Dan Ewers is a PhD researcher based at the University of Leeds. During 2023 he explored the archives held at the National Justice Museum researching the history of borstal institutions in the United Kingdom. Dan wrote this series of blogs to share what he found out about health, wellbeing, and everyday life within borstal institutions
So, firstly, what exactly were borstal institutions?
In short, borstal institutions were the precursor to today’s Young Offender Institutions (YOIs). The borstal system was in operation between 1902-1982 and separately housed boys and girls, generally between 16-21 years of age. There were two broad categories of borstal institutions, ‘closed’ or ‘open’. These were defined as:
• Closed Borstals: closely followed the design of prisons at the time with a greater emphasis on security. These might typically be repurposed wings of older convict prisons or converted high security prisons. (e.g., Rochester, Feltham, Portland, Camp Hill, Sherwood)
• Open Borstals: typically placed a lesser emphasis on security and encouraged the juveniles to move around the (often quite large) site more freely. These would often follow a ‘camp’ like structure, with borstal boys working to build new permanent buildings under the supervision of borstal staff (e.g., Lowdham Grange, North Sea Camp, Hollesley Bay Colony, Usk and Prescoed, Gaynes Hall)
In 1900, eight juvenile males were transferred to Bedford Prison for an experimental new regime that separated them from other adult males in the prison. The experiment was seen as a success and, in 1902, a separate wing was reserved for a larger experiment at the convict
prison in Borstal, near Rochester. It was this experiment that eventually gave its name to the new system and the ‘borstal’ institution was born.
In the early years of borstal, it was believed that incarcerated young people needed to be isolated from adult ‘habitual criminals’ to prevent the formation of criminal tendencies. The first borstal experiment in Bedford Prison was founded on four principles:
1. Strict classification
2. Firm and exact discipline
3. Hard work
4. Organised supervision on discharge
These principles formed the underlying approach to the treatment of juveniles within borstals during the early twentieth century. Six years after the experiment at Borstal, the Prevention of Crime Act 1908 formally established the ‘borstal sentence’ for young people aged between 16-21 years of age. This sentence carried a minimum duration of one year and a maximum duration of 3 years, in line with the belief that borstal sentences needed to be longer for the effect of the borstal training to be felt by juveniles
In 1909, the first borstal institution for girls was established at Aylesbury Prison in Buckinghamshire, with a second borstal for boys being founded at Feltham near London in 1910. A third borstal institution was repurposed in 1921 from the convict prison at Portland Prison, Dorset, reserved for male juveniles.
With the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, many borstal boys joined the armed forces having been offered a reduction in their sentence in return for their service. Similarly, in the Second World War, many borstal sites were evacuated in case of air raids, with many borstal boys either being moved across institutions or being released if they had less than six months of their sentence remaining. Staff from borstal institutions also joined the armed forces in large numbers, putting additional strain on the borstal system throughout the war years. As reported by the Prison Commissioners in 1946, of all ex-Borstal boys released on licence during the Second World War, it was estimated that ‘well over 4000 have changed their Borstal uniform for service battledress, mainly in the army’.
The postwar years saw the borstal system put under considerable pressure as numbers of juveniles in the institutions increased A series of riots broke out in several borstals across the UK which were widely reported in the press. An inquiry was also undertaken into the abuse of juveniles at Reading Borstal in the late 1960s, ultimately resulting in the closure of the borstal in 1969
Eighty years after the experiment at Rochester Prison, the Criminal Justice Act 1982 abolished borstal training. Six years later, the Criminal Justice Act 1988 established Young Offenders Institutions, which have continued in various forms into the present day. Many borstal sites remain in use, either as locations still housing juveniles or repurposed to accommodate an adult prison population.
This research has been produced as the result of a 4-month REP placement at the National Justice Museum. Many thanks go to The National Justice Museum and the White Rose College of the Arts and Humanities for their support throughout this project.
This blog focuses on the role of land reclamation, gardening, and farming in borstal institutions.
