of its students, faculty and curriculum – during his time fighting on the frontlines.19 It is evident therefore that the school, specifically its radical drive for change, was heavily shaped by these wartime experiences. It is also probable that the development of the early Bauhaus was a direct response to the ideas Gropius conceived because of the war, since he founded the school immediately following his release from service in November 1918.

15

Oliver Hilmes Malevolent Muse: The Life of Alma Mahler, trans. by Donald Arthur (Boston: Northeastern University Press,

2015) p. 124.

16 Isaacs, p. 49.

17 Isaacs, p. 59.

18 19

Fiona MacCarthy, p. 102.

Isaacs, p. 46.

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Weimar Culture and the Rise of Expressionism In the aftermath of the First World War, history moved swiftly in Germany and across Europe. The Kaiser abdicated and a more liberal government, the Weimar Republic, was established. Gropius’s Bauhaus was naturally influenced by the rapidlyevolving cultural context within which it was founded. People in Europe wanted dramatic societal and political change after the devastation of the war, and the arts developed accordingly to meet these demands and respond to the post-war social tension. Since many styles and movements appeared and evolved in reaction to the war, art in the first half of the 20th century was a confusing array of experimentation.20 The search for a new approach to life lead to the development of many ‘isms’, including Dadaism, Surrealism and Neoplasticism, all of which found an audience in the more liberal, progressive Weimar society, with its renewed appreciation for culture and the arts.21 One of the movements that flourished under the new Weimar culture was Expressionism. Although this had emerged a decade before the war started, its postwar resurgence was purely reactionary. Part of the reason for its renewed popularity was its promise of spiritual revolution in a society keen for radical change. In such a turbulent time, exaggerated depictions of the world became popular means of expressing subjective reactions to the hardships this generation had suffered.

However, this movement was not just a spiritual awakening but also inherently political in its criticism of society.22 It challenged societal norms by distorting traditional styles of artistic representation in a confrontational, defiant manner. After a period of such despair and suffering, Expressionism appealed to people like Gropius as it offered an outlet for portraying the vast array of emotions born from the chaos of war. Furthermore, Gropius’s aforementioned acceptance of variety was a defining characteristic of Expressionism.23 Its ambition and revolutionary undertone allowed artists to cultivate a radical new approach to life, free from pre-war social structures and norms.

Charles L Kuhn, German Expressionism And Abstract Art (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), p. 3.

Barbara Miller Lane, Architecture And Politics In Germany 1918-1945, 2nd edn (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985), p. 6.

22 Wolf-Dieter Dube, ‘Introduction’, in German Expressionism: Art and Society, ed. by Wolf-Dieter Dube and Stephanie Barron (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, 1997), pp. 15-22 (p. 16).

23 Paul Vogt, ‘Introduction’, in Expressionism: A German Intuition 1905-1920, ed. by Paul Vogt (New York: The Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation, 1980), pp. 16-23 (p. 16).

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Chapter 2: The Expressionist Years The following chapter aims to outline the key evidence of Expressionism in Gropius’s work and at the Bauhaus in the postwar years (1919-23). Its analysis of the 1919 manifesto, Gropius’s 1922 Monument and the network of expressionists surrounding Gropius are the main points of evidence highlighting this period as anomalous.

The Bauhaus Manifesto Given the expressionistic nature of its content, tone and language, the manifesto originally written for the school by Gropius in 1919 is important evidence of the school’s founding philosophy and intentions. The text’s opening assertion, (“The ultimate aim of all visual arts is the complete building.24”), alludes to the aforementioned concept of Gesamtkunstwerk, or total work of art, that Gropius had adopted from his meeting with Antoni Gaudi. In the school. Gropius wanted to unify the arts and crafts, countering the ‘arrogant class barrier’ which had traditionally divided artists from craftsmen.

This concept was posed as the ultimate goal of a spiritual revolution, which Gropius and the expressionists called for in the aftermath of the First World War. Through its powerful and expressive use of language, the 1919 manifesto highlights Gropius’s ambitious vision for the future of Germany. Gropius recognised that the young people he sought to attract to the cause wanted radical societal change, which a calmer, objective approach would fail to express. The closing line of the text is perhaps the most characteristic example of this point, a final call for the embracing of “architecture and sculpture and painting in one unity and which will one day rise toward heaven from the hands of a million workers like the crystal symbol of a new faith”.25 Not only is this statement’s language strong and emotive, it also conveys clear religious symbolism in the reference to ‘heaven’ and a ‘new faith’, as well as socialist connotations through the mention of workers coming together. The allusions to religion, socialism and spiritualism indicate the close links between expressionist thought and Gropius’s vision for the Bauhaus upon its conception.

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Walter Gropius, “Programme of the Staatliches Bauhaus in Weimar”, in Bauhaus 1919-1928, ed. by Herbert Bayer, Walter Gropuis and Ise Gropius (Boston: Charles T. Branford Company, [1919] 1952), pp. 5-6 (p. 5).

25

Ibid.

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Figure 19: Cathedral by Lyonel Feininger illustrated the 1919 Manifesto. Its dramatic, up-thrusting linework and religious imagery visualised the ‘rise toward heaven’ referenced in the text 25

Visually, the expressionistic themes hailed in the manifesto were illustrated by Lyonel Feininger’s woodcut, nicknamed the ‘Cathedral of Socialism’. Woodcuts were highly popular among the expressionists, given the technique’s intrinsic need for abbreviated linework and reductive strokes, creating bold and simplified representations of form.26 The religious imagery and up-thrusting structure of this piece visualises the ‘rise toward heaven’ that Gropius refers to in the text. Its angular, vertical form also shows striking similarity to Gropius’s 1922 Monument to the March Dead, a sculpture that rises dramatically to the sky and represents the power of proletarian workers, as referred to in the last line of the manifesto text.

