Volume 115, Issue 3 | Monday, September 15, 2025 | mcgilldaily.com Snaps for comments since 1911
The McGill Daily is located on unceded Kanien’kehá:ka territory.
Table of ConTenTs
Editorial 3
Rethinking Allyship
News 4
Indonesian democracy on trial
Good People
The Green Update
CULTURE 6 On Frosh
The Commodification of Love
Commentary 8
Environmental Defeatism
Moving Beyond Labels
• The Politics of Mobilization
International Press Freedom
The Politics of College Sex
Call for Candidates
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Noah Bornstein, Emma de Lemos, Miranda Forster, Clarisse Gautier, Morgane Giraud
Published by the Daily Publications Society, a student society of McGill University. The views and opinions expressed in the Daily are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of McGill University. The McGill Daily is independent from McGill University.
Rethinking Allyship
With two world wars, a global decolonization struggle, and rapid globalization, the 20th century sawwavesofprotestmovementscharacterizedbya displayofcamaraderie.
In1961,theFreedomRiderswereformedintheUnitedStates. This group consisted of black and white American men protesting segregated transit systems by travelling across the country together and fighting racism side by side. Simultaneously,ontheotherendoftheglobe,theMaharwriters andpoetsofIndiaestablishedtheDalitPanthersin1972.This radicalorganization,inspiredbytheBlackPanthers,protested the institutionalized caste discrimination faced by Dalits or “untouchables”: the lowest ranked group in the Indian caste system. The Dalit Panthers wrote speeches and produced art, such as pocket-sized political zines, denouncing inequality while also organizing self-defense initiatives. Overall, the threadthatweavedtheseactsofresistancetogetherwasnota focus on individual identity, but instead, an affirmation of solidaritydespitedifferences,andtheactivefightforjustice.
Today, we have resorted to land acknowledgements and digital guides navigating the guilt associated with injustice ratherthantheissueofinjusticeitself.
Contemporary social justice movements in North America have made considerable achievements in integrating critical theory into mainstream political consciousness. The works of notablethinkerssuchasbellhooksorKimberléCrenshawhave shapedourunderstandingofsubjugation,emphasizingthatthe intersectionofourvariousidentities – whetherthatbeclassand raceorreligionandgender – influencesthewayweexperience theworldaroundus.
Nonetheless, the forms of resistance that have arisen from thesetheorieslackkeyelementsneededtounifydifferentparties intoajointstruggle:atruesenseofsolidarityandpartnership. Instead,thenotionofallyshiphasdominatedactivistspaces andliterature.DefinedbyOxfordEnglishDictionaryasthe “ the stateorconditionofbeingapersonwhosupportstherightsofa minorityormarginalizedgroupwithoutbeingamemberofit,” this concept provides clear guidelines on how those sympathetic to social justice movements should represent, speak to, and show up for people within marginalized communities. When examining the term “ally” from a political context, however, allyship often implies impermanence. Allies are made in times of war and often under strict conditions. Alliesaimtofurthertheinterestsofbothgroupsinvolvedinthe partnershipforthetimebeingandcanquicklybedisentangled. Alliesarenotyourfellowfriendsandpartners,noraretheyyour brothersorsisters.
When we apply these ideas of conditionality to social activism, we pigeonhole ourselves into a strict set of rules concerning how we engage with others. Not only does this approach frame people as a single monolith, reducing the
identities of those within minority groups to their oppression, but it also ensures we centre ourselves and our own feelings of guilt over the actual complex issues facing marginalizedcommunities.
A tenet of allyship has been the overemphasis on the experienceofprivilegeratherthan totalizingsocialhierarchies. However, when our activism solely examines our own complicityinsystemsofpower,wemaintaindominantcultural narratives,guaranteeingthatthestorieswiththemostvisibility in mainstream media are our own and not those of the communitiesweclaimtouplift.Takingthisidlepositioninthe creation of art and scholarship ensures that people of colour, queer folk, people with disabilities, and all groups that are already pushed to the margins of social structures are additionally pushed to those of creative endeavours. Rather than taking charge of our activism through direct action and close collaboration with these communities, we isolate ourselvesfromourownexperiences.
In short, when we uplift voices by creating a comfortable distance between ourselves and the communities we wish to support, we prevent true bonds of solidarity and camaraderie fromtakingshape.
Still, the fear of fully absorbing ourselves in the lived experiences of others does come with valid concerns. Overgeneralizations and the misrepresentation of groups can perpetuatefalsenarratives,furtherobscuringthelivedrealities of marginalized people. Scholars attempting to capture the MiddleEastandAsiahavesensationalizedtheseregionsandits people. Queer love in film and television is often hypersexualized. However, similarly to the notion of allyship, thesedepictionsoftencentreprivilegedvoicesandgazeswithin discussionsonmarginalization.Theydonotaimto understand communitiesfacingmarginalization,andasaresult,theyfailto meaningfully collaborate with members of these groups to challengeoppressivesystems.
We must stop pretending that there is not more nuance to thesimplebinariesofprivilegedandoppressed,powerfuland powerless. While social structures predetermine the manner inwhichweperceiveothersandthewayweareperceived,the onlywaytobreakfreefromthisconditionisto actuallyengross ourselves inthestrugglesandstoriesofothers.Anallyshipthat reinforces the divisions between communities does not achievethis.
Weneedtocreateanewconceptualizationofactivesolidarity that does not create false representations of marginalized groups,doesnotcentreourownguilt,andtangiblyengageswith systemsofoppression.Wemustquestionthepassive,unmoving, and unchanging idea of an ally and submerge ourselves in the strugglesofothers.
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From Taxes to Tear Gas: Democracy on Trial in Indonesia
Protesters demand accountability after Affan Kurniawan’s death as Indonesia faces its largest demonstrations in years
Morgane Giraud News Contributor
On August 28, rideshare driver AffanKurniawanwaskilledby the Indonesian police force. The 21-year-old was caught in the middleofaprotestinJakartawhile completing a delivery order, when he was run over, seemingly intentionally,byatacticalarmoured policevehicle.
TheAugust28protestwasinitially organizedbytheIndonesianLabour Party,PartaiBuruh,andgrewinsize as the night went on. This was the second wave of the mass protests which have been growing in IndonesiasinceAugust26.
Theinitialriotsareaculmination ofmonthsofeconomicandpolitical frustration after it was announced mid-Augustthatthe580membersof theHouseofRepresentatives(DPR) would receive a monthly housing allowance of 50 million rupiah (approximately 4,207 CAD) in addition to their salaries. This allowance would make their earningsabout10timesthemonthly averageminimumwage.
The protests have gotten increasingly violent and unclearly defined as protesters are taking to the streets to voice their demands and express their anger against police brutality. Following Kurniawan’s death, demonstrators have consolidated their demands and are protesting with clearer objectives. As of September 2, 20 peoplehavebeenreportedmissing, and over 3,000 people have been arrested. The police have continued to fire tear gas and rubber bullets at protestors in the streets, homes, and institutions. Two universities in Bandung have
These protests have so far been the biggest test to Indonesian democracy in recent years.
seen violent clashes between the police and student protestors. The total death toll of the demonstrationshasamountedtoat leasttenpeople.