Land reclamation often formed a crucial aspect of the day to day operation of several open borstals. Juveniles worked on the land surrounding the site, often converting it for use as farmland which would provide a source of food and income for the borstal. For example, when North Sea Camp borstal, Lincolnshire, was established in 1935, the boys were tasked with reclaiming the marshland that surrounded the site near Freiston, working all year round and in all weathers. According to Ex-Housemaster Murray Dickson in his account of life at North Sea Camp, the marshland was converted into usable farmland by the boys, and initially used to grow potatoes until the salt could be washed out of the soil.
A similar emphasis on land reclamation was evident at Usk and Prescoed Camp where a large part of the day-to-day work provided for borstal boys consisted of forest reclamation work. Working outside was an essential feature of the operation of many open borstal institutions: the hard work of land reclamation and the natural setting of the outdoors was believed to have a reforming effect on the juveniles.
Many borstal sites featured both ornamental and allotment gardens as well as enclosed greenhouses and nurseries for growing plants on site. These were usually tended by the juveniles and provided fruits and vegetables for consumption within the borstal itself or for sale as a means of generating income. Food production became a pressing issue during the Second World War and, as part of the ‘Dig for Victory’ Campaign in the UK, many institutions in the Prison Service repurposed their surrounding land to allow for the cultivation of food to assist with the wider war effort.
Several borstals (both male and female) also operated an on-site farm, with records showing the rearing of cows, sheep, horses, and pigs. At Lowdham Grange, Governor W. W. Llewellin even described how, when pursuing ‘outdoor hobbies’, some of the juveniles cared for rabbits, pigeons, and ducks during their time in his open borstal institution.
The juveniles were given instruction in farming methods by staff members as part of borstal training, intended to prepare them for working life upon their release. This could also include travelling to assist local farmers with their day-to-day work, looking after both animals and farmland often in exchange for a small payment. For example, at Lowdham Grange Borstal in Nottinghamshire, a daily working party went out to assist local farmers, with the lads travelling to and from the farm sites by bicycle.
Being involved with the broader community also appears to have brought new relationships and new experiences to those living within open borstals. According to a series of annual reports held in the National Justice Museum’s archive, Gaynes Hall Borstal ran a wellsupported Young Farmer’s Club, which tended to the local farmland whilst also offering the borstal boys a more social platform for building relationships with one another. The Gaynes Hall Young Farmer’s Club was also reportedly involved in local competitions, including general knowledge quizzes and competing in the 1953 senior public speaking contest at the Huntingdonshire Federation of Young Farmer’s Clubs (Bedfordshire Times and Independent, 6 March, 1953).
Food production in prisons and Young Offenders Institutions continues to be a hotly discussed issue. Advocacy groups and academic studies have pointed to the positive benefits of
horticulture, farming, and gardening on the health and wellbeing of people in prisons and Young Offenders Institutions. The activities provide not only nutrient rich produce for eating but also the opportunity to foster relationships between each other, with members of staff, and with the surrounding natural environment.
This research has been produced as the result of a 4-month REP placement at the National Justice Museum. Many thanks go to The National Justice Museum and the White Rose College of the Arts and Humanities for their support throughout this project.
In this blog post, Dan’s research is exploring the history of food in borstal, before taking a closer look at what the boys at Gaynes Hall Borstal ate on a day-to-day basis
Food formed a central element of life in borstals. One of the underlying principles of the early borstals was that the food provided had to be nourishing and plentiful, with the intention of building juveniles’ bodily health and physical strength. They usually ate four meals a day (listed as ‘Breakfast, Dinner, Tea and Supper’ in some sources). Juveniles were understood to require a high-calorie diet, especially those in open borstals living active, primarily outdoor lifestyles. One report in 1949 gave the calorific value of borstal diets as being as high as 4495 calories for boys and 4329 calories for girls, considerably higher than the recommended daily amounts for adults today!
Mealtimes often varied from location to location. In some borstals, food was served inside cells to be consumed alone. In others, the juveniles ate together in large dining halls, either together with staff and other juveniles across the whole institution or subdivided by a House system like that found in public schools. The 1932 edition of Manual of Cooking and Baking also outlined adjusted diets for those with religious dietary rules, such as in the Jewish, Hindu, and Muslim faiths, as well as the guidelines for providing adequate and well-balanced nutrition.
