Rapid urbanisation urban food deserts and food security in africa 1st edition jonathan crush

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Jonathan Crush · Jane Battersby Editors

Rapid Urbanisation, Urban Food Deserts and Food Security in Africa

RapidUrbanisation,UrbanFoodDeserts andFoodSecurityinAfrica

JonathanCrush • JaneBattersby Editors

RapidUrbanisation, UrbanFoodDeserts andFoodSecurityinAfrica

Editors JonathanCrush InternationalMigrationResearchCentre BalsillieSchoolofInternationalAffairs Waterloo,ON Canada

JaneBattersby AfricanCentreforCities UniversityofCapeTown Rondebosch,CapeTown SouthAfrica

ISBN978-3-319-43566-4ISBN978-3-319-43567-1(eBook) DOI10.1007/978-3-319-43567-1

LibraryofCongressControlNumber:2016947738

© SpringerInternationalPublishingSwitzerland2016

Thisworkissubjecttocopyright.AllrightsarereservedbythePublisher,whetherthewholeorpart ofthematerialisconcerned,specificallytherightsoftranslation,reprinting,reuseofillustrations, recitation,broadcasting,reproductiononmicrofilmsorinanyotherphysicalway,andtransmission orinformationstorageandretrieval,electronicadaptation,computersoftware,orbysimilarordissimilar methodologynowknownorhereafterdeveloped.

Theuseofgeneraldescriptivenames,registerednames,trademarks,servicemarks,etc.inthis publicationdoesnotimply,evenintheabsenceofaspecificstatement,thatsuchnamesareexemptfrom therelevantprotectivelawsandregulationsandthereforefreeforgeneraluse.

Thepublisher,theauthorsandtheeditorsaresafetoassumethattheadviceandinformationinthis bookarebelievedtobetrueandaccurateatthedateofpublication.Neitherthepublishernorthe authorsortheeditorsgiveawarranty,expressorimplied,withrespecttothematerialcontainedhereinor foranyerrorsoromissionsthatmayhavebeenmade.

Printedonacid-freepaper

ThisSpringerimprintispublishedbySpringerNature TheregisteredcompanyisSpringerInternationalPublishingAGSwitzerland

Acknowledgements

TheeditorswouldliketothanktheInternationalDevelopmentResearchCentre (IDRC)andtheSocialSciencesandHumanitiesResearchCouncilofCanada (SSHRC)forits fi nancialsupportoftheHungryCitiesPartnership(HCP)through theInternationalPartnershipforSustainableSocieties(IPaSS)Program.Wealso acknowledgethesupportofapublicationgrantfromtheBalsillieSchoolof InternationalAffairs.

JaneBattersbyandJonathanCrush 2TheMythologyofUrbanAgriculture

BruceFrayne,CameronMcCordicandHelenaShilomboleni

3TheSpatialLogicofSupermarketExpansionandFoodAccess

JaneBattersbyandStephenPeyton

4FoodAccessandInsecurityinaSupermarketCity

MaryCaesarandJonathanCrush

5RapidEconomicGrowthandUrbanFoodInsecurity

BenjaminAcquah,StephenKapundaandAlexanderLegwegoh 6FoodInsecurity,PovertyandInformality

InêsRaimundo,JonathanCrushandWadePendleton

GodfreyTawodzera

8PovertyandUnevenFoodSecurityinUrbanSlums

ShukriF.Mohamed,BlessingUchennaMberu,DjesikaD.Amendah, ElizabethW.Kimani-Murage,RemareEttarh,LillySchofield, ThaddeusEgondi,FrederickWekesahandCatherineKyobutungi 9Gender,MobilityandFoodSecurity

LiamRileyandBelindaDodson

10Migration,Rural-UrbanLinkagesandFoodInsecurity

NdeyapoNickanor,JonathanCrushandWadePendleton

LaurenSneyd

Contributors

BenjaminAcquah DepartmentofEconomics,UniversityofBotswana,Gaborone, Botswana

DjesikaD.Amendah HealthChallengesandSystemsProgram,African PopulationandHealthResearchCenter,Nairobi,Kenya

JaneBattersby AfricanCentreforCities,UniversityofCapeTown,CapeTown, SouthAfrica

AndreaM.Brown PoliticalScience,WilfridLaurierUniversity,Waterloo,ON, Canada

MaryCaesar BalsillieSchoolofInternationalAffairs,Waterloo,ON,Canada

JonathanCrush BalsillieSchoolofInternationalAffairs,Waterloo,ON,Canada

BelindaDodson DepartmentofGeography,UniversityofWesternOntario, London,ON,Canada

ThaddeusEgondi DNDiAfrica,Nairobi,Kenya

RemareEttarh AlbertaInnovates HealthSolutions,Edmonton,Canada

BruceFrayne SchoolofEnvironment,EnterpriseandDevelopment,Universityof Waterloo,Waterloo,ON,Canada

StephenKapunda DepartmentofEconomics,UniversityofBotswana,Gaborone, Botswana

ElizabethW.Kimani-Murage HealthChallengesandSystemsProgram,African PopulationandHealthResearchCenter,Nairobi,Kenya

CatherineKyobutungi AfricanPopulationandHealthResearchCenter,Nairobi, Kenya

AlexanderLegwegoh DepartmentofGeography,UniversityofGuelph,Guelph, ON,Canada

BlessingUchennaMberu UrbanizationandWellbeingProgram,African PopulationandHealthResearchCenter,Nairobi,Kenya

CameronMcCordic BalsillieSchoolofInternationalAffairs,Waterloo,ON, Canada

ShukriF.Mohamed HealthChallengesandSystemsProgram,African PopulationandHealthResearchCenter,Nairobi,Kenya

NdeyapoNickanor FacultyofScience,UniversityofNamibia,Windhoek, Namibia

WadePendleton CapeTown,SouthAfrica

StephenPeyton DepartmentofGeographyandEnvironmentalStudies, MacalesterCollege,StPaul,MN,USA

InêsRaimundo FacultyofArtsandSocialSciences,EduardoMondlane University,Maputo,Mozambique

LiamRiley BalsillieSchoolofInternationalAffairs,Waterloo,ON,Canada

LillyScho field SavetheChildrenUK,London,UK

HelenaShilomboleni DepartmentofEnvironmentandResourceStudies, UniversityofWaterloo,Waterloo,ON,Canada

NomceboSimelane DepartmentofGeography,EnvironmentalScienceand Planning,UniversityofSwaziland,P/BKwaluseni,Swaziland

LaurenSneyd BalsillieSchoolofInternationalAffairs,Waterloo,ON,Canada

GodfreyTawodzera DepartmentofGeographyandEnvironmentalSciences, UniversityofLimpopo,Sovenga,SouthAfrica