With the aspirant, spiritual tone of the initial manifesto, Gropius aimed to attract radical and ambitious young people to the cause. The school’s first ‘call to arms’ was a success- attracting 245 students from across Germany, the highest enrolment it would ever have.27 The significance of this manifesto, which documents the school’s initial aims in writing, is clear as it evidences how Gropius integrated his expressionist thinking of the time into the founding of the Bauhaus. Furthermore, its fervent, expressionist tone was effective in attracting students from across Germany, building the popularity of the school and laying the groundwork for the institution to become internationally-renowned.

Peter Guenther, ‘An Introduction to the Expressionist Movement’, in German Expressionist Prints and Drawings, ed. by Karen Jacobson (Munich: Prestel-Verlag, 1989), pp. 1-37 (p. 2).

27 Adrian Sudhalter, ’14 Years Bauhaus: A Chronicle’, in Bauhaus 1919-1933: Workshops for Modernity, ed. by Barry Bergdoll and Leah Dickerman (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2009), pp. 323-337 (p. 323).

26

26

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The Monument to the March Dead With the dynamic energy of a lightning bolt, Gropius’s Monument to the March Dead is critical evidence of Expressionism within his physical work. The monument thrusts 3 and a half metres upwards from the ground in an angular series of jagged, concrete plates, which move first rapidly around 3 horizontal sides, before shooting diagonally into the vertical plane (see fig. 24). This highly-charged and unapologetically-expressionist form was designed not only to convey emotion, but to evoke an emotional response from the viewer. Gropius deploys an awareness of space, outlining a defined area and preparing those within it for a sudden explosion of form. The upthrust of the concrete in a single direction forces the observer to follow its path, as it starts from ground level and rises far beyond the human scale.

Surrounding and looming well above the human figure, the immersive experience of the sculpture intimidates, but also inspires and stimulates.

Germany’s post war years saw much political unrest, forming the backdrop for attempted coups from both ends of the political spectrum. One of the most notable of these uprisings was the Kapp Putsch of March 1920, where right-wing usurpers attempted to forcibly seize power from the Weimar government. Nine Weimar workmen were shot and killed in the suppression of this revolt, before it was ultimately defeated by a general strike. Whilst many Bauhaus students attended the funeral of the workers killed, Gropius merely watched from the window, his absence the result of persuasion from Alma Mahler, whose diaries indicate she sympathised with the aims of the rebellion.28 He later regretted this lack of action, compensating with his entry in the competition to design a commemorative memorial for those killed. He was successful, and the completed monument was inaugurated in May 1922.29 The feelings of awe and aspiration were targeted at the common man, as the sculpture symbolises the sudden and rising power of the proletariat. 30 Using the form of a lightning bolt, Gropius likens his design to a force of nature, but rather than coming from the sky, the movement bursts upwards out of the ground.

Oliver Hilmes Malevolent Muse: The Life of Alma Mahler, trans. by Donald Arthur (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2015) p. 129.

29 Dietrich Schubert, “Das Denkmal für die Märzgefallenen” Jahrbuch der Hamburger Kunstsammlungen, 21 (1976), 199-230 (p.

200) https://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/artdok/2986/1/Schubert_Das_Denkmal_fuer_die_Maerzgefallenen_1976.pdf [Accessed 5/9/20].

30 MacCarthy, p. 143.

28

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Figure 20: The monument pictured at its most common angle, showing its resemblance to a lightning bolt

Overleaf Figure 22: (top) The monument shoots dramatically and symbolically upwards from its base, Figure 23: (middle left) The jagged plates give the impression of movement, representing the dynamic force of the rising proletariat Figure 24: (middle right) The plan shows how the sculpture surrounds the observer, creating an immersive viewing experience Figure 25: (bottom) View of the monument from the north

Figure 21: Gropius’s initial sketches for the design indicate how he drafted a jagged form along horizontal and vertical planes 29

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According to the interpretation of Gropius’s biographer Reginald Isaacs, the direction of this force symbolises not a natural phenomenon but the triumph of human efforts.31 Here, the will of the common people smashes victoriously through the earth’s surface. Specifically, Gropius was symbolically celebrating the role of workers who suppressed the right-wing putsch by uniting in strike action which ground the country to a halt, leaving the usurpers with no choice but to abandon any power they had seized undemocratically.

Unsurprisingly, the sculpture was deemed socialist, despite Gropius’s assertions to the contrary. However the monument’s association with Socialism is almost impossible to deny, given that it was commissioned by the left-leaning Weimar government and symbolised the power of the proletariat and their defeat of a rightwing revolt. 32 Furthermore, the formal ideas of Expressionism, a movement deeply entwined with socialist thinking, are undeniably obvious in its design. Since it is one of the few examples of expressionist architecture actually built, the monument is a significant focal point not just in this dissertation, but in the study of architectural Expressionism in general. 33 It is not only a rare example of Expressionism in Gropius’s work, but also a rare sign of his involvement in politics, since he sought for the sake of the Bauhaus to remain apolitical. He recognised that taking an active political stance would jeopardise the funding and reputation of the school.34 Nonetheless, he entered the competition, indicating how strongly he felt about the design and the cause it represented. For a man so reluctant to engage in politics, it can be assumed that this was a cause for which he felt enough passion to ignore his usual judgement. It is thus a significant outlier, but must not be dismissed as merely an anomaly. It is a rare insight into Gropius’s emotional side, and highlights his proficiency in designing such an expressionistic physical form. Representing in physicality the expressionist phase of the early Bauhaus, the Monument to the March Dead is a far cry from the clean lines and rationalist approach of later Bauhaus designs, visualising the feelings of unrest experienced by Gropius and German society at the time.

31

Isaacs, p. 74

Sabine Gertrud Cremer, “Warning Signs versus the Cult of the Dead”, University of Heidelberg archive, 2016 https://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/artdok/4568/1/Cremer_Mahnzeichen_kontra_Totenkult_2016.pdf (trans. by author, p.4-5).