Alongside eating food, juveniles in borstal would often be trained in the kitchens under the supervision of staff members before undertaking a cookery examination This was intended to provide the juveniles with qualifications and skills to enable them to find employment more easily once they were released back into civilian life. For example, boys at the Hollesley Bay Colony borstal were trained by kitchen staff, which would often result in them undertaking the certification offered by the Nautical Cookery Association.
In the 1948-56 Visitor Books for Gaynes Hall Borstal, visitors regularly commented on the quality and quantity of the food served, with “100 well-made loaves baked under ideal conditions.” Preparing meals, baking bread, and assisting kitchen staff with food service all fell under the responsibilities of many juveniles in borstal as a core element of their training.
The Prison Service archive at the National Justice Museum contains three menu books from Gaynes Hall open borstal in Cambridgeshire They outline what food was served on each day between 1975 and 1977. These menu books would be filled out weekly by the Cook and Baker Officer and subject to daily approval by the Governor and Medical Officer. Certain rules had to be followed, such as that similar dishes should not be served on the same day each week, or that the main and sweet dishes of a meal should provide a contrast to one another wherever possible.
So, what do these Menu Books reveal about what the borstal boys at Gaynes Hall ate?
A typical day at Gaynes Hall in the mid-1970s usually featured four meals, served at Breakfast, Lunch, Dinner, and Supper.
Breakfast usually contained a grain-based element, such as cereal or porridge, alongside a hot element such as grilled sausages, grilled bacon, eggs, and baked beans, as well as bread, margarine, and tea.
The midday meal was typically the largest meal of the day, with boys who were working on the grounds or offsite often being provided with a packed lunch. Common items on the menu
included liver and onions, braised hearts, roast chicken, cheese & onion flan, and a steamed meat roll. On Sunday, the menu books show that the boys were almost always served a dinner of roast meat (typically beef) and mixed vegetables
The evening meal also typically contained a substantial hot menu option, often accompanied by a side of vegetables. Items listed in the menu book included kippers, beefburgers, sausage rolls, cold luncheon meat, fried fish, and curry stew.
Supper was usually a sweet item, such as a slab cake, scone, or sweet bun, or a piece of fruit, usually an apple or a banana.
The Menu Books also shed light on the influence of different international cuisines on the food offered within Gaynes Hall’s dining room in the 1970s, with the appearance of spaghetti bolognaise, hamburgers, pizza, beef curry stew, cheese and ham souffles, and on one occasion a cheese fondue!
The Gaynes Hall Menu Books can also show us what Christmas dinner looked like for borstal boys! The meal served on Christmas Day 1975 consisted of the following:
Breakfast - Alpen, sausages, bacon, grapefruit, coffee (a rare item to find in the menu books – boys appear to have almost exclusively had tea!) bread, margarine and marmalade.
Lunchtime – A Christmas dinner consisting of soup, roast turkey, cranberry sauce, sage and onion stuffing, peas, mixed vegetables, roast potatoes, and gravy. For dessert, a serving of Christmas pudding with rum sauce.
Evening Meal - Christmas cake and tea was served alongside ‘Christmas Parcels’. These parcels were usually part of a scheme organised by Toc H which provided parcels donated by schools across the UK. They would be given to boys in borstals who were homeless or would (for whatever reason) be unlikely to receive a gift from their families at Christmastime, so that they would have something to open on Christmas Day
For supper before bed, the boys were given sausage rolls, mince pies, and orange squash to drink.
In a 2016 report on food in prisons, the HM Inspectorate of Prisons reported that “although many establishments are making commendable efforts with the resources available, too often the quantity and quality of the food provided is insufficient and the conditions in which it is served and eaten undermine respect for prisoners’ dignity.” The report also highlighted that, in 2014-15, whilst the average daily spend per patient on food services in hospitals was £9.88, by contrast ‘the basic catering budget allowance per prisoner per day was previously £2.02’. The report also called for specific nutritional values and conditions under which food should be eaten to be regulated, as well as calling for more opportunities for communal eating.
Food regularly features in the reported testimonies of young people within the Youth Secure Estate, with hunger appearing as a recurring issue. The size of food portions, the high prevalence of salty and sugary items, and the limited provision of adequate fruit and vegetables within the menu has all been reported within various findings papers. One study by Jenny Chambers in 2011 even reported that fruit had become currency within one Young Offender Institution, owing to the scarcity of healthy options on offer.