DanielTevera DepartmentofGeography,EnvironmentalStudiesandTourism, UniversityoftheWesternCape,CapeTown,SouthAfrica

FrederickWekesah AfricanPopulationandHealthResearchCenter,Nairobi, Kenya

Abbreviations

3ADIAcceleratedAgribusinessandAgro-industriesDevelopment Initiative

ADBAfricanDevelopmentBank

AFSUNAfricanFoodSecurityUrbanNetwork

AIDSAcquiredImmuneDe ficiencySyndrome

ALVAfricanLeafyVegetables

AMICAALLAllianceofMayorsInitiativeforCommunityActiononHIVand AIDSattheLocalLevel

APHRCAfricanPopulationandHealthResearchCenter

BPBritishPetroleum

CBDCentralBusinessDistrict

CBOsCommunity-BasedOrganisations

CFSVAComprehensiveFoodSecurityandVulnerabilityAnalysis

CIConfidenceInterval

CIGICentreforInternationalGovernanceInnovation

CRFSCityRegionFoodSystem

CSOCentralStatisticsOffice

DPMODeputyPrimeMinister ’sOffice

DSWSocialWelfareDepartment

ESAPEconomicStructuralAdjustmentProgramme

EUEuropeanUnion

FANTAFoodandNutritionTechnicalAssistance

FAOFoodandAgricultureOrganizationoftheUnitedNations

FDIForeignDirectInvestment

FEWSNETFamineEarlyWarningSystemsNetwork

FTLRPFastTrackLandReformProgramme

GDPGrossDomesticProduct

GISGeographicInformationSystems

GNUGovernmentofNationalUnity

GPSGlobalPositioningSystems

HCPHungryCitiesPartnership

HDDSHouseholdDietaryDiversityScore

HDIHumanDevelopmentIndex

HFIAPHouseholdFoodInsecurityAccessPrevalence

HFIASHouseholdFoodInsecurityAccessScale

HFZHumidForestZone

HIVHumanImmunode ficiencyVirus

IDPsInternallyDisplacedPersons

IDRCInternationalDevelopmentResearchCentre

IDSUEIndicatorDevelopmentforSurveillanceofUrbanEmergencies

IFADInternationalFundforAgriculturalDevelopment

ILOInternationalLabourOrganization

IMFInternationalMonetaryFund

IPaSSInternationalPartnershipforSustainableSocieties

ISUInternationalSustainabilityUnit

KCCAKampalaCapitalCityAuthority

KESKenyanShilling

LPILivedPovertyIndex

MAHFPMonthsofAdequateHouseholdFoodProvisioning

MDGsMillenniumDevelopmentGoals

MINFOFMinistèredesForêtsetdelaFaune

NADNamibianDollar

NCCUNationalChildren’sCoordinatingUnit

NCPsNeighbourhoodCarePoints

NDPUganda’sNationalDevelopmentPlan

NERCHANationalEmergencyResponseCouncilonHIV/AIDS

NGOsNon-governmentalOrganisations

NMPNationalMigrationPolicy

NRMNationalResistanceMovement

NUHDSSNairobiUrbanHealthandDemographicSurveillanceSystem

OAGOldAgeGrant

OROddsRatio

OVCOrphanedandVulnerableChildren

PAGPublicAssistanceGrants

PMAPlanfortheModernisationofAgriculture

PRSPPovertyReductionStrategyPlan

PSUPrimarySamplingUnit

RHVPRegionalHungerandVulnerabilityProgramme

RUAFResourcesCentresonUrbanAgricultureandFoodSecurity

SADCSouthernAfricanDevelopmentCommunity

SAPStructuralAdjustmentProgramme

SDGSustainableDevelopmentGoal

SDISlumDwellersInternational

SSHRCSocialSciencesandHumanitiesResearchCouncilofCanada

SUDPStrategicUrbanDevelopmentPlan

SZLSwazilandLilangeni

TSUPUTransformingtheSettlementsfortheUrbanPoorinUganda

UAUrbanAgriculture

UCCBUniversityCentralConsultancyBureau

UKUnitedKingdom

UNUnitedNations

UNDPUnitedNationsDevelopmentProgram

UNFPUganda’sNationalFoodandNutritionPolicy

UNHABITATUnitedNationsHumanSettlementsProgramme

UNICEFUnitedNationsChildren’sEmergencyFund

UNUFUgandaNationalUrbanForum

UNUPUganda’sNationalUrbanPolicy

UPHUrbanandPeri-urbanHorticulture

USAUnitedStatesofAmerica

USAIDUnitedStatesAgencyforInternationalDevelopment

USDUnitedStatesDollar

USPSUrbanSectorProfilingStudy

VACVulnerabilityAssessmentCommittee

WFPWorldFoodProgramme

WHOWorldHealthOrganization

ZWDZimbabweanDollar

ListofFigures

Figure2.1Urbanhouseholdengagementinurbanagriculturein

Figure3.1Proportionofhouseholdsinsub-placesbyincome

Figure4.1Agedistributionofsurveyhouseholdmembers

Figure4.2Incometercilesoffemale-centredandotherhouseholds

Figure10.1PopulationgrowthofWindhoek

Figure10.3HFIASScoresofmigrantandotherhouseholds

Figure10.4HFIAPcategoriesofmigrantandotherhouseholds

Figure10.5Distributionofdietarydiversityscores

ListofTables

Table1.1LevelsofurbanizationinAfricabyregion,1990–2050.....5

Table1.2Levelsofurbanizationincasestudycountries, 2010–2050....................................5

Table2.1Householdsamplesizebycity......................21

Table2.2ComparisonofhouseholdfoodsecurityscoresbyUA engagementandcity.............................27

Table2.3Correlationsofhouseholdfoodsecurityscoreswith frequencyofhouseholdUAengagementbycity..........28

Table4.1PopulationofMsunduzi,1996–2011..................49

Table4.2Sourcesofhouseholdincome.......................51

Table4.3HFIAPscoresbyhouseholdtype,sizeandincome........53

Table5.1Growthofpopulationinurbansettlements:1964–2001.....60

Table5.2Employmentstatusbysex.........................62

Table5.3Sourcesofincomebyhouseholdtype.................63

Table5.4Levelsoffoodinsecuritybytypeofhouseholdlevelsby typeofhousehold...............................64

Table5.5Sourcesoffood................................66

Table6.1Responsestofoodinsecurity.......................76

Table6.2Householdfoodsources...........................78

Table6.3Frequencyoffoodpurchaseatdifferentoutlets..........78

Table6.4Participationininformaleconomybyhouseholdtypeand size.........................................79

Table6.5HFIAPscaleamongparticipantsandnon-participants ininformaleconomy.............................80

Table6.6HDDSscoresamongparticipantsandnon-participantsin informaleconomy...............................81