Over the last few months, Indonesians have suffered from masslay-offsandasharpdeclinein purchasing power. Unemployment in Indonesia ranks highest among allSoutheastAsia.Furthermore,the government has been considering increasing taxes and lowering wages for teachers, with propositionssuchasa250percent property tax hike in Central Java, whichwaslaterwithdrawn.
All this is happening in the backgroundwhilethegovernment announced that the DPR’ s wages and allowances were being raised to100millionrupiah(about8,415 CAD)amonthtotal.Criticsargue thatthenewallowanceisnotonly excessive,butalsoinsensitiveata time when most people are already struggling due to governmentpolicies.
Human rights organizations in Indonesia have spoken out against theseprotests,withWiryaAdiwena, Deputy Director of Amnesty InternationalIndonesia,sayingthat the government has been “bringing back old playbooks” from the New Order by blaming the protests on foreignintervention,aswellasplans to slowly reintegrate the army into civilian lives by allocating more civilian posts to military officers. These policies already sparked protestsinFebruary2025duringthe “Indonesia Gelap,” or “Dark
Indonesia” protests,whichhadalso grown to include social issues such as police violence, inefficient state projects,andlargescalecorruption.
On August 29, several informational Indonesian social media accounts released the “17+8 demands” from the people, summarizing demands that have been circulating among demonstrators.Thegovernmenthas beengivenadeadlineofSeptember 5,2025toaddressthe17shortterm demands,anduntilnextyeartofulfil thefinal8.The17+8paperhasbeen reproducedandusedasasymbolof the protests not only in Indonesia, but by the Indonesian diaspora all aroundtheworld,fromNewYorkto Berlin to Melbourne, giving a clear andconcretevoicetothedemandsof theIndonesianpeople.
Overall, these demands include a more efficient and transparent use of state budgets, for government officials to take accountability and listen to their people, and to officially and thoroughly investigate Kurniawan’sdeathaswellasthose implicated. The list also calls to reveal the DPR members’ involvementincorruption,reform the DPR and police, and facilitate “open dialogue” with the protestorsandorganizations.This
paper has been received and is currently being reviewed by the presidentPrabowoSubianto.
Prabowo Subianto served as a high-rankingmilitarygeneralunder ex-dictatorSuharto’sbloodyregime (1967to1998).Hehasbeenaccused of human rights abuses, being involved in the disappearance of pro-democracy activists, and perpetuating the East-Timor genocide. He has still never been held accountable for his actions.
Today, he is the president of the world’sthirdlargestdemocracy.
Even though he was democraticallyelected,Kurniawan’ s risetopowerhasalsobeenseenas somewhat undemocratic, as the constitutionwasamendedsothathis vice president, Gibran Rakabuming Raka,wouldbeabletorunathisside.
Upon being elected, Prabowo promised to “work democratically” , but warned that he would not be afraid of taking “decisive action” if necessary, raising concerns that he mightresorttoautocraticormilitary meanstoremaininpower.
In the streets, people are demanding an end to the use of militaryandpoliceforcesagainst civilians and to withdraw soldiersfromsecurityoperations during the protests, as well as a releaseofthearrestedprotesters.
Civilians are further pushing to denounce the criminalisation of the right to assemble, associate, andprotestpeacefully.
Following civilian outrage, the Indonesian National Police’s Code of Ethics Committee (KKEP) has dishonourably discharged CommissionerKosmasKajuGaeon September 3, after finding him guilty of his involvement in the death of Affan Kurniawan. The sameday,SufmiDascoAhmad,the deputy speaker of the DPR, announced that he would discuss the 17+8 demands of the people with faction leaders following an audiencewithstudentgroups.
The protests were especially successful in forcing Kurniawan to backtrack on his plans to increase the benefits for members of Parliament,althoughhealsoordered themilitaryandpolicetotakeaction againstriotersandlootersafterstate buildings and homes of political party members were ransacked or set on fire during the demonstrations, comparing these elements of violence with acts of terrorismandtreason.
These protests serve as an important trial for Kurniawan’ s crisis management, and have so far been the biggest test to Indonesian democracyinrecentyears.
Protests in Indonesia. Credit: Aleeyuhh Creative Commons CCS.A 4.0.
The Green Update
Plastic Pollution: Geneva Meeting Failure
Discussions unfruitful as consensus on mitigating the plastic pollution crisis has been delayed again.
Aurelien Lechantre Staff Writer
TheGreenUpdate isabi-monthly/ monthly column focusing on recent inforelatedtoclimatechangeandthe environment. Innovations, policy decisions, green models to follow, anything that can shape our future environmentcanbediscussedhere!
In August, the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC) talksheldinGenevawiththegoal of drafting a global legally binding document on plastic pollution, failed to yield any results after ten daysofdiscussion.
Thelackofconsensus,andthusof issuing any plastic production and pollution global regulation, poses seriousproblemsastheenvironmental plastic emergency becomes more and more pressing. The United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) warns that, unless an international accord is reachedsoon,plasticwasteisprojected to triple by 2060. Tuvalu, convention delegate speaking for fourteen small island states in the Pacific, declared that “millionsoftonnesofplasticwaste will continue to be dumped in our oceans, affecting our ecosystem, food security, livelihood and culture.” Indeed, of the 500 million tons of plasticconsumedin2024,399million wenttowaste.
Plasticpollutioninvadesthefood chainandprovokesbiodiversitylossin the oceans. This ripples into human health. Researchers have studied the impacts of plastic pollution in the ocean: amongst others, the transmission of toxic chemicals into the oceans. These are integrated into the food chain and, at some point, in our plates, affecting our health after having affected that of countless marinefaunaandfloraspecies.Dioxins or PCBs are some of the chemicals released by plastic waste, with causal links to cancer having been found amonghumans.
Global efforts are underway to mitigatetheplasticpollutioncrisis,like the work of The Ocean Cleanup, an international non-profit cleaning up plastic waste from our rivers and oceans. However, the long-term solution remains reducing plastic
Piano for A Purpose:
An Interview With Kasidy Xu on Montreal Heart of the City Piano Program
McGill students provide free piano lessons for elementary school students.
Enid Kohler Staff Writer
Good People is a bi-monthly column highlightingMcGillstudentsdoingcommunityorientedworkonandaroundcampus.Because it’s important to celebrate good people doing goodthings.
Mproduction. As UNEP Executive Director Inger Anderson stated, “We will not recycle our way out of the plastic pollution crisis.” Anderson’ s concerns have been echoed by countless environmental activists and advocacy groups, including GreenPeace, which has called for the reduction of plastic production by at least75percentby2040.
If hopes were high at the beginning of the talks in Geneva, the failure to reach consensus over the drafting of a global legally binding documenthasdisillusionedmany.The outcome was characterised by The Guardianasablowtomultilateralism, demonstrating that looking for consensus among nations to act collectively is not efficient. The Genevasummitwasthefifthoccasion on which countries gathered to discuss the plastic pollution document. The original deadline to draftadocumentwassettoDecember 2024,makingAugust2025analready late solution. The consensus has become a “veto tool,” according to Down to Earth journalist Siddharth Ghanshyam Singh. The necessity for allmemberstoagreemeansonlyafew countriesvotingagainstadecisioncan blockthenegotiations.