33 Peter Guenther, ‘An Introduction to the Expressionist Movement’, in German Expressionist Prints and Drawings, ed. by Karen Jacobson (Munich: Prestel-Verlag, 1989), pp. 1-37 (p. 25).

34 Ben Davies, “The Bauhaus in History”, Artnet magazine, 2012 http://www.artnet.com/magazineus/reviews/davis/bauhaus1-2810.asp?print=1 [Accessed 30/9/20].

32

31

Expressionist Connections Another indicator of Gropius’s post-war outlook is his involvement in a number of societies, revealing the wider network of friends and collaborators with whom he chose to engage at the time, and who in turn influenced him. Namely, the Arbeitsrat für Kunst, or Work Council for Art, established by Bruno Taut in December 1918, under a name which deliberately connects itself to the socialist workers’ councils which had emerged following the abolition of the monarchy in November 1918.

Over a hundred architects, artists, critics and writers signed the provisional program for the Expressionist group, of which Gropius became chair in March 1919. The group’s brand of Expressionism was not only visual, but used to express socialist ambitions, such as bringing art to the people, abolishing traditional art academies and achieving the artistic unity that Gropius called for in the 1919 manifesto. 35 Although the expressionists of the Arbeitsrat ultimately failed to realise the spiritual revolution they had envisaged, they remain significant due to their influence on the Bauhaus. The founding of the Bauhaus coincided with the most decisive period of the Arbeitsrat für Kunst, meaning the school was conceived at a time when Gropius was well within its expressionist sphere of influence. 36 These overlapping timelines affected the school’s objectives and programme, and saw the appointment of many Arbeitsrat members to the Bauhaus faculty, bringing with them corresponding expressionist ideas (see fig. 31). The fact that Gropius built the workforce of the school with members of the Arbeitsrat für Kunst is an indicator of the early vision he had for the Bauhaus, and thus goes some way in explaining the Bauhaus’s expressionist phase.

Bruno Taut, “Arbeitsrat für Kunst in Berlin," Mitteilungen des Deutschen Werkbundes, no. 4 (1918), 14-15.

Marcel Bois, "“The Art!—That’s One Thing! When It’s There”, Bauhaus-Imaginista.Org, 2018 <http://www.bauhausimaginista.org/articles/3207/the-art-that-s-one-thing-when-it-sthere?0bbf55ceffc3073699d40c945ada9faf=eb7c9a19cf332fce884302acc9dcdd37> [Accessed 22 October 2020].

35 36

32

But the Arbeitsrat is not significant just in its impact on the early Bauhaus; it also affected Walter Gropius on a personal level. During a period of total disarray in his life, owing to the devastation of the First World War and his turbulent marriage to Alma Mahler, he sought consolation in the group, through friendship and a common vision. 37 One of these friends was Bruno Taut, an expressionist architect renowned for his Glass Pavilion at the 1914 Werkbund Exhibition in Cologne. This temple-like dome, with its exaggerated proportions and kaleidoscopic use of coloured glass, symbolised a spiritual utopia. The pavilion explores glass as a symbol of new hope as well as the concept of the Gesamtkunstwerk.38 Gropius’s shared views and friendship with Taut greatly influenced his philosophy during this period, showing the depth of his connection to the expressionist movement on a personal level.

Figure 26: Taut’s 1914 Glass Pavilion uses kaleidoscopic glass and an exaggerated dome to create an expressionist utopia 37

MacCarthy, p. 103.

Freyja Hartzell, "Cleanliness, Clarity – And Craft: Material Politics In German Design, 1919–1939", The Journal Of Modern Craft, 13.3 (2020), 247-269 <https://www-tandfonline-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/doi/full/10.1080/17496772.2020.1843787> 38

[Accessed 10/10/20].

33

Gropius was also involved in the Deutsche Werkbund, a group which, similar to the Arbeitsrat für Kunst, sought to unify artists, architects and writers under a common goal. Unlike the Arbeitsrat, the Werkbund was founded before the war, by Hermann Muthesius in 1907, and operated significantly longer, until 1934. The Werkbund embraced the role of technology and industry to fulfil the changing needs of society, determined to raise the standard of German design.39 However, as was a common trend in the era, the group’s members were conflicted on how to address the political and social chaos of post-war Germany, and a divide formed. On one side there was those who backed machine-based design and mass production, and on the other lay those wanting to guard the individual freedom of the artist against standardisation and consequent anonymity.40 Although Gropius’s design philosophy would align with the former later in his career, he believed above all else in the originality and individuality of the artist, allying himself with the expressionist faction of the Werkbund.41 His position in the group therefore shows where he stood on the issues of design, industry and personal expression at this point in his career.

The impact of the Arbeitsrat was fleeting- it dissolved itself in 1921.42 Although its existence was more of a temporary, emotional reaction to the chaotic post-war climate, it is significant as evidence for Gropius’s Expressionism. Rather than rationalise and make objective sense of the new world with functionalist design, he and the expressionists of the Arbeitsrat and Werkbund wanted to passionately express their own responses towards the war and its devastating personal and societal consequences.

Joan Campbell, The German Werkbund (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), p. 3.

Nikolaus Pevsner, Pioneers of Modern Design, 4th ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), p. 25-6.

41 Isaacs, p. 33.

42 Wolf-Dieter Dube, The Expressionists (New York: Thames and Hudson, 2001), p. 206.

39

40

34

Expressionism at the Bauhaus As Gropius’s involvement in these societies coincided with the establishment of the Bauhaus, it is unsurprising that there was a great deal of overlap between the institutions both in philosophy and in people. The influence of the Arbeitsrat für Kunst on the Bauhaus is evident in the number of faculty staff Gropius employed through his connections in the group. First of all, there was Lyonel Feininger, a German-American expressionist painter and member of the Arbeitsrat. A trusted friend of Gropius, Feininger was not only his first appointment to the Bauhaus faculty, but also the artist behind the woodcut featured on the 1919 Bauhaus manifesto. Since the form of Gropius’s Monument to the March Dead is so reminiscent of Feininger’s expressive, cathedral woodcut, this artist is a critical link between the elements of Expressionism surrounding Gropius.