Table7.1FoodsourcesinHarare,2008and2012................92

Table7.2Levelsofhouseholdfoodinsecurity,2008and2012.......92

Table7.3Levelsofemploymentandunemployment, 2008and2012.................................93

Table8.1Distributionofbackgroundcharacteristicsofhouseholds....101

Table8.2Householdcharacteristicsbyfoodsecuritystatus.........103

Table8.3Determinantsoffoodsecuritystatus..................105

Table9.1Householdfoodsecuritylevelsbyhouseholdtype........117

Table10.1MigrantandotherhouseholdsinWindhoek.............133

Table10.2Employmentstatusofmigranthouseholdmembers........134

Table11.1WildfoodsavailableinCamerooniancities.............148

Table11.2Examplesofwildfoodpricesbycityandseason.........150

Table12.1Comparisonoffoodpricesbetweensupermarketsandspaza shops.......................................163

Table12.2FrequencyofpatronageoffoodoutletsinManzini........163

Table12.3Frequencywithwhichfreefoodisnormallyobtained......164

Chapter1

TheMakingofUrbanFoodDeserts

JaneBattersbyandJonathanCrush

Abstract Themainobjectiveofthisbookistoexamineaspectsoftherelationship betweenfoodandcitiesintheGlobalSouth,andAfricainparticular.Whilefood securitypolicythinkingattheglobalandnationalscalehaslargelyneglectedthe urbandimension,thoseconcernedwithurbantransformationhavelargelyignored foodsecurityandfoodsystems.Itisthereforeimportanttounderstandthe dimensionsandcharacterofthecontinent’s21stcenturyurbantransitionandtolay outwhatwedoknowabouturbanfoodsystemsandthedriversoffoodinsecurityin thecities.Thechapter firstdescribestheurbantransitioncurrentlyunderwayin AfricaandthemaincharacteristicsofAfrica’surbanrevolution.Thenextsection examinesthedimensionsandchallengesofurbanfoodinsecurityinAfricancities. Thenthechapterturnstotheactualconnectionsbetweenfoodandcitiesasseen throughthelensoftheconceptof “fooddeserts.” Itshowshoweachofthecontributionstothisvolumeilluminatesdifferentfacetsofthecomplexrealityofthe Africanurbanfooddesert.

Keywords Africa Foodsecurity Urbanization Urbanrevolution Food deserts SDGs

1.1Introduction

InSeptember2015,theUnitedNations(UN)adoptedanewglobaldevelopment agenda theSustainableDevelopmentGoals(SDGs) whichwilldriveinternationaldevelopmentpoliciesandinterventionsforthenexttwodecades.Amongst thegoalsandtargetsaretwoofparticularrelevanceforthisvolume:(a)SDG2:End hunger,achievefoodsecurityandimprovednutrition,andpromotesustainable

J.Battersby

AfricanCentreforCities,UniversityofCapeTown,CapeTown,SouthAfrica

J.Crush(&)

BalsillieSchoolofInternationalAffairs,67ErbStW,Waterloo,ON,Canada e-mail:jcrush@balsillieschool.ca

© SpringerInternationalPublishingSwitzerland2016

J.CrushandJ.Battersby(eds.), RapidUrbanisation,UrbanFoodDeserts andFoodSecurityinAfrica,DOI10.1007/978-3-319-43567-1_1

agriculture;and(b)SDG11:Makecitiesinclusive,safe,resilientandsustainable. Oneofthemoststrikingfeaturesofthesetwogoals,andtheiraccompanying targets,isthattheyappeartohavenothingtodowithoneanother.Forexample, SDG2makesnoreferencetotheimplicationsofurbanizationfortheachievement ofthegoalofendinghungerandachievingfoodsecurity.Instead,theprimaryfocus isonagriculturalproductionandproductivity,especiallyamongstsmallfarmers. SDG2thussuccessfullyreproducestheproblematicanti-urbanbiasthathasdominatedtheglobaldiscourseonfoodsecurityforthelasttwodecades(Crushand Frayne 2014).Inaddition,thegoaldisplaysanunfortunatetendencytoconflate foodinsecurityandhunger.SDG2isalreadybeingabbreviatedsimplyto “End hunger” or “ZeroHunger” inpopularandpromotionalmaterials,thusensuringthat foodinsecuritycontinuestobeseenasalackoffood,ratherthananissueoffood accessandinadequatediets(UN 2015a).

Whilefoodsecuritypolicythinkingattheglobalandnationalscalehaslargely neglectedtheurbandimension,thoseconcernedwithurbantransformationhave largelyignoredfoodsecurityandfoodsystems(CrushandFrayne 2014).SDG11’s aimofmakingcitiesinclusive,safe,andresilientisconsistentwiththislineof thinking.Thegoalhaseleventargetsthatincludesafeandaffordablehousingand slumupgrading;safe,affordable,accessibleandsustainabletransportsystems; improvedairqualityandwastemanagement;accesstosafe,inclusiveandaccessible,greenandpublicspaces;disasterriskmanagementandtheuseoflocal materialsinbuildings.Foodisfundamentaltourbanresilienceandsustainability yetthegoalmakesnomentionofit.AsPothukuchiandKaufman(2000)have argued: “Air,water,foodandshelterareamongtheessentialsoflife.Plannershave beeninvolvedineffortstoimprovethequalityofairandwaterthroughpollution controlprogramsandmorecomprehensivelyinshelterplanning.Butthefourth essential,food,hasbeenvirtuallyignored.” Inthemanyexistinginternational, nationalandmunicipalstrategiesforurbanmanagement,itisratherasifthe50% oftheworld’spopulationwholiveincitiesdonotneedtoeat.TheUNHABITAT website,forexample,identifiesanumberofurbanthemesintheagency’sportfolio (includingland,water,sanitation,housing,energyandmobility)butfoodisconspicuouslyabsent.UNHABITAT’srecent TowardsanAfricaUrbanAgenda, similarlydoesnotmentionfoodaspartofthe “institutionalarchitecturetooptimise Africa’surbanfuture” (UNHABITAT 2015,p.38).

ThesiloeffectevidentwithintheSDGprocessmeansthaturbanfoodissuesare likelytocontinuetobesidelinedinbothglobalfoodsecurityandurbandevelopmentagendas(Battersbyforthcoming).Yet,asCarolynSteel(2008,p.ix)observes inherseminalbook, HungryCity, “Foodandcitiesaresofundamentaltoour everydaylivesthattheyarealmosttoobigtosee.Yetifyouputthemtogether,a remarkablerelationshipemerges.” Themainobjectiveofthisvolumeistoexamine aspectsofthe “remarkablerelationship” betweenfoodandcitiesintheGlobal South,andAfricainparticular.Thereislittlelikelihoodthatacollectionofessays dedicatedtoexploringtheconnectionbetweenfoodandtheurbanwillbreakdown anysilos.Butbydrawingattentiontothedailysignificanceoffoodandits accessibilityforthemillionslivinginandmovingtocities,andthemanycomplex

challengesoffeedingtheurbanpoor,itmayhelptofurtheranewandurgently neededresearchagenda.SuchwastheambitionoftheAfricanFoodSecurityUrban Network(AFSUN)whenitwasfoundedin2008andthisbookpresentssomeofthe casestudyresearchconductedsincethattimebyAFSUNandtheHungryCities Partnership(Crush 2013).