In light of this, petroleumproducing countries, those who call themselvesthe ‘like-mindedcountries’ led by Saudi Arabia and the Gulf countries, the US, Russia and India, blocked all the processes by voting againstallbeginningdrafts.Colombian delegate Sebastiàn Rodriguez stated thatthenegotiationswere “consistently blocked by a small number of states whosimplydon’twantanagreement,” while French Environment Minister Agnès Pagner-Runacher blamed the delay on countries “guided by shortterm financial interests.” Hence, the reaching consensus appears to be blockinganyadvancementtosolvethe plastic pollution crisis : because of countries who fear caps on plastic production affecting their economies. At this point, abandoning a global approach and considering meeting without the participation of “petrostates,” as coined by Micronesia delegate Dennis Clare, could prove moreefficientinreachingadecision.
usical education has shown to benefit children's cognitive, social, and emotional development, but many primaryschoolsinCanadalacktheresourcesto provide personalized music education to all students. McGill student club, Montréal Heart of the City Piano Program (MHCPP), fills this void by providing free piano lessons to elementary schools in underprivileged areas of Montréal, with an eye towards cultivating an appreciation for music among young students. The Daily spoke with Kasidy Xu, U3 Nursing student at McGill and Co-Director of MHCPP, about the club’s mission, the value of musical training,andwhatitmeanstobeagoodperson. Thisinterviewhasbeeneditedforclarityand conciseness.
Enid for the McGillDaily (MD): Howdidyou firstgetinvolvedinMHCPP?
Kasidy Xu (KX): Inmyfirstyear,Ididn'tjoin anyclubsatallandIwaslookingforwaystoget off campus. I felt really stuck in the bubble, livinginresidenceandeverything.Iwaslike, ‘I needtogetoutintothecommunity,’ andIused to be a piano teacher for two years in high school.SoIfoundthisclubandIwaslike, ‘wait, thisisperfect.’ Inmysecondyear,Ijoinedasa volunteer and when they opened up executive positions for the next year, I became volunteer coordinator for the school that I was volunteeringat.NowI’mCo-Chairthisyear. WhenIfirststarted[gettinginvolvedwiththe MHCPP], it definitely felt a bit uncomfortable but then I got to the school and I thought, “ wow. ” Justbeingsurroundedbykidsandallof themcominguptoyou,yellingatyou,likethey have no care in the world, made me feel immediately comfortable and I was like, okay, thisisexactlywhereIshouldbe.
MD: If you were pitching your club to a first yearstudentatActivitiesNight,howwouldyou describeit?
KX: We are coupled with four different schools, three English ones and one French school.You'reassignedtoaschoolandastudent for the entire semester, so from September to December and then every single week, same time,sameday,youjustteachyourstudentsfor anhour.Eachvolunteergetsaonehourshiftper week with one or two students, max. It's never morethantwostudents.Youcanworkonscales, youcanworkonasong,youcanworkonmusic theory,reallywhateverthestudentwants.
MD: Your organization is geared towards providing a music education to students who otherwisemaynotbeabletoaccessone.Whyis itimportantforyoungpeopletolearnmusic?
KX: I think there's so many different ways that music education is important. I obviously don'tknowallthescienceandthefactsbehind it,butIlovedplayingmusicgrowingup.Ifound ittobenotonlyagoodskilltolearnbutagood wayofforgettingaboutschool,forgettingabout other stresses in life, and really just giving me something to focus on where I could destress and relax. On top of that, just the process of learning music and learning piano is so transferable to other skills. Learning piano is also really important in terms of working towardsagoal.
Through music I also found a great community. People just love to share their take onmusic,theiropinionsaboutit,andIthinkit's reallywholesomeallaround.
MD: Are there any specific events you are lookingforwardtothisyear?
KX: Our recitals are our biggest events. We hold recitals twice a year, at the end of the semester,aroundthebeginningofDecember,and then in the beginning of April. All of the kids performandtheirparentsandfriendscome,too. It'salwaysapackedroominSchulich,andit'sso wholesome.Thekidsdresstothenines.Ihadmy student show up in a full tuxedo. It was my favorite thing ever. To them this is a big thing: coming to McGill University, playing this song that they've been working towards all semester. Seeingtheirworkpaidofffeelsreallyrewarding. Wehavelotsofparentsattheendoftherecital speak to us or send emails afterwards saying thank you for having this club, thank you to all the volunteers. Throughout the semester, they hear about their kids going to these lessons at school, but then to see the recital of not only their kid, but other kids in the program, makes themalsofeellike[theirhardwork]hascometo somesortofresult.
MD: Thethemeofthiscolumnis “goodpeople doinggoodthings.” Inthecontextofyourwork with MHCPP, what does being a good person meantoyou?
KX: Ithinkeverylastvolunteerthatjoinsour club is such a good person because they don't havetobedoingthis.They'renotgettingpaidto dothis.Theyaretakingtimeoutoftheirdayto go half an hour out of the McGill community. They'rereallynotgaininganythingfromthisat all, other than just sharing their love for music andhangingoutwiththesekids.AndsoI'mjust so appreciative of all of them, because without the volunteers, we simply wouldn't be able to provide any of these lessons. I think they're all good, good people. We're really just trying to findasmanyvolunteersaswecansothatwecan providelessonstoallthekidsthatwantthem.
Find out more about MHCPP through their website, montrealhcpp.ca, or their Instagram account,@montrealheartofthecitypiano.
End note: If you know good people doing goodthingswhoyouwouldliketoseefeatured inthiscolumn,emailnews@mcgilldaily.com.
Frosh Week: Expectations vs Reality
A froshie recounts his (diverse? entertaining? questionable?) experiences with a time-honored McGill tradition.
Noah Bornstein
Culture Contributor
Frosh is one of the cornerstones of your first year at McGill, or so we’ ve been told. Four days of supervised (or unsupervised) fun! Very few universities allow four straight days of schoolsponsoreddrinking!
“Frosh is a privilege that we must uphold!” exclaimed one of myFroshleadersthisyear.
With testimonials like these, expectations were high. However, did Frosh Week(end) liveuptothem?
The Booze
Expectation: In a massive open-plan bar, pitchers of (free) beer spray down from a number of hands ornamenting the 19thcentury twisting staircase as Froshies,withtheirheadsupand their tongues out, consume enough beer to feed a frat for a semester. The floor of the bar is covered in a two-foot layer of a mixture of both alcohol and vomit. By the end of the night, there are so many casualties that residence halls are no more than 50%fullandwillnotrecoverthe entirety of their population until weeksafter.
Reality: Froshisdefinitelynot analcohol-freeevent,soquality, quantityandpricingofalcoholis central to many Froshies’ experience. Frosh (at least for the Arts faculty) was priced at over 200 dollars, not including additional alcohol expenses. For manyFroshies,buyingyourown drinks made budgeting a necessity when it came to their drinking. For others, pockets were being emptied so often at so many different places for drinks that were obviously overpricedthatfrommypointof view it seemed like these folks were trying to spend as much money as possible. However, it was definitely possible to get drunk for every event for no morethan$100total.
Theactualdrinkingwasnotas intense as many anticipated. I personally did not see anyone throw up, although there have been rumours that the Management faculty may not have been the most responsible with their drinking. Froshie Andrew from the Faculty of Management alluded to somethingcalleda “powerhour,” althoughherefusedtoelaborate on that particular line of questioning.
