Skopje - A Modern City? by Mandy Held

RESEARCH PROJECT #3

SKOPJE A MODERN CITY?

Assistance

Authors ELISABETH DEIPENBROCK MANDY HELD CHARLOTTE HERBST CHARLOTTE KAULEN LUISE KÖHLER MAGDALENA PUDIMAT MARIA ROHDE KEVIN VINCENT

D I PL. -I NG. M S C M A R E N HA R N A CK

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

The maps are created by us with the aid of satellite images as there were no adequate or affordable ones available to us. Partly they might be slightly imprecise in detail. The results of our mappings base on personal estimations. The age of buildings could only be determinded by visual judgment. To verify this data (e.g. by interview with the building owner) was only in a few instances possible.

To avoid an unneccessary waste of space the legend is not shown on every page. It is designed as a bookmark instead and can be applied to all maps. Only maps that are not northbound feature a north arrow. None shown implies that the respective map is orientated northwards. If no other source is given in the list of illustrations, images are created by us.

IMPRINT HafenCity Universität Hamburg Department Urban Planning

Chair

Städtebau und Quartiersentwicklung Prof. Dr. Michael Koch 2009/2010

Assistance

Dipl.-Ing. MSc Maren Harnack

Authors

Elisabeth Deipenbrock, Mandy Held, Charlotte Herbst, Charlotte Kaulen, Luise Köhler, Magdalena Pudimat, Maria Rohde, Kevin Vincent

HCU

HafenCity Universität Hamburg

sponsered by tuitions fees

As there is a lack of reliable informations on the subject, partly web forums or interviews were used as a source. In this atlas the term Macedonia in context with present times is used synonymously with the official term “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” (FYROM).

PREFACE

This report was created within the scope of the Research project #3 (P3) at the HafenCity UniversitĂ¤t Hamburg. Eight students of urban planning worked for two semesters on the subject of the city of Skopje. We would like to thank Dipl.-Ing. MSc Maren Harnack who proposed and offered to conduct this project with us. Maren Harnack is an architect, urban planner and scientific assistant at the HCU Hamburg. Due to her former working experiences on Skopje she was able to provide us with basic information and helped to establish contact to the Architectural Department of the University of Skopje. Thanks to Maren an entirely new field of work opened up to us: the Balkan region, its planning issues and especially the particular ones in Skopje. Furthermore we would like to thank Mladen Stilinovik and Slobodan Velevski, as well as Yane Calovski and Divna Pencik for the cooperation during our study trip to Skopje and for all the valuable information we got through them. We also thank Silke Maier-Witt for the enlightening interview about ethnic conflicts in Macedonia. Weâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;d in particular like to thank the students of architecture we met in Skopje. Not only did they show us round but also gave helpful assistance in the later course of our work.

CONTENT

0 ENTERING SKOPJE Introduction

1 PRE MODERN

2 MODERN

8 Introduction

26 Introduction

History

10 INPUT: KALE FORTRESS

28 Modernism and its Vision 90

Country Brief

Bazaar 19 Old Overview

29 Kenzo Tange and his Plan 95 30

Methodology

Input: Population

Mapping Architecture Specific Use Features Specific Urban Features Impression Conclusion

Maalos

Overview Mapping Architecture Debar Maalo: Transformation Novo Maalo: Stagnation Magir Maalo: Contingency Conclusion

Serbian Block Structure Overview Mapping Architecture Specific Urban Features Impression Conclusion

Pre Modern Conclusion Categories

Overview 32 Model 36 Elements of the Plan 42 Realization 44 Conclusion 45 48 CityWall 49 Overview Mapping 50 Architecture 52 Characteristics 56 Conclusion 64 66 Ensembles 68 Overview 70 Communication Axis Axis 71 Education Cultural Axis 72 Transportation Center 74 Conclusion 78 80 International Architecture 82 Overview 83 A Comparison Conclusion

96 104 106 110 114

117

118 120 122 125 142

143

144 145 148 151 154 158

159

160 162 166

Modern Habitation

167

Modern Conclusion

179

Overview Mapping Characteristics Conclusion

168 169 172 178

3 POST MODERN

4 MASH UP

5 PERSPECTIVES

184

248

286

Introduction

186 Introduction

250 The Conclusion Part I

288

Reconstruction

187 Mapping in Comparison

254 Scenarios

290

Kitsch

205 Blacklisted Modernism

276

Do-It-Yourself

217 Theater Skopje

281

Overview Skopje 2014 INPUT: MONUMENTS Skopje 2014: Opinions Conclusion Overview Mapping Architecture Conclusion INPUT: INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS Overview Architecture A Comparison Conclusion

Globalized Architecture Overview Mapping Architecture Shopping Center Business District Conclusion

188 189 City of Contrasts 264 196 202 Do-It-Yourself in Comparison 274 204

206 278 208 North and South 212 216 Urban Structural Development 280 218 222 Tange vs. Skopje 2014 223 231 Garden Skopje 232

Introduction Scenarios for Skopje Worst Case Scenario Best Case Scenario Trend Scenario

290 291 292 294 296

The Conclusion Part II

302

Sources

304

List of Figures

307

Legend

313

282 284

233

234 236 240 242 244 245

Post Modern Conclusion 246

INTRODUCTION

BRIEF ABSTRACT FOR MACEDONIA Macedonia is a country of just over two million inhabitants in the southern Balkans. The population of Macedonia has always been and is still of diverse ethnic composition. In 1991 Macedonia split peacefully from Yugoslavia and declared itself independent. Among other controversies, the country‘s name, Macedonia, has come under dispute from Greece who has a region in the north also called Macedonia. In official documents at the United Nations or in the European Union the country is officially called the Former Yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia. The capital of Macedonia is Skopje, located in the north, with a population of around 600,000 residents. Skopje was almost completely destroyed by an earthquake in 1963. RESULTS OF THE INITIAL RESEARCH At the start of this project it was necessary to familiarize ourselves with the country and in particular Skopje. Our initial research focused on Macedonia‘s turbulent history and many power changes. A Slavic invasion, the Roman Empire, Bulgaria, the Ottoman Empire, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and finally Yugoslavia have all left cultural and political marks on the country and Skopje. But an chaotic and aggressive political history is accompanied by an equally turbulent geological history full of heavily de6

structive earthquakes as a result of its location along an active fault line. If Skopje wasn‘t being destroyed by conquering forces it was being brought to the ground by an earthquake.

project. We were interested in seeing and experiencing other forms and understandings of urbanity than are otherwise available in Western Europe. Additionally we were interested in the impact of the earthquake and Modernism on present-day Skopje. This led us to the earthquake of 1963 We knew we wanted to focus on the and the destruction of the vast majo- city center, since it would have been rity of Skopje‘s city center. The resul- the most representative of Tange‘s ting UN competition seeking a new influence. What we didn‘t know at the master plan for Skopje was won by time was how politically active (one the Japanese architect Kenzo Tange. could almost say abused) the city His Master plan for the city center center is today. The government‘s was based on a Modernist, and more plan for “Skopje 2014” was released specifically Structuralist, understan- during the course of this project and ding of architecture and urban plan- we knew immediately it had to be inning. The level of destruction caused cluded in our work. We also had conby the earthquake left a lot of space nections to and the support of stufor rebuilding and a total transforma- dents in the “Faculty of Architecture” tion of Skopje‘s urban structure was in Skopje and were looking forward anticipated. Nevertheless, today‘s to the chance to travel to and do field cityscape remains a mix of many in- work in Skopje. fluences from various time periods in Skopje‘s past. Additionally, contem- CENTRAL THEMES AND QUESTIporary architectural trends continue ONS to shape the urban fabric. Like many Our goals focused around analyzing cities, Skopje‘s history, and possible and cataloging the diverse elements future, are mirrored in architecture of urban design in Skopje. We were and urban planning. Cataloging the hoping to understand the current architectural styles and urban forms composition of Skopje‘s cityscape, in Skopje would therefore lead to an and thought this could be best preindex of Skopje‘s past and present sented as an atlas detailing our finpolitical influences. dings. The main questions we sought to answer throughout our work were MOTIVATION AND PERSONAL threefold. First we wanted to examine INTERESTS post-earthquake Skopje. Is Skopje a The diverse historical background Modern city? The implementation and developments in Skopje were of a Structuralist master plan could the major motivations for this group have led to a total Modernist trans-

formation of Skopje. But did it? If not, we wanted to know which traces of which eras characterize Skopje‘s urban structure; what are the ages left behind in Skopje and where we could find it. Likewise we wanted to find out how Tange and the master plan are perceived today, not just in the cityscape but also by the city‘s residents. Lastly, we wanted to understand the direction planning and architecture were taking for the future. How does the current government use architecture as a political tool and what future scenarios could we recognize based on current trends?

incorporate the ethnic and political implications of architecture, its capability to create physical separation as well as unify by creating collective identity. We came to the realization, that Skopje and its architecture extremely complex and controversial. This realization became central to our work.

IMPORTANCE OF THE WORK Skopje is relatively unknown in the field of urban planning. There is very little written material on Skopje and even less mapping material. Our hope is to help make the city and its particular architectural and urban In short, the main questions of our features more widely known while works are: providing quantitative mapping material to accompany our written obIs Skopje a Modern city? servations and research. We hope that others will find this information Which elements of different eras useful for their own work, and we constitute the city besides Moder- want to help highlight the problems nism? in Skopje related to current architectural and planning trends that may What kind of scenarios may result otherwise go unheard. from current developments? ORGANIZATION OF THE ATLAS In the course of answering our main As a basis for our work we chose questions, we tackled two additional a study area roughly delineated by questions. Firstly, we attempted to the city center. We mapped every analyze the extent to which Tange‘s building within this area and recorplan was implemented. We focused ded each building‘s height, state of heavily on whether or not his inten- repair, and use as well as all ground tions, and not just his buildings, are floor uses. The purpose was to have visible in the city today. Secondly, we quantitative data to support our quawanted to see if current trends are litative and subjective findings, not at all a result of former architectural only within each era but to use, as and planning developments; could well, for exploring similarities and current building activity be explained contrasts across all eras. by former events? After a historical introduction, necesLikewise we stumbled upon related sitated through diverse influences on themes throughout the course of urban form and the numerous histoour work. We found it necessary to rically charged building projects in

Skopje, we divide Skopje‘s architecture and urban form into three eras: before Modernism, Modernism and present-day trends. In order to help us answer our main questions we found it useful to organize the atlas around Modernism. Each era is discussed in its own chapter and presented chronologically in chapters one through three. Each of the three chapters begins with an introduction to that particular era as well as how the chapter and its maps and graphic representations are to be read. The chapters themselves are divided into further sections highlighting trends or characteristics particular to that era. In the fourth chapter we present a “mash-up” of our findings, comparing architectural and planning developments and their relationships throughout all three of the eras presented in the previous chapters. While based mostly on the data we gathered in Skopje, Chapter Four also offers our subjective interpretations of the neighborhoods, architecture and urban forms we experienced during our field work. The fifth chapter deals with our overall conclusions and the possible outcomes of current trends in the future of Skopje. These scenarios should stand as a call to attention for the dangers and challenges facing the state and its current patterns of development.

ENTERING SKOPJE 8

entering

0Skopje

HISTORY

ANTIQUITY The first Macedonian country, the Kingdom of Macedon, was established during the 8th century BC. This state consisted of present-day Greek Macedonia and parts of the southern Vardar region, while the territory of present-day Macedonia was called Peonia and Dardania. During the reign of Alexander the Great and his conquests the Kingdom of Macedon reached its peak and extended over parts of Africa and Asia. This empire, however, was short-lived and collapsed soon after Alexanderâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s death. The memory of that emperor lived on. Descriptions of his life and achievements were popular in medieval Byzantium and Slavic countries and many national movements during the last two centuries claimed Alexander as an ancestor of their respective nation. Attempts to establish historical links with him in order to reconnect with a glorious past are still common, as demonstrated by both Greece and Macedonia. (Bechev 2009: xix, xIix, I)

During 214 and 168 BC Macedon was gradually conquered by Rome and turned into a province. After the division of the Roman Empire in 395 AD Macedon and the region of contemporary Macedonia became

Macedonia under Alexander the Great

Ruins of Scupi

ALEXANDERâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S CONQUESTS

TIME L I NE 10

300 BC

CONQUEST BY ROMANS

entering Skopje part of the eastern half of Byzantium. (Bechev 2009: xix; I, Ii / Grad Skopje in 535 a new town was founded in There are references by Roman wri- (Ed.) 2009 / Petrovski n.d.) the same area called Justinia Prima. ters to a town named “Scupi”, which (Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009). lay about four to five kilometers nor- As Scupi was situated at an important thwest of present-day Skopje and crossroad it became a favorite target THE MIDDLE AGES was capital of the province Dardania. of barbaric tribes during the migra- By the latter half of the 6th century In late Roman times it was a large tion. In 518 it was completely des- Slavic tribes had settled in the Balcity with paved streets, bathhouses, troyed by a heavy earthquake. Most kans. The name “Skopje” was essanitation infrastructure and a the- of the population, however, survived tablished during that time. (Bechev ater. With the spread of Christianity this event because they were fleeing 2009: Ii / Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009) the town also grew in ecclesiastic from a proposed barbaric attack at significance during the 4th century. the time. Hence, only 17 years later There are hardly any written sources about activities in the region in the following 300 years. The next verified fact is that the area was conquered by the expanding Bulgarian kingdom by the middle of the 9th century. Today it is still under discussion whether the “Macedonians” of that time managed to preserve their culture, and if the population, later sovereigns and culture of the Bulgarian kingdom were actually Macedo-Slavic. During Medieval Miniature of Bulgarian Soldiers the following four centuries control over the region changed constantly: Normans, Byzantines, feudal lords of Slavo-Vlach origin, Bulgarians, Byzantines again, Serbs... . Despite several conquerings, plunderings and uprisings Skopje grew into a major trading post on the north bank of the river Vardar with churches, convents, administrative and commercial buildings. Skopje was a town of political, economical, ecclesiastical Ottoman Conquests

ROMAN ERA

300 AD

and cultural importance in the who- Skopje (Bechev 2009: Iiii et seq., xxii le of the Balkans. (Bechev 2009: Iii / / Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009 / Petrovski Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009) n.d.) OTTOMAN TIMES

The Ottoman Empire reached its height during the 15th and 16th century. In 1453 Mehmet II conquered Constantinople and made the city the new capital under the name Istanbul. The Empire covered three continents then: from the Persian Gulf to Hungary and from the Nile to the Ukraine. During the 17th century the Ottoman Empire gradually lost its power and in 1689 Austrian troops marched into Skopje and razed it to the ground. The city was burning for Ottoman Miniature two days, the greatest damage was th During the 14 century most of con- in the Jewish quarter (Bechev 2009: temporary Macedonia fell under Ot- Iiv / Düstersiek n.d.: 1 / Grad Skopje toman rule. After their battle against (Ed.) 2009) the Serbs and their allies at the field of Kosovo in 1389, the Ottomans At the same time the Karpo! uprising held the sole power over the region. took place, an event still celebrated in Skopje was renamed “Üsküb” and, contemporary Macedonia. The peasant like other towns in the area, soon miner Karpo! led a rebellion against the acquired a Muslim majority due to Ottomans originating in the small mimigration from the Anatolian provin- ning city of Kratovo. Despite some initial ces and conversion to Islam. The fol- success they were defeated as the Auslowing centuries brought consistent trian army retreated and the Ottomans population growth, mainly as a result regained power. Karpo! was either exeof immigration. In the late fifteenth cuted on Skopje’s old stone bridge (Kacentury, for example, a great influx of meni Most), as a sign informs visitors, Spanish Jews took place. In 1555 an or hanged in a tree near it (Makedonija. earthquake destroyed vast parts of name (Ed.) 1999-2010)

500 AD

395 ROMAN DIVISION 12

518 EARTHQUAKE IN SCUPI

During the 17th and 18th centuries a part of the Serbian population emigrated from Macedonia and there was an influx of Albanians and Vlachs. The Muslim population, however, peaked off because of the Ottomans‘ ceaseless wars with Austria and Russia, as well as internal political turmoil and epidemics. In the late 18th century the Turkish Balkans were a place of insecurity, plunder and the struggle of ambitious, local revolutionaries against Istanbul. Skopje‘s social, political and economic life went down along with the decline of the Ottoman Empire. In 1852 the town had about 20,000 inhabitants. (Bechev 2009: Iiii et seqq. / Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009 / Microsoft Encarta Online Enzyklopädie (Ed.) 2009) In 1821 several Balkan peoples began to fight for their independence. Despite harsh Ottoman responses they achieved their goal, and quarrels between Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbs over the historical region Macedon started. The increasingly strained relation between Christians and Muslims added further fuel to the fire. Macedonia was still Turkish at that time. (Bechev 2009: Iiv et seq. / Microsoft Encarta Online Enzyklopädie (Ed.) 2009)

BYZANTINE RULE, SLAVIC SETTLEMENTS

Greek nationalists held the view that the name Macedonia could be seen as a link to its Hellenic historical character. Following this argument, the Slavs were heirs to the Ancient Macedon and hence to be considered as a part of the Greek nation who were no longer speaking their native language. Bulgarian nationalists, on the other hand, saw Macedonia as a part of the “historic” Bulgarian lands. A fact often overlooked is that Greeks and Bulgarians unknowingly collaborated in establishing the geographical name “Macedonia” once again. That term had almost been forgotten during the Byzantine and Turkish periods. In Ottoman times Macedonia had no cohesive administrative unit, but was divided into the following provinces: Salonica, Bitola and Kosovo with the center in Skopje (Bechev 2009: Ivi et seq.). During the 19th century, nationalist movements in Macedonia worked together with Bulgarians against the Greeks, who were seen as a common enemy. Protests against Greek institutions took place. A major issue was the religious quest of independence from the Greek Orthodox Church (Bechev 2009: Iv /Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009).