Food was (and continues to be) an important part of life within the Youth Secure Estate Nourishing and nutritional food, containing adequate levels of vitamins, macronutrients, and calories, is essential for the health and wellbeing of young people within institutional settings.
This research has been produced by as the result of a 4-month REP placement at the National Justice Museum. Many thanks go to The National Justice Museum and the White Rose College of the Arts and Humanities for their support throughout this project.
In this blog post, Dan’s research explores the history of sport and physical training in borstal.
For many boys living in borstals, a typical day began with physical education. In many borstals, including Feltham, Portland, Gaynes Hall and Hewell Grange, physical training would take place before breakfast, with the boys getting up around 6am. These classes were typically taken by all borstal boys (unless medically unfit) and sessions were overseen by a borstal officer who typically had qualifications in conducting physical education.
According to criminologist Sir Lionel Fox writing in 1952, women did not undergo daily physical training like the men did, but female juveniles in borstals did attend evening classes which included ‘keep fit’ classes, therapeutic exercise, and dancing classes.
Borstal boys were often given instruction in gymnastics, and, in several institutions, they would either volunteer for or be specially selected to form a Physical Training Display Team. These teams would perform routines at public events throughout the year and often featured within advertisements printed in local newspapers. Examples of this include the display team from Gaynes Hall who would perform physical training and gymnastic displays at the local St. Neots Carnival or the ‘Gymnastics and Physical Training Display’ described in the 1947 Sports Day Programme from Hollesley Bay Colony, which saw boys performing for the gathered staff members, other boys, and visiting spectators.
Football, cricket, rugby, basketball, and even boxing featured within the sporting programme that many borstal boys participated in. Several institutions held yearly Sports Days, where borstal boys (often divided into Houses like in public schools) would compete against one another. Events included long and short distance running, relay, Tug-O-War, Long Jump, High Jump, Shotput, and (on one occasion) the bun and treacle race, where boys would race in a relay to see which team could eat a treacle bun the fastest. Competition between boys, fostered through the house system, was encouraged in borstals, due to the prevalent belief amongst staff and commentators alike that competition led to the betterment of all who participated.
Boys didn’t just compete in sporting competitions against one another: At Gaynes Hall borstal, they also regularly played sports matches against other teams from the local area. Football and Cricket league scores as well as boxing competitions which saw Gaynes Hall boys boxing against competitors from the armed forces were all reported in the local press. In 1969, there was even a minor controversy surrounding the Gaynes Hall borstal boys joining the local rugby league, due to difficulties regarding payment of membership fees to the local league and that the boys needed to return to the borstal site at a certain time, making them being unable to join the other teams in drinking beer after fixtures. The Gaynes Hall boys were regularly invited to attend local events, such as sporting competitions, youth organisation rallies, local festivals, and boat races, showing how the borstal boys engaged with the wider community. In 1969, the Secretary of Huntingdon Athletics Club even stated that ‘Gaynes Hall is virtually our home course now’, following a call for greater sporting co-operation between Gaynes Hall borstal and local sporting clubs (Cambridge Daily News, 30 May 1930).
This research has been produced as the result of a 4-month REP placement at the National Justice Museum. Many thanks go to The National Justice Museum and the White Rose College of the Arts and Humanities for their support throughout this project.
This blog shares another important element of life for juveniles living in a borstal: education and training.
Whilst inside the borstal system, juveniles were given vocational training in various trades, including bricklaying, carpentry, plumbing, painting/decorating, motor mechanics, cooking, and metalworking.
Although the duration of a borstal sentence was seen to be insufficient time for training to a high level of expertise and craftsmanship, this vocational training was intended to prepare them for working life upon their release and provide them with a basic knowledge of various trades. Those juveniles who worked as either a labourer or a tradesperson within borstals were often paid for their work, with all earnings being able to be spent in the canteen on items such as cigarettes and sweets. In some cases, the money earned could also be saved up for collection on discharge from the borstal
In one instance in 1968, four boys from Gaynes Hall borstal even absconded from the borstal site in the car used in their motor vehicle maintenance classes, which had been ‘taken to pieces and re-assembled dozens of times during a vocational training course’ (Daily Mirror, 16 February 1968). The boys were reported to have ‘hauled the car out of a workshop, filled it with petrol, and then drove off through the main gate’ (Daily Mirror, 16 February 1968).