In general, people were consistently a bit drunk, rather than sometimes sober and other timesblackingout.
The Frosh Leaders
Expectation: All Frosh leaders are sober and responsible at all times. Froshies are expected to have fun with respect to their leaders’ crowdcontrolefforts.
Reality: Frosh was more intense than I and many others expected. Itisnotthattheleaders were irresponsible I want to make it clear that many of them did an amazing job making Frosh what it was, but it was certainly oddtoseeMr. “Froshisaprivilege thatwemustuphold!” lyingdown hammered on the lawn outside McConnell Engineering Building at 1pm on a Tuesday. From my perspective,fortheleaders,Frosh isanexcusetogetdrunkforafew days (although this obviously is not the case for everyone), which seemsfairenough. Thankfully, the leaders’ enthusiasm did make Frosh more exciting. The dedication these people had to pre-gaming (drinking at one of the leaders' apartments before going out) at every event was impressive. Letting twenty Froshies drink heavily in your living room is a bold decision. Bold, however, is notstrongenoughtodescribeour dearleaders’ exploits.Therewere pre-games for the boat cruise at 6am. My dad doesn’t even wake up that early. A 6am pre-game means you have to get up at 5am.
Eva Marriott-Fabre | Visuals Editor
TherespectIhaveforthosewho held the events that early is genuinelyunmatched.
Making Friends
Expectation: As I walk down the steps of Stewart, I cross the other side of Doctor Penfield Avenue, where I am stopped by two guys who give me a quick little dap up and then continue on past me. I walk for no longer thanthirtysecondsbeforeIstop and chat with a couple of girls. Telling them I have to leave, I scurry on towards the steps in front of Leacock, high-fiving people sporadically as my trot increases to a scamper. I make a quick right turn and enter the Redpath Library. Looking around the premises as if I were aspy,Idartthroughthedoorand downthestepstothemarvelous bottom floor where I spot my realfriends.
Every single character in this scenarioImetatFrosh.
Reality: My personal expectations for Frosh may have been hyperbolic at best. Of course,noteverysinglepersonin my Frosh group would become mybestfriend,becauseintheory youcanonlyhaveonebestfriend and groups, by definition, have more than one person. Many
Froshies did not make the lifelong connections they had anticipatedmaking.
It seems as if many of the best friendships were made at more sober camping and climbing Froshes. In fact, my roommate was part of Camping Frosh, and hestillhangsoutwiththepeople he met almost every day. Most other Frosh programs consisted of events with loud music and drinking, and while that was incredibly fun, it made it harder tohavemorethanasurfacelevel conversation with them. It has only been a week or so (at the time of writing) since Frosh ended, and I do not really know anybodywhostayedfriendswith peoplefromtheirFroshgroup.
Conclusion
Frosh did not meet expectations. For many, it subverted them in a weird, modernart-esqueway.Froshwas neither good nor bad; it wasn’t evenugly.Theonlytruestatement about Frosh 2025 at McGill Universityisthatithappened.
The Commodification of Love
From teen dramas to Korean dating shows, today’s television packages romance as something to binge, market, and sell back to us
Lisa Banti Staff Writer
Sometimes, all we want is to sit down, cuddle with a pillow,andpressplayonthe next episode of our favourite series. And that, ladies and gentlemen, is how streaming platforms have trapped us into loving our screens and the romanceanddramatheyportray, instead of the messy reality of loving the person next to us. In today’s media landscape, love is no longer just a feeling but a product.Showslike TheSummer I Turned Pretty, Better Late Than Single, and Love Island USA may seem wildly different, but each demonstrates how romance is packaged, marketed, andsold.
Jenny Han ’ s The Summer I TurnedPretty began as a young adult book trilogy published in the late 2000s and was adapted into a Prime Video series in 2022, with every new season timedforasummerrelease.The story follows Isabel “Belly” Conklin as she spends summers at Cousins Beach, caught in a love triangle between brothers Conrad and Jeremiah while navigating the awkward but intoxicating shift from adolescence to adulthood. By the time the third and final season dropped this July, the showhadcementeditselfasone of the defining comfort watches oftheseason.
On the surface, it’s a teen romance: sunsets, heartbreak, andTaylorSwiftballads.Butthe show’s appeal goes deeper,
Love becomes a currency, traded for screen time, social media clout, and eventual sponsorship deals once the villa doors close.
tapping into multiple layers of nostalgia. For longtime fans of the novels, the adaptation commodifies memory itself. Amazon is selling not only a streaming series but the chance to revisit a beloved story in a new format. Some viewers compare scenes to the dogeared pages they once read under their blankets. Some viewers simply watch to relive the feeling of being that teenager again. What was once private imagination is now communal,bingeablecontent.
The release strategy sharpens that effect. By releasing each seasoninthesummer,Primehas turned the series into an annual ritual, one that feels less like coincidence and more like a marketingcycle.Fansmayforget about Belly and her romantic indecision during the school year, but when summer rolls around, the show becomes a seasonal marker, pulling viewers back into the story exactly when they’re most susceptible to longing for beach days and first loves.Inthisway, TheSummerI Turned Pretty commodifies not just romance, but the rhythm of time itself: selling the very idea ofsummerbacktoitsaudience.
While The Summer I Turned Pretty sells nostalgia, Love Island USA sells pure spectacle. Now in its seventh season, the show drops a group of singles
into a luxury villa – this time in Fiji – andisolatesthemfromthe outside world. No phones, no internet, no distractions. Their lives shrink to bikinis, challenges, and strategic recouplings under the constant gazeofcameras.Thetwististhat viewers play judge, jury, and executioner: voting on their favorite contestants, deciding eliminations, and ultimately crowningthewinningcouple.
On the surface, it’s fun, sexy, andeasytowatch.It’sthekindof show you put on when you want your brain to turn off. But Love Island USA isn’t really about romance. It’s about selling romance as a product. Contestants quickly realize that relationships are less about intimacy and more about performance. Stay likable, stay desirable, stay “shippable” –that’s the real strategy. Love becomes a currency, traded for screen time, social media clout, and eventual sponsorship deals oncethevilladoorsclose.
The commodification doesn’t end with the finale. Love Island creates online frenzies, spilling into Twitter threads, TikToks, Instagram edits, and dinnertable conversations. Viewers aren ’t just passive consumers; they become active participants, debating recouplings with strangers on the internet and bonding with friends over
favorite contestants. The show sells love twice – first as drama on-screen,andthenasdiscourse in everyday life. Even our conversations, our opinions, our memes become part of its reach, proof that romance packaged as spectacle can extend far beyond thevilla.
Netflix’ s Better Late Than Single, which premiered this July, feels worlds apart from the glossy drama of Love Island Instead of Instagram-ready contestants, it introduces “모태솔로 (motae solos)” – a Korean term for people who have never dated in their lives. These men and women, mostly in their late twenties and early thirties, move into a shared house where they receive style coaching, attempt first crushes, and stumble through awkward conversations with all the hesitationofabsolutebeginners. What stands out is how different this feels compared to the norms of Western reality dating shows, which tend to center young contestants who present themselves as effortlessly confident in love. Here, awkward silences, tentative gestures, and shy confessions take center stage. The effect is surprising for viewers used to high-drama formats: intimacy is portrayed notasfast-pacedspectaclebutas slow,uncertainprogress.