From 1860 on the Macedonian revolutionists (so-called “Komitadjis”) started to fight against the Ottoman rule which was gradually weakened by autonomy movements of all Balkan nations. With the Treaty of San Stefano after the Russo-Turkish War (1877-1878) the majority of Macedonia was integrated into the newly established Bulgarian principality. However, only a few months later this was reversed and the region belonged to the Ottoman Empire once again. (Bechev 2009: Ivii / Microsoft Encarta Online Enzyklopädie (Ed.) 2009) In 1893 Slavic activists founded a group later named Internal Macedeno-Adrianopolitan Revolutionary Organization (IMARO). They were heavily influenced by ideas of socialism, Russian populism and to some extent anarchism. Their future vision was of an autonomous Macedonia as a multinational polity, a country not only for Macedonian Slavs, but for Bulgarians, Turks, Greeks, Vlachs, Albanians, Serbs and other ethnic groups as well. In August 1903 on Elijah‘s Day (“Ilinden”) the IMARO organized a mass uprising in Bitola and declared a republic in the town of Kru!evo. However, the revolutionary attempt was unsuccessful. By au-

CHANGING RULERS

1000 AD

entering Skopje tumn the Ottoman troops were in full control again and the guerrilla units had withdrawn into Bulgaria. The Ilinden uprisings came at a high cost. Thousands of people were killed or

Ilinden Commemoration

wounded, towns and villages destroyed and a mass emigration to Bulgaria and North America took place. Nevertheless the event is much glorified by the historiographies of both Bulgaria and post-1944 Yugoslav Macedonia. The outcome of Ilinden dealt a heavy blow to the IMARO, who split into competing factions in the following years. (Bechev 2009: Ivii et seq.) Towards its collapse, the Ottoman Empire was heavily in debt and growing continually weaker. The adjoining countries to the Macedonian region took advantage of that situati-

CHANGING RULERS

on. In 1912 Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro jointly launched the first Balkan War, defeated the Ottoman troops and divided the area. The Ottoman era in Macedonia lasting for more than 500 years had come to its end. No other nation managed to rule the country over a period as long as that. (Bechev 2009: Iix / Oppeln 2009: 31)

fled into Bulgaria, about 160,000 Turks and Greeks into the Greek part. Some authors consider the outcome of the Second Balkan war the beginning of the so-called Macedonian question which leads to disputes between the involved countries even today. (Microsoft Encarta Online Enzyklopädie (Ed.) 2009 / Oppeln 2009: 31),

SCS AND THE FIRST YUGOSLAVIA The Bulgarians annexed the major part because they considered it a territory of their nation. Serbia and Greece were enraged. Hence, only one year later the Second Balkan War started in which Romania and Austria-Hungary were involved as well. Its outcome was the devastation of the ancient Macedonian region and its division into three parts. The large region around the Vardar River which included Skopje became Serbian territory. Bulgaria maintained a small eastern area towards the Pirin Mountains and Greece could call the southern Aegean part their own. Consequently, there were massive migrations between the three countries. About half a million people became fugitives who took flight from one part of the Macedonian area into another. More than 100,000 of them

World War One brought further quarrels about the region. Germany and Austria-Hungary fought alongside with Bulgaria against the entente of Serbia, Greece and France. From all three parts of the divided Macedonia, soldiers were recruited to fight against each other in the interest of foreign nations. At the peace conference at Versailles no agreement could be effectuated and the borders from 1913 were maintained. VardarMacedonia belonged to the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS) which was altered into the military dictatorship Yugoslavia in 1929. (Oppeln 2009: 31 et seq. / Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) n.d.)

Soldiers during the First Balkan War

1200 AD

From the outset this state had to struggle with domestic disturbances. In 1920 the IMARO was revived un-

Territory of the SCS

der the name of “Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO)” and fought for the independence of Macedonia. In Yugoslav Macedonia the term “Macedonians” became limited to the Slavic population. In earlier periods it had been applied to the whole mosaic of ethnic groups in the wider region. The idea that the Macedonians were neither Bulgarians nor Serbs but distinctive Slavic

CONQUEST BY OTTOMANS

1389 BATTLE ON KOSOVO POLJE 14

1500 AD

entering Skopje even before the Soviet army reached the region, the communist partisan troops under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito controlled most parts of Yugoslavia. On August 2nd of the same year the “Anti-Fascist Assembly for the People‘s Liberation of Macedonia” was founded, an organization whose aim was to govern a liberated and independent Macedonia. Optimistically this new nation was proclaimed. Their quest was, however, unsuccessful. The pro-Serbian leaders of the Communist Party meant to join a new Yugoslavia. Hence, when on November 29th the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was founded Macedonia became one of its six republics. The other ones were Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro. (Oppeln 2009: 33 / Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) n.d.)

later led to rather strained relations between the countries. On April 6th 1941 Bulgarian, German and Italian troops invaded the country and 15 days later Yugoslavia surrendered. Later historians in Socialist Yugoslav Macedonia always emphasized the resistance against the fascist occupiers. Nevertheless there is ample evidence showing that at first, Tito 1944 at his headquarters the Bulgarian forces and authorities were welcomed with enthusiasm by the Slavic part of the population. The former Serbian regime had been rather unpopular. Soon however, the Bulgarians managed to forfeit their sympathies by being insensitive to the local context and discriminating against the Macedonian Slavs when assigning places of employment in the public sector. Additionally they ran a series of requisitions justifying Socialist Yugoslavia them with war requirements. This people became more and more es- kept resistance movements against tablished during the 1930s. (Bechev their occupation in check. (Bechev THE SOCIALIST FEDERAL REPUBLIC 2009: xIviii, Ix / Wissen Media Verlag 2009: Ixii / Wissen Media Verlag OF YUGOSLAVIA (Ed.) n.d.) (Ed.) n.d.) The new system was formally led by a government which depended on At the outbreak of World War Two Great Britain smuggled secret troops the support and trust of a parliament Yugoslavia initially remained neut- into Macedonia. At first they suppor- consisting of two chambers. Howeral. In 1941 the country declared to ted the IMRO but later backed up the ver, all the actual power was held by join the tripartite pact between Ger- newly founded “Communist Party the “Communist Party”’s politburo many, Italy and Japan, but a military of Macedonia” who fought along- with Tito as its leader. Resistance of coup in Yugoslavia only a few days side Yugoslavian partisans. In 1944, any kind was effectively oppressed.

OTTOMAN ERA

1555 EARTHQUAKE IN SKOPJE

1800 AD

INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENTS

1689 RAID BY AUSTRIANS, KARPO" UPRISING 15

(Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) n.d.)

nian became standardized as a literary language. Its basis were dialects of the Prilep-Bitola area which were considered to be sufficiently different from Serbian or Bulgarian. In 1967 the independence of the Macedonian Orthodox Church from the Serbian Orthodox Church was declared. Up to now, however, this independence has not been recognized by any other orthodox church. Another important factor is that, in the process of building up a new state and nation, non-Christian minorities such as Albanians, Turks, Roma or the Slavic-speaking Muslims (known as â&#x20AC;&#x153;Torbe!i) were largely disregarded. Though with the exception of the latter they were accepted as own nationalities, they profited much less by the modernization policies of the central state. (Bechev 2009: Ixiv et seqq.)

The year 1948 brought a breach between Tito and Stalin, mainly because of the formerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s refusal to be patronized by the Soviet Union. Afterward, Yugoslavia belonged to the non-aligned countries and attempted an independent external course. Tito tried to implement his own form of socialism. The economy was decentralized and workersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; self-management established. The Yugoslavian republics were meant to specialize on certain products. Macedonia became coal supplier in a considerable measure, an important tourist destination and cultivator of tobacco. Despite the economic reorganizations and considerable growth, Macedonia remained the poorest Yugoslavian republic. Another setback was the devastating earthquake in 1963 that destroyed great parts of the country and especially Skopje (see Chapter THE WAY TO INDEPENDENCE Two). (Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) Socialism in Yugoslavia was not as n.d. / Oppeln 2009: 33) strict as in the Soviet Union, the citizens possessed more liberties. HowThe emergence of Yugoslavia ever, soon after Titoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s death (May brought changes to the cultural and 4th 1980) crises started to show up ethnic make-up as well. On the who- in all parts of society quite regularly. le, Yugoslavian politics promoted the The economic situation was growing strengthening of a Macedonian iden- gradually worse. In 1981 unrest untity. By the middle of 1945 Macedo- der the Kosovar Albanians began.

They demanded their region to be acknowledged as a proper republic but their protests were put down at gunpoint. Nevertheless Kosovo remained a constant trouble spot. Those occurrences enforced the nationalistic powers in Serbia. Slobodan 0LORĂĽHYLĂž FKDLUPDQ RI WKH Âľ/HDJXH Of Communists Of Serbiaâ&#x20AC;? starting in 1987, engaged the Yugoslav federal system in the interest of Serbian poContemporary Macedonia

Macedonian Flag

wer politics. Especially the Slovenes and Croats opposed those aims and were advocates for a democratization and the creation of market-based structures. (Oppeln 2009: 33 / Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) n.d.) In 1991 Croatia and Slovenia intensified their efforts to leave the Yugoslav confederation. On June 25th both of them unilaterally declared their independence which led to combats between the Serbian dominated

Because of the vast number of important dates the 20th century is shown in greater detail.

1910 AD

1903 ILINDEN UPRISING 16

1912/13 BALKAN WARS

CSC / FIRST YUGOSLAVIA

1918 FOUNDATION OF THE CSC

1950 AD

1944 FOUNDATION OF SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA

entering Skopje Skopje renamed the local airport “Alexander the Great”. Macedonia has been a candidate for joining the European Union since 2005, but its continuous differences with Greece make a soon admission unlikely. (Höhler 2008 / Oppeln 2009: 33 / Republic of Macedonia (Ed.) 2001 / Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) n.d.) Albanian Children playing on tanks, 2001

federal army and the militia of the respective republics. Whereas the conflicts about Slovenia soon ended with the retreat of the federal forces, the struggles in Croatia turned into a bloody civil war. (Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) n.d.) On August 9th Macedonia managed to leave Yugoslavia without any bloodshed by way of a referendum. The major part of the Albanian population however abstained from voting, as an independent Macedonia did not seem any different to them. A new constitution was adopted declaring the “Republic of Macedonia” a parliamentary democracy. Politics were focused on decentralization and the implementation of a local administration. (CIA (Ed.) 2010 / Oppeln 2009: 33 / Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) n.d.).

Another ongoing problem is Macedonia‘s ethnic diversity. AlUp until now the EU accepts the banians make up 25 percent of the country only under the name of country’s population (CIA (Ed.) “Former Yugoslav Republic of Mace- 2010). However, Albanian is not redonia” (FYROM) due to Greece’s cognized as second official language opposition. Macedonia‘s southern and many members of this ethnic neighbor considers the term “Mace- group feel discrimination against donia” as referring to a region in the their people and culture. In 2001 the north of Greece and fears that Mace- country nearly reached the point of donia might try to annex this area. civil war, when armed conflicts betFurthermore, the two nations hold a ween government troops and the dispute about the role of Alexander “Albanian National Liberation Army” the Great. Both countries regard the occurred. After difficult negotiations, historic king as part of their respec- an agreement could be established, tive cultural heritages. When Mace- the “Ohrid Framework Agreement”. donian declared to use the “Sun of It was signed on August 8th, stateVergina”, a symbol of Alexander‘s ments regarding the equality of the father, as an element of their new population as a whole, non-discrimiflag, Greece imposed an economic- nation and equal representation were al embargo on Macedonia in 1995. made. (Republic of Macedonia (Ed.) This critical situation was solved by 2001 / Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) the simple measure of taking away n.d.) eight rays of the former 16-ray-sun. New disputes arose in 2006 when

SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA

1963 EARTHQUAKE IN SKOPJE

1990 AD

1980 TITO‘S DEATH

1991 INDEPENDENCE

REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

2001 OHRID FRAMEWORK AGREEMENT 17

A rejection of NATO membership by veto of Greece brought along the parliament‘s dissolving. Hence, 2008 saw parliamentary elections, resulting in a coalition of the nationalistic “Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization - Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity” (VMRODPMNE) and the major Albanian party “Democratic Union for Integration” (DUI). Macedonia’s GDP has been growing since 1996, with a short hiatus in 2001, due to the conflict that year. In 2007, the Macedonian government improved foreign investments by flatting taxes. One year later a major campaign was launched to promote the investment climate (World Bank (Ed.) 2009). In 2009, the EU commission published the paper “Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council“. It analyses Macedonia’s transformation progress since 1991, in regard to the EU obligations. The paper stresses the necessity of im-

Ohrid Framework Agreement 18

provements in the decentralization progress by focusing on the transfer of responsibilities to municipalities. Administrative rights of intervention need to be more limited and transparent. Moreover, corruption needs to be reduced and freedom of speech needs to be guaranteed. (Commission of the European Communities (Ed.) 2009)

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COUNTRY BRIEF

Macedonia is located at the southern Balkan and do not access to the seaside. 2,04 million people live in a total area of 25,333 square kilometers. (World bank (ed.) 2009)

the country as sovereign state called officially „Macedonia“. Nevertheless there are still countries that refuse the Republic of Macedonia because of the name dispute with Greece and just accept the name „Former YugosMacedonia is a multiethnic state; its lavian Republic of Macedonia“. population consist mainly of Macedonians (64 percent), Albanians The country is divided in 85 munici(25 percent), Roma (three percent) palities including its capital the City and Turks (four percent) and other of Skopje. The territory of Macedonia ethnics groups (4 percent) (Cen- is mountainous and has more than tral Intelligence Agency (CIA) (ed.) 50 lakes. Its main river is the Vardar 2010). In 1991 Macedonia declared that runs from the northern direcits independence from Yugoslavia tion through Skopje to the south of and became a parliamentary demo- the country. Traditionally land was cracy. 120 countries have accepted used for agriculture. Today‘s labor

0Skopje

force is divided by services with 51, 9 percent, industry 29,5 percent, and agriculture 18, 6 percent. The unemployment rate is about 34 percent. (CIA (ed.) 2010)

Serbia

Kosovo

Bulgaria

MACEDONIA

Albania Greece

METHODOLOGY

RESEARCH Our work on Skopje began with a massive gathering of information, facts and figures about the Macedonian country, its history, population and the political as well as social situation. This was to give our group a first impression of Skopje, a city in a Balkan state we knew next to nothing about. Aspects supposed to have an impact on urban developments were identified and clustered in the interest of analyzing correlations between certain phenomena and urban planning. The research was complicated by a lack of reliable information. There is very little literature on Skopje, especially architecture and urban planning are not sufficiently explored and documented. Official statistical data is, if existent, usually not publicly available. Most information can be found on the internet. This kind of information, however, is rarely objective but ideologically biased due to a politically and emotionally charged conflict between different ethnic groups. FIELD TRIP I Especially the need for information and the need to get a personal impression made a visit to Skopje necessary. On our first excursion in December 2009, we were guided by Macedonian students of architecture. By talking to them, we got an impression of the Macedonian way of living, society, politics and – of course – current urban developments in Skopje. We found 20

realized elements of Kenzo Tange‘s post-earthquake Master plan as well as historical remains from former periods and newly built architecture. On our first visit we already perceived the strained relationship between the two major ethnic groups, Macedonians and Albanians. POSTPROCESSING | PREPARATION On returning, the various impressions were collected and exchanged to identify the most pressing and interesting issues worth examining. In a SWOT-analysis we weighted strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and risks to filter crucial factors that affect the city’s development and to scrutinize the capabilities of dealing with the identified problems. Based on these considerations, “Skopje – a modern city?” was phrased as the topic of our research and the intent of our work was formulated. The inner city of Skopje was defined as the examination area. Here, most developments can be observed and we were only able to investigate a limited area. A greater scope would not have been practical. One purpose of our work was to create material about Skopje that could be useful to other urban planners. Hence, we chose to develop an atlas and most findings will be shown through maps. FIELD TRIP II On a second excursion, a comple-

te photographic documentation and mapping of the inner city of Skopje was accomplished, regarding age, building height, state of repair, building use and ground floor use of the different historical layers. Moreover, interviews were conducted with several experts, giving a deeper insight in planning structures, social situation and detailed knowledge about the Tange plan from 1963. ANALYSIS In a first step, the architectural eras and styles which form Skopje the most were figured out and defined as architectural layers. In a second step, the knowledge about these styles was deepened. The architectural layers were characterized, for example by developing categories, showing the characteristic traits and building types of the particular style. We tried to understand the historical and political influences that shaped the architectural styles of previous times and affect current developments of the city. SCENARIO Different trends are distinguishable within the city that will presumably have an effect on future urban development and living conditions in Skopje. Those identified aspects were combined in a model. Several scenarios of possible future developments are the result. Further explanation on this method will be given in Chapter 5 on the scenarios.