Expressionists like Wassily Kandinsky, Paul Klee and Oskar Kokoschka were all also affiliated with both the Arbeitsrat and Bauhaus, but the figure who brought the strongest expressionist ideas and culture to the Bauhaus was Vorkurs teacher, Johannes Itten, for whom the spiritualistic nature of Expressionism was not only a design philosophy, but a lifestyle too. Clad in monk-style robes and with a shaved head, Itten did not only look the part; he was deeply engaged in oriental philosophy and religion and preached this to his group of loyal students. The presence of Itten and the expressionists of the Arbeitsrat, coupled with the kind of ambitious young people Gropius attracted with the quasi-religious call of the manifesto, brought a ritualistic atmosphere to the early years of the Bauhaus. This involved readings by candlelight and meals served individually by Gropius, which, according to the reports of student Gunta Stölzl, was redolent of the foot washing.43 The significance of Gropius appointing a faculty of expressionists at the Bauhaus is two-fold. Firstly, the wider network within which he surrounded himself indicates his theoretical position in 1919. These expressionist connections in turn built the foundations of the school, influencing its development into the celebrated design school and movement it became.

43

Wolfgang Pehnt, "Gropius The Romantic", The Art Bulletin, 53.3 (1971), 379-392 (p. ). <https://doi.org/10.2307/3048871>.

35

Figure 27: Feininger’s woodcut (1919)

Figure 28: Feininger uses a similar cubist style and dynamic form in other pieces, such as Market Church

in Halle (1930)

Figure 29: Johannes Itten’s unconventional lifestyle is visible in his shaved head and monklike robes

Figure 30: Itten’s Sitting Woman (1922) shows his expressive treatment of the human form 36

Figure 31: A diagram indicating the overlaps in membership between the Arbeitsrat, Werkbund and Bauhaus 37

Chapter 3: The Return to Rationalism Although Gropius recognised Itten’s talent as a teacher, he deemed his effect on the school to be a harmful cultist atmosphere, and the disagreements between the two men became an open secret by late 1921.44 Thus, when Itten left the school in the spring of 1923, many consider this to be the end of its expressionist phase. However, Itten’s departure was both cause and effect of this shift from Expressionism to the work we recognise more commonly as Bauhaus today. His replacement was Laszlo Moholy-Nagy, whose abstract, geometric paintings were more congenial to the new design philosophy of the Bauhaus. This change accelerated the redirection that had already begun to take place at the school, meaning Itten and his expressionist views were becoming side-lined, motivating his resignation.45

Figure 32: A 19 (1927) shows Moholy-Nagy’s affinity for abstract, geometrical forms

44

Figure 33: Moholy-Nagy’s A 11 (1924) indicates the influence of de Stijl on the Bauhaus as the school adopted a primary colour scheme

Isaacs, p. 95.

Henry P. Raleigh, “Johannes Itten and the Background of Modern Art Education”, Art Journal, 27:3 (1968), 284-302 https://doi.org/10.1080/00043249.1968.10793830 [Accessed 25/10/20].

45

38

In fact, the shift of the Bauhaus away from expressionist thought and outputs was marked by numerous rationalist projects in the early 1920s, including the Otte House (1921-22), which demonstrates the transition from expressionism to rationalism. Whilst signs of the former movement are still evident in the buildings pitched dormer window and exaggerated eaves, the building offers a functionalist approach in its quadratic plan and smooth, rendered façades. It also explored the modernist concepts of pre-fabrication and standardisation in housing, a far cry from the personal individuality of Expressionism. Thus, by the mid-1920s, the school was virtually unrecognisable from its expressionist roots. Responding to the demands of the new technological age, it had developed its own distinctly ‘Bauhaus’ style, which was applied to every branch of the arts.46 Household items like furniture were designed with a rationalist, unornamented style, that allowed for standardisation and therefore mass production across the world.

46

Franciscono, p. 3.

39

Figure 34: The rational plan of Gropius’s Otte House (192122) is quadratic and rectilinear

Figure 35: The building is the physical embodiment of Gropius’s transitional juncture- it still conveys expressionist elements with its exaggerated eaves, but its clean, rendered facades show the beginning 40 of his return to rationalism

The Denial With both Gropius and his school having moved on from Expressionism, this period in its history is normally overlooked, forgotten entirely or dismissed in some form.

In most cases, there is simply no mention of the Expressionism of the early Bauhaus, but when it is acknowledged in later Bauhaus writings, the unity of arts and crafts for which Gropius had called in the 1919 manifesto is altered to a unifying of arts and industry.47 For instance, in the catalogue for the 1938 MoMA Exhibition of the school’s work, the only mention of Expressionism is in an introduction by art historian Alexander Dorner, who dismisses the first four years of the school’s history as a misconception, reinforced by the press, who were confused by all the ‘isms’ appearing in the world of art.48 Here, he seeks to distance Gropius from his involvement in the expressionist movement, by accrediting the Expressionism seen in the school to a misinterpretation by external parties. He does later acknowledge Gropius’s involvement in the expressionist period, by asserting that it would have been ‘unnatural for the young Gropius to not have been influenced by the late Romantic movement’. 49 Implying that Gropius was highly suggestible given his age, Dorner claims that he was merely following the Zeitgeist. Use of the word ‘unnatural’ suggests that all young architects were taken by Romanticism in their youth, meaning Gropius was not unique and lessening his personal involvement.