Untilrecently,aserieslikethis might have reached mostly Kdrama fans. But Netflix’s global distribution has carried Better Late Than Single to audiences aroundtheworld,manyofwhom find its vulnerability refreshing. That’s the irony: what is framed as “authentic” is also carefully curated, packaged, and sold as novelty. Even sincerity and awkwardness, become a product forglobalconsumption.
Maybethat’stherealbutterfly effect of these shows: what starts as a simple binge on the couchripplesintohowwethink about love off-screen. Why risk heartbreakwhenBelly,oravilla fullofstrangers,cangiveyouan adrenalinerushorbutterflieson demand? Why settle for awkward first dates when you can watch others stumble through theirs in high definition? These series soothe us, entertain us, and sometimes trick us into expecting too much. That’s the irony of commodified love; it feels just real enough to keep us hooked, even if the romance in our lives can ’tquitecompete.
A scene from this summer’s hit TV show TheSummerITurnedPretty.
Is It Too Late?
Miranda Forster Commentary Contributor
David Suzuki, academic and climate activist, made headlines earlier this year with a sobering statement on climateaction: “It’stoolate.”
The reverberating panic in activist spaces was immediate: “if David Suzuki’s given up, we ’rereallyscrewed!”
Admittedly, he hasn’t given up, per se. But rather than calling for large-scale legal, economic or policy changes as he has for decades he is now encouraging communities to build resilience in the face of the climate crisis. Suzuki’ s new stance might be apt, as we have surpassed six of the Stockholm Resilience Centre’s nine planetary boundaries which define our habitable Earth: climate change, biogeochemical flows, freshwater change, land system change, biosphere integrity, and novel entities synthetic chemicals emitted by technologicaldevelopments.Yet investmentsinfossilfuelcapital continue to grow, alongside climate anxiety and ensuing feelingsofdefeatism.
By the end of the 2010s, climate activism had obtained immense popularity, especially among youth and students. Greta Thunberg’s Fridays For Future movement was the most visible of its type inspiring schoolstrikes,protests,anddieins by young people around the world. Protests calling for the Canadian government to ban fossil fuels had reached a fever pitch,orsoitseemed.
Then, the unprecedented chaos of 2020 changed it all. During these years, the world grappled with illness, social isolation, economic uncertainty, police brutality, and countless otherinjustices.However,inthe face of those challenges, we showed an unprecedented capacity for collective action.
The New York Times called the 2020 Black Lives Matter movement the largest protest movement in U.S. history, with between 15 and 26 million participants.
Ironically, amidst all this politicization and protest, the climatemovementfellflatonits back.
Although the pandemic is over, climate activism has not recovered. The Canadian Press calls the current Canadian government “noncommittalabout meeting 2030 climate goals” and climate issues have been pushed tothebackoftheCanadianmind. However, they fuel every other issueweface.Theclimatecrisisis
not impending, it is current. Placesacrosstheworld,including Iraq, Somalia, and the Gulf Coast of the United States, are experiencing extreme natural disasters that herald a new era of climate devastation. Meanwhile, the school strikes, marches, and dialogue around climate action arenotablyabsentfromtheglobal stage.Inasense,itis “toolate” to prevent the catastrophe we predicted decades ago. But is it too late to call for government action, and to limit the scope of destruction?
To answer this question, I interviewed McGill students from a range of fields and backgrounds. I wanted to know whether climate defeatism has taken hold of our student body and whether McGill students see a path forward through this crisis. I wanted to know whether we, as students and as global citizens, can still be mobilized in the name of climateaction.
Myfirstconversationwaswith Cam*, a U2 student double majoring in Physics and Latin American and Caribbean Studies. Cam has been involved in climate activism since the age of 12. I asked him what he thought about environmental defeatism.
“The idea that we won’t face catastrophic climate change is a fallacy,” he claimed, “but I am not a defeatist in that I don’t believe there is nothing left to bedone.”
It is a daunting thought that catastrophe will strike regardless of the action we take now.Camknowsthat “therestof [his] life will be spent in a constant battle to mitigate the effects of fossil fuel emissions.” Andyet,wecanstilllessenthese effects by taking a stand against the fossil fuel industry. “There’ s an infinite amount of difference [between] category 5 hurricanes happening twice a year and four timesayear everyhumanlifeis amassivedifference.” saysCam.
For every degree of warming and every extreme weather event, human lives hang in the balance. Such high stakes have led to ample debate over the best protest practices; namely, whether or not peaceful protest isenough.
“[New fossil fuel investment] is a crime,” Cam told me, “not just against society but against humanity as a whole. So I think that as citizens of Earth, it’ s completely justified to take directaction.”
According to the Activist Handbook, direct action can refer to a range of physical tactics, from civil disobedience to property destruction and
McGill students on environmental defeatism and our climate future
violence. In his notable book How to Blow up a Pipeline, climate activist and author Andreas Malm asserts that historically, direct action has proven to be highly effective in toppling status-quo systems, and was instrumental in ending oppressive regimes throughout the 20th century, from racial segregation in the United States toIsraelioccupationofLebanon toSouthAfricanapartheid.
While direct action involves higher physical and legal risk to protesters, and is not always popular with the masses, many argue that it is sometimes necessary to make a movement heard. Cam pointed out that “resistance is not the same as assault. The destruction of the physical infrastructure of fossil capital is completely justified, [and] it is something we should bedoingmoreof.
”
To investigate the feelings underlying student inaction, I talkedtoMax*,aU2Biologyand Philosophy major who characterizes himself as a “realist.” Max is skeptical of the power of protest, especially radical protest which might alienate those unfamiliar with themovement.
“Government structures are setinplace[ ]andthey’ revery protected,” Max pointed out, when asked whether he thinks protests are effective in promoting systemic progress. “The best way to create impactful change is not to try to dismantlesocialstructuresfrom the bottom up. It's to infiltrate andmovetop-down.”
Top-down initiatives for
Nikhila Shanker | Visuals Editor
climate action have been advocated for and attempted ad nauseam over the last five-plus decades, to very little success: the 1997 Kyoto Protocol and the 2015 Paris Agreement, arguably the two most prominent topdown climate efforts, have been largely ineffective. John S. Dryzek and Jonathan Pickering, in their book ThePoliticsofthe Anthropocene, name the 1987 Montreal Protocol for protectionoftheozonelayerthe only example of successful topdown climate action in history. This has pushed many frustrated people to campaign from the bottom up, through protests, civil disobedience, and NGOs. Young people like Cam describe a feeling of obligation to fight for climate action, from whichever elevation they can reach Max is not one of these people, despite believing in the severityofthecrisis.
“Everyone feels [obligated to] do the little things that provoke a more sustainable lifestyle,” he told me. “[But] I don’t think [ ] Ihavetogotheextramile.” Some further key insights came from Emily,* a U3 Biodiversity and Conservation major in the Bieler School of Environment. As an American studying in Canada, Emily has a valuable outside perspective on Canadianclimatepolitics.Emily tells me that the current government’s stance on climate action reminds her of many previous U.S. administrations, which she says were characterized by a dissonance betweenwordsandactions.