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0Skopje

I MPR ES SI ONS F ROM T HE WOR KI NG PRO CES S - MA PPI NG AND SCOPING IN SKOPJE A S WALL AS ANALYSIS

INPUT POPULATION

POPULATION OF SKOPJE

DISTRIBUTION

LIVING SPACE

In 2002 a census was hold in Mace- percent (Serbs as the next biggest donia. The following numbers base ethnic group). on this data. The Tsentar municipality distinguish Skopje has ten municipalities: Saraj, from the other district by the highest Gjorce Petrov, Karpos, Suto Orizari, average of living space per person. Chair, Tsentar, Kisela Voda, Aero- The average for Skopje is 19,4 s qm drom, Gazi Baba and Butel. On our per person. Tsentar constitutes an analysis we put our focus on the City average of 24,71 s qm per person. Center which is in the municipality That results from two effects, first Center. In general the city has around the average flat space is bigger than 500 000 inhabitants. Nine percent in other districts and seconds the of its population is living in the mu- number of household members is nicipality Center. But important is a the lowest of Skopje with 2,95 perview on the ethnic mix of Skopje. son per household. The median is Seven different ethnics are listed up 3,45 persons. In Saraj generates the in the survey. Macedonians, Alba- highest average with 4,44 person per nians, Roma, Serbs, Turks, Vlachs household. and Bosnians. The official numbers show that next to 67 % Macedonians The investigation area offers a favor33% other cultural origins are repre- ed living surrounding with for Skopje sented. 20% of these are Albanians big flats. The ethnics are less mixed and form the biggest part of foreign there, but Chair as the hotspot for culcivilizations. Despite this fact that re- tural diversity borders in the north on veal Skopje as a multicultural city the Tsentar and allows a â&#x20AC;&#x17E;slopâ&#x20AC;&#x153; of ethnic population in the municipality is ge- mix to the central municipality. nerated by 85% Macedonians. Other ethnics are mixed from zero to four

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0Skopje

BUTEL

Skopje and its municipalites are mapped on the righthand side. This atlas focuses on the district Tsentar in the middle of the City of Skopje. It is characterized by a small amount of foreign civilization and high living standards.

GJORCE PETROV

SUTO ORIZARI GAZI BABA

SARAJ

CHAIR KARPOS TSENTAR

KISELA VODA AERODROM

ETHNIC DISTRIBUTION IN SKOPJE

ETHNIC DISTRIBUTION IN TSENTAR

HOUSEHOLD SIZE 23

PRE MODERN 24

1 1

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INTRODUCTION

For about 500 years beginning at the very end of the 14th century Skopje established itself as an urban center of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans. Development was concentrated on the north bank of the river Vardar and followed a very organic growth pattern. The city‘s growth was greatly influenced by Islamic urban form as was typical in the Ottoman Empire. The 500-year presence of the Ottomans and particularly Islam in Skopje appears to be a factor either overlooked or possibly ignored in current development practices, as discussed later in this atlas. Still, journeying through the neighborhoods north of the Vardar affords a view into the city‘s Ottoman past, revealed not only in the presence of such buildings as mosques or “hammams“ but also in remaining neighborhood and street structures not entirely replaced by Modernism‘s footprint of multi-storied residential towers and mixed-use complexes. During the Ottoman era neighborhoods were organized roughly along

ethnic, cultural or religious lines. Thus, small, homogenous neighborhoods called Mahalla or Maalos developed. Mostly these shared a similar street structure as the Bazaar, however those that developed south of the Vardar such as Debar, Magir and Novo Maalo, discussed in this chapter, already showed signs of coming changes. After the Balkan Wars in the early 20th century the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS Kingdom) introduced a Western European influence in city planning and architecture. Many of the Serbian planners had been trained in Germany or Austria and a few had witnessed the Secessionist movement first hand, providing the influence for new development around the main square south of the Vardar River (Mladjenovic 1995). The SCS Kingdom also introduced the Western European city block, which remains as one of the more noticeable differences in urban form between the north and south banks of the Vardar River.

Accordingly we‘ve organized our work into three sections meant to show the transition from Islamic urban form though to the formal planning practices influenced mostly by the Serbians. Our analysis begins with the remnants of Islamic urban form in our focus on the Old Bazaar. We continue with a look into the Maalos on the south side of the river Vardar, while the third section focuses on the Serbian block structure found in the current city center on the Vardar‘s south bank. Each section features an introduction which provides information about the backgrounds of the respective urban forms. Next, “common“ aspects are shown, aspects like building height or state of repair which we recorded for all buildings in Skopje. They are supposed to give a general impression of the surroundings. The next part deals with building types that are characteristic for the individual building period. The buildings‘ location is then shown on a map, and a “standard house“ describes the buildings‘ characteristic elements. Afterwards typical spatial and structural features of the area are described and, in the case of the Maalos, the different neighborhoods are compared. Each of the three urban forms will then be reflected upon briefly. Finally, we summarize our findings and briefly discuss our own impressions of the future of Ottoman and Serbian urban form in Skopje.

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CIT Y S T RUC TU R E D EVELO PM E NT

1899

1929 27

INPUT KALE FORTRESS Skopje‘s Most Ancient Building The Kale fortress is the most ancient building in Skopje. The high position with a view over the whole valley and the protection offered by the river made it an ideal spot for settling and building a military base. The fortress was erected on Kale Hill after the destruction of the Roman town of Scupi in 512. In doing so stones from the destroyed Roman settlement were used, some of which can still be found in the remaining fortification. (Oppeln 2009: 73) During the Slavic invasion in the 6th and 7th centuries the structure was partially demolished. In the course of the 10th and 11th centuries it was re-erected and enlarged to its present-day dimensions (Oppeln 2009: 74/ Evans 2009: 138). It was further reinforced under Ottoman rule, consisting of up to 70 towers stretching from the Vardar River up to the top of the hill where the “Museum of Contemporary Arts” currently stands. Most of the existing fortifications originate from the 10th and 13th

The old castle (around 1900) 28

centuries. The only remaining gate Kale Hill was built in 1446 and is situated on the east side facing the Old Bazaar. (Ertmann; Hamilton; Hansen et al. 2010)

MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ARTS

When Skopje was burnt down by the Austrian army in 1689 the fortress was badly damaged. Nevertheless the Yugoslavian army garrisoned troops there during the 20th century until the destruction by the major earthquake in 1963. At the internaPRESERVED tional competition for Skopje‘s new GATE master plan, the jury recommen- PRESERVED ded that the prominence of Kale hill TOWERS should not be diminished by highrise houses. Likewise, restoration WALLS TOWER UNDER efforts reconstructed 120 meters of RECONSTRUCTION the old fortress walls. At the same time the fortress interior was turned into a park, which remains poor50m ly maintained. (Ertmann; Hamilton; 250m Hansen et.al. 2010 / Home n.d.: 12 / milton; Hansen et al. 2010). Ongoing Oppeln 2009: 74) excavations at the site will hopefulSome of the fortress‘s towers are ly provide new insights into the incurrently being rebuilt (Ertmann; Ha teresting history of Kale fortress.

Kale fortress today

Excavations and a tower being reconstructed

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THE OLD BAZAAR

OVERVIEW

The bazaar is the oldest urban area analyzed in the course of this work. It has developed itself under the Ottomans‘rule who conquered the Macedonian region in the course of the 14th century.

The Old Bazaar, probably in the early 20th century

“Külliye” or public buildings built by the Pasha and Bey. In the Balkans the bazaar and Külliye were part of an economic structure called the “Vakfiye”, under which profits were not kept for the proprietor but rather donated to the public good, for exAside from the Maalos discussed in ample to feed and house the poor or the next section, Islamic urban form unemployed (Kiel 1990: IV 305). In generally consists of market areas contrast to later periods of developcalled “Carsjia” or “Bazaars”, the ment Skopje’s street network under

50m

250m

pre modern the Ottoman Empire would have been STRUCTURE The three characteristic elements a by-product of the buildings and not Structurally bazaars are divided into of a bazaar consist of a network of the other way around (Morris 1994: “Suqs”, or clusters of similar goods, main streets connected by narrow 389). and can be found in three typical for- passageways, merchant housing or mations: linear suqs, formed along a caravanserais and the commercial LOCATION main thoroughfare with shops lining element including the shops, covered As the Bazaar belongs to the oldest the street, area suqs, back-to-back bazaar (“Kapali Carsija”) and “Bepart of the town it is situated north shops in rows facing each other and desten”. The Bedesten, housing the of the Vardar River, east of Kale fort- lastly as shops built against the outer more precious textiles, furs and trade ress. wall of large public buildings such as guilds, would have been the core of hammams or “caravanserais“ (Mor- the Bazaar (Kiel 1990: IV 306). In geris 1994: 390). neral a bazaar contains no residential element (Kostof 1992: 99).

Street Network

Caravansarais or Ans

.XUVXPOL $Q

.DSDO× dDUü× WRGD\ D PRVTXH is in its center

Inside the Bedesten

50m

Bedesten

250m

MAPPING Building Height The houses in the Old Bazaar are rather low. Most of them belong to the type “Bazaar House“ or “Kiosk“ (see Architecture) which consist of respectively two or one level(s). Although the public buildings from the Ottoman era are also categorized as having a height of two floors, they are nevertheless much taller and stand out against the shops.

50m

250m

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State of Repair Like in most other parts of the town all kinds of condition can be found in a completely haphazard fashion. Well preserved buildings exist next to ruins and ancient buildings from the Ottoman period are plastered with modern additions.

50m 250m

Building Use The uses found in the Old Bazaar reflect the traditional uses associated with Ottoman markets. There is very little residential aspect and ground floor uses reflect the general building use.

50m

250m

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Ground Floor Use The Old Bazaar maintains its primary function as a market with many small retail shops and artisansâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; workshops. Gastronomic uses assume a secondary role within the Bazaar while daily needs such as grocery or convenience stores are almost nonexistent.

QUANTITY

50m 250m

ARCHITECTURE 7KH %D]DDU LV FKDUDFWHUL]HG E\ LWV JUHDW QXPEHU RI KRXVHV WKDW FDQ RQO\ EH IRXQG LQ WKLV TXDUWHU ,Q WKH FRXUVH RI WKLV ZRUN ZH ZHUH DEOH WR LGHQWLI\ WKUHH PDLQ W\SHV

Ottoman Architecture This type consists of large public buildings from the Ottoman era. Some of them date back to the 15th century. Despite their size they are mostly hard to find because little shops are attached to them (see “Specific Urban Features“). Their state of repair is slightly better than that of other houses in this quarter. The “Mustafa Pasha Mosque” (the most western building) is being renovated.

50m

250m

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C HA RAC TE RI S T IC S

DOMED ROOFS

ROWS OF TERRACOTAA POTS TO ABSORB REVERBATIONS

DECORATIVE OR ORNAMENTAL BRICKWORK

BRICK AND BROKEN STONE MASONRY

Bazaar House The “Bazaar House” is the most common type of building in that area. It is difficult to find out how long this type of building has been around or how old the existing ones actually are. Their condition varies from brand new or renovated to completely run down. The Bazaar House‘s architecture clearly illustrates its main purpose: Selling.

50m

250m

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CHA RAC TE RI S T IC S

AWNINGS PROVIDE EXTRA SHOW SPACE SECOND FLOOR WINDOWS ARE OBSTRUCTED

TWO STORIES

GROUND FLOOR FEATURES DISPLAY WINDOWS

Kiosk The â&#x20AC;&#x153;Kiosksâ&#x20AC;? are another common type of building. They are almost always attached to other buildings and cluster in certain areas.

50m

250m

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CHA RAC TE RI S T IC S

SINGLE STORY

THE KIOSK IS FOR ALL INTENTS AND PURPOSES ON BIG DISPLAY WINDOW

SPECIFIC USE FEATURES SUQ ORGANIZATION As explained in the introduction bazaars are structurally divided into suqs or clusters of similar goods. An area featuring mostly gold merchants is the most intact example of a

suq (see Overview), while two small clusters, one featuring textiles and the other kitchen wares provide two further possible examples. To what extent these areas reflect the histo-

rical occupational groupings within the Old Bazaar is difficult to say.

CARPETS

HOUSEWARES

JEWELLERY

50m

250m

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MAIN AND SIDE STREETS Dividing the Bazaar into two categories, its main thoroughfare and the outlying regions, reveals a more subtle look at the current uses of the Bazaar within the context of the broader city as a whole. The traditional use of the Bazaar as a market is exemplified by the many retail shops in its core, along the main thoroughfare, while the side streets and outlying areas of the Bazaar house the

majority of the empty shops and services such as barbers or travel agencies who have moved into the areas bordering the modern city. One possible explanation is the growth of residential uses directly adjacent to the Bazaar. New residential complexes could affect the Bazaar in two ways. Commercial floor space on the ground floor of residential buildings either attracts commercial

uses away from the Bazaar, leaving shops empty while at the same time encouraging useful services for the new residents to move in. These complementary developments could account for both the high vacancy rate as well as the non-traditional services found in the Bazaar.

MAIN AREA

SIDE STREETS

50m 250m

SPECIFIC URBAN FEATURES TRAVELLERSâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; TRINITY When Ottoman travelers and merchants reached a city they needed accommodation and a place to bathe before exercising their religious duties. Thus, architectural trinities of an â&#x20AC;&#x153;anâ&#x20AC;&#x153; (caravansary), a â&#x20AC;&#x153;hammamâ&#x20AC;&#x153; (bathhouse) and a mosque developed in Ottoman towns (Oppeln 2009: HW VHT +HUH Â´.DSDQ $QÂľ Â´ĂżLIWH Hammamâ&#x20AC;? and â&#x20AC;&#x153;Murat Pasha Mosqueâ&#x20AC;?

50m 250m

CONCAVE STREETS The streets going downhill are built slightly concave in order to allow rainwater to run off properly.

ATTACHED SHOPS Shops are built against the outer wall of large public buildings to shelter them.

+ ( 44

IMPRESSION

pre modern

On a busy weekday you hardly notice the shops at all. The displays in the windows and on the streets catch your eye so much easier. The people in the street shopping, meeting, chatting or just sitting and drinking tea make such a bigger impression on oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s mind. The muezzinâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s regular call keeps reminding you that you are in an oriental quarter.

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CONCLUSION

The Old Bazaar remains a beautiful example of Ottoman architecture and planning in the Balkans. In its current state the Bazaar covers roughly half of its original size, leaving it to the viewer’s imagination to reconstruct Ottoman life as it would have been in the flourishing years of the 16th and 17th centuries. The fire of 1689, set by the retreating Austrian army, destroyed the original “Kapali Carsji”, or covered bazaar, as well as a huge swath of shops, much of which was never fully rebuilt (Kiel 1990: VIII 161).

worn off the buildings’ exterior. This decorative enamel work was typical of Ottoman architecture and, though local Balkan tradesmen exerted noticeable influence, Cloisonné would still have been applied to many of these buildings (Kiel 1990: xiv).

The presence of Ottoman architecture lends a certain amount of authenticity to the Bazaar as a whole. During our research in Skopje we often found ourselves confused about the time period in which many of the Bazaar Houses and Bazaar Kiosks, as we’ve termed them, were built. The remaining examples of Ottoman The buildings’ height and the use of architecture in Skopje within our stu- materials reflect traditional Ottoman dy area are mostly the buildings of the construction. Likewise, the shops Külliye, including several travelers’ are built back-to-back or attached quarters or Ans and the hammam, to larger public buildings as is chaalong with remnants of the old be- racteristic of Islamic urban form. The desten and the Kapali Carsjia. Sever- combination of traditional construcal mosques can also be found in the tion and form makes it difficult to see Bazaar. Other typical constructions through the layers of stucco used either destroyed or found outside our when remodeling or rehabilitating the study area include the “Saatkule” or houses. Many have been so well reclocktower, “Medreses” or colleges novated that they would appear to be and “Imarets” or soup kitchens where new constructions, except that newer the poor could receive two meals buildings in the Bazaar, although also a day (Kiel 1990: IV 305-307). As generally two stories, tend to appear indicated in the preceding graphics, a half or full floor taller than the stanthose Ottoman buildings within our dard, two-story Bazaar House. study area remain in fairly good condition and for the most part open to The patch-work appearance of renothe public, though used for purposes vated ground floors, droopy second other than what they were originally floors, the Bazaar Kiosks’ colorful intended. Only the mosques retain and overflowing store fronts, new their original function. Unfortunately constructions and 500 year old Ottomost of the “Cloisonné work” has man architecture makes the Bazaar 48

extremely visually active. This activity is compounded by the interactions of the people who shop or do business in the Bazaar and helps the visitor forget the outside forces that are influencing it. Modernism, for example, creeps into the Bazaar at its edges in the form of a museum, large shopping mall and a residential complex. Likewise many cellular telephone stores, cafes and restaurants have moved in to the areas of the Bazaar that border the neighborhoods built during the Modernism popular in 1960s Skopje (see Chapter II). As observed in the ground floor uses, however, these same neighborhoods appear to be drawing retail out of the Bazaar and leaving a number of empty shops behind. While such stark contrasts are typical for Skopje the future of the Bazaar is certainly an interesting one, as the government in Skopje builds its series of (Re)constructionist buildings (see Chapter III) along the north bank of the Vardar River, symbolically and physically blocking out a definite reminder of the city’s Muslim past and present.

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MAALOS

OVERVIEW

Maalos are the traditional neighborhood structure in Skopje. With the exception of Carsija, the Turkish Bazaar, the Maalos were organized relatively homogeneously based on the religion or nationality of their residents. The Bazaar, by contrast, was a diverse neighborhood and functioned as a means of connecting the other Maalos.

were built on small yards open to the street, whereas the houses in the Muslim Maalo had small windows and were walled off to the street to achieve a certain level of privacy.