Borstal juveniles were often tasked with manufacturing work whilst working in borstals. Within the National Justice Museum’s archive, and other historical work on borstals, mention can be found of juveniles manufacturing reins and saddles, chain link fencing, bed frames, boat hulls, brushes, sheet metal, rugs, stools, wireless radio repair, shoemaking and repairing, and dressmaking and seamstress work (at East Sutton Park Girls Borstal)
Both male and female juveniles in borstal were expected to attend semi-regular evening education classes as part of their daily routine, often provided by local teachers and instructors. Their reading and writing skills were often assessed upon their entry into the borstal system, with them being classified by age as well as their assessed intelligence scores and sent to a borstal site that was deemed to match both their abilities and their criminal history. As a result, certain borstal institutions were categorised as catering for certain ‘types’ of juveniles, grouped by age, character (in the case of absconding risk in particular), and criminal record.
The Principles of the Borstal System, published by the Home Office in 1932, described education as being as important as physical health for juveniles in borstal and encouraged a variety of subjects intended to interest and engage those whose schooling may have been disrupted. Classes in English and arithmetic were given alongside lessons on social and political issues such as government, financial management, and the law. At Gaynes Hall borstal, the boys even took classes on business studies, with boys completing an Ordinary National Certificate of Business studies before moving onto a Certificate in Office Studies if they had completed a year’s practical office training. In 1971, a group of borstal boys from Gaynes Hall entered a national competition which saw them being given an imaginary £1000 to invest in the stock market In a previous year, one borstal boy was reported after three months to have turned his £1000 into £250,000 through profitable investments.
Girls at Aylesbury Borstal were also reported to have attended classes in subjects including music, art, handicrafts, shorthand and typewriting, hygiene, home management and mothercraft The education programmes at boys’ and girls’ borstals typically featured classes associated with prevalent gender norms, with boys being taught trade skills, business, and politics and girls being taught skills that were believed to ‘return’ wayward girls to their stereotypical caring roles as wives and mothers, such as mothercraft, domestic science, and handicrafts.
Pursuing hobbies and interests was actively encouraged for the juveniles within the borstal system. Visits to local cinemas, concerts, and theatres were arranged for inmates by borstal staff Boys staged their own dramatic productions – the Gaynes Hall Drama Group staged several local performances including a pantomime of Aladdin in 1960 with proceeds going to a local church restoration fund. The young people were encouraged to read and listen to music during their free time within borstal At the 1959 St Neots Carnival festivities, it was even reported that ‘500 skiffle-happy teenagers jived in the tented arena at the skiffle competition. Of four bands competing, that of Gaynes Hall Borstal Institution was adjudged the winner’ (Bedfordshire Times and Independent, 4 September 1959).
Juveniles in Borstal would occasionally join external groups and organisations during their time in borstal, including Scouts and Guides and local Army Cadet groups. Selected juveniles would be permitted to participate in cadet events, such as football matches and parades, as well as attending an annual cadet camp. At Rochester Borstal, it was reported that many boys passed straight into the army on their discharge, with the combination of cadet and borstal training being seen as forming the preliminary training for military duties.
This research has been produced as the result of a 4-month REP placement at the National Justice Museum. Many thanks go to The National Justice Museum and the White Rose College of the Arts and Humanities for their support throughout this project.
In this blog, Dan takes a closer look at the medical care of juveniles in borstals.
Medical care was typically provided by an appointed Medical Officer, who oversaw the health of all juveniles within the borstal Dentist and opticians often visited borstals to provide care as needed, as well as supplying juvenile patients with dentures and spectacles. New arrivals to borstals typically underwent a medical exam at an allocation centre. Medical officers would check for signs of malnutrition, conduct tests for venereal or infectious disease, and record medical information relating to family history, height, intelligence, and weight.