“The executive branch is
making speeches about the importance of this or that,” she said, “but it often stops at rhetoric and doesn’t continue intoreshapingpolicies.”
As an environment student, Emily’s coursework involves a lot of discussion about climate change, and the myriad potential approaches to the crisis.Whilesherecognizesthat full societal upheaval will be necessary, Emily also knows that critical change can also happenonasmallscale.
“Speak with people about [climate change ] and [get] them to participate in lowering their consumption with you,” she told me, when asked what McGill students can do about the crisis. “Get them to do actionswithyou.”
In the face of government inaction, it is difficult to remain hopeful. But while Emily characterizes herself as “somewhere in between” climate optimism and defeatism,shedefinitelyerrson thesideofhope.
“There’s no capacity to maintain ‘normal life,’” Emily told me. But there is still room for optimism in her eyes. “The place where [it’s relevant to be] defeatist or optimistic is [...] what degree of human rights will maintain themselves during the climate crisis,” she said. “I believe we have the capacity to confront the problems we’re facing.”
Let’shopeshe’sright.
*All names have been changed foranonymity.
Raymond Jordan Johnson-Brown Staff Writer
Moving Beyond Labels
What Charlie Kirk’s Death Teaches Us About Our Politics
This piece was written on Friday, September 12. At the time of its completion, the details of Kirk’s assassination were still under investigation.
Iwrote this in the aftermath of Charlie Kirk’s death: a conservativeactivistknownfor his Christian identity and his strong defense of the Second Amendment. He was shot and killedatauniversityeventinUtah as part of his “American Comeback” tour. What quickly followedwasachaoticspectacleof polarization online. Some celebrated his death, others mourned him as a man of God. Still,manyinsistedthathismurder was a karmic inevitability as a resultofhisadvocacy.Thoughthe motiveforhismurderispresently unclear, what we do know is that his death immediately became a battlegroundforpoliticallabelling.
This is one of the many issues Ihavewithpoliticallabelling.It pulls us into the binary logics of the colonial gaze: left or right, good or evil, martyr or monster. It causes us to overlook complexity and disables our ability to focus on our reality, the harm Kirk’s politics mobilized and the simultaneous griefthatcomeswithanydeath. After reading the reactions to his death, I had sat with this question: if we celebrate the killing of someone we despise, are we also mirroring the very violence we condemn elsewhere? That’s not to invalidate the very harms his actions have taken against my own communities. What happens when those who honour his death neglect to also hold him accountable? What happens to those left with the damage of his legacy? In this binary logic, there is little space forthefullspectrumofgrief.
Political labels by design seek to simplify and contain our humanity into tidy boxes easily controlled and regulated. But simplification also produces the erasure of lived realities and lived suffering. One of my Elders reminded me recently of the interdependence between all living beings (yes, not just humans) and the choices that rippleoutbeyondthetemporary labels that we carry. The colonial gaze we’ve all been conditioned by imposes
categories of race, gender, identity, and nation by flattening complexity and forcing people into boxes to servesystems,notlife. Therein lies the tension I feel with theory because it alone cannot be our saviour from this predicament. As Black feminist andpoetAudreLordesaid, “The master’s tools will never dismantlethemaster’shouse.” If we continue to debate within the confines of identity labels placed upon us – left versus right, liberal versus conservative – we continuously reinforce the systems of categorizationinplace.Thereal harms that continue today in prisons, of colonial violence, of alarming housing and food injustices, of inaccessible healthcare,persistunrefuted. Meanwhile, on the internet, peoplearefightingoverwhogets to claim a moral victory over Kirk’s death. But the internet is not the real world. It is one technological aspect of it built in binarycodeandtransformedinto a “culture” that profits off of division and rage, while the real
worldgoeson.Theorangehueof the sun continues to shine, the trees continue to release oxygen, and communities continue to fight despite ongoing injustices. It’seasytogetlostintheinternet delusionanduseupallourenergy in online reactions, to the effect that we don’t have capacity any longerfortherealworkofchange. But real mobilization is happening. Here in Tiohtià:ke (Montreal), the tenants’ union SLAM-MATU valiantly fought and won against a 19.8% rental hike as a result of collective organizing.InBritishColumbia, the Supreme Court recognized the Haida Nation as having complete sovereignty over the terrestrial areas of Haida Gwaii. These actions are not about labels, but are about innate human needs for food, housing, support, and collective care. They are about living in respectful and reciprocal relationshipswithoneanother. So, what do we want to build? An internet world where labels ruleandtransactionsthrive,ora living world where relationships are essential and
Nikhila Shanker | Visuals Editor
transformational? What are we able to learn when we stop obsessing over who is right or wrong online, and instead ask what the people around us need? What movements can we organize, here and now, where weare?
Charlie Kirk’s death shows us what happens when labels consume us. In this space, nuance disappears, violence becomes a spectacle, and we lose sight of what liberation demands. True liberation does notgrowfromideologicalpurity or choosing the right side of the internet war. It comes from rebuilding our relationships, restoring the deficit of trust between strangers, and cultivatingcommunitiesofcare. Start small. Start local. Start with who is in your life. It’s the micro shifts that make the macrochangepossible.
If we continue to debate within the confines of identity labels placed upon us... we continuously reinforce the systems of categorization in place.
The Future of Mobilization at McGill
Clarisse Gautier
Commentary Contributor
McGill students are entering a new era of mobilization marked by mounting legal and institutional restrictions. Quebec’s Bill 89, McGill’s use of injunctions, and the attempted termination of the Memorandum of Agreement (MoA)withtheStudents’ Society of McGill University (SSMU), together point to an increasingly hostileenvironmentforcollective action. Yet history shows that when official channels close, students often respond with innovation, developing new tactics that can prove to be even moreimpactful.
Adopted on May 30, 2025, Quebec’s Bill 89 amends the Labour Code to “give greater consideration to the needs of the populationintheeventofastrike or a lock-out,” by ensuring the continuation of “services ensuring the well-being of the population.” The Act empowers the government to designate disputes for review by the Administrative Labour Tribunal, which can order that such services be maintained and, if negotiations fail, impose conditions itself. While strikes and lock-outs may continue, they can be suspended in “exceptional circumstances.” According to Evan Fox-Decent, law professor and president of the Association ofMcGillProfessorsofLaw, “this legislation represents a frontal attack on workers' fundamental rights." For McGill faculty unions, this bill significantly curtails the effectiveness of strikes by limiting the possible leverage of work stoppages and narrowingthescopeoflegitimate collective action against the administration. This bill also generates a chilling climate of deterrence, where professors, staff, and students, fearing retaliation, may refrain from publicly endorsing or joining mobilizations. Without explicit backing from faculty unions, student strikes lose a crucial source of momentum and legitimacy, weakening student solidarityactions.
In April, the pro-Palestinian student group Students for Palestinian Honour and Resistance (SPHR) organized a three-day demonstrationoncampuscallingfor McGill to cut ties with institutions andcompanieslinkedtoIsrael.The universityrespondedbysecuringan injunctionfromtheQuebecSuperior Court judge. The ruling barred
Organizing despite legal restrictions
protestswithinfivemetresofMcGill buildings and prohibited activities that could disrupt classes or exams. While directly aimed at weakening SPHR, the injunction sets a broader precedent as the administration can now swiftly resort to the courts to neutralize any disruptive student mobilizations. This fosters a climate of self-censorship, especially since both protesters and “ any person awareofthejudgment,” evenifthey aren ’t directly related to SPHR, can risk legal consequences. The spatial restrictions also undercut the visibilityandeffectivenessofprotests, discouragingbroaderparticipation.