The names of Maalos were often derived from residents’ religion or nationality. Some neighborhood names were taken from important individuals or the craft practiced by the The Maalos themselves were simi- Maalo’s inhabitants. larly structured, with a local center containing all the necessities for In 1899 Maalos made up the entire every-day life. There were shops, city of Skopje. The 1963 earthquake cafes, restaurants, bakeries and as well as recent development trends Skopje in 1899 a fountain as well as other public effectively altered Skopje’s urban EVREJSKO MAALO meeting places. A tree planted in the form so that only a small number of PAJKO MAALO middle indicated the neighborhood’s Maalos still exist in their original staKARADAK MAALO center while streets surrounding the te, maintaining their “genuine spirit.” GAZI MENTASH M. Maalo delineated its borders. Maalo They can be found both in the city TOPAANA MAALO residents were responsible for neigh- center and across the river Vardar, borhood upkeep. The houses were though current development plans single-family homes built either in seriously threaten their continued rows or free-standing. In the Chris- existence. (Sekutkovska n.d.) tian Maalo, for example, the houses

Chair Maalo 50

Pajko Maalo

Evrejsko

CHAIR MAALO CARSHIJA MAALO CARSHIJA MAALO KARADAK MAALO MAGIR MAALO

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LOCATION The map shows the location of the remaining Maalos in Skopjeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s Inner City. In the eastern part some of the oldest neighborhoods of Skopje can still be found. Developed under the Ottoman Empire during the late 1800s, Magir Maalo (the biggest one) and Novo Maalo create small, historical islands between big, mo-

dern structures. After the earthquake and the new master plan for Skopje, these Maalos became an informal part of the city and will often be referred to in the course of this work as the informal Maalos. The current situation lacks a plan for this area. That creates a precarious situation for the residents. Debar Maalo in the western part was developed in the

late teens and early 20s of the 20th century. Due to our contemporary understanding of â&#x20AC;&#x153;urbanityâ&#x20AC;?, it appears more structured and urbanized than Magir and Novo Maalo do. The following section will show an analysis and comparison of the Maalos and point out their differences and similarities concerning architecture and specific characteristics.

DEBAR MAALO*

MAGIR MAALO

NOVO MAALO

50m

* Owing to the delineation of our study area only a part of Debar Maalo is inFOXGHG LQ RXU PDSSLQJ $ IXUWKHU ODUJHU area extends to the west of what can be VHHQ LQ RXU UHVHDUFK

250m

MAPPING Building Height A visible difference between the informal Maalos from the late 1800s and Debar Maalo from the early 1900s is the building height. The map points out that Magir Maalo and Novo Maalo are mainly covered by one to three-story houses, while single-story houses prevail. The few buildings in the south of Novo Maalo were constructed in the Modern period and were not originally a part of this neighborhood. Debar Maalo is dominated by two- to five-story houses and additionally contains

buildings up to eight floors. A more formal planning can be recognized. DEBAR MAALO This is probably attributable to its period of construction and the influence of the SCS Kingdom, similar to the city center as discussed in the following section. Due to the low building height the informal Maalos appear as petite villages, isolated from the grand city surrounding them.

NOVO MAALO MAGIR MAALO

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State of Repair The mapping shows a big diversity in housing quality. Both the urbanized Debar Maalo and the informal Maalos in the eastern part of Skopjeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s inner city, consist of buildings in varying states of repair often located side by side. It is conspicuous that, although building activities in the eastern Maalos are informal, one can identify a lot of new and reconstructed or renovated detached houses. There remain, however, a lot of old shabby houses under poor conditions. Sometimes they lack plumbing or electricity inf-

rastructure. If people canâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t afford the money for a renovation they have to DEBAR MAALO live under those conditions, or they are forced to move out of the Maalo and leave a vacant house. At the moment there is no indication for a plan that integrates the Maalos. The Maalo-dwellers are still waiting for a law that establishes a formal framework for their homes and takes away their trembling uncertainty.

NOVO MAALO MAGIR MAALO VACANCY GASTRO STORES

SERVICE

RETAIL

50m 250m

Building Use As the Maalos are some of the oldest neighborhoods of Skopje with mainly privately built houses, the predominant use, as shown in the map, is residential. Buildings with commercial uses, e.g. gastronomy, convenience stores or garages for repairing cars, are few and far between in the informal Maalos. The residential situation is similar in Debar Maalo, but with a higher housing density. Furthermore the commercial use in Debar Maalo has an urban character, i.e. there are also offices for different busi-

ness concerns, hotels or a variety of stores. In former times Maalos were DEBAR MAALO more vibrant than today. Everything that people needed for their daily activities was generally located in the neighborhood: shops, tea-shop, restaurant, bakery, beauty salon and a water fountain. (Sekutkovska n.d.)

NOVO MAALO MAGIR MAALO

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Ground Floor Use The graphic for the ground floor uses clearly shows the different commercial uses (gastronomy, services, retail, daily amenities) in Debar Maalo. Novo and Magir Maalo however provide only a few commercial ground floor uses.

DEBAR MAALO

QUANTITY

NOVO MAALO MAGIR MAALO

50m 250m

ARCHITECTURE :H ZHUH DEOH WR GHILQH WKUHH JHQHUDO EXLOGLQJ W\SHV LQ WKH 0DDORV WKDW ZHUH UHOHYDQW IRU WKH WLPH SHULRG EHIRUH WKH ZLGH VSUHDG LQWURGXFWLRQ RI 0RGHUQLVP 0RUH DUFKLWHFWXUDO IRUPV FDQ EH IRXQG LQ WKH 0DDORV SDUWLFXODUO\ LQ 'HEDU 0DDOR KRZHYHU WKHVH DUH UHVXOWV RI ODWHU WUHQGV LQ 6NRSMH EHJLQQLQJ ZLWK 0RGHUQLVP DQG DUH WKHUHIRUH GLVFXVVHG ODWHU

Turkish House The Turkish House is the dominant residential architecture in Magir and Novo Maalos. The few that can be seen in Debar Maalo are mostly abandoned. The conditions of those in Magir and Novo Maalos vary heavily.

DEBAR MAALO

NOVO MAALO MAGIR MAALO

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C HA RAC TE RI S T IC S

PITCHED ROOF

TIMBERED FRAMING

MOSTLY SINGLE STORY, SOME „ STORIES

CHIMNEY SMALL ADDITION, SHED OR GARAGE BUILT ON THE LOT, OFTEN CONNECTED BY A FENCE AND GATE

SMALL, IRREGULAR WINDOWS PLASTER COVERS ORIGINAL BRICKWORK

Inter-War House This residential architecture is often two or three stories tall and is typical of the first years of the SCS Kingdom. The house‘s year of construction is often styled onto the facade and could range anywhere from 1921 to 1929. One or two of these houses even appear in the Bazaar, though mostly they‘re found in Debar and Magir Maalos. We believe these were originally villas for wealthy families, e.g. a doctor‘s family. Conditions today are diverse.

DEBAR MAALO

NOVO MAALO MAGIR MAALO

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CHA RAC TE RI S T IC S ORNAMENTAL CARVINGS ORNAMENTAL CARVINGS OR ORNATE MOLDING OR ORNATE MOLDING

CRUDE BAY WINDOW-TYPE STRUCTURES CRUDE BAY ADORN THE WINDOW-TYPE FRONT STRUCTURES ADORN

HIGH WINDOWS HIGH WINDOWS

THE FRONT

SYMETRICAL SYMETRICAL

BETWEENBETWEEN 1.5 AND STORIES 1.5 3 AND 3 STORIES

Shop Extremely simple shops can be found in both the informal Maalos of the east and Debar Maalo. They are always single-story constructions built out of cheap materials. Many are vacant, while those still in use tend to house restaurants or convenience stores.

DEBAR MAALO

MAGIR MAALO

NOVO MAALO

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CHA RAC TE RI S T IC S

BUILDING IS SELFCONSTRUCTED UTILIZING CORRUGATED ALUMINIUM

CONDITION IS OFTEN RUN DOWN

THE FRONT FEATURES A ROW OF WINDOWS

BUILDING IS USUALLY USED AS A CONVENIENCE STORE OR RESTAURANT

SINGLE STORY

D EB AR M A A LO

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M A GI R MA ALO

DEBAR MAALO: TRANSFORMATION Appearance

Structure

Contrasts

At first sight Debar Maalo doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t appear as a typical Maalo. The earthquake destroyed a lot of the historical and typical Maalo houses. Thus, a large proportion of Modern, PostModern and contemporary architecture can be found there today.

What remained is the same orthogonal street raster as it was introduced by the SCS Kingdom in the early 1900s. The raster was strictly planned and the newly constructed buildings were forced to subordinate themselves to it. In contrast to the original structure of the Maalos with streets extending outward from central markets, Debar Maalo shows a more urban street raster that differs from former Maalos.

Debar Maalo is characterized by inner contrasts concerning quality, size and type of the buildings as well as their uses. The ruins of old Turkish Houses, residential apartment buildings from the Modern period, Post-Modern and contemporary buildings with diverse uses are located side by side. Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s a heterogeneous Maalo with a growing number of newly built houses.

Due to the fact that Debar Maalo was constructed in the late teens early 20s of the 20th century, it has always been a more urban neighborhood, with stately houses for the wealthy. The urban appearance is underlined by the diversity of retail, restaurants and business as well as the high number of five to eight-story buildings. Moreover there is a high number of parked cars.

Thus Debar Maalo can be defined as a quarter of inner contrasts. Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s the Maalo with the biggest change to its appearance and the process of transformation that started directly after the earthquake is still going on.

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NOVO MAALO: STAGNATION Appearance It feels like a time travel while walking through Novo Maalo, since scarcely anything changed after the earthquake. The neighborhood is very quiet, aside from some typical sounds one might find in a village. One can hear the sound of a craftsman working in his garage, neighbors talking to each other, dripping water or some birds, cats and dogs.

Structure

The street structure in Novo Maalo, like Magir Maalo, is difficult to categorize. It was one of the last Maalos built under Ottoman rule and one of the first built on the south side of the river Vardar. Lacking the tiny culde-sacs of Ottoman urban form, itâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s possible that the street raster was adapted for geographical reasons or was just never fully developed, interrupted by the Balkan Wars and the As already mentioned, both Novo SCS Kingdom. Maalo and Magir Maalo became informal after the earthquake and the resulting adoption of a new master plan for Skopje. There is no current development plan and nothing seems to happen from government quarters; the Maalos donâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t get an official hearing. Hence, Novo Maalo in particular appears quite rural and underdeveloped. The streets are to some extent in very poor condition, there are dirt tracks and no sidewalks. Most of the houses lack access to public water and electricity.

Contrasts Novo Maalo is surrounded by modern and contemporary urban structures. The contrast between the small Maalo and its environment is enormous. Besides a main road that divides the neighborhood, a modern apartment house-complex and a big public pool border on the old historical village. In addition, a huge new shopping mall made of glass was built very close aside. The Maalo itself appears very homogeneous with regard to housing quality and style. As the mapping pointed out, especially the southern part is characterized almost solely by one or two-story Turkish Houses in a bad state of repair. By facing these characteristics, Novo Maalo can be recognized as the Maalo of stagnation. It seems like the old neighborhood is waiting for something and therefore stuck in time.

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MAGIR MAALO: CONTINGENCY Appearance

Structure

Contrasts

Magir Maalo appears as a small village on its own in the middle of the city of Skopje. It seems very peaceful since one can observe playing children, cats and dogs sitting around or running wild, old people observing the neighborhood out of their windows, or men sitting and talking on benches.

Magir Maalo was kind of a precursor concerning a developing plan for a rather orthogonal street raster, which was remarkable for that period of time (late 1800s). Compared to the later formed Debar Maalo, the raster is not strictly orthogonal, since there are still some radial streets encountering each other at a central square.

Contrasts can be recognized within the Maalo, especially by looking at its borders. Magir Maalo is bounded by big urban infrastructure such as the main railway and bus station, traffic arteries and parking spaces. The intra-Maalo contrasts are characterized by disparities in the level of housing quality and style. The standard houses (see section â&#x20AC;&#x153;Architectureâ&#x20AC;&#x153;), both shabby and renovated, are accompanied by newly built and partly kitschy detached houses in diverse forms.

Nevertheless the streets seem quite deserted. A lot of walls and fences insulate the activities of the maalodwellers from the public, which is typical for the architecture of the ottoman period. Moreover, and in contrast to its past, only a few neighborhood stores can still be found there. Hence, Magir Maalo lacks some spirited and lively meeting places for its residents. Although the feeling of Magir Maalo suggests a place that still leaves its historical mark on the neighborhood, one can sense a gentle change, since several residents have started to renovate their houses.

Hence, Magir Maalo can be described as a Maalo of development, both positive and negative. Against the background of a missing development plan, quite a lot of houses have a good state of repair (see mapping). So it develops under hard conditions. On the other hand the missing plan forces some people to move out of their houses, because they lack money for a redevelopment. Thus positive and negative developments coexist side by side.

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CONCLUSION

Skopje and its Maalos are increasingly becoming forgotten history. It seems like a hidden world that is partly stuck in time. Magir Maalo and Novo Maalo appear as old and rural neighborhoods, while Debar Maalo is unfortunately transforming into an urban quarter and thereby losing its original character. Looking at the typical architecture of the Maalos, the standard houses show some characteristics that cannot be found elsewhere. Thus the architecture of the Maalos is unique and creates recognition value.

government. Thus, any building activities are informal.

The special atmosphere of the Maalos could be preserved, but uncertainty makes it hard for the residents to maintain their houses. The question is, what will happen to them in the future? â&#x20AC;&#x17E;With the new development plans for Skopje they are in serious danger to disappear in the near future. Nevertheless the strong visual identity of the Maalo is unique and cannot easily be replacedâ&#x20AC;&#x153;(Sekutkovska n.d.). The spontaneous individuality of architecture creates a strong conThe mapping reveals some diffe- trast to the environment. The Maalos rences and similarities between the are worth preserving and should be three Maalos. The most noticeable protected and developed as an imfactor is the juxtaposition of new or portant reminder of Skopjeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s history. renovated houses directly to decaying ruins. Especially in Magir and Novo Maalo, the condition of the houses is deplorable. Since 1963 it is unclear what will happen to the old neighborhoods. There are no official plans for those areas and nothing seems to happen on the side of the

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SERBIAN BLOCK STRUCTURE

OVERVIEW

Peter I of Serbia

Skopje first developed a city block structure starting after World War One under the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, a little later than in other European countries. This may be due to the Turkish occupation, whose own urban form prevented the introduction of Western trends. Despite the fact that European architecture became fashionable in the Ottoman Empire during the 18th and

19th centuries (Nasir 2006), the circumstances may have been different in Skopje, far away from the Turkish capital. Their Serbian successors, however, were strongly influenced by the planning methods of the AustriaHungarian Empire, as many of their architects had studied in cities like Vienna or Prague (Cvijic 2009). The city block structure is also as by perimeter construction, blocks of buildings and street axes which form the characteristic structure (Müller; Vogel 1981: 525). The houses are built on small parcels and directly attached to the streets. They enclose an internal courtyard (Weidner 2004: 93). With increasing space requirements the buildings are usu-

7KH 2IILFHU¶V TXDUWHUV DIWHU WKH HDUWKTXDNH 72

ally enlarged towards the interior of the blocks and the courtyard becomes gradually smaller. This system involves the development of a facade architecture. The representative front is decorated with historical stylistic elements whereas the back remains plain and mostly untended. (Müller; Vogel 1981: 525) Architecture in Skopje shows a particular transition from the Secession to Modernism. They feature decorated facades and other characteristics from the former style, but modern materials were used to some extent. Along with the block structure some large detached prestigious buildings were erected. Most of the structure was destroyed by the earthquake in 1963. Only a few

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The Officersâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; Quarters

old buildings survived. The jury at the international master plan competition following the earthquake (see Chapter Two) recommended that the houses filling the gaps in the blocks should be consistent in character and design with the remaining old ones. Therefore the former structure is still visible, even though most of the buildings are new (United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 312).

LOCATION The Serbian block structure was developed south of the Vardar River, an area that was comparatively free of buildings in the early 20th century. As the other ones do not belong to this structure only the houses marked white will be studied in this subchapter.

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State of Repair Especially the Modern buildings are in a rather bad condition. Often, only the ground floors are renovated while the higher ones are unkempt. Many of the Secession buildings from the 1920s are in good repair, well preserved and maintained.

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Building Use The majority of buildings within the Serbian block structure contain some residential aspect. One of the more noticeable findings, however, relates to the Secessionist and early Modernist architecture. These buildings primarily house public uses such as the offices of political parties or foreign consulates. These and other examples of early Modernist residential buildings, characteristic of Yugoslav architects and found in the city center will be discussed in Chapter Two. A look behind some of these buildings, all of which are built facing the street, reveals some fading remnants of Skopjeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s Ottoman past. In at least two instances we found Turkish Houses almost completely covered up by pre-World War Two Yugoslav development.

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Ground-Floor Use There is a lively mix of commercial and gastronomic uses as well as grocery and convenience stores. Noticeable in this case are the relatively few vacant store fronts. The largest influence in the SCS block structure remains the mix of uses propagated by Modernist planning principles.

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Modern Secession House This architectural style bridges the difference between Secession and Modernism. On the surface it appears to feature only elements of the former style. However, modern building materials like self-supporting windows were used to some extent.