Beforeexaminingthenatureoftherelationshipbetweenfoodandcitiesin Africa,itisimportanttounderstandthedimensionsandcharacterofthecontinent’s 21stcenturyurbantransitionandtolayoutwhatwedoknowabouturbanfood systemsandthedriversoffoodinsecurityinthecities.Thenextsectionofthe introductionthereforedescribestheurbantransitioncurrentlyunderwayinAfrica andthemaincharacteristicsofAfrica’surbanrevolution.Thesecondsection examinesthedimensionsandchallengesofurbanfoodinsecurityinAfricancities. Thenthechapterturnstotheactualconnectionsbetweenfoodandcitiesasseen throughthelensoftheconceptof “fooddeserts.” Thechaptershowshoweachof thecontributionstothisvolumeilluminatesdifferentfacetsofthecomplexrealityof theAfricanurbanfooddesert.

1.2TheAfricanRevolution

Globally,morepeoplenowliveintownsandcitiesthaninthecountryside.In1950, 30%oftheworld’spopulationwasurbanized(UN 2015b).By2014,theproportionhadrisento54%andisprojectedtoincreasefurtherto66%by mid-century.Naturalincreaseandmigrationwilladdanother2.5billionpeopleto theworld’surbanpopulationby2050,almostallofwhomwillbelivingincitiesof theGlobalSouth(UN 2015b).EvenAfrica,oftenseenasapredominantlyrural continent,isundergoingarapidprocessofurbanization.ParnellandPieterse(2014) convincinglyarguethatthenatureandpaceofchangeconstitutesan “urbanrevolution” whichwillseemorethanhalfofthepopulationlivingintownsandcities bymid-century(Fig. 1.1).Thecontinent’surbanpopulationisprojectedtoincrease from455millionin2014to1.26billionby2050,whichwillamounttonearly60% ofthetotalpopulation(Fig. 1.2).

Africa’surbanrevolutionhasseveralcharacteristics,whichareofparticular relevancetothethemesofthisvolume(ParnellandPieterse 2014).First,thereare considerablevariationsincurrentlevelsandratesofurbanizationacrossthecontinent.Butnoregionorcountryisbecoming less urbanized;allareonthesame trajectory,allareparticipatingintherevolution.Atpresent,onlyNorthernAfricais morethan50%urbanwithEasternAfricatheleasturbanized(Table 1.1).By2050, allregionsexceptEasternAfricaareprojectedtobeover50%urban.Someofthe mosturbanizedstates likeSouthAfrica,Djibouti,Gabon,Congo,andAlgeria alreadyhaveover60%ofthepopulationlivingincities,whileinmanyothersless thanathirdofthepopulationisurbanized.Thisvolumecontainschaptersfromten Africancountries,allwithverydifferentlevelsofurbanization.Atpresent,justthree aremorethan50%urban(SouthAfrica,BotswanaandCameroon)(Table 1.2).By

Fig.1.1 UrbanandruralpopulationofAfrica,1950–2050.*Projected. Source Datafrom UNHABITAT(2015:266)

Fig.1.2 GrowthintheUrbanAfricanpopulation,1950–2050.*Projected. Source Datafrom UNHABITAT(2015:264)

2050,UNHABITATprojectsthatsixwillbemorethanhalfurbanwhiletheothers willalsohaveseenmajorgrowthintheproportionofthepopulationlivinginurban areas.Overall,thenumberofpeopleinurbanareasinthesetencountriesisprojected toincreasefrom72millionin2010to218millionin2050.

Asecondfeatureoftheurbanrevolutionisbothasignifi cantincreaseinthe numberofverylargecitiesandrapidgrowthofurbanareasfurtherdowntheurban

Table1.1 LevelsofurbanizationinAfricabyregion,1990–2050

Urbanpopulation(‘000)%Urban 199020102050*199020142050*

EasternAfrica35,10477,954358,974182345

CentralAfrica71,676126,689278,350324162

NorthernAfrica63,969102,249195,877465165

SouthernAfrica42,09357,78067,327495974

WesternAfrica60,554134,810488,886334466

*Projected. Source DatafromUN-Habitat(2015:264–267)

Table1.2 Levelsof urbanizationincasestudy countries,2010–2050

2010(‘000)2050(‘000)* No.%UrbanNo.%Urban

SouthAfrica30,8556243,61677

Botswana122461196479

Cameroon10,0965237,38771

Namibia86339221462

Zimbabwe47933812,49061

Mozambique72413125,33551

Kenya95942444,30246

Swaziland2532149930

Malawi23161615,67032

Uganda50671534,81537

*Projected. Source DatafromUNHABITAT(2015)

hierarchy(generallylabelledsecondaryurbanization)(Roberts 2014).Urbanprimacy,wherethelargestcityisseveraltimesthesizeofthesecondlargest,isstilla characteristicfeatureofAfricanurbanization.Atthesametime, “Africaisnolonger acontinentofvillagesandtowns;itencompassesthefullspectrumofscaleinurban settlement” (ParnellandPieterse 2014,p.4).ThevastmajorityofurbanAfricans (almost60%)liveincitiesortownsoffewerthan500,000(ParnellandPieterse 2014,p.8)(Fig. 1.3).However,theproportionoftheurbanpopulationinurban areasofthissizeisprojectedbyUNHABITAT(2015)tofallto46%by2030.At theotherendoftheurbanhierarchy,citiesof1to5millionandover5millionwill commandanincreasingshareoftheoverallAfricanurbanpopulation.By2030,an estimated44%oftheurbanpopulationwillbeincitiesofthissize,upfrom29% in1990.

Athirdfeatureoftheurbanrevolutionisthatcitiesofallsizesmaintainclose connectionswiththeirruralhinterlandsthroughacontinuousandcomplex “webof relationsandconnectionsincorporatingruralandurbandimensionsandallthatisin between” (Tacoli 2007).Theserural-urbanlinkagesinclude “reciprocal flows” of people,goods,services,money,andfoodbetweenruralandurbanlocations (Berdegué andProctor 2014).Considerableattentionhasbeendevotedtothecirculationofpeoplebetweenurbanandruralareas(Potts 2010).Overtime,asmore

Fig.1.3 ProportionofAfricanurbanpopulationindifferentsizedcities,1970–2030. Source Data fromUN(2015b:87)

andmorepeoplemovepermanentlytothecities,andtheproportionofurban-born inthepopulationcontinuestorise,theselinkageswillloosenandinmanycases starttodissolve.However,theyareunlikelytodisappearaltogetheraslongasurban dwellersmaintaincontactwithdistantrural “homes.” Oneofthemostcommon contemporaryformsoflinkagebindingurbanandruralareasisreciprocalremittancesintheformofcash flowsfromtowntocountrysideandinformalfood remittancesoutsidemarketchannelsintheotherdirection(CrushandCaesar 2016; Frayne 2010).