In the aftermath of the April protests, McGill attempted to terminate its contractual relationship with SSMU. The MemorandumofAgreement(MoA) is the formal contract that governs the relationship between McGill UniversityandtheStudents’ Society of McGill University, outlining the rights, responsibilities, and financialarrangementsbetweenthe twoparties.It gives SSMU official recognition as the undergraduate studentassociation,allowingitto collect fees, use campus space, andrepresentstudentsindealings with the administration. In return, the MoA sets out standards of accountability, compliance with university regulations,andconditionsunder which the agreement can be reviewed or terminated. McGill can default on the MoA if it determines that SSMU has breached its obligations, such as failing to comply with university policies or legal requirements, since the MoA gives the administration the authority to terminate or suspend the agreementonthosegrounds.
McGill Interim Deputy Provost Angela Campbell accused the organization's leadership of not dissociating itself from groups that "endorse or engage in acts of vandalism, intimidation and obstructionasformsofactivism."By movingtoterminatethisagreement, this threatened to strip SSMU of resources essential for organizing large-scale student movements, includingfunding,officespace,and institutionalrecognition.
Following a mediation process of several months, McGill and SSMU announced that the MoA will remain in effect, with revisions. The agreement removed certain restrictions on SSMU election eligibility, while alsoreaffirminglimitsonprotests that involve disruption of academicactivities,vandalism,or intimidation. Although this resolution preserved the student union’s legal footing, it
underscores how fragile the student unions’ position remains by demonstrating McGill’ s willingness to use the threat of institutional withdrawal as leverage. Even with the renewed MoA, the imposed boundaries signal that student mobilization is tolerated only within tightly controlledparameters.
In essence, these developments leave students with fewer institutional resources,greaterlegalrisks,and diminished means of mobilizing, astheyhaveincreasinglybecome vulnerable to administrative and legalsuppression.
Despite these obstacles, history demonstrates that student activism adapts and survives. When direct forms of protest have been suppressed, activists turn to innovative, symbolic ways to continue resisting oppressive systems even when traditional avenues arerestricted.
The 2012 Maple Spring was a seriesofstudentprotestsagainst the proposal to raise university tuitionsignificantly.Throughout this mobilization, protesters faced restrictive legislation, including an emergency law forbidding protests near universitygroundsandrequiring police approval for large public protests (Bill 78), while the municipality of Montreal passed a law prohibiting mask-wearing during any organization or demonstration. In response, the movement devised innovative tactics, such as the “casseroles” actions, nightly balcony protests where citizens banged pots and pans in support of the
movement. What began as a creative way to work around restrictions soon spread across the province, illustrating how repressive measures can inadvertentlysparkinnovation.
Furthermore, to ensure no single administrative decision can dissolve student mobilization, a more decentralized and diversified organization strategy is necessary. A constellation of faculty and department-level assemblies, along with alliances beyond campus, can build resilience. When student struggles are tied to a broader community and labour issues, they gain both legitimacy and power.In2012,oppositiontoBill 78 quickly escalated from a tuition protest into a provincewide movement, drawing labor unions, teachers, and even the Quebec Bar Association in protesting for civil rights. Similarly, today, multiple faculty associationsatMcGillarealready challenging Bill 89, citing its violationsofconstitutionalrights by forcing workers to “work against their will, under conditions that are not of their choosing,” as noted by McGill Professor of Sociology Barry Eidlin. By aligning with these efforts, students can position their struggles within a broader fight for democratic liberties and workers’ rights.
History has proven that student mobilization consistently plays a fundamentalroleincontributingto change. From the fight against South Africa’s apartheid, where McGill notably became the first Canadian university to divest from
the National Party’s brutal regime, to more recently, to the Board of Governors’ unanimous decision to divest from fossil fuel companies after a decade of student pressure, students have time and time again demonstrated their ability to push institutions toward greater accountability. These precedents, along with current movements, suggest that while the frameworks for protest may change, mobilizationatMcGillcancontinue by embracing decentralization, creativity,andsolidarity.
“History has proven that student mobilization consistently plays a fundamental role in contributing to change.”
Image courtesy of Ingara Maidou
Truth Under Fire: How Journalism Is Being Silenced from Gaza to Washington to Nairobi
Violence, censorship, and political pressure define a difficult year for global press freedom
Lisa Banti Staff Writer
Press freedom, often described as a cornerstone of democracy, is under visible strain in 2025. On battlefields, journalists are being killed for documenting conflicts. In democratic settings, political rhetoric, new restrictions, and media blackouts are steadily narrowing the space for independentreporting.
Gaza: the deadliest place in the world to be a journalist
On August 10,2025, a targeted Israeli airstrike on a media tent outside Gaza City’s al-Shifa Hospital killed Al-Jazeera correspondent Anasal-Sharif, along with three of his colleagues. Al-Jazeera called it a “blatantandpremeditatedattack on press freedom.” The Committee to Protect Journalists(CPJ)confirmedthat the strike was the single deadliest attack on media workers since the Israel–Gaza war began in October 2023. AlSharif’s final social media post, quotedinTheGuardian,read: “If these words reach you Israel hassucceededinkillingme.” The words have since echoed as a plea not to let Gaza disappear fromglobalattention.
Al-Sharif, only 28, had become one of the most familiar faces reporting from Gaza in his commitment to showing the city’s suffering under bombardment. Israel later claimed, without offering verifiable proof, that Al-Sharif was “theheadofaterroristcell,” a characterization widely rejected by press freedom organizations as unsubstantiated. Press freedom organizations, including the Committee to Protect Journalists and Reporters Without Borders, rejected the accusation without credible evidence, describing it as an unsubstantiated smear likely intendedtojustifyanattackona journalist. Al-Sharif’s killing prompted a wave of protests and vigils worldwide, from Cape Town and Manila to London, Mexico City, Dublin, Oslo, Berlin, Karachi, and Ramallah. Demonstrators in Houston also gathered outside a local TV station, denouncing media
misrepresentation of Gaza and calling for justice for the slain journalists. This has prompted calls from PEN America and from UN Secretary-General António Guterres and the UN OfficeoftheHighCommissioner for Human Rights, for an independent investigation into whether the deliberate targeting ofjournalistsmayconstituteasa warcrime.
The number of journalists killed in Gaza has not been verified.AccordingtotheUnited Nations, 242 journalists have been killed since October 2023.
The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) reports at least 180, while the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) puts the figure at 192, making it the deadliest conflict for journalists on record. Regardless of the estimation, the reality for journalists in Gaza is grim. With foreign media effectively barred from entering Gaza, local journalists carry the weight of documenting the war. Their deaths create information black holes at a time when knowledge ismostneeded.