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CONCLUSION

The Serbian city blocks hold a special place among the pre-Modern development in Skopje. The structure preceded Modernism yet most of its buildings were built in Modern times and used to fill gaps. In a manner of speaking they were reconstructed. However, although reconstruction will be reviewed rather critically in the course of this work, in this case it may have been a wise measure. By acting this way the citizens could at least retain an impression of an important part of their pre-Modern hometown. Despite the fact that most of the houses are Modern the old perimeter structure is still clearly visible both on the map and while walking through the streets.

to those in German towns destroyed during the Second World War.

For the Slavic-Macedonian part of the population the Serbian blocks are (apart from the big malls) the main shopping area. Major foreign brands and companies (e.g. Nike, Telekom) have their local branch here. The vertical division is noticeable. Shops, restaurants and services are usually on the ground floor while apartments can be found on the upper ones. Interestingly the condition of the houses shows a similar pattern. The ground floor is mostly in good repair and well kept while the levels above are untended and decaying. Nevertheless, in this area a visitor from Central Europe feels most at home in Especially near the Macedonia Skopje because of the familiar archiSquare the linear street axes of the tecture and the shopping structure. perimeter construction resemble a typical Western European city cen- Additionally the quarter has a strong ter. A fact rather atypical is that the political aspect. Demonstrations take square opens towards the Vardar place and many countries have set river. The adjoining pedestrian area up their embassies in prestigious decharacterized by concrete is similar corated old buildings. Especially be-

cause of those institutions there is a high rate of surveillance and restriction. A great number of cameras is visible and many buildings have their own security guard.

PRE MODERN CONCLUSION

The history of Skopje and Macedonia has been rather unsettled. Continuous changes were more often than not the sole constant. For the last 1,500 years only the Ottomans managed to retain their power over the region for a longer period. After some struggles during the second decade of the 20th century they were succeeded by the Serbs who ruled until the Second World War. Just as the history of Skopje is characterized by breaks and changes, a main characteristic of the remaining pre-Modern architecture is contrasts and differences. These become more visible as the remaining old buildings mass in certain city areas. Especially the Bazaar and Maalos form regular â&#x20AC;&#x153;pre-Modern islandsâ&#x20AC;? in Modern surroundings. A major contrast can be seen in the street structures of the two different urban types. In the Bazaar the short, winding streets follow a rather random course. The same applies to some Ottoman Maalos on the north side of the Vardar river which were not analyzed in the course of this work as they are outside the area under investigation. The Maalos included in our study area were built during a changing of the guard and are difficult to characterize. The Serbian blocks, however, were built after a formal plan. Their streets are longer and straight. While Skopje has long been an urban 84

center, the Maalos have taken on the appearance of a village structure. Their current condition, detached houses only connected by walls or courtyards and with scant resources, reflects the changing focus in Skopje. The traditional bazaar and Maalo architecture is low and timberframed and the adjoining streets are rather narrow. Maybe this small scale construction and the closeness of the buildings are reasons why most inhabitants or passersby know, greet and talk to each other. Life in the perimeter blocks seems to be more anonymous and the houses are different. In contrast to those in the other old areas they are higher and consist of four or more floors. Modern building materials were used to some extent. Great contrasts are discernible concerning the use of the Bazaar and Maalos: In the former, countless little shops can be found while hardly anybody lives there. The latter are residential areas with very few opportunities to purchase goods. In former times there were plenty of shops for daily amenities, but they closed down, a fact maybe due to shopping centers and supermarkets opening near the city center. The perimeter blocks, which are located in that area, are used for habitation as well as commerce. The contrast between European and oriental architecture is palpable for anybody crossing the Vardar River

over the Stone Bridge. While the perimeter blocks were erected during the Serbsâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC; reign, who preferred a European style of architecture, the older bazaar was built under the Ottoman rule. Today, the two quarters are still characterized by two different ethnicities. The old bazaar is mainly frequented by the Albanian population and the way of life is oriental. Slavic-Macedonians rather avoid this area and stay on the other side of the river. The situation in the Maalos is slightly different: In the past one village was always inhabited by people belonging to the same ethnic group but that does not hold true anymore. As the Macedonian government favors the architectural style of the Serbian era there are plans to reconstruct large prestigious buildings from that time. The larger houses of the perimeter blocks are mostly in good repair and well tended, too. However, that does not apply for all of them, especially not for the smaller ones. They are in the same condition as old houses in other areas. Renovation measures are mostly private. In the Bazaar, for example, a whole mosque is being refurbished without any public funds. For regular houses the respective owner is solely responsible. Hence, buildings in good repair or even new ones are frequently found directly attached to decayed ruins. This situation is characteristic for any old quarter in Skopje. In some Maalos, the condition of the houses

pre modern is even more dire. As there are no official plans concerning those areas any building activities are informal. This state of affairs impedes any necessary improvements like a better water or electricity supply. A plan respecting the Maalos should be developed. Generally speaking, a grea-

ter care for remaining old structures instead of erecting new buildings would be desirable to retain the historically interesting Bazaar, Maalos and perimeter blocks.

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MODERN 86

2modern

INTRODUCTION

of old adobe structures both with and without timber bracing. This type of construction, although damaged, withstood the earthquake comparatively well. The second group includes buildings belonging to early phases of Modernism. After 1950 a rapid increase in population required the construction of residential buildings. More than 3,000 apartment units were constructed in the years following, mainly on the west side of the city. The new residential buildings were usually five-story masonry houses of similar construction and of low to moderate quality. These and other brick structures suffeDuring the early hours of July 26th were completely destroyed. Other red most from the earthquake and 1963 Skopje was struck by an earth- important public edifices were ruined accounted for the large number of quake with a magnitude of 6.2. 1,070 or so heavily damaged that they had deaths. This was mainly due to the citizens lost their lives and more than to be pulled down afterwards. Impor- application of Modernism’s exterior 3,300 were seriously injured (Pet- tant examples are the “Macedonian aesthetic without adequate construcrovski n.d.). National Theater” and the “Officer’s tion methods and quality materials. quarters” on Macedonia Square. The third category consists of lowUp until 1963 there were no speci- Their loss is still mourned. Other rise Modernist buildings with a reinfic regulations about natural disaster even older historical buildings suffe- forced concrete skeleton. They expemanagement in Skopje. As a result, red as well. A number of mosques, rienced relatively little damage due to a building’s structural integrity and minarets and the caravansary “Kur- the use of modern building materials resistance to shock was usually not sumli An,” which dates back to the and techniques that in some cases taken into consideration in the town 16th century, were heavily damaged. had even accounted for wind forces. planning process. This lack of con- The latter, however, was reconstruc- Additionally, the specific seismic fresideration may have amplified the ted. (Büchsenschütz 2000 / MCIC quency appeared to affect them less. devastating outcome of the earth- (Ed.) 2006 / Petrovski n.d.) (Petrovski n.d.) quake. 80.7 percent of the houses were demolished or heavily dama- The greatest degree of destruction After the earthquake the housing ged and 75.5 percent of the popu- occurred in the center of the city, need brought on by the population lation left homeless. Both residential inflicting various degrees of damage boom of 1950 only intensified. More and public buildings suffered greatly. to the building stock. The levels of than 140,000 citizens had to be 19 schools, nine polyclinics and an damage can be roughly categorized evacuated and 20 tent settlements equal number of state institutions into three groups. The first consists providing 10,000 tents were set up. 88

The urgent demand for residential units was answered in the following months by the construction of prefabricated housing and repair and strengthening of damaged buildings. (Petrovski n.d.) The international solidarity shown after the earthquake was immense. Help was provided from foreign governments and international organizations. All together, 914 dwellings, over 50 schools, hospitals, ambulances, a prefabricated apartment building factory and more were donated over a period of ten years (Petrovski n.d.). Another important element of the international contribution was the help in the planning process to rebuild the city. A competition was held for that purpose, the winning plan followed Modern principles.

architect Kenzo Tange will be particularly emphasized. An analysis of Tange’s plan is followed by a detailed look at the remaining elements of Modernism that can still be found in Skopje. We’ve categorized these as Tange’s “City Wall”, a major element of the new city after the earthquake, “Ensembles“ inspired by Kenzo Tange and his plan and lastly as “International Trends“, showing those buildings influenced by the overarching principles of Modernism. The last category describes residential buildings of the Modern era. Lastly we present an explanation of the way in which Modernism is currently handled in Skopje and its position within the city fabric.

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This chapter deals with Modernism and its influence, not only in the former Yugoslavia but in particular in reshaping post-earthquake Skopje. A Skopje after the eartquake. People exabrief introduction to Modernism’s in- mine the damage and helping to rebuilt ternational importance and its strong their city. visionary character will be followed by explanations of various trends within Modernism and their meaning for Skopje. It is important to recognize two broad phases of Modernism in Skopje. We make a distinction between Modernist influence before the earthquake and the vision of Modernism embodied in the rebuilding of Skopje. While both phases are included in this chapter, we have focused mostly on the post-earthquake potential for a Modern vision in Skopje. The results of the international competition for a new Master plan and the winning Master plan by the Japanese 89

MODERNISM AND ITS VISION TIMELI NE

Modern Vision After the earthquake the level of destruction of the city of Skopje required immediate interventions. Since 80 percent of the building stock had been destroyed, the main problems facing the city were the loss of infrastructure and the incredible housing shortage. A concept for the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s reconstruction had to be found.

Expectations for the plan were high. The rebuilding of Skopje offered the chance to realize a contemporary, socialist city that created a better life for its inhabitants. More than just a Master plan to rebuild the social, economic and technical conditions in Skopje, it was a chance to shape a modern society. The Master plan became an expressed commitment to Modernism.

quirements and, considering recent technological advances, were out of date. Modernism did not ask for an improvement of structural conditions, it demanded a total social and physical transformation.

The vision of a better life for a better society could only be realized in the right built surroundings, since The tragedy had aroused internatioarchitecture and society are closely nal attention. 77 countries declared interrelated. Architecture was, on the their solidarity with the city and gu- Neither Modern architecture nor its one hand, supposed to shape a sociaranteed support. A United Nations surrounding philosophy was a new ety while at the same time mirroring Fund was created to help support movement. The idea of Modernism it. The idea of a Modern society was reconstruction. But support was not was internationally known and re- based on the fulfillment of the needs just financial. The international com- presented the zeitgeist of that time. of city inhabitants. A city had to premunity also aided in the supply of It was a way of thinking that arose serve space for residential, work, leitechnological expertise and resour- as a result of the industrial revolution sure and transportation uses. These ces, such as Russiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s donation of in the end of the 19th century. The elements had to appear in separaa factory for pre-fabricating building intense urbanization and industria- ted zones in the city in order to give elements. In 1964 a town planning lization resulted in social and envi- the city and its inhabitants a clear department was founded in Skopje ronmental injustices which needed structure. The idea of Functionalism and, following international guideli- to be resolved. Therefore Modernism arose during this time. In 1925 Le nes the city tendered an international was founded as a reaction to the in- Corbusier developed a proposal for competition for a Master plan en- dustrialized cities. Representatives an ideal modern city. He divided the compassing the city center. (United of Modernism declared that the his- city of Paris into four zones, with Nations (Ed.) 1970: 33) torical cities did not fulfill social re- transportation infrastructure running 90

under the city to guarantee a car-free inner-city center. By considering traffic infrastructure as its own element Modernism was emphasizing on the technical progress of society and its future significance. Technical progress could also be found in the production of buildings. New materials and the industrial production of houses enabled the provision of housing for everybody. Architectural ornamentation was reduced to a minimum, shifting a building’s focus to its function instead of Pre-Modern ideals of beauty. The idea “form follows function” became one of the main slogans of Modernism, helping to define a new sense of aesthetics.

2modern

ternationaux d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM)” in 1928 to discuss contemporary urban and architectural ideas. In 1933 the “Charta of Athens” was published by the members of CIAM. It was a manifest of Modernism and promoted in particular the ideas of Functionalism. This period can be considered the climax of Classical Modernism.

Rebuilding post-1963 Skopje after the principles of Modernism was chance not only to realize a Modern utopia but also to show how Modernism had changed and evolved since CIAM. Facing critique based on the experiences learned through Functionalism’s failures, a new generation of planners and architects, led in particular by the protagonists Modernism was not just attempt- of “Team Ten”, began developing a ing to create housing space. One of new movement within Modernism Modernism’s main focuses was also called Structuralism. They criticized the creation of equal living standards. the clear separation of functions and A society of equality was supposed said that the modern city structure to be the result of the Modern city, did not provide inhabitants any mewith emphasis placed on collecti- ans of identifying with or relating to ve rather than individual solutions. each other or their surroundings. This required, however, the complete Reinforcing the Modernist belief that transformation of the city and didn’t physical environment shapes socieallow for an adaption of the built en- ty, Structuralists wanted architecture vironment. Likewise an administra- to enable and foster communication tion and government who believed between residents and their enviin Modernist principles were impe- ronment. Accordingly, architecture rative, as Modernist urban planning would need to have symbolic value. required total control over a city’s Thus, symbolism became an imporinfrastructure. Le Corbusier himself tant element of Structuralism. realized the problem of the executing Modernism’s grand schemes and In his 1966 article discussing Strucsaw the chance of realization in tota- turalism entitled “Function, Structure litarian systems. and Symbols”, the Japanese architect Kenzo Tange emphasizes the Representatives of Modernism like importance of overlapping functional Le Corbusier, Siegfried Gideon or uses and observing the city as an inErnst May founded the “Congrès In- terrelated whole. According to Tange

Plan voisin de Paris, 1925

Members of CIAM

Functional Dutch settlements

this type of structure would facilitate communication, or the processing and transfer of knowledge. Providing space for communication in a city was meant to give society the chance for its future developments. The built environment was supposed to provide space for future developments, which in turn would evoke progress in society. Therefore Tange viewed communication as the structuralizing element of a city. (Tange 1970: 245) Structuralism was a complex way of thinking about a city. Cities and their structures had to be built for society and provide room for its future development. City functions were no longer separated into housing, wor91

Orphange in Amsterdam

king, relaxation and traffic. The city was to become a collection of abstract, overlapping zones. Structuralism took advantage of technological progress. Consistent with Modernist principles, the application of the latest technology was supposed to improve peoples’ lives. In this case, however, technology was no longer seen solely as a means for societal advancement but rather as a tool for the fulfillment of daily human needs which could be provided through measures such as public transit. In this respect, representatives of Structuralism saw themselves as social engineers (Home n.d.: 18). They supported using social surveys to identify the cultural background and current needs of society. One of the main elements of their critique of Functionalism was anonymity within cities. It was important to create a means of allowing inhabitants to identify with their built environment. Cities had to focus on more “humanity”.

The winner of the competition for the Master plan in Skopje was Kenzo Tange, one of the most famous representatives of Structuralism. The idea of Structuralism was a conStructural architecture and urban design temporary, international phenomena aroused in the end of the 1950s. At -Steilshoop, a district in Hamburg

Habitat 67 in Montreal, Canada 92

that time all over the world Structuralistic plans got realized like settlement “Habitat 67” in Montreal by Moshe Safdie. The Master plan became the chance for the city to represent itself in the modern zeitgeist. Nevertheless it is important to see, that Tange‘s plan did not constitute the first attachment of Modernism with the city of Skopje. Already form the 1920s Modern buildings were realized in the city. Especially after the war architecture availed itself the Modern construction to counter the housing shortage. Modern houses did not interrelate; it was an isolated realization of architectural Modernism that was focusing on its aesthetics. In our days there still can be found some of these houses in Skopje. After World War II there was a socialistic Master plan drew up for the city of Skopje that relayed on Functionalistic ideas. However that plan had not been realized in its large dimensions.

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City of Skopje, 1956

House in Denmark

Openluchtschool in Amsterdam

Tel Aviv Masterplan International Style ia a radical simplification of form and an avoidance of decorations. The design is a supporting structure for the purpose of the building. Architecture expresses the perfection and precision of technics. The representatives of International Style such as Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe or Walter Gropius influenced Modernism in general enormously. 93

Socialist Masterplan As Le Corbusier noted the principles of Modernism were best implemented by a totalitarian government (National Center for Policy Analysis (Ed.) 2009). After World War II the budding socialist republics of the Eastern Bloc found themselves perfectly posed to capitalize on and in some sense grow out of Modernism‘s claims of social equality as a result of technological progress and therefore founded themselves on its principles. Though declaring itself independent of Eastern Bloc Socialism in 1948, Yugoslavia remained dedicated to Modernism and Socialism, wanting to present itself as a technologically advanced, modern country (Völcker (Ed.) 2008: 17). Yugoslav cities became centers of industry, acting as transitions between a formerly agrarian economy and the classless, industrial society envisioned in Modernist and Socialist philosophy. They became places of employment and economic growth (Pacione 2009: 182). Prefabricated building techniques solved the need for housing while planners began developing cities according to the principles of Functionalism. Up until World War II Modernism in Yugoslavia found its greatest expression in low-rise public and residential buildings. However after the War, Master plans began transforming Yugoslavian cities and their built environment, often not taking historical 94

structures into consideration. This process was eased through government ownership of all land. Despite the relatively few barriers to implementation, Master plans often failed to be built due to the lack of financial means. Skopje‘s own Master plan drawn up in 1945 called for the transformation of the entire city, disregarding historical structures such as the Old Bazaar. Centers of industry and living were to be developed as well as a new rail line encircling the city. Some elements of the plan, particularly residential houses, had been realized before the earthquake but the total execution of the plan had

Socialist Master plan 1945 to 1963

not been achieved. After the earthquake Skopje‘s Master plan, created to represent the ideal of a young, socialist Yugoslavia, was replaced by the bold Structuralist-based statement of the Japanese Kenzo Tange’s Master plan.