Finally,thereiswhatParnellandPieterse(2014,p.9)refertoas “thepredominanceofinformalmodesofurbanisation.” Themostobviousexpressionof thisprocessisthelargenumberofurbanresidentswholiveininformalsettlements. InUNHABITAT(2015)’slexicon,these “slums” housethemajorityofthepopulationinmanyAfricancitiesasnewhousingconstructionfailstokeeppacewith in-migrationandnaturalpopulationgrowth.In2014,thetotalslumpopulationin Sub-SaharanAfricawas201millionoutofatotalurbanpopulationof359million (or56%ofthetotal,morethandoublethatinmostotherregionsoftheGlobal South).Anotherrelatedaspectofinformalmodesofurbanisationisthefactthat manyurban-dwellersareinvolvedinthelargeandgrowingurbaninformalsector. Formalsectorunemploymentishighinmanycitiesandtheinformaleconomyhas becomethemajorlivelihoodsource.InSub-SaharanAfricaasawhole,employmentandself-employmentintheinformaleconomyaccountfor66%ofall non-agriculturaljobs,and74%ofwomen’sjobs(Vaneketal. 2014,p.8).These figuresvaryconsiderablyfromcountrytocountry:inSouthAfrica,forexample,it isonly34%whereasinMaliitisashighas82%.

1.3FoodInsecuritiesofAfricanCities

Eachofthechaptersinthisvolumeshedslightononeormoreofthesefeaturesof theurbanrevolutioninrelationtodifferent-sizedcitiesincountrieswithdifferent levelsofurbanization,anddoessothroughthelensoffoodsecurity.Midgley (2013)hasrecentlyprovidedahistoriographyoftheconceptof “food(in)security” andshownhowitsmanyandshiftinginterpretationswere finallyconsolidatedinto asingleall-embracingdefinitionatthe1996WorldFoodSummit(FAO 1996).This definition(withminormodifi cations)isnowcitedinvirtuallyallpublicationsand forumsonthesubject: “Foodsecurityis… thesituationthatexistswhenallpeople, atalltimes,havephysical,socialandeconomicaccesstosuffi cientsafeand nutritiousfoodthatmeetstheirdietaryneedsandfoodpreferencesforanactiveand healthylife.” SubsequentunpackingofthisdefinitionbytheFAO(theUnited NationsFoodandAgricultureOrganization)suggestedthatitcontainsfouressential dimensionsor “pillars ” allofwhichhavetobesatisfiedforastateoffoodsecurity toexistatwhateverscaleweareconcernedwith:foodavailability,foodaccess, foodutilizationandfoodstability.Inpractice,moreresearchandpolicyattention hasbeengiventothe firstpillar(availability)thantheotherthreecombined.

TheFAOestimatesthattherearenow218millionundernourishedpeoplein Africa(upfrom182millionin1990–1992).Such figureshaveledtotheconclusion thatthereisachronicproblemoffoodshortage,whichcanbeaddressedthrough increasedagriculturalproductionandproductivity(FAOetal. 2015,p8).Infact, theframingoffoodinsecurityasanagriculturalandruralissueisjustifi edbythe claimthat “acrossthedevelopingworld,themajorityofthepoorandmostofthe hungryliveinruralareas” (FAOetal. 2015,p.26).Further, “toaccelerateprogress inimprovingaccesstofoodbythepoor,laggingregions,particularlysub-Saharan Africa,willincreasinglyhavetotransformtheiragriculturalpoliciestosignifi cantly improveagriculturalproductivityandincreasethequantityoffoodsuppliedby familyfarmers” (FAOetal. 2015,p.33).Thisreiterationofadeeply-entrenched conventionalwisdomaboutthenatureandsolutionstofoodinsecurityfocuses almostexclusivelyonruralareasandonfoodshortages(availability).Ithaslittleof substancetosayabouturbanization,thefoodsecurityofurbanpopulations,andthe otherthreepillarsoffoodsecurity,allofwhicharecentralintheurbancontext.

Thelastdecadehasseenthreemajorshiftsofemphasisinthinkingaboutfood insecuritywhichappear,at firstglance,tobemakingapositivebreakwithFAO orthodoxy.First,thereisagrowingdiscussionaboutthepotentialroleof agribusinessandlarge-scalecommercialfarminginincreasingagriculturalproduction(theSouthAfricanexamplewritlarge).In2010,theFAO,IFAD (InternationalFundforAgriculturalDevelopment)andtheADB(African DevelopmentBank)launchedtheAcceleratedAgribusinessandAgro-industries DevelopmentInitiative(3ADI)whichaimsatenhancingtheproductivityand profitabilityofagribusinessesinAfrica.AccordingtoYumkellaetal.(2011,p.51), “agribusinessandagro-industryhavethepotentialtocontributetoarangeof economicandsocialdevelopmentprocesses,includingincreasedemployment

generation(particularlyfemaleemployment),incomegeneration,povertyreduction andimprovementsinnutrition,healthandoverallfoodsecurity.” This “neoliberal ” agendahasattractedcriticismbutitdoesnotfundamentallyshiftthefoodsecurity debateawayfromissuesoffoodproductionandavailability,simplyintensifying argumentsaboutwhoshouldbedoingtheproducing,forwhosebenefitandwith whatimpactsonruralpopulations.

Thesecondshiftininternationalpolicydebatesaboutfoodsecurityhasbeenthe emergenceofanewsetofdiscussionsaboutembeddingurbanfoodpoliciesand programming,centredontheconceptoftheCityRegionFoodSystem(CRFS) (ISU 2015).Thisinitiativehascoalescedinthe ‘CityRegionFoodSystems: SustainableFoodSystemsandUrbanization ’ cluster,acollaborativeprojectof severalnationalandinternationalorganizationsincludingtheFAOandWFP (Santini 2015).Thegroup’sadvocacyeffortshaveledtofoodbeingincorporatedin anumberofwaysintheZeroDraftoftheNewUrbanAgendadocumentwhichwill shapetheongoingurbanagendapost-HabitatIII(UNHABITAT 2016).TheCRFS approachplacessignifi cantfocusonintra-nationalrural-urbanlinkagesandfood flows,andthereforeonfoodproduction.Whileitsadvocateshavesuccessfully teasedopenaspacetoengageurbanfoodissues,theirfocusis fi rmlyproductionist andcentredonfoodavailabilitysothatotheraspectsofthefoodsystemthat contributetofoodsecurityarebeinggivenlessattention.Additionally,this approachisunlikelytohaveasuffi cientfocusonthespeci ficallyurbanaspectsof foodsystemsgovernanceandpolicy,suchaszoning,informaltrade,andthe interactionsofformalandinformalretailing.