The United States: hostility turned into policy
The United States has long styleditselfasachampionoffree press, but recent developments tellamorecomplicatedstory.On July 29, 2025, Federal Communications Commissioner Anna Gomez formally issued a dissent against the FCC’ s approval of the Paramount–Skydance merger. She warned that the government’s approach to media regulation amounts to “a campaign of censorship and control,” expressing her concern for the erosion of media independence. Congresshasalsorespondedto the growing hostility toward the press. In May 2025, the Senate introduced Resolution 205, a measure condemning Donald Trump’s repeated denunciations of the press and restating the U.S. commitment to press freedom as a democratic cornerstone. Though S.Res. 205 has yet to pass, its introduction signals official concern within Congress about the growing normalization of anti-press rhetoric, especially following
repeated attacks by thenPresident Trump on the “fake news ” media, a trend widely denounced as a threat to democratic norms. He has, during his presidency, branded journalists as “enemies of the people.” This language, once shocking,hastroublinglybecome part of mainstream political languageintheUS.
Thathostilityisnotconfinedto political rhetoric, it has material consequences on the ground, where reporters covering protests and immigration enforcement have been detained or threatened with deportation.
In June, DeKalb County police arrested Atlanta journalist Mario Guevara while he was livestreamingaprotest,andlocal authorities handed him over to ICE custody just days after all criminal charges had been dropped. He remains in immigration detention despite beinggrantedbond,acasepressfreedom advocates, including the ACLU, CPJ, Free Press, and the Atlanta Press Club, have described as a “grim erosion of bothfreedomofthepressandthe rule of law”. A month later,
Covington police arrested two CityBeat journalists, reporter Madeline Fening and intern Lucas Griffith, while covering a protest, drawing criticism from press-freedom groups. Both initially faced felony rioting charges, which were later dismissed. They now continue to face several misdemeanor charges, including disorderly conduct and failure to disperse. Advocacy groups, led by the National Press Club, denounced thearrestsas “adirectassaulton theFirstAmendment,” asserting that using criminal charges to intimidate journalists is unacceptable.
This trend within the United States has been observed internationally. Reporters Without Borders confirms that in 2025, the United States ranked 57th out of 180 countries, now classified in a “problematic situation”, on the World Press Freedom Index. Theyhaveattributedthedecline to heightened political hostility, economic instability, and corporate consolidation. CPJ’ s ownassessmentofTrump’sfirst 100 days back in office
concluded that press freedom is “nolongeragiven.”
Kenya: silencing dissent on live television
AcrosstheglobeinNairobi,the press is also under pressure. On June 25, amid nationwide protestsoverpolicebrutalityand government corruption, the Kenyan government banned live TV coverage, ordered broadcasters off air, and disrupted transmissions. During the protests, NTV journalist Ruth Sarmwei was struck by a rubber bullet while reporting live, and at least one other journalistwasalsoinjured.
The High Court of Kenya swiftly intervened. Justice ChachaMwitaruledthattheban
violated constitutional protections for free expression and ordered the Communications Authority to restore broadcasts. In response, theLawSocietyofKenya,joined by over 20 civil society groups, condemned the directive as “ a dangerous step towards suppressing fundamental freedoms.” They warned that eveninademocracy,suchtactics signal how quickly media freedom can be revoked when authoritiesfeeltheirnarrativeis threatened. Human rights groups say this reflects a deeper erosion:Kenyaisoftenupheldas a regional model for media freedom, yet security forces routinely crack down on journalists during periods of politicalunrest.
A worldwide pattern of control
These episodes of censorship, intimidation, and violence against journalists are not isolated. In Gaza, the IDF is killing journalists at an unprecedented rate. In the United States, political hostility and regulatory maneuvering are shrinking media independence. In Kenya, broadcast bans and state intimidation curtail citizens’ accesstoinformation.
The 2025 World Press Freedom Index by RWB described the global media landscape as “difficult,” warning that even established democracies are slipping. Gaza, in particular, stands out for its
unprecedented journalist death toll, but the crisis is not only about violence. Reporters Without Borders emphasizes that economic fragility, manifesting through shrinking newsroomresources,relianceon political advertisers, and corporate consolidation, has becomeanincreasinglyinsidious threattopressfreedom.Thishas left media outlets more exposed to censorship, disinformation, and undue influence from politicalandeconomicelites.
Why this matters
When Al-Jazeera declared after al-Sharif’s death that “targeting journalists is targeting the truth itself,” the statement echoed warnings from press freedom
groups that such attacks undermine democracy and the public’s right to know. A free press is often described as democracy’ s “fourth estate,” underscoring its role in holding institutions accountable. In Gaza, killing reporters ensures thatatrocitiesremainunseen.In Washington DC, political hostility and regulatory maneuvering are eroding media independence and undermining accountability. In Nairobi, blackouts deprive citizens of real-time information during protests. The National Public Radio recently put it this way: when journalists are harassed or killed, “the public loses its most vital connection to accountability.”
The Politics of College Sex
Exploring the explicit and implicit dynamics of gender and intimacy in college
Emma De Lemos Contributor
Nothing seems as intimate and yet impersonal as a university room – except maybe the sexuality of college students. Endowed with small spaces, bustling crowds, and endless possibilities, the prospectofsexualactivityalmost seems inevitable. “Sex has seemingly never been less stigmatized or easier to procure” points out Jia Tolentino, a staff writer for The New Yorker. And this has never been more apparent than for the current generationofMcGillstudents
Termssuchas ‘prude’ or ‘pious’ arenowthrownaroundforthose less interested in sex; those who embrace multiple partners face accusations of being a ‘fuckboy’ or ‘fuckgirl’; the ones who leap from relationship to relationshp arelabeleda ‘serialmonogamist.’ Every set of sexual judgement collidesacrossboundariesasour former stigmas lose their grip, encountering students from 152 different countries who each arrivecarryingtheirown.
More strikingly, gendered archetypes arise. Chief among them is hybrid masculinity, defined by sociologists Tristan Bridges and C.J Pascoe as the incorporation of marginalized identities or progressive characteristics, such as queerness, feminism, or sensitivity, into performances of masculinity, while retaining social privilege and dominance. Indeed,thesegendereddynamics are always at play in college sex; everyoneissearching,inoneway or another, for their own gender identities.
In addition, social, loud, and party-animal residence life often incentivizes compulsory sexuality – thesocialexpectation that everyone should be sexually active, interested in sex, or pursuing relationships. Sex is always just around the corner, talked about, overheard through thin walls, and constantly fantasized about. With little else to do outside of classes, students fill their time by socializing before, between, and after lectures, and partying through the weekends. Our bodies suddenly become the centre of sociallife.Inresidences,bowlsof condoms appear during Frosh or Halloween, insinuating that sex willhappen.Theresultisanedgy cocktail of hormones, peer pressure, substances, and newfound freedom, pushing boundaries and lowering inhibitions.
The recent years have added new layers to the politics of college sex. COVID-19 introduced fears of proximity itself, producing tighter social boundaries and reducing sexual encounters. In the background, national politics – such as US abortion restrictions – loom heavily over American students, reminding them that sexual freedom is never guaranteed and always conditional. And yet, paradoxically, while campus life is saturated with sexual talk and expectations, researchers and journalists have been warning of a ‘sexrecession’ Indeed,sexhasneverfeltmore politicized, more fraught, and morecarefullynegotiated. Ultimately, college sex teaches us that sexuality is not merely whathappenstothebody,butan experienceoftheself.