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KENZO TANGE AND HIS PLAN

OVERVIEW Kenzo Tange was one of the primarly representatives of the modern style of Structuralism. He designed the Masterplan for Skopje after the earthquake. His comprehension of Structure was magistral for the idea behind the plan. Skopje should have become a City adapted to the needs that the Structuralism shaped. On the following pages Kenzo Tange and his Master plan for Skopje are presented.

Life and Work

“Although, until now, we have abstractly called spaces a place to live or a place to work, we cannot prescribe a space from such a static pattern alone. The prescribing factor must be the mobility and flow of people and things and visual communication“ - Kenzo Tange Kenzo Tange was born in 1913 in Osaka, Japan and died 2005 in Tokyo. During his lifetime he became one of the greatest and most important architects of the 20th century. His work is appreciated and admired by generations of planners and architects. More than in the works of any other architect of his generation, the features characterizing the present phase in architecture are expressed to perfection [...]. These features are: economy, emotionalization, symbolic shape, urbanization, structurism“ (Kultermann 1970: 8). More than just an architect, Kenzo Tange also developed a new concept of urbanity. His idea of urbanism is based first and foremost on urban space as a place of human communication. He was attempting to define and design an expression of social structure. He was further influenced by statics and economics and focused throughout his career on the question: “Where and how do people meet?“ 96

These theoretical ponderings and influences led to the evolution of Structuralism, a new kind of Modernism that left behind what Tange found stagnant in Functionalism. In his opinion, Functionalism was “based on a static relation between function and space“ (Kultermann 1970: 10). As one of the originators of Structuralism, Tange was pursuing an open and flexible city and housing design. Further Kenzo Tange was one of the Japanese architects known as “Metabolists“, inspired by biological systems and incorporating these natural design processes into architectural design. The result was a megastructure that could grow, change and regenerate depending on peoples‘ current needs. With this idea he turned away from Le Corbusiers conception of urban planning. Tange wanted to fill spaces with emotions and create structures that reflected their individual and unique building site. In all his designs he captured the modern

way of thinking as well as traditional Japanese style. Working examples from Tange‘s portfolio include the “Peace Center” in Hirsoshima and the “Communications Center” in Kofu. Important as well is his Master plan for Tokyo in 1960, which “gathers up and focuses everything he is interested in doing“ (Kultermann 1970: 112). Order and structure, his main motivations, were developed to perfection within a total urban structure. With his plan he wanted to not only expand the city but also rethink the nature of the city itself. This background helped inform his Master plan developed for Skopje‘s city center in 1964.

2modern HIS PRINCIPALS WERE: Strucuture and clarity of layout and form Communication Symbolisation Strength Banishment of ornamentation Authenticity of construction material (Kühn n.d.)

Communication Center in Kofu (1967)

A plan for Tokio (1960)

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Guidelines for the Masterplan After the incredible demolition of Skopje in 1963 more than $30 million (U.S.) in financial aid was offered from the UN, the federal government of Yugoslavia and many other countries and international organizations. A few countries offered reconstruction loans and the Yugoslav government levied additional federal taxes to help cover the costs of rebuilding (Ladinski n.d.: 75). Additionally the United Nations set up a “Skopje Urban Plan Project” and called for a competition to design the new city center of Skopje. In 1965 seven international teams participated on invitation in the competition.

The regional plan for the entire city was already in line with the Skopje Urban Plan Project developed by the Greek firm “Doxiadis Ass.” and a Polish group (Kultermann 1970: 262). What they were looking for now was a modern and new city center to identify with and reinvigorate Skopje. Inspired by international architectural trends of the time, the jury favored large scale proportions instead of small patterns and little roads. The Jury consisted of representatives of the United Nations, project manager Adolf Ciborowski and the town-planning director of Skopje among others.

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The Jury recommended a few guidelines for the 295 acres design areal. Although one third of the new buildings was set aside for residential use, the hope was to create a new administrative and political center for Skopje that would represent on a grand scale the stature of the city. The six main guidelines are summarized on this page. (United Nations 1970 (Ed.))

The plan focused on the river Vardar and both river banks.

“Nothing should be allowed to detract from the pre-eminence of Kale Hill as the centre‘s highest natural feature“ Landscaping and additional recreation facilities are allowed. The important aspect is that there will be no high buildings between the city center and the view to Kale Hill.

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Carsija is to be preserved, but not conserved. A gentle and traditional development towards a “useful element in the centre‘s functional composition“.

“Densities in residential redevelopment areas should take account of social as well as economic and technical factors.“ The quarter next to Carsija fits better into the townscape with low-rise housings.

The Marshal Tito Street is to be “refilled“ consistent with the character of the remaining, surrounding buildings.

“Ameliorate the microclimate“-Orientation, use of volumes and planting should improve the natural climate conditions in Skopje.

General Masterplan Approach

“I venture to say we need a symbolic approach to architecture and urban space in order to secure humanity, human meaning and human value in architecture and urban space“ (Tange, in Kultermann 1970: 10) Although Kenzo Tange is generally associated with the Master plan for the city center of Skopje, there were actually two winning teams. Tange had developed a concept for the inner core, including systems linking his various ideas. It was Radovan Mischevic and Fedor Wenzlor from the “Croatian Town Planning Institute” in Zagreb (Kultermann 1970: 262) who developed the second winning concept, a “more modest flexible proposal to the changing needs“ (Ladinski n.d.: 79). In the following planning phase the two teams worked together, with Vojislav Mackic as team leader (Ladinski n.d.: 79) but while Tange‘s team focused on connecting the overarching ideas of the Master plan the Croatian team concentrated its work on how the plan could be implemented. While “some found Tange‘s solution impractical, unrealistic, and out of proportion to the available limited resources“ (Lagorio 1990, in Ladinski n.d.: 79) the collaborative process with the team from Zagreb lead to a good compromise. In July 1966 the plan was completed. (Lagorio 1990, in Ladinski n.d.: 79)

Regonition of structural and japanease working manner

The transformer converts large structures to for human accesible scale

The vessel as a place were human spiriti from different timeperiods is combined 100

The proposed plan from Kenzo Tange, which influenced the final plan the most, “[...] was less about stimulating the growth and redevelopment of a living city than it was about establishing a total image around which a devastated city could be resurrected.“ (Lin 2010: 192) For his proposal Tange relied heavily on the Structuralist principles he‘d helped to develop in urban planning, expressed in the interplay between structure, communication and symbolism. The city itself was to provide the spatial structure necessary for human interaction and communication. The organization of the spatial structure was meant to reflect the needs of the people and should be flexible enough to change with humanity‘s changing needs and technological progress. Further fostering communication was the symbolism imbued in the city‘s structure. Because modern society was a technological society, Tange often worked to answer the question: “Can modern technology restore Humanity?“ (Kultermann 1970: 13) If the city is a translation of contemporary society into spatial structure it needs elements to allow the interchange between city, technology and human values. Kenzo Tange divided these elements into “transformers“ and “vessels“. Transformers are there “to convert the scale and speed of man‘s equipment down to the scale and speed of man himself“ (United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 315), an example would be the railway station. The vessel is a possibility to preserve old habits and meanings. It‘s about con-

taining “both old and new manifestations of the human spirit“ (United Nations 1970 (Ed.): 315). Walking distance is used to measure the dimension of a vessel, which could be, e.g. a residential building or a square.

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practical realization “ (Kultermann 1970: 262). In this plan green area zones are incorporated.

In the third phase “they made concrete architectural-urbanistic proposals covering the entire structure of the centre of Skopje and certain indiBased on these principles Tange‘s vidual key complexes“ (Kultermann intent was to create a city with which 1970: 262). Especially the main the inhabitants of Skopje could iden- elements experienced changes and tify and that would offer the possi- were revised in a more realistic way. bility to interact and move. His draft As a result the “City Gate” was reconsists of large scale structures duced slightly in scale and the “City and transportation arteries, fitting Wall” changed in its architectural laynot only his working style but also out. the requirements of the Master plan. Tange took into account the long building period for these large scales and assigned the buildings to various construction phases. RETROVERSION Work on the Master plan itself went through a lot of changes and saw more than one version produced. The last version is known as the “ninth project“, though not all steps leading to it can be retraced (Kultermann 1970: 262). However three phases can be recognized clearly, with the last two developed during the collaborative work with the Croatian team. The first stage consists of the first model Kenzo Tange‘s team made. This first model won the competition. The main elements are already expressed. Throughout the next planning phases improvement and adaption took place. During the second stage Tange “endeavoured to bridge the yawning gap between the design on paper and the 101

Thoughts Behind the Masterplan AMELIORATION OF LIVABILITY

EDUCATION

CONNECTION

Even if the slum-like dwellings (Maalos and housing next to the Bazaar) with different cultural traditions were respected, they would have been cleared by 1971 and replaced by medium-rise housing to allow for a better living standard. A big survey after the earthquake showed that the general housing standard was very low with eight sqm per person while many non-Macedonian ethnic groups lived in even smaller houses with a lower average of sqm per person (4,7 sqm) (Home n.d.: 18). But residential use wasn‘t the focus of the city center, even if housing units were planned in the Master plan. The residential areas were mainly around the inner city. Aerodrom, the neighboring municipality is a result of these planning activities. (Home n.d.: 14)

Because planners and architects viewed themselves in the 1960s as “educators“ of the society they promoted new guidelines for living, which ignored the traditional housing situation. The new houses that were built declared the old functions of receiving guests and providing privacy as dysfunctional and “aspired instead to re-educate the people into a more rational and efficient use of domestic space, through the medium of tenant committees in the new housing estate“ (Home n.d.: 18 et seq.). Also family life was remodeled. The new flats served a typical family situation and ignored the tradition followed in many cultures of housing for mulitple generations such as the Roma or Albanians (Home n.d: 18 et seq.).

Before the earthquake the city center was concentrated around Macedonia Square on the south side of the river. Although Skopje was an urban center there was a stark ethnic separation between the north and south sides of the river Vardar. The final plan from 1966, therefore, was inadvertantly a piece of social engineering. Social separation was supposed to be reconciled focusing the urban design on both sides of the river and therefore “neutraliz[ing] the socially pernicious division of the city“ (Home n.d.: 17). Likewise the planned public buildings were concentrated on a new axis to allow an advanced connection. As seen in the graphic the further vertical axis from the old railway station towards the Bazaar was transformed into a horizontal axis next to the Vardar River. Public facilities and buildings made up this new axis along the river. Starting in the west with a “communication center”, crossing Marshall Tito Square, today Macedonia Square, and thereby as well the old axis and continuing with a cultural center, shopping center, the Republic Square leading towards the new railway station by passing a boulevard of offices, services and other public facilities. These elements will be further discussed in the following section.

The intent for the city center was to provide the facilities necessary for a modern city. The focus was on new infrastructure responding to current and projected interests such as carfriendly streets and a railway system connecting Skopje to national and international cities. Likewise commercial space was provided for retail shopping and and grocery and supermarkets, to encourage purschasing food instead of “families growing their own food in garden plots“ (Home n.d.: 18). Because cities were seen as centers of industry and economic progress agricultural traditions were relegated solely outside the city. 102

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AXI S O F TH E CIT Y - O L D A N D N EW

UNIVERSITY

BIT BAZAAR CARSIJA

CULTURAL CENTER LIBERTY SQUARE

TITO SQUARE

REPUBLIC SQUARE

BUSINESS CENTER

NEW STATION

SHOPPING

M. TITO STREET JULY 26 SQUARE OLD RAILWAYSTATION

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Location of the main attraction point in the city center. Red signalises the points on the old axis before the earthquake and blue demonstrtes the propsed axis in the Master plan.

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THE MODEL

Birdâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s eye view on the first submitted model of the Master plan for the competition by Kenzo Tange and his team. On the right-hand side detail pictures and images of the working process. Streets with seven lanes for each direction were planned to avoid congestions in the Modern city.

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THE ELEMENTS OF THE MASTERPLAN City Gate This element was the the Master plan‘s eye-catcher and the heart of the project. The City Gate forms the new axis of the town - a rotation of 90, with Macedonia Square as the rotation‘s fulcrum. (Kultermann 1970: 262) It could also be called the “united ways of movement“, since all possible forms of infrastructure and movement are concentrated in this structure. There is an air terminal, a heliport, an underground passenger railway station, two level highway, car parking and a pedestrian deck (United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 263). Due to this centralization unnecessary congestion should be avoided (Kultermann 1970: 112). The City Gate would have allowed entry into the city center with every possible mode of transit through this axis, as the name City Gate implies. Also the architecture was relevant symbolically. High rise buildings line the boulevard leading from the outside in the east towards the city center in the west, delineating a “sequential hierarchy of scale“. From high in the east they begin “diminishing to the low buildings and narrow streets in the old quarters.“ (Kultermann 1970: 263). The City Gate changed during the revision process. The scale was pared down. In the first model the central passenger railway station was an underground construction. In the last 106

phase the railway station edged the boulevard and was re-modeled as an overground station. Next to the railway station communication and business operations were to be provided.

2modern Transportation Center The â&#x20AC;&#x153;Transportation Centerâ&#x20AC;? is a legacy of Kenzo Tange. The complex was actually realized and is still in use. The Center is elevated to allow air flow and the free movement of traffic. From this point traffic and transit connections could flow in all directions. Going east led through the City Gate to the City core while to the west a boulevard led into the new residential areas of Aerodrom.

Six platforms were erected to link Skopje to a railway network. Today a small train with three cars leaves the station maybe once an hour. The bus station is realized as planned under the railway tracks. It is one of the busiest places in Skopje.

City Gate and Transportation Center in the first model

The second model

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THE ELEMENTS OF THE MASTERPLAN City Wall The City Wall, discussed in detail in the next section, was designed and built as an enclosure for the inner city. In its full realization it would have circled the entire center. However due to the topographic situation a circular construction was not realistic. The basic layout was “high density dwellings in vertical slab blocks with cylindrical shafts and standing on trapezoidal bases“ (United Nations 1970 (Ed.): 317). Building materials and construction techniques provided resistance to earthquakes. Inspired by his work in Kofu Tange added “communication towers“ for the inner building infrastructure. The City Wall was not only about protecting the center but also to improve livability. Hence, in the ground floor shops, cafés and services were planned for a better supply infrastructure, as well as underground parking. “For a more friendly atmosphere the green space should run along side“ (United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 317) the new apartment buildings. Shops should face the inner city and the

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green spaces and parking entrances were on the outer side. Tange also took into consideration the amelioration of environmental conditions within the city as a whole, adding an empty fourth floor in the City Wall to allow the circulation of air through the city center. During the revision process the height of the buildings was diminished and the empty fourth floor for improving the micro climate was left out. The green spaces were developed into small courtyards accompanying each building. The slab blocks were split up in solitary high rise buildings and blocks (Kultermann 1970: 264). Instead of providing social housing the apartments in the City Wall were built with a high class standard and as condominiums, not cooperative housing.

2modern Republic Square The Republic Square was designed as a link between the Shopping Center and the City Gate. An outstanding feature is the spanning of the river. â&#x20AC;&#x153;An elevated pedestrian system ties the entire City Gate area together and moves people across the river to the neighborhoods on the other sideâ&#x20AC;&#x153; (United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 318). At the Republic Square all stakeholders in the state come together. It is a civic square surrounded by municipality and state facilities such as a court, the house of the communist party and government offices (United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 318). The public was symbolized by two museums that were planned.

Liberty Square Cultural facilities for the city were to be concentrated on the northern part of the river. Liberty Square was planned opposite the former Marshall Tito Square, connected by the old 15th century Ottoman bridge that endured the earthquake. This square opens north into the Bazaar and east into the cultural center. The Square, though able to stand alone, would have connected the cultural center and the Bazaar. Almost all of the planned buildings were devoted to folklore: a ballet theater and school, educational facilities, a hotel and a church.

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REALIZATION

Kenzo Tange and his team were positive about the implementation of their plan, which in general experienced very little resistance. First and foremost the plan was needed. Politicians supported the plan‘s ideas and procuring the necessary property was certainly not a problem. There was also a lot of money put into the rebuilding of Skopje. Nowadays, however, one can see that despite initial positivity, practical realization was difficult. Nevertheless in 1980 Skopje celebrated the rebuilding with an exhibition. (Home n.d.: 19) “The earthquake‘s direct losses were estimated at over $1 000 million (Jordanovski 1993 in Ladinski n.d.: 75), a sum nearly equivalent to the entire annual budget of former Yugoslavia or 15 percent of the former Yugoslav Gross National Product for that year“ (Ladinski n.d.:75). Help came from all sides after the earthquake. The Soviet Union even donated a factory for prefabricated apartment blocks. For the reconstruction in the following years a “Fund for Reconstruction and Development” was opened. The main period for the realization was supposed to end in 1970, but the work continued till 1973 (Ladinski n.d.: 80). Buildings like the University, the Telecommunication Center, the Bank Complex and the Cultural Center were all realized during 1974-79 (Penviv; Tolic et al. 2009). Almost all planned construction activities started. However “Ne110

arly all [...] projects were not fully completed due to the lack of financial resources. The income generated from the Fund was not sufficient to sustain construction requirements and the race against inflation at the same time.“ (Ladinski n.d.: 80)

Usage plan by Kenzo Tange for the inner City Center, distinguished by building use and usage zones

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PLANNED

The comparison of planned and actual data shows that almost all intended usage zones are present. In the city center the “Business Zone” prevails. This area is enclosed by residential use. On the other side of the river Carsija and Kale Fortress are still existing and in use as historical centers while providing some of the intended cultural uses. Cultural uses can also be found along the river bank. Though the intended uses are present, they exist on a smaller scale than envisioned in Tange‘s plan. The “High Education Zone” has two offshoots, though these are located in the immediate vicinity. There is only one significant difference between the plan and the realization. Instead of the City Gate and Business Zone facilities residential areas remain. Only two small sections along the corridor offer the planned usage. On the whole, however, a majority of the plan‘s zoning was successfully implemented.