In his 1965 book, ‘The New Architecture and the Bauhaus’, Gropius himself omits any allusion to Expressionism and his promotion of it in the early Bauhaus. He refuses to acknowledge his contribution to these contradictory ideas on craft and industry by claiming that ‘architects had conflicting theories and dogmas and confused the age’.50 In later years, Gropius justified his 1919 Manifesto and its visionary call to arms as ‘mere tactical precaution’. 51 He recognised the need to present bold ideas and radical solutions to the devastation of the war, in order to attract ambitious young people. The implication here is that the manifesto merely Walter Gropius, ‘The Theory and Organization of the Bauhaus’, in Art in Theory 1900–1990: An Anthology of Changing Ideas, ed. by Charles Harrison and Paul Wood (Oxford: Blackwell, [1921] 1992), pp. 338–43.

48 Alexander Dorner, ‘The Background of the Bauhaus’, in Bauhaus 1919-1928, ed. by Herbert Bayer, Walter Gropius and Ise Gropius (Boston: Charles T. Branford Company, 1952), pp. 9-13 (p. 12).

49 Dorner, pp. 9-13 (p. 11).

50 Walter Gropius, The New Architecture And The Bauhaus, trans. by P. Morton Shand (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1998), p.

20.

51 Wolfgang Pehnt, "Gropius The Romantic", The Art Bulletin, 53.3 (1971), 379-392 <https://doi.org/10.2307/3048871>.

47

41

paid lip service and was not the true convictions of its author. Although Gropius attempted to downplay the expressionist phase by undermining the manifesto, it is impossible to deny the other evidence reinforcing his 1919 proclamation, including his own design for the Monument, and his abundant ties to other notable expressionists.

Societal Change and External Pressure It is important to determine exactly why Gropius distanced himself from Expressionism. His motivations for this disassociation and denial reveal much about his involvement in the movement, raising the question- was he a true believer, or merely following what was popular at the time?

The causes of this shift away from Expressionism lie almost entirely with his susceptibility to external pressure. Gropius was very conscious of how the Bauhaus was perceived by the world around it, attempting to remain as uncontroversial as possible to protect its reputation. Specifically, he recognised the importance of political neutrality, maintaining that if the school became a stage for differing political ambitions it would eventually implode.52 Gropius’s constant battle to hold the line also had funding at stake, on which it relied from a range of benefactors across the political spectrum. Despite Gropius’s insistence on an apolitical position for the school, it had a distinctly left-wing reputation, perhaps due to the socialist Weimar government under which it was founded.53 Gropius was keen to shed the Bauhaus of this association, so when an exhibition pamphlet released by Oskar Schlemmer in 1923 referred to the school as a ‘Cathedral of Socialism’, he withdrew it immediately, predicting the political implication. 54 Three years earlier, Gropius had been forced into a similar situation, when unmistakably left-leaning Bauhaus students played an active role in the funerals of the victims of the Kapp Putsch, a divisive political event.55 Nevertheless, the school’s founder, at this time at the peak of his expressionist thinking, displayed a rare engagement in politics when he designed the commemorative Monument to the March Dead in honour of these victims.

52

MacCarthy, p. 125.

Darran Anderson, How the Bauhaus Kept the Nazis at Bay, Until it Couldn’t, CityLab (2019) https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-03-11/100-years-later-how-the-bauhaus-resisted-nazi-germany [Accessed 18/9/20].

54 Isaacs, p. 102.

55 Wolfgang Pehnt, "Gropius The Romantic", The Art Bulletin, 53.3 (1971), 379-392 <https://doi.org/10.2307/3048871>.

53

42

Criticism and Opposition As well as political backlash, the Bauhaus was subject to much general criticism from the outside, mostly relating to the primitive and romantic connotations of its branch of Expressionism. Although this movement had gained foothold in Germany, by the early 1920s it had been dismissed as obsolete and individualist, especially in the context of a rapidly industrialising society. In the more traditional town of Weimar, it still faced opposition though not from industrialists. In a letter to his then lover Lily Hildebrandt in 1919, Gropius detailed how the Bauhaus had confronted the previous zeitgeist, that championed classical ideas, with an ideological revolution.

Unfortunately, Weimar was, according to him, a bastion of Classicism.56 Thus, Gropius became under increasing pressure from local opposition, and in 1925 was forced to relocate the Bauhaus from Weimar to Dessau. The local hostility experienced by the school cannot be attributed entirely to its expressionistic ideology, since Weimar residents opposed many aspects of the Bauhaus, including its students’ activities and dress.57 Nonetheless, this relocation shows generally how pressured and influenced Gropius and the school were by surrounding local criticism.

Another example of criticism directed at the Bauhaus came from de Stijl founder Theo van Doesburg, whose 1921 visit to the school greatly affected Gropius, despite his claims to the contrary. Van Doesburg was highly sceptical of the Bauhaus, its staff and their outputs, perceiving them as irrationally romantic and self-indulgently individualist.58 Gropius was unsurprisingly irritated by van Doesburg, who he saw as too fixed and dogmatic in his views. Although he did not want outside interference to affect the ideology and outputs of the school, it remains clear that the negative feedback of van Doesburg had a lasting impact on the Bauhaus and its future development.59

56

Isaacs, p. 86.

G. James Daichendt, "The Bauhaus Artist-Teacher: Walter Gropius's Philosophy Of Art Education", Teaching Artist Journal, 8.3 (2010), 157-164 <https://www-tandfonline-com.libproxy.ncl.ac.uk/doi/full/10.1080/15411796.2010.486748>.