Thethirddevelopmentofnoteistheconsolidationofavociferousandpowerful globalnutritionlobbywhicharguesfortheneedtogobeyondthepillarofavailabilitytothepillarofutilization(GlobalNutritionReport 2015).Asearlyas2002a jointWHO/FAOreporthadnotedthat, “Giventherapiditywithwhichtraditional dietsandlifestylesarechanginginmanydevelopingcountries,itisnotsurprising thatfoodinsecurityandundernutritionpersistinthesamecountrieswherechronic diseasesareemergingasamajorepidemic” (WHOandFAO 2002,p.8).Although theFAOfocusesalmostexclusivelyonundernourishmentintheirAfricawork, theirlatestAfricareportacknowledgesoverweightisontheriseamongchildren under5yearsold(FAO 2015,p.26).The2015GlobalNutritionReport(2015) flagshighlevelsofadultobesityinAfrica,with33%oftheAfricanadultpopulationbeingoverweight,andafurther11%,obese.ChangingdietsinAfricaare increasinglynotanindicatorofwealth,butoftheintersectionofachangingfood systemwithpoverty.InEasternandSouthernAfrica,forexample, “dietchangeis happeningmostrapidlyamongthethree-quartersofthepopulationthatcurrently liesundertheinternationalpovertylineofUSD2percapitaperday” (Tschirley etal. 2015,p.110).

TheGlobalSouthnowincreasinglyexperiencesfoodinsecurityasatripleburden ofundernourishment,micronutrientdeficiencies,andover-nutritionmanifestingin overweightandobesity(Gómezetal. 2013;Popkin 2014;Popkinetal. 2010).The strikingthingabout “doubleandtripleburden” discourseisthatitisbroadeningthe policydebatearoundfoodsecuritythematicallywhilesimultaneouslyerasingits

fine-grainedgeography.Thediscussiontakesplaceratherasifwherepeopleliveis notgermanetotheirvulnerabilitytothetripleburden,exceptatthenationalscale (Imamuraetal. 2015).Withsomeexceptions,theurbanisnotrepresentedasaspace inwhichthechallengeoftheburdenisparticularlyacuteandqualitativelyand quantitativelydifferentthaninruralareasoftheGlobalSouth.

Inthelate1990s,Maxwell(1999)suggestedthattheabsenceofconcertedpolicy thinkingabouttheurbanfoodsecuritychallengeinAfricacouldlargelybe attributedtothreethings.Firstly,urbanpolicymakersandpractitionershavelimited budgetsandcapacityandthereforegivepriorityto “moreurgentlyvisibleproblems” (Maxwell 1999,p.1940),suchashousingandsanitation.Secondly,food insecurityinurbanareaslargelymanifestsatthehouseholdscaleandhouseholds employarangeofcopingstrategieswhicheffectivelyrenderfoodinsecurity invisible.Finally,thelong-standingperceptionoffoodinsecurityasaruralissue makespolicymakerslesslikelytoseeurbanfoodinsecurity.Whilethesepointsare undeniable,itisessentialtonotealsothattheneglectofurbanfoodsecurityis drivenbyalackofaclearfoodmandateforurbangovernments,informedbythe framingoffoodsecurityasaproductionissuerootedandtobesolvedinruralareas (Battersby 2015).Whenthereareurbanfoodsecurityinterventions,theyare dominatedbydiscussionsofthepotentialofurbanagriculturetosolvetheproblem offoodavailability.

UrbanfoodinsecurityinAfricaisnotprimarilyaproblemoffoodavailability, noronethatcanbeaddressedwithsocialsafetynets,asthesefailtoaddressthe systemicdriversoffoodinsecurity(Crush 2014).Itisaproblemofstructural poverty,marketsandmarketstructure,policydysfunction,relativeaffordabilityof differenttypesoffood,foodsafetychallengeswroughtbyinadequateurban infrastructure,andinadequatestorage,refrigerationandcookingtechnologiesinthe home(Frayneetal. 2014;Haysom 2015;HawkesandPopkin 2015).Intheurban context,itisessentialthattheallfourdimensionsoffoodsecuritybeexpanded uponinordertohighlightparticularissueswithinthefoodsystemandothersystemsthataffectfoodsecurity.Althoughfoodinsecurityisprimarilyexperiencedat thehouseholdscale,itscausesextendwellbeyondthehousehold.Intheurban context,theconceptof availability needstoraisequestionsabouttherelative balanceoftypesoffoodmadeavailablewithinthefoodsystemandwhyparticular kindsoffoodaremoreavailablethanothers.

Thekeyconceptof access drawsattentiontothehousehold’scapabilityto accessfoodwhichsuggestsafocusonwhetherithassufficientincometopurchase food.However,itisessentialtoconsidereconomic,socialandphysicalaccess.So, itisnotsuffi cienttolookatwhetherahouseholdhasenoughmoneytobuyfood;it isalsoimportanttounderstandwheresourcesofaffordableandnutritiousfoodare locatedrelativetowherepeoplework,liveandcommute.Further,itisessentialto understandthecompetitiveandbusinessstrategiesofthedifferenttypesofformal andinformalretailwithintheurbanfoodsystem(CrushandFrayne 2011;Reardon etal. 2003, 2010).Economicaccessalsoneedstoconsidertheimpactofpriceshifts inotherhouseholdcosts.Forexample,increasesinthecostsofenergyortransport maychangethesourcesoffood,nutritionalqualityandfrequencyoffood

consumed.Theconceptof utilization intheurbancontextincludessuchissuesas culturalpreferences,accesstocleanwaterandsanitation,aswellassafestorageand refrigerationwhichareessentialcomponentsofahousehold’scapacitytoachieve foodsecurity,andoffoodretailerstodeliversafepreferredfoods.Theconceptof stability intheurbancontextisnotastiedtotheagriculturalcalendarasitisinrural areasbutisaffectedbyotherperiodicdemandsonincome(suchasschoolfeesand medicalexpenses)andculturaleventssuchasholidaysandfestivals.Inmanyparts ofurbanAfrica,the “hungryseason” occursafterendofyearfestivities,for example.Stabilityisalsoaffectedbysuddenshockssuchasfoodandfuelhikes, layoffsandretrenchments,illnessanddeathofbreadwinners,extremeweather eventsandpoliticalandeconomiccrises.