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business zone residential areas cultural and historical zones high education 111

Complexes and Buildings

UNIVERSITY

BAZAAR

TV CENTER CITY WALL II

KALE LIBERTY SQUARE REPUBLIC SQUARE CITY GATE STATION SHOPPING CENTER CITY WALL

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REPUBLIC SQUARE

2modern Comparing the Master plan with a satellite photo gives a good survey of the actual realization. Some buildings and ideas were realized like the revised City Wall, the Shopping Center as well as the historical elements of Kale Fortress and the Bazaar. Other projects are close to the plan but evolved during realization. The university, for example, was built on the intended location but changed in its ground plan. At the Liberty Square only the opera building was constructed. Other elements are missing completely, such as the City Gate. In its place the “Bank Complex” was built, providing a hint as to how the boulevard in Tange‘s plan would have looked. Likewise the Republic Square remains unbuilt. Standing today on the big parking area on the southern part of the Square the Master plan seems far away and its spirit can‘t be felt at all.

UNIVERSITY

BAZAAR

TV CENTER CITY WALL II

KALE OPERA

MAALO NEW CHURCH BANK STATION

SHOPPING CENTER

PARKING SPACE

CITY WALL

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CONCLUSION

The Master plan was not a usual Master plan, it was meant for a city that had experienced a huge loss in every possible way. It was for a city that had vanished in a few seconds due to a natural catastrophe. When the rebuilding started a lot of work and thoughts were put into it. And it was not only meant for the people in Skopje. The earthquake attracted international attention. Yugoslavia, a nonaligned country, used the opportunity to build a rapport with both sides and prove itself as a young, modern and capable federation. The “United Nations was keen to show its potential for promoting international co-operation“ (Home n.d.: 4) and present itself as a powerful union, taking the lead role in organizing the international competition won by Kenzo Tange. Nevertheless the realization was problematic. Lack of money and the delay of construction led to modifications of the plan‘s original intent. The City Gate, especially fell victim to this process. However people were still living in the Maalos slated for demolition to make way for the City Gate. Since the financial means to start construction were missing, there was no reason for maalo residents to move away. At the same time there wasn‘t necessarily a wish

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for such a massive transformation of the city fabric. All this lead to the current situation in Skopje. This is one of the weaknesses of the plan. In the 1960s planning was rational and applied to the entire society resulting in large scale projects. Human growth was seen as an unlimited and given factor and the planners had the responsibility to react. Combined with the idea of functional separation and the development of the car as an ideal means of transportation the planning resulted in large scale projects, often disproportionate to actual need. Today the products of this time attract problems. Even if Skopje has been growing since the earthquake there is still no need for an inner city highway with at least four lanes in each direction and a giant loop. Perhaps in a certain way the non-realization of Tange‘s plan is a chance for Skopje. Skopje doesn‘t

have to worry about disproportionate infrastructure like other cities. Only the Transportation Center is beyond the scope, but that can be traced back to the lack of an appropriate railway network. Even though a “completion“ of the plan was celebrated in 1980 only some aspects of Tange‘s large scale projects that drove his plan, as well as a few smaller ideas contained in the plan, were implemented, leading us to the conclusion that neither Tange‘s plan nor his intentions and driving philosophy were fully realized.

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View from the Transportation Center towards the city center Above: The view in the revised model is leading to a high rise building at the Republic Square. Beneath: Instead of high rise office buildings the informal settlement of the maalos can be observed from the train platforms. The Bank Complex seems out of context. 115

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CITY WALL

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OVERVIEW LEFT OUT IN THE ANALYSIS

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2modern “Through the metaphor of a city with its traditional elements, Tange hoped to endow the city of misfortune with a new order, enable it to communicate with people, and help it regain its vitality and meaning.” Zhongjie Lin The City Wall is the largest singular element of urban design in Skopje‘s city center. The old city core is protected and surrounded by this complex. The buildings, however, function simultaneously as a wall between the city center and surrounding districts while serving their function as the residential core for the city center. Due to abundant commercial uses on the ground floor, the City Wall does provide a minmal link to neighborhoods such as Debar Maalo or Aerodrom. The City Wall consists of recurring building types which are arranged concentrically, as dictated by the

surrounding topography, around Tange already planned this structure in his first model. It is one of the main elements of his design and was supposed to support peoples‘ identification with the rebuilt city. The City Wall was one of his symbolic approaches “to secure humanity and human meaning and human value in architecture“ (Tange n.d., in Kultermann 1970: 8). It allegorizes the ideal medieval defensive wall, in those earlier times a privilege and a characteristic that distinguished towns from villages. Although the preliminary design was by Kenzo Tange the

buildings were actually constructed by other architects from Yugoslavia (Pencic; Tolic et al. 2009).

The City wall seen from Kale Hill. The structure encloses the citycore and is visible from all high points.

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MAPPING State of Repair The buildings are all in a state of partial restoration, while only one Access Tower is in very bad shape. The exact quality and stage of renovation are different for every building. Restoration is a specific characteristic that is financed privately by the owner of the individual apartment unit. The units are mostly condominiums. New windows are the typical characteristic of partially renovated units.

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2modern Ground Floor Use While designing the city wall one objective was to create room for shops on the ground floor. Most of the realized shops are orientated towards the small city ring. On the other hand there is also a certain amount facing the internal courtyard. A considerable number of law offices can be found. The shops sell anything from clothes to pets; grocery stores and Kiosks supply the daily needs. Services typical for a neighborhood are provided, for example beauty care or car renting.

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ARCHITECTURE

13-STORY, STAND-ALONE BUILDING Definition: City Wallopposite are recurring buildingtypes and arrangement arranged concentric, as The Tower buildings are The located the topography allow it,, around the old city core. The architecture is the same and the eight-story blocks and help delineate the the courtyard design is simular. City Wall block consists of three parts: (GRAFIK, typische anordnung) courtyard. Their floorplan is The liketypical a square with -an eight level block towards the street to define the outer line cut-outs in the sides. Each corner contains a balcony. The verticular circulation shaftbuilding with >13 level solitair The towerbuilding are located on the opposite of the 8 level blocks stairways and an elevator and is situated in the help to create a courtsituation. Their floorplan is like a square with cut-outs at middle of the Towers‘ interior. In the ground the sides. At each corner there is a balcony placed. The verticular circulation with stairways and elevator inside the house is situated in the middle. floor there is space for shops and services. In the groundfloor is space for shops and services.

„ARMS“ The six-story blocks Their appearance is oversized top floors.

>8 level block with box outs The last two floors seems to be added on a 6 floor box and overlap the under structure. This overlapping creates through adding a bigger balcony, a sort of rooftop gardens or penthouses. The buildingsmass is aerated by small inner courts around which the flats are organiframe the eight-story blocks. sed. As well as the entire block is deconstructed by slits. These slits are splitting the also similar, justinto without the two, big slab block smaller blocks. By not splitting the groundfloor the entire structure is achieved. Passages allow to transit from the streetside to the inner court and otherway around. Added infrastructure towers or like Kenzo Tange would descriped it: Communication Tower. > 6 level block to frame the 8 level block They have the same appearence as a 8 level block just without the adding of two bigger floors. Also these buildings are smaller than the big 8 level blocks focussing the street.

„BODY“ -Material: The used material for all buildings are bricks and concrete. Slabs made of concrete areonto also used as fassade covering. The last two floors seem to be added a six-story box Some fassades and especially the groundfloor fassades are also decorated with small flagstones in grey colour. and extend out over the structure underneath. This overhang is created by adding a bigger balcony and rooftop gardens or penthouses. The building‘s mass is aerated by small inner courtyards, around which the buildings are organised. Also, the entire block is interrupted by slits. These slits split the big slab block into smaller blocks. Only the ground floor is not split to achieve a complete structure. Passages allow access from the street to the inner courtyard and vice versa. Additional infrastructure towers or, as Kenzo Tange would describe it: Communication Towers. 122

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Materials The facade consists of five different materials. One main elements is brick, or rather panels with brick cladding. Their color, red, defines the building‘s appearance. But the red is broken up by whitish flag stones. In solid, vertical blocks these flag stones structure the face of the building. The concrete elements organize the appearance. Especially in the window lines, the concrete elements underline the change in floors. Concrete panels are used to give the edifice a more differential look. In the picture these panels are displayed on the lefthand side. The slab overlaps the building line and generates a playful and open image. This technique was often used in Modern design. Nowadays these concrete elements let the building appear old and untended. The concrete took on a grey color and stains due to water spotting or pidgeon excrement.

conditioning unit. They can be found on almost every building in the city and add a unique structure to the facade. Despite individual changes and transformations due to private

renovations, a unified facade design is still visible. But a surface cleaning is recommendable.

Additional materials include pre-fab panels under the windows. Their color varies, but they‘re mostly white or mint green. These panels are only used under windows “in the line“ and not at jutty windows. In the pictures on the right hand side this characteristic is visible. Likewise, one can see the use of concrete slabs to overlap the jutty and aerate the facade. The use of wood or plastic appears in the window material. Due to private repair and renovation the material and appearance change. An unofficial facade element is the air CONCRETE WOOD AND PLASTIC FLAG STONE BRICKS 124

PRE-FAB PANEL

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CHARACTERISTICS

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THE SHOW CASE THE FORGOTTEN ONE THE REPRESENTATIVE THE END THE ADAPTATION THE CONTRAST THE VILLAGE

Even though the buildings are supposed to be similar, their realization had to be adapted to the site-specific situation after the earthquake. That means that architects were forced to somehow build around the existing houses not destroyed by the earthquake. This brought up some unique situations. Therefore not every courtyard appears the same. These older houses now seem out of context and

indiscriminately placed in the landscaping of the 20th century. By labeling the different blocks of City Wall we attempt to capture their unique characters. On the following pages these different natures are explained.

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2modern The Showcase he courtyard situation at “The Show- dings. Therefore there is always an case“ complies with the planned vi- open view over the entire courtyard. sion of Kenzo Tange. The building‘s The puristic courtyard design is defisetting is the same as in the layout ned by three terraces and raised lawn plan. There are no other buildings in beds. There are no parking lots. This between the City Wall design. Also is one reason why The Showcase is the courtyard design can be distingu- less frequented and calm. This atished from the other City Wall cour- mosphere is influenced as well by tyards and gives the feeling of plan- the facilties on the same block. The ned landscape design. Trees are only enclosed “Sv. Kliment Ohridski Churon the side with the stand-alone buil- ch” and its parking spaces take up

a big part of the block. You can also find the “Toshka Cultural Center” in an old military building, nowadays with residential use. Other buildings are divided into smaller sections and give a completely different impression than the City Wall. These houses represent all three eras of Skopje‘s built history, from a small two floor house to a typical Modern living box and a stylish contemporary building.

The number and distinction of ground floor usage is shown by the usage of the according coulored dots. There are in general 50 spaces for ground floor use, four of them or without use. Services prevail the quote.

CHURCH

CULTURAL CENTER

On the following pages you will find on the left side a satellite picture of the characteristic block (north oriented). Futhermore there is a map showing green spaces and parking lots. A quantitative conclusion is made by dint of the sign‘s grouping. 127

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2modern The Adaptation The typical City Wall compostion is adapted to buildings left over from the earthquake. The southern 13-story stand-alone towers are recessed from the strict pattern, thus an older building could maintain its place. The new units were built around these houses, maintaining the old buildings without keeping the original street structure. Exits were created directly in front of a Modern building

in order to access a house from the 1920s. Niches, corners and crannies can be found within the block along with an open, planned yard. The area that has been left clear is divided into two parts. On one half parking lots are provided while the other half offers an enclosed lawn and a little playground. “The Adaptation“ is very busy. Shops are also located inside the court, particularly in the older

buildings. The entire block‘s backyard situation is also a crucial factor contributing to the busy atmosphere. New residential buildings and a parking lot draw people to the area. Hence a pass-through movement in the City Wall block is encouraged. Furthermore it is a popular path connecting the city core and the Debar Maalo with its bars and cafés.

The Adaptation offers 83 store capacities. With eight vacancies it is the block with the most unused ground floor use. Noticeable is the number of gastronomy (red).

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2modern The Forgotten One The silhouette and the buildings‘ footprint are perfect but the realization is only partial. The lawn and the playground inside the courtyard disappear as a result of the chaotic parking situation. Every possible corner is taken up by cars. Shops are orientated towards the street. Only services such as law offices are situated towards the courtyard, attracting a marginal number of walkin customers. A pass-through flow is

constrained by the fence encircling “Josip Tito High School” and the theater building. The biggest nearby attraction is the “Ramstore Shopping Mall”, which is also the main reason for the many parked cars on the block‘s interior. The impression of a forgotten space is brought on by a messy appearance and a lot of waste containers coupled by trash everywhere and the abundant feral cats.

Seven of the 41 provided shops offers things of daily supply. It is the block with the most offer of stores (green).

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2modern The Contrast “The Contrast“ seems to be shrunken due to the elementary school and a 1950s building in the interior of the block. The school not only minimizes the space, it also divides it in two parts. The part adjoining The Forgotten One also emulates its atmosphere, amplified to a point of craziness by providing a public parking and two access points for underground parking. This stop and go, looking and waiting and walking to

or away from the car is reinforced by the kindergarden and the elementary school. Parents bringing and fetching their children or just a child standing around and waiting for its parents to pick him or her up by car creates increasingly chaotic movement. Older cars generating exhaust fumes and a mentality of honking all concentrate onto a small space forming a very discombobulated situation. The other side of the cour-

tyard is small and offers only a handful of parking spaces. The playground is used by pupils after school. Even though the main street runs alongside this part of the courtyard, there is little pedestrian traffic. A private atmosphere is generated in this quiet and “hidden“ space. A coffee bar invites passers-by to take a break.

Despite the nearby Ramstore shops can be found, but there are mostly facing the small ring on the other side of the Ramstore. Two of the three gastronomies are facing the Mall.

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2modern The Representative Along with The Contrast “The Representative“ occupies the most central position and functions as a popular meeting point. However unlike The Contrast the block interior is less hidden. Located next to the main street and in front of the old railway station, a pedestrian path provides an invitation to come in. A green oasis can be sensed through the buildings. Unfortunately there are only a few

shops located on the block‘s inte- parked cars of market visitors can be rior that would support a pedestrian seen along the streets bordering The through traffic. If the weather is fine Representative. people are sitting inside the court on the benches and taking a break or just passing time. A green market adjoins the block on one side and a flower market on the other. Even though these facilities experience frequent traffic there is very little spill-over into the inner yard of the City Wall. The

Even if the Representative is next to the main street and provides therefore a good location only one of the 27 stores offers gastronomy.

FLOWER MARKET OLD RAILWAY STATION

MAIN STREET

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2modern The Village Inside “The Village“ there are almost no points of attraction, however it is crossed and passed by a lot of people heading towards one of the most important facilities in the city center - the green market. In the yard a few cars are parked and a lot of waste containers stand around. Some people sift through trash deposited by market stands and visitors at the end of the day. Next to the City Wall is the “As-

sembly of the Republic of Macedonia” and a quiet street leading to one of Skojpe‘s main streets. A bus stop in front of a six-story building provides a meeting and waiting point. But most of all the green market generates movement and life. Standing inside the market you can see the City Wall buildings. The Village is defined much more by what‘s around the City Wall and not what the City Wall itself has to offer.

Over the half of the 25 shops in the City Wall block The Village are retail. Most of them are belonging already to the market.

MARKET

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2modern The End “The End“ was once planned as one of the most important City Wall blocks, connecting Liberty Square and the “City Gate” with its “Communication Axis”. Nowadays all the elements it was supposed to link are missing. There is even a gap between the other City Wall elements. The only connection to the rest of the City Wall are the two out of six standalone towers in The End that can be

seen while standing at the bus stop the urban system, bridging the city‘s at The Village. Otherwise, the hea- core and the newly built “Saroja builvily trafficed street running between ding” and the “GTC”. these two elements disrupts the City Wall‘s urban continuity. Additionally The End and its buildings are recessed inside the block to preserve the “Workers‘ Hall” that had been built just a year before the earthquake. However The End does, to a certain extent, fulfill its duty as a link in

Only 18 shops can be found at The End. Most of them are services such as law offices or consulting. Due to the location walk-in costumers are missing.

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IMPRESSIONS SA M E SA ME BUT D IFFER EN T T HE CI T Y WA L L BLOCKS WI T H T RACK S OF CUST OM I Z AT IO N

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CONCLUSION How much Tange is still there?