58 MacCarthy, p. 140.

59 Howard Dearstyne, Inside the Bauhaus (London: The Architectural Press, 1986) p. 66.

57

43

Work of de Stijl

Figure 36: Contra-Construction Project by Theo van Doesburg (1923) Figure 37: The iconic primary colour blockwork of Piet Mondrian characterises the de Stijl movement Figure 38: The Rietveld-Schröder house (1924) applies this style architecturally

Figure 39: The Weimar Bauhaus building (above) is radically different in style to the new Dessau building into which the school moved in 1925 44

The Death of Expressionism Gropius began to disassociate with the Expressionism as the movement itself died in Germany, which occurred sometime around 1924.60 There were multiple factors responsible for the demise of Expressionism- to accredit its falling out of fashion simply to the changing zeitgeist would be inaccurate. Furthermore, there is a tendency to blame the Nazis and their veneration of ‘degenerate’ art, however this too is a common misconception, given that the movement was long dead before this point. In reality, Expressionism had always lacked staying power since the term was so vague, and its followers and their philosophies so disparate. Additionally, despite its socialist ambitions, expressionist art was popular only among the upper classes, who eventually lost patience with its exaggerated and emotional character, wanting to return to calm and normality a few years after the war. 61 Expressionism was forced to compete against the rationalist, industrial vision for Germany’s future, which ultimately proved to be more practical and suited to the demands of the new technological age. 62 In a sense, with their calls for personal expression and individualism, expressionists were merely resisting the inevitable effects of industrialisation. Gropius was well aware of this fact, and it is no coincidence that he began to distance himself from the movement as it lost traction.

As previously discussed, Gropius was heavily influenced by external forces, and therefore sought to avoid further association with an unfashionable and now backwards movement.

Bruno Zevi, ‘The Three Periods of Expressionist Architecture’, in German Expressionism: Art and Society, ed. by Wolf-Dieter Dube and Stephanie Barron (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, 1997), pp. 99-150 (p. 123).

61 Peter Guenther, ‘An Introduction to the Expressionist Movement’, in German Expressionist Prints and Drawings, ed. by Karen Jacobson (Munich: Prestel-Verlag, 1989), pp. 1-37 (p. 35).

62 Spiro Kostof, A History Of Architecture, 2nd edn (New York, N.Y.: Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 690.

60

45

Nonetheless, the rise and fall of Expressionism, both within the Bauhaus and generally, is significant in conveying the architectural and societal response to the historical events of the period. It’s clear that the social change and external opposition surrounding the Bauhaus was a major cause of the shift away from Expressionism. Yet the change in Gropius must have been to some extent personal, as the new, modernist design philosophy he adopted was one he maintained for life.

The fact that objective, rational design had begun with the Fagus factory before the war and became the lasting legacy of his Bauhaus shows that Expressionism was the temporary phase (see figs. 40, 41).

In answer to the question at the beginning of the chapter, Expressionism had some personal connection with Gropius since it had resonated with him in his early years and during times of struggle. However, he dropped Expressionism when the Bauhaus faced criticism for its association with an unfashionable movement, indicating that he was heavily influenced by the popular trend of the time. Despite this, the period is not insignificant as it occupied a key time in his career development, and, given the personal, subjective nature of Expressionism, gives insight into the life and philosophy of a figure as important as Walter Gropius in 20 th century architecture.

46

Figures 40, 41: The glazed façades of the Fagus factory (above) and the Dessau Bauhaus (below) indicate similarity in Gropius’s work either side of the expressionist period, outlining it as a temporary phase in reaction to the First World War.

47

Conclusion The significance of the expressionist period must not be overlooked, dismissed or denied. The Bauhaus was formed in the aftermath of the First World War, and so this time of social and political upheaval was a backdrop for the school’s formative period in the years following its founding in 1919. Indeed, after the devastation of the war, people wanted radical social change, hence the temporary resurgence of Expressionism and its promise of a spiritual revolution. Recognising this mood, Gropius mobilised expressionist principles in order to attract ambitious young people to study at the school. Thanks to this expressionist fervour, proclaimed in the 1919 Bauhaus manifesto, the initial success of the Bauhaus was based not on the modern, standardised design it became later known for, but on the early expressive tone set during the period in question. Since Gropius and the Bauhaus were so entwined, his philosophy at every stage of its conception is reflected in the school. Therefore, the expressionist phase he brought with him to the Bauhaus formed the foundations of an institution which would exert a lasting influence on design, artistic practice and education.63

The expressionist outputs produced between 1919 and 1923 are also significant because they indicate the sentiment of the time. The emotion conveyed in work like the Monument to the March Dead and the expressive, passionate tone of the manifesto give an impression of the personal impact of the war and its aftermath, as well as the ambitious visions for a brighter future. Gropius’s post-war turn to Expressionism is indicative of a wider architectural debate which arose in the wake of World War 1, as all branches of the arts questioned where to go with their work and how to move forward after such a devastating event. In architecture, there was the conflict between the new vs old way, often manifested as a tension between Expressionism and Rationalism. Although the former promised a new approach to life, it was old-fashioned compared to the latter, which sought an objective approach, free from historical styles and ornamentation associated with the past. Thus, Rationalism won, paving the foundations for the modernist movement.

Charles Haxthausen, ‘Walter Gropius and Lyonel Feininger: Bauhaus Manifesto’, in Workshops for Modernity: Bauhaus 1919– 1933, ed. by B. Bergdoll, L. Dickerman (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2009), pp. 64-67 (p. 64).

63

48

It is perhaps due to this victory and the lasting legacy of Modernism, which remained relevant into the 1960s, that architects like Gropius ignore and attempt to hide their ‘irrational’ work. However, this apparent shame is unnecessary, as work connected to a style like Expressionism is an invaluable indicator of history and society at the time of its creation. Specifically, it can show how historical events and context affected architectural design and practice at that time; in this instance, Expressionism highlights the powerful and conflicting emotions caused by the desolation of the war.

And yet the expressionist movement lost out to objectivity, as people understandably wanted to forget history and make more rational sense of the new world. In order to achieve this aim, architects developed a clean, unadorned style, free from dramatic forms and colour and completely opposite to the expressionist ethos. The objectivity of this new approach appealed to architects such as Gropius, Mies van der Rohe and Le Corbusier, who wanted to create a universal style, uninfluenced by history. However, this goal of finding an enduring, timeless method of architecture proved unsuccessful, as their ‘International Style’ failed to last the test of time, ultimately becoming a movement associated entirely with the mid-20th century. Contrary to some of Modernism’s aims and Gropius’s later denial of his expressionist phase, we should not ignore or dismiss the historical context of architecture, but accept buildings as products of their time. With this logic in mind, the expressionist work produced by Walter Gropius between 1919 and 1923 is vital in demonstrating the wider, societal atmosphere after an event as historically significant as the First World War.