Thereisnowalivelydebateonhowbesttomeasureandtrackfoodinsecurity (Calogeroetal. 2013;Masset 2011;Coates 2013;Jonesetal. 2013;Leroyetal. 2015).Inmanyinstances,foodsecuritypoliciesarebasedonweakproxydata,such asfoodpovertylines,orincomeandexpendituresurveys,whichassumethatifa householdhassufficientincome,theycanachievefoodsecurity.Thisfailsto acknowledgepricedifferencesinfoodfromvarioussources,theabilityofhouseholdstobuyinappropriateunitsizes,storagecapacityanddietarychoice.Another approachistodeterminelevelsoffoodinsecuritybasedonquestionsofwhether individualsinhouseholdshavegonehungry.However,asnoted,hungerandfood insecurityarenotsynonymous.Manyofthechaptersinthisbookrelyonasuiteof established,cross-culturalfoodsecurityassessmenttoolsdevelopedbytheFood andNutritionTechnicalAssistance(FANTA)project(BilinskyandSwindale 2010; Coatesetal. 2007;SwindaleandBilinsky 2005).Thesetoolsweredesignedto generatedatathatcanprovidegeneralinsightsintotheaccess,utilizationand stabilitydimensionsoffoodsecurityandarethereforeparticularlyapplicableto urbanareasbecauseoftheiremphasisonfoodaccessaswellasdietarydiversity andstabilityofthehouseholdfoodsupply.

Thesemeasureshavebeenusedwidely,includinginanumberofurbanfood securitystudiesinAfrica,todevelopanunderstandingoftheextentandnatureof foodinsecurityinurbanareas.Ahmedetal.(2007),forexample,foundthatin12 outof18sampledlow-incomedevelopingcountriestheincidenceoffoodinsecurity wasthesameorhigherinurbanareasthaninruralareas,despitethehigherincomes ofurbanhouseholds.WithinAfricancountriessampledEthiopia,Malawi,Zambia, SenegalandGhanaallhadahigherincidenceoffoodinsecurityinurbanthanrural areas.Rwanda,Mozambique,BurundiandKenyaallhadhigherincidenceinrural areas.Itisnoteworthythatthesefourhadexperiencedconsiderablepolitical instabilityandcivilwarswhichhaddisruptedproductivesystems.Another cross-nationalexampleistheAFSUNfoodsecuritysurveyconductedin11citiesin ninesouthernAfricancountriesin2008whichfoundthat76%ofhouseholdsin sampledlow-incomeareasofthecitiesweremoderatelyorseverelyfoodinsecure accordingtotheHFIAPtool(Crushetal. 2014).

1.4UrbanFoodDeserts

Oneoftheaimsofthisvolumeistointroducea finersenseofspatialitytofoodsecurity debatesandtodosointwomainways.First,asarguedabove, “theurban” islargely missingfromcurrentpolicydebatesonfoodsecurityandneedstobeacknowledgedas adistinctivespaceinwhichthedeterminantsanddriversoffoodinsecurityarenecessarilydifferentfromthoseinmostruralareas.Second,thereisaneedtolook “within” theurbanandtodisaggregatefoodsecurityacrosstheurbanspace-economy. AgreatdealofattentionhasbeendevotedintheGlobalSouthtospatialvariationsin urbanpovertyandinequalitywithincities.Muchlessattentionhasbeengivento spatialvariationsinfoodsecurityandaccesswithinurbanspaces.Theconceptofthe “urbanfooddesert” emergedintheUnitedKingdomandNorthAmericainthe1990s toconceptualisespatialvariationsinfoodaccessandtolinkfoodinsecurityatthe householdlevelwithbroaderfoodsystemeffectsandconstraints(Wrigley 2002).

Theterm “fooddesert” wascoinedinthemid-1990sbyBeaumontetal.(1995), andhassincebeenextensivelyusedinempiricalresearchonfoodretailingand nutritioninpoorurbanneighbourhoodsofUK,USandCanadiancities.Wrigley (2002,p.2032)definesthefooddesertas “thecomplexnexusofinterlinkages betweenincreasinghealthinequalities,retail-development-induceddifferential accesstofoodretailprovision,compromiseddiets,undernutritionandsocial exclusion.” Althoughtherearenowalternatedefinitionsoffooddeserts and growingdebateovertheutilityoftheconceptforunderstandingtheactualdeterminantsofurbanfoodinsecurity theyarecommonlycharacterisedas economically-disadvantagedareasofcitieswherethereisrelativelypooraccessto healthyandaffordablefood(McEntee 2009;Donald 2013;Shaw 2006).Muchof theearlyresearchwasfocusedondeprivedareasincitiesintheUK(Cumminsand McIntyre 2002;Whelanetal. 2002;Wrigley 2002).Morerecently,thefooddesert concepthasbeenwidelyappliedtoNorthAmericaninner-cityneighbourhoods (Besharovetal. 2010;Thomas 2010;Walkeretal. 2010).

Studiesoffooddesertsassignapivotalroletothetypeandnatureoffoodretail outletsasindicatorsofaccesstoaffordable,healthyfood.Theabsenceofmodern retailoutlets,particularlysupermarkets,inpoorerareasofthecityisseenasamajor determinantofalackofaccesstohealthyandaffordablefood.Thespatiallocation offooddesertshasbeenquanti fiedbymappingcitiesaccordingtoincomeor ethnicityandoverlayingdataonsupermarketdistribution.Thesemethodological approacheshavebeenrefinedovertimeandnowincludesuchstrategiesasmeasuringactualstreetnetworkdistancefromstores,incorporatingawiderrangeof storetypes,usingtraveltimetomeasureaccessibility,andtakingaccountofvarious socialbarrierstofoodaccess.

Theconceptofthefooddeserthasnotbeenappliedinanysystematicwayto citiesoftheGlobalSouthandAfricancitiesinparticular.IntheAfricancontext, thereareanumberofpossiblereasonsforthis(Battersby 2012).Firstly,asargued above,foodsecurityandundernutritionareinvariablyviewedasruralissuesinboth theresearchandpolicydomains.Secondly,thecloseassociationoffooddeserts

withthepresenceorabsenceofsupermarketsseemsfarlessappropriateinAfrican cities.Althoughsupermarketsareplayinganincreasinglyimportantroleinurban foodsystemsinAfrica,thisisacomparativelyrecentdevelopmentinmostcountries(CrushandFrayne 2011;Reardonetal. 2003, 2010).Thirdly,suchresearchas doesexistonfoodinsecurityinAfricancitieshastendedtofocusonthehousehold scale.Whilethishasprovidedusefulanalysisoftheextentoffoodinsecurityand characteristicsoffoodinsecurehouseholds,itdoesnotunveilthestructuraldrivers offoodinsecuritythatoperatebeyondthehouseholdscale.