Many borstals had a hospital building on site, where juveniles would typically receive treatment for minor ailments or spend time recovering from injuries or diseases. For more advanced medical care such as major operations, individuals would typically be sent either to specialised institutions such as the hospital at Wormwood Scrubs Prison in London (see the photos in this blog for a look at what the hospital at Wormwood Scrubs would have looked like) or to local hospitals as in the case of Gaynes Hall boys being sent to St Neots Hospital for treatment. Once the treatment had been carried out, boys would then be returned to the
borstal where they would often recover in the sick bay. According to Prisons and Borstals, published in 1950, there was ‘ample provision in the prison for dealing with all normal midwifery cases, and their ante- and post-natal care, but women are allowed to enter public hospitals for the period of their lying-in if they so desire’. As a result, many women opted to give birth in external hospital locations outside of the prison estate.
Many borstals also functioned as sites for the psychiatric assessment and care of juveniles. Feltham, a designated psychiatric borstal, often received borstal boys who had been assessed to be either medically or psychologically unsuitable for other borstal sites and required medical supervision. Records in the National Justice Museum also highlight how some borstal boys would be transferred to sanatoriums to receive psychiatric treatment upon assessment by medical staff.
The Gaynes Hall Visitor Reports held within the archives at the National Justice Museum can offer us some further insights into the medical care of juveniles in borstal. Visitors regularly reported on the general fitness of the juveniles, as well as outlining the numbers recovering in the institution sick bay, usually due to seasonal infectious diseases or injuries sustained through sport or work Juveniles were also reported to have been sent to local hospitals for treatment in the case of needing operations, such as for the removal of the appendix or tonsils. Visitors to Gaynes Hall appear to have been generally impressed with the overall good health of the borstal lads on their inspections The Visitor Books in the National Justice Museum’s archives record how many individuals were in the sick bay at the time of the inspection, but also regularly featured comments like ‘the general fitness of the lads, as
indicated by the empty hospital, was confirmed by their appearance when I saw them at their mid-day meal’ (27 April 1950). Often, the empty sick bay was taken as an indicator of general good health
Gaynes Hall borstal appears to have been also involved in broader public health programmes throughout its lifetime. In 1955, The Mass Radiography Unit visited Gaynes Hall and it was reported that every single borstal lad was scanned. These mass radiography units would use x-rays to examine individuals who otherwise appeared healthy for internal indicators of disease, such as signs of tuberculosis. The same year, following one diagnosis of Weil’s disease at Gaynes Hall (an infectious disease spread by rats), the Pest Officers of the Ministry of Agriculture were brought on site to conduct an extensive disinfestation, finding evidence of the disease in the rats.
In line with other public health concerns, one newspaper article from 1974 reported that 73 boys from Gaynes Hall had given blood according to figures released by the National Blood Transfusion Service, a large proportion of the institution. In several instances, the annual Reports of the Commissioners of Prisons reported that, following a visit from the Blood Transfusion Service, there was a near 100% volunteer rate from the boys in the borstal, with
the 1955 report stating that the ‘lads take great pride in their record cards and many I know have left here with the intention to continuing as blood donors’.
Infectious disease was a considerable and recurring concern in borstals throughout their operation due to the close proximity of juveniles to one another During the 1950s flu outbreaks, borstals reported influenza cases. The Report of Commissioners of Prisons 1951 reported that ‘epidemics of vary severity occurred in many establishments during the early months of the year and one death occurred at Bristol from Influenza Pneumonia’. Similarly, the Report of Commissioners of Prisons 1957 reported that during that year’s influenza epidemic that ‘most establishments were affected’ and that, although there were ‘few cases with serious complications’, two deaths were reported.
Prison rules could be strict in terms of controls to prevent infectious disease outbreaks. For example, in most cases clothes were boiled before being reissued to new arrivals and, in some cases, certain books from the on-site library were sometimes strictly reserved for those suffering from infectious disease, which would be thoroughly disinfected after their return. Special cells and treatment rooms were often provided for those who had been diagnosed with infectious diseases or who required alternative provision, such as those juveniles who had epilepsy and therefore required specially-adapted rooms.
This research has been produced as the result of a 4-month REP placement at the National Justice Museum. Many thanks go to The National Justice Museum and the White Rose College of the Arts and Humanities for their support throughout this project.