49

50

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Isaacs, Reginald R, and Walter Gropius, Gropius (Boston: Bulfinch Press, 1991) Kostof, Spiro, A History Of Architecture, 2nd edn (New York.: Oxford University Press, 2010) Kuhn, Charles L, German Expressionism And Abstract Art (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957) Krohn, Carsten, Walter Gropius, Buildings and Projects (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2019) Lupfer, Gilbert and Sigel, Paul, Walter Gropius, 1883-1969 (Cologne: Taschen, 2004) MacCarthy, Fiona. Walter Gropius (London: Faber & Faber Ltd., 2019) März, Roland, ‘German Romanticism and Expressionist Utopia’, in German Expressionism: Art and Society, ed. by Wolf-Dieter Dube and Stephanie Barron (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, 1997), pp. 63-68 Miller Lane, Barbara, Architecture And Politics In Germany 1918-1945, 2nd edn (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985) Pehnt, Wolfgang, "Gropius The Romantic", The Art Bulletin, 53 (1971), 379-392 https://doi.org/10.2307/3048871 Pevsner, Nikolaus, Pioneers of Modern Design, 4th ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005) Raleigh, Henry P., “Johannes Itten and the Background of Modern Art Education”, Art Journal, 27:3 (1968), 284-302 https://doi.org/10.1080/00043249.1968.10793830 [Accessed 25/10/20]

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Schubert, Dietrich, “Das Denkmal für die Märzgefallenen” Jahrbuch der Hamburger Kunstsammlungen, 21 (1976), 199-230 https://archiv.ub.uniheidelberg.de/artdok/2986/1/Schubert_Das_Denkmal_fuer_die_Maerzgefallenen_1976.p df [Accessed 5/9/20] Sudhalter, Adrian, ’14 Years Bauhaus: A Chronicle’, in Bauhaus 1919-1933: Workshops for Modernity, ed. by B Bergdoll and L Dickerman (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2009), pp. 323-337 Taut, Bruno, “Arbeitsrat für Kunst in Berlin," Mitteilungen des Deutschen Werkbundes, no. 4 (1918), 14-15 Vogt, Paul, ‘Introduction’, in Expressionism: A German Intuition 1905-1920, ed. by Paul Vogt (New York: The Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation, 1980), pp. 16-23 Zevi, Bruno, ‘The Three Periods of Expressionist Architecture’, in German Expressionism: Art and Society, ed. by Wolf-Dieter Dube and Stephanie Barron (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, 1997), pp. 99-150

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List of Figures Figure 1: (Front cover) Walter Gropius, Monument to the March Dead, 1922 View from behind (1933) courtesy of Schubert, Dietrich, “Das Denkmal für die Märzgefallenen” Jahrbuch der Hamburger Kunstsammlungen, 21 (1976), 199-230 https://archiv.ub.uniheidelberg.de/artdok/2986/1/Schubert_Das_Denkmal_fuer_die_Maerzgefallenen_1976.pdf [Accessed 5/9/20] Figure 2: Timeline of work and events relevant to dissertation, created by author Figure 3: Marcel Breuer and Gunta Stölzl, African Chair, 1921, oak and textile https://www.bauhaus.de/en/sammlung/highlights/205_moebel/491 [Accessed 5/1/21] Figure 4: Walter Gropius and Adolf Meyer, Sommerfeld Haus, 1920-22, Berlin. Photo courtesy of Rogge, Carl https://www.bauhauskooperation.com/knowledge/the-bauhaus/works/architecture/sommerfeldhouse-berlin/ [Accessed 5/1/21] Figure 5: Walter Gropius, Bauhaus Building, 1925-6, Dessau https://www.bauhaus-dessau.de/en/history/unesco-world-cultural-heritage.html [Accessed 1/12/20] Figure 6: Breuer, Marcel, Wassily Chair, 1925-6 https://www.conranshop.co.uk/wassily-chair-black.html [Accessed 4/12/20] Figure 7: Moholy-Nagy, Lazlo, Composition Z VIII, glue paint on canvas, 114 x 132 cm (Berlin: National Gallery, 1924) https://www.arsmundi.com/en/artwork/bild-komposition-z-viii-1924-gerahmt-886968.html [Accessed 5/1/21] Figure 8: Erich Mendelsohn, Einstein Tower, 1919-21, Potsdam.

Photo courtesy of Astrophysikalisches Institut Potsdam, 2005 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Einsteinturm_7443a.jpg Figure 9: Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Street, Dresden, oil on canvas (New York: The Museum of Modern Art, 1908) https://www.moma.org/collection/works/78426 [Accessed 5/1/21]

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Figure 10: Peter Wilhelm Jensen-Klimt, Grundtvig’s Church, 1921-6, Copenhagen.

Photo courtesy of Hans Andersen, 2005 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grundtvig%27s_Church#/media/File:Grundtvigskirken-vest-20053.jpg [Accessed 5/1/21] Figure 11: Karl Schmidt-Rottluff, Stadtbild aus Soest, woodcut (Cleveland: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1923) https://www.clevelandart.org/art/1959.230 [Accessed 5/1/21] Figure 12: Frank Gehry, Dancing House, 1992, Prague.