??% Nowadays looking at the City Wall in Skopje one can ask: “How much Tange is still in it?“ The plan Kenzo Tange proposed is not even half realized. Only the City Wall design can be recognized in the city of Skopje. But even these buildings weren‘t implemented according to their orginal intent. Once planned taking into account the landscape and micro-climate, the city wall became merely a housing block serving that one purpose.

dings that have something to say to the human emotions“ (Kenzo Tange). Tange wanted to give symbolic meaning to the city so the people could better understand and connect to the buildings. In this way, what could be better than a City Wall, an urban edifice that has been known for ages. “It is like a wall and nobody really can pass it.“ - that‘s one of the opinions you can find on the streets today. Tange and his ideas became somehow the unknown enemy. The common position is that the city is grey and the buildings are not beautiful. If somebody knows Kenzo Tange then he‘s found guilty of creating the current situation in Skopje. But actually, if one really wants to look for a culprit it is more the time and mentality that could be labeled culprits. The realization took place under the principle of “it is almost like this”. And of course is it often the small things that can make the difference, especially in architecture. What also changes the situation is the maintenance. People are unhappy about the possibility, or lack thereof, for through traffic and the missing green spaces. But everything is present, it‘s just not “nice“. In the yards, as the analysis showed, many cars are parked and hinder an easy crossing of the court. Furthermore the existing green spaces are untended.

But the urban design that was already proposed in the first models from Kenzo Tange can still be found. By creating the City Wall Tange had two main ideas. First of all he wanted to locate residential use in the city center in order to protect and define the center at the same time. Second: “In architecture, the demand was no The City Wall gives Skopje something longer for box-like forms, but for buil- special and unique. It is easily recog142

nized on Google Earth or other satellite pictures. The City Wall is everywhere in Skopje. It can lead and helps to orientate. From Kale Hill the enclosing of the city core by the City Wall is visible. Standing on the street right next to the City Wall the protection of the city core is tactile. So how much Tange is in the City Wall? Subjectively we estimate about 30 percent, since a one-to-one translation of the plan failed. All the special ideas of improving the micro-climate and liveability of the city are not built in. Only the structure is maintained as it was in the master plan. Other architects, politicians and planners have transformed the idea that Kenzo Tange had. The idea that Tange had... . In art it‘s all about the idea. Pablo Picasso said: “I begin with an idea and then it becomes something else.“ The idea is the core message in a work of art, and architecture is seen as art. Tange‘s idea of a residential complex encircling, protecting and linking the city center with the areas around it is still visible. So maybe it‘s more than 30 percent Tange in the City Wall. 100 percent would be the true idea behind the buildings, but adaptation and transformation took place so that not all of his ideas can be recognized. Subtracting for these changes but taking into account the huge value of the still perceivable vision of Tange, one could perhaps estimate that there is about 65 percent Tange left in the design. But of course this number expresses more of a personal understanding and can change depending on individual interpretation.

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OVERVIEW

As explained before Tange believed in the educational and metaphoric value of architecture for a society. Tange‘s plan divided the city center in different zones for collective uses. The uses of each zone based on superior themes. Tange proposed three main axes running in west-east direction along the Vardar River: the “Communication Axis”, the “Cultural Axis” and the “Educational Axis“. Monumental architectural ensembles like the train station or the “City Gate” were supposed to transport and advance these values. The Communication Axis south of the river was shaped by a continious pedestrian way from the train station to the Macedonia Square. The arrangment and uses of the buildings were supposed to gurarantee the transfer of communication, knowledge and progress to a society. The City Gate and the “City Trade Center (GTC)” were part of this Axis.

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The Cultural Axis was meant to run along the northern bank of the Vardar, attached to the Old Bazaar.The Liberty Square an urban ensemble for a variety of cultural and scientictic activities was supposed to be its main aspect. The Education Axis mainly consisted of the university. This subchapter deals with the question if and how those Axes are visible in present-day Skopje. The realization and appearance of their elements 144

will be investigated. Additionally the realization of the “Transport Center”, an important ensemble of Tange‘s plan shall be analyzed.

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Information The City Trade Centre (GTC) is centrally located next to the Macedonia Square and along the Vardar River. It consists of five residential towers and a three level shopping complex. The residential towers were built in 1959 by Alexander Serafimovski and had not been destroyed by the earthquake. The shopping area was added in 1972 and integrated the residential towers to form a new complex. In 2008 there was a competition for the third floor of the shopping area that was won by Jovan Ivanovski. The new level contains public and commercial functions.

Tange and Realization The GTC is an important element of Tangeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s master plan. It belongs to the Communication Axis and was supposed to be part of the pedestrian zone stretching from the Macedonia Square to the train station. The long, open pedestrian mall on the interior of the GTC would have been the continuation of the Communication Axis leading pedestrians out to the Macedonia Square. Tangeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s idea for a modern commercial area with public space that serves to foster the interactions of city residents was realized. Many bars and restaurants line the riverbank side of the GTC while a park provides green space on the south side. 145

Features The appearance of the GTC is shaped by the large number of gateways. They are the main aisles of the Pedestrian Axis and gateways provide G AT E WAYS access perpendicular to the pedestrian mall from the park and city side to The gateways in the GTC mirrored the west-east and north-south axes in the the River Vardar. inner City Centre The City Trade Center is a good example of adapting a contemporary structure in order to respect historic architecture. Its additions respect the existing buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s structure and they become integrated into its appearance.

Gateways in the GTC

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EDUCATION AXIS: UNIVERSITY CAMPUS SS CYRIL AND METHODIUS Information The university campus for „Cyril and Methodius“ is located to the northeast of the city center along Goce Delcev Street and is the main campus in Skopje. It was built in 1974 by the Slovenian architect Marko Music and consists of three complexes located around a main square. The university was named after Saints Cyril and Methodius who invented the Slavic alphabet.

Tange and Realization The university is the main element of the Education Axis. Tange intended a Structuralism building at the current location. However, the existing ensemble, while Structuralist, follows a different design. The Education Axis is continued along the southern part of the Goce Delcev Street by the “Macedonian Academy of Science and Arts” built in 1976.

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C O N T RA ST T O. . .

The university is remarkable for its Structuralism architecture. Its three complexes are designed in the same way. Their position around the middle square and their design mirror the idea of an architecture without any built hierarchy. The design of the complexes themselves consists of prefabricated elements. The main material is concrete. The university ensemble can be seen as the edge of the city center. In the immediate vicinity an area of historic residential houses begins. The structure of the university provides a heavy contrast to the small scale of the surrounding neighborhood.

...ITS VICINITY BY ITS URBAN STRUCTURE

...THE SURROUNDINGS BY ITS MATERIAL

...THE ARRANGEMENT BY ITS ARCHITECTURE

SP EC I AL UR B A N F E ATU R E S The architecture of the university is a composition of prefabricated elements. The buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s structure consists of three complexes and could be easily expanded by its elements. Structuralism bases on expandability and flexibly of its elements.

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Information The complex was built by the Slovenian architects Stefan Kacin, Jurij Princes, Bagdan Spinder and Marijan Ursic in 1981 and is the last building of Tangeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s Master plan to be realized. It contains auditoriums for the opera and the ballet. The complex is located on the north side of the Vardar and has a remarkable position in the inner cityscape.

Tange and Realization Tangeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s Master plan called for a big cultural complex that included an opera, a ballet and a cinema, too. It was supposed to form a round square to be visually connected to the Liberty Square located on the opposite bank of the river. The current complex can be seen as a partial execution of the original idea.

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Features The complex is characterized by its deconstructed architecture and extraordinary form. Its edged appearance recalls a composition of fragments. The opera is surrounded by public space that resembles the architecture of the building. The opera itself had been refurbished while the public space around it is in fairly poor state of repair.

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TRANSPORTATION CENTER Information The Transport Center is located at the eastern part of the city center and consists of a two level multifunctional complex. Its location does not reflect the historical location of the train station of the city of Skopje. The Transport Center was the focus of a new north-south transportation axis for long distance transportation. It is the only building that had been realized by Kenzo Tange himself in 1968. Between 1981 and 1991 Skopjeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s main bus station was integrated into the Transport Center.

Tange and Realization The Transport Center was a main element of Tangeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s Master plan. Its size was representative of future growth in the city and was expected to handle the growing number of commuters. It was supposed to contain public, commercial and administrative functions and was understood as a major point of city access. Tange considered the Transport Center as a vessel for society, an architectonic monument that transfers the idea of future development onto the city of Skopje. The pedestrian axis leading to the city center was supposed to have been connected to the train station. 154

2modern Features Today the Transport Center dominates the appearance of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s core. Nevertheless its function as a long distance station is not the main priority of the complex. The number of trains that arrives every day is not at all proportionate to its size. Currently the Transportation Center is primarily used as a bus station, which was refurbished in the 1980s and is in a good state of repair.

Timetable in the train station

Today the transport centre is mainly used for the inner city bus transport. Just a few trains are arriving, while national and international busses arrive and departure constantly.

Circular railway from 1948 and North-East transport axis from 1963 155

AXI S O F V I E W

Magir Maalo is situated next to the Transportation Center. The view is rich in contrast.

Behind the platform four high rise residential buildings attract the view. The design reminds of the concrete elements at the railway station.

Highly refrequented roads pass by and under the transportation center. Behind the intersection ia a residential area attached.

Many views allow to overlook the city, but this view shows the natural surrounding of Skopje.

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CONCLUSION

The described Axes were not realized as Tange had planned them. In the Communication Axis two elements, the Republic Square and the City Gate, are missing. Instead of the proposed massive, multifunctional complexes a small-scaled slightly shabby Maalo can be found. No architectural connection exists between the GTC and the train station. Hence the envisioned dynamics and progress of society driven by communication could not be implemented. (If this goal was achievable at all is another matter.) The Cultural Axis has been realized in parts. The multifuctional building with opera and ballet serves only some of the intended purposes. Liberty Square, a vision of a cultural architectural ensemble has never been built. Two built edifices, the university and the train station, are comparatively consistent with the ideas of the Master plan. As the train station was designed by Kenzo Tange himself this is hardly surprising. However, one of its important features, the pedestrian way, has not been implemented. Additionally as the number of travellers and commuters never lived up to the anticipated crowds, the train station does not fulfill its intended purpose. The main point of attraction is the attached bus station. The university was not designed by Tange but the building follows the ideas of Structuralism.

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The inner-city Axes are hardly discernible in Skopjeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s contemporary cityscape. Due to a lack of funds only some edifices have been built. The initial idea of Axes functioning as a whole somehow got eclipsed over the years.

Republic Square and City Gate in the model compared to the actual situation

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OVERVIEW Le Havre as a role model? The Modern architecture in Skopje is inspired by internationally respected architects and their ideas of design and structure. It is part of the philosophy of International style and as the name implies it is not about creating site-specific, but international designs. These were realized all around the world. During World War Two many cities were destroyed and needed to be reconstructed. In this time, with a new understanding of living and a fresh architectural style, new technical possibilities emerged, for instance the prefabrication of construction elements. Skopje was rebuilt after the earthquake in 1963, thus the city is a contemporary witness of that time. However, over the years, Modern architecture lost its popularity. People indulged their memories of the “old

Le Havre, France 160

Skopje” and could not identify themselves with the new cityscape. Even today, however, a Modern city has its value and can be appreciated as such. A good example would be the city of Le Havre in France, which was bombed during the Second World War. The reconstruction of the administrative, commercial and cultural center lasted from 1945 to 1964 and was built according to a plan by August Perret. In 2005, it was designated as a World Heritage Site. The reasons for the designation were the following: “The post-war reconstruction plan of Le Havre is an outstanding example and a landmark of the integration of urban planning traditions and a pioneer implementation of modern developments in architecture, technology, and town planning (…) based on

the unity of methodology and system of prefabrication, the systematic use of a modular grid and the innovative exploitation of the potential of concrete.” (ICOMOS 2005) For a long time the city was perceived as having been destroyed twice (first time by the bombardment, second time by Perret’s plan). Nowadays the inhabitants are proud of their city. Why couldn‘t Skopje apply for the cultural heritage fund and accept, respect and present its Modern architecture? Could Le Havre serve as a role model for Skopje?

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A COMPARISON

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In the map you see the modern buildings in the representative location in Skopje at the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Macedonien Squareâ&#x20AC;?. We tried to analyze the quality of the design that why we compared the modernism in Skopje with other modern building. You find example distributed all over the world that are noted and made by famous architects. In Skopje you find those designs just around the Square.

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Communication Center “Here, then, is what I wanted to tell you of my architecture. I created it with courage and idealism, but also with an awareness of the fact that what is important is life, friends and attempting to make this unjust world a better place in which to live.“ - Oscar Niemeyer

Catedral Metropolitana Nossa Senhora Aparecida (The Cathedral of Brasília) at Brasilia, 1970 by Oscar Niemeyer

“That style was appreciated around the world and his buildings were constructed in a wide range of settings redefining the skyline in Singapore and in reconstructing Italian towns.“ - Reuters News

Yamanashi Press and Broadcasting Center, at Yamanashi, Japan, 1967 by Kenzo Tange 164

2modern City Wall The Complex at the “Schlangenbaderstraße” in Berlin called “the Snake” got the Renault traffic design award 2002 for the innovative idea to construct the housing building above a street so public highways will no longer dived a city. It is a cornerstone of urban development. - Jury Renault traffic design award 2002

Schlangenbaderstraße in Berlin, Germany, 1980 by Georg Heinrichs

Opera „One of the most self-assured, self-confident— even self-conscious— buildings to emerge as a result of the interplay of the architectonic and engineer-inspired buildings was Saarinen‘s TWA Terminal Buildings at New York.“ - Dennis Sharp

„TWA“ airport terminal at New York, USA, 1962 by Eero Saarinen

GTC Shopping Center

„The unity and harmony of all this delight the eye, with just the right combination of the artfull and the natural, the intimate detail and the clear over-all pattern“ - Lewis Mumford

Lijnbaan, main shopping street at Rotterddam, 1953 by Jo van den Broek and Jacob B. Bakema 165

CONCLUSION

The buildings of International Modernism in Skopje reflect the zeitgeist of the time they were built and the global principles of Modernism back then. At that time Modern architecture spread all over the globe â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the beginning of globalization in architecture. It was considered advanced not to build site-specific architecture, but to create designs in the international trend of Modernism. Despite the fact that this architectural style is not considered an ideal of building anymore some architects of International Modernism are still considered as leading in their profession.

Havre â&#x20AC;&#x201C; a city totally built in Modern style â&#x20AC;&#x201C; was declared as World Cultural Heritage, the city was put back on the map.

Skopje would have the possibility to distinguish itself by acknowledging the value of its Modern architecture and exploiting this heritage. The city could turn into a place of pilgrimage for admirers of Modern architecture. That could have a positive effect on its perception, particularly among the inhabitants, which promotes identification with Modernism and the historical heritage. Protecting Modern architecture is a great opportunity Central buildings in Skopje are ins- for Skopje. pired by famous buildings of Modernism from all over the world and comparable to recognized architecture that have in some cases become to a trademarks of their city. Since Le

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OVERVIEW

As indicated on the map the vast majority of Modernist constructions in Skopje are residential buildings. This can hardly be surprising considering Modernism, and Socialism‘s focus on raising living standards and providing equal, cooperative housing. Likewise, owing to their vast use of prefabricated building elements Modernist housing units were among the most affordable projects of that era and therefore generally the first elements of a new master plan to be realized. Their quick construction also allowed cities like Skopje to react swiftly to increasing demand for housing.

Another contributing factor, however, were the young Serbian and Croatian architects during the initial stages of Modernism, who found most of their work designing low-rise residential units for private investors. These houses can be seen regularly in residential neighborhoods just outside the City Wall as well as in the then-new urban block structure of the SCS Kingdom discussed in Chapter One.

four identifiable trends: “Classical Modernism”, the “Living Box”, “Multiples” and the “Housing Complex”.

Here we‘ve traced Modernist residential units development from their early stages through to the 1970s and 1980s and have categorized

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Building Height Modern housing is generally much taller than surrounding buildings. Their height provides landmarks within the city. It‘s almost possible to trace the development of Modernism based on building height. Classical Modernism produced many one to three-story houses. As Modernism evolved the dimensions of the buildings evolved with it. Thus six to eight-story buildings are generally a product of Tange‘s Structuralism or Modernism‘s last breaths, like the Multiples or Housing Complexes.

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State of Repair Modernist buildings are often partially restored. Many individual apartments are renovated due to private ownership while building facades are left to deteriorate. Balconies turned into spare rooms, new windows or penthouse additions create a patchwork effect discussed further in Do-ItYourself Architecture as part of Chapter III. But the overall standards of Modernist housing infrastructure

has often not been improved since the 1960s . This impairs the living standards of the inhabitants and creates higher costs for heating and electricity. Buildings manufactured in the 1960s or earlier should be renovated if for no other reason than the potential energy savings.

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2modern Ground Floor Use A vibrant ground floor use in the city center provides abundant amenities for residents. Services, grocery and convenience stores are plentiful. Structuralismâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s vertical mix of functions is noticeable in the City Wall. Storefronts contain plenty of shops while the floors above support offices, services and residential uses. The linear housing projects, generally associated with Functionalism, lack any ground floor use. Storefront vacancies in Modernist buildings are rare.

Q UANT I T Y

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One of Modernismâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s major goals was the creation of equal standards of living for everybody. Hence, during the Modern period many innovations concerning habitation were introduced. Most of Skopjeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s inhabitants live in houses built during that time.

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Classical Modernism The form is a simple, but functional cube. It recalls the typical Bauhaus style. If needs are satisfied the beauty will follow. All useless ornamentation is negated. The first Modern houses were built in the 1920s by private owners. The buildings have one to three floors and a platform roof. The Classical Modernism cubes are leftovers in the growing structure of Skopje. The dimension of early Modernism is on a much smaller scale in comparison with other Modern structures. But this contrast makes it interesting and gives it potential. In this way the development of Modern style can be observed. The majority of the buildings in this typology are located