Thefactthatfooddesertshavenotbeenexplicitlyidentifiedordiscussedin relationtoAfricancitiesdoesnot,ofcourse,meanthattheydonotexist.African citiescontainmanypoorneighbourhoodswhoseresidentsarefarmorefoodinsecureandmalnourishedthantheircounterpartsintheUKorNorthAmerica.Thekey questioniswhethertheEuro-Americanunderstandingoffooddesertsisapplicable toAfrica’srapidly-growingtownsandcities.Therearereasonsforcaution.The historyandgeographyofurbanfoodretailintheUKandNorthAmericadiffers fromthatcurrentlyunfoldinginAfrica.SupermarketsinAfricancitiesarefocused onanupper-incomecustomerbase,buttheyareslowlyworkingtheirwayinto lower-incomeareas.AnotherprobleminuncriticallyapplyingtheEuro-American fooddesertapproachinAfricaisitsuseofdistancefromasupermarketasaproxy foraccesstohealthyfoodataffordableprices.InAfricancities,retailtypologiesare fundamentallydifferentandlackofaccesstosupermarketsisalesssignificant factorincreatinglargeswathesoffoodinsecurity.

Thedynamismandcomplexityoftheinformaleconomyoffersaparticularsetof challengestoaconventionalfooddesertsapproach,whichassumesspatial fi xityon thepartoftheretailoutletsbeingmapped.Theinformalfoodretailenvironmentin Africancitiesismarkedbygreat fluidity.Manytradersandvendorsoperateonlyat particulartimesofday,ordaysoftheweek,ordaysofthemonth.The fluidityoftrade isanessentialpartoftheurbanfoodsystemandgeneratesafoodsystemresponsive totheneedsoflow-incomeconsumers.Thestaticnatureoffooddesertmapping alsofailstocapturetheeverydaymobilityofresidentswhoselivesarenotcircumscribedbytheneighbourhoodsinwhichtheylive.Indeed,inmanyAfricancities, low-incomeresidentialareasarelocatedfarfromplacesofemployment.Thesecities arecharacterisedbyhighdailymobilityevenbytheverypoor,andhouseholdsdo notnecessarilyshopintheneighbourhoodswheretheylive.Thephenomenon of ‘out-shopping’ (shoppingoutsideoftheresidentiallocation)iscommon,and engrainedintheeverydayfoodpracticesofurbanresidents.Itisessentialtorecognise thesemobilitiesandhowtheyshapeaccesstofoodandthespatialconfigurationofthe foodsysteminunderstandingthenatureoftheAfricanfooddesert.

Anotherchallengeisthattheconventionalunderstandingfailstoadequately accountfordifferencesbetweenhouseholdsoperatingwithinthesamefoodenvironment.IntheAfricancontext,householdsinthesameareasofthecityhave differentmobilitypatterns,differentgeographicalaccesstofoodanddifferentlevels offoodsecurity.AFSUN’sbaselinesurveyfoundstatisticallysignifi cantrelationships(ofvariablestrengthfromcitytocityandneighbourhoodtoneighbourhood) betweenfoodinsecurityandawholerangeofhouseholdvariablesincludingsize,

gender,structure,education,employment,income,povertyandmigrationstatus (Crushetal. 2014).Additionally,householdswithdifferentincomepatternssource fooddifferentlywithinthesamefoodenvironment.Thedevelopmentofafood desertsapproachtotheAfricancityrequiresthatthehousehold,neighbourhoodand cityscalesbeconsideredtogetherastheinter-playbetweenthesescaleshasastrong influenceonurbanfoodsecurity.

Despitetheselimitationsandqualifications,theideaofthefooddesertisauseful concepttohelpbroadenunderstandingofthespatialityoffoodinsecurityinAfrican cities.Whilesupermarketsareanincreasinglyimportantelementofthefood environmentinAfricancities,asimplefocusonmodernretaildoesnotadequately capturethecomplexityoftheAfricanfooddesert.Theuseofthefooddeserts conceptintheAfricancontextalsorequiresamuchmoresophisticatedunderstandingofthemultiplemarketandnon-marketfoodsources,ofthespatialmobility ofinformalretailandpoorofconsumers,ofthechangingdynamicsoffoodsecurity overtime,oftheinter-householddifferencesthatleadtodifferentexperiencesof foodinsecurity,andoftheAfrica-speci ficconditionsthatleadtocompromised diets,undernutritionandsocialexclusion.HerewedefineAfricanfooddesertsas poor,ofteninformal,urbanneighbourhoodscharacterisedbyhighfoodinsecurity andlowdietarydiversity,withmultiplemarketandnon-marketfoodsourcesbut variablehouseholdaccesstofood.

Eachofthechaptersinthisvolumeshedslightononeormoreaspectsofthe Africanfooddesert,illustratingboththecommonelementsandthegreatvariability betweencities.Whattiesthesechapterstogetherisacommonconcernwithlevels ofanddeterminantsoffoodinsecurityinfooddeserts.ResidentsofAfrica’surban fooddesertsdonotonlyrelyonformalandinformalretailoutletsfortheirpurchase. Oneoftheseisownproduction,whichiswidelyadvocatedasawayofmitigating urbanfoodinsecurityinAfricancities.Inthenextchapterofthevolume,Bruce Frayne,CameronMcCordicandHelenaShilombolenitestthishypothesisusing datafrom11citiesandshowthattheprevalenceofurbanagriculturevariesconsiderablyfromcitytocity.Theyattributethesedifferencestodistinctivelocal historiesandgeographies,suggestingthatgeneralizationsabouttheactualand potentialmitigatingroleofurbanagricultureinAfricanfooddesertsareunwise. Theirstatisticalanalysisfurtherdemonstratesthaturbanagricultureisnotan effectivehouseholdfoodsecuritystrategyforpoorurbanhouseholds,withfew signifi cantrelationshipsbetweenurbanagricultureandfoodsecurity.

Thenexttwochaptersinthiscollectiondealdirectlywithacentralconcernof thestandardfooddesertsliterature;thatis,thespatialbehaviourofsupermarkets andtheimplicationsforfoodsecurityofresidentsofpoorneighbourhoods.Jane BattersbyandStephenPeytonmapthespatialdistributionofsupermarkets,income andtransportationcorridorsinCapeTown.Theyshowthatthedistributionof supermarketsishighlyunequalandthedistanceoflow-incomeareasfrom high-incomeareashindersaccesstosupermarketsfortheurbanpoor.However, contrarytothestandardfooddesertsargument,supermarketsaremovingcloserto andbecomemoreaccessibletopoorurbanconsumers.Supermarketsin lower-incomeareasstocklesshealthyfoodsthanthoseinwealthierareasand,asa