Photo courtesy of Bobby-John de Bot, 2019 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dancing_House#/media/File:Praag,_Tsjechi%C3%AB_Aug_21,_2019 _05-42-54_PM.jpeg [Accessed 5/1/21] Figure 13: Wassily Kandinsky, Composition IV, oil on canvas, 159.5 × 250.5 cm (Düsseldorf: Kunstsammlung Nordrhein-Westfalen, 1911) https://www.wassilykandinsky.net/work-114.php [Accessed 5/1/21] Figure 14: Walter Gropius, Granary at Janikow, 1905 Carsten Krohn, Walter Gropius, Buildings and Projects (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2019), p. 23 Figure 15: Walter Gropius, Faguswerk Factory, 1911, Alfeld an der Leine Photo courtesy of Carsten Janssen, 2007 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Fagus_Gropius_Hauptgebaeude_200705_wiki_front.jpg [Accessed 17/12/20] Figure 16: Walter Gropius, Faguswerk Factory, 1911, Alfeld an der Leine Photo courtesy of Henry Lee, 2017 https://fotoeins.com/2019/01/07/alfeld-faguswerk-unescowhs/ [Accessed 17/12/20] Figure 17: Antoni Gaudi, La Sagrada Familia, 1926, Barcelona Photo courtesy of C Messier, 2017 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:%CE%A3%CE%B1%CE%B3%CF%81%CE%AC%CE%B4 %CE%B1_%CE%A6%CE%B1%CE%BC%CE%AF%CE%BB%CE%B9%CE%B1_2941.jpg [Accessed 5/1/21] Figure 18: Antoni Gaudi, Casa Batllo, 1877, Barcelona Photo courtesy of Roc Isern https://www.archdaily.com/918881/23-amazing-places-in-barcelonas-best-architecture-cityguide/5d0154c0284dd16c870000c4-23-amazing-places-in-barcelonas-best-architecture-cityguide-photo [Accessed 5/1/21]

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Figure 19: Lyonel Feininger, Cathedral, woodcut (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1919) https://www.moma.org/collection/works/63072 [Accessed 6/1/21] Figure 20: Walter Gropius, Monument to the March Dead, 1921, Weimar https://nipponbauhaus.jp/1919-1924-en/ [Accessed 6/10/20] Figure 21: Walter Gropius, Draft for the Monument to the March Dead, 1921 (Schubert, Dietrich, “Das Denkmal für die Märzgefallenen” Jahrbuch der Hamburger Kunstsammlungen, 21 (1976), 199-230 https://archiv.ub.uniheidelberg.de/artdok/2986/1/Schubert_Das_Denkmal_fuer_die_Maerzgefallenen_1976.pdf [Accessed 5/9/20]) Figure 22: Walter Gropius, Monument to the March Dead plan, 1921, Weimar Carsten Krohn, Walter Gropius, Buildings and Projects (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2019), p. 44 Figure 23: Walter Gropius, Monument to the March Dead, 1921, Weimar https://nipponbauhaus.jp/1919-1924-en/ [Accessed 6/10/20] Figure 24: Walter Gropius, Monument to the March Dead, 1921, Weimar Carsten Krohn, Walter Gropius, Buildings and Projects (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2019), p. 45 Figure 25: Walter Gropius, Monument to the March Dead, 1921, Weimar https://nipponbauhaus.jp/1919-1924-en/ [Accessed 6/10/20] Figure 26: Bruno Taut, Glass Pavilion, 1914 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Glass_Pavilion#/media/File:Taut_Glass_Pavilion_exterior_1914.jpg [Accessed 15/12/20] Figure 27: See fig. 19 Figure 28: Lyonel Feininger, Market Church in Halle, oil on canvas, 1930 https://www.artsy.net/artwork/lyonel-feininger-the-market-church-at-halle [Accessed 7/1/21] Figure 29: Johannes Itten, circa. 1920 Photo courtesy of Paula Stockmar https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Johannes_Itten_(retuschiert).jpg [Accessed 3/1/21] Figure 30: Johannes Itten, Sitting Woman, charcoal and coloured pencil, 1922 https://www.wikiart.org/en/johannes-itten/sitting-woman-1919 [Accessed 3/1/21]

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Figure 31: Diagram of group members, created by author Figure 32: Laszlo Moholy-Nagy, A 19, oil and graphite on canvas (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 1927) https://www.artsy.net/artwork/laszlo-moholy-nagy-a-19-1 [Accessed 4/1/21] Figure 33: Laszlo Moholy-Nagy, A II, oil and graphite on canvas (New York: Solomon Guggenheim Museum, 1924) https://www.guggenheim.org/artwork/2979 [Accessed 4/1/21] Figure 34: Walter Gropius and Adolf Meyer, Otte House plan, 1921-22, Berlin Carsten Krohn, Walter Gropius, Buildings and Projects (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2019), p. 53 Figure 35: Walter Gropius and Adolf Meyer, Otte House, 1921-22, Berlin Carsten Krohn, Walter Gropius, Buildings and Projects (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2019), p. 53 Figure 36: Theo van Doesburg, Contra-Construction Project, gouache on lithograph, 57.2 x 57.2cm (New York, Museum of Modern Art, 1923) https://www.moma.org/collection/works/232 [Accessed 12/1/21] Figure 37: Piet Mondrian, Tableau I, oil on canvas, 103 x 100cm (The Hague: Kunstmuseum, 1921) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tableau_I,_by_Piet_Mondriaan.jpg [Accessed 6/1/21] Figure 38: Gerrit Rietveld, Rietveld Schröder House, 1924 Photo courtesy of Stijn Poelstra https://www.rietveldschroderhuis.nl/en/about/for-the-press [Accessed 6/1/21] Figure 39: Henry van de Velde, Bauhaus Weimar, 1904 Photo courtesy of Henry Lee, 2015 https://fotoeins.com/2015/08/24/weimar-unesco-whs-bauhaus-old-and-new/ [Accessed 5/1/21] Figure 40: Walter Gropius, Faguswerk Factory, 1911, Alfeld an der Leine Carsten Krohn, Walter Gropius, Buildings and Projects (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2019), p. 31 Figure 41: Walter Gropius, Bauhaus Building, 1925-6, Dessau Carsten Krohn, Walter Gropius, Buildings and Projects (Basel: Birkhäuser, 2019), p. 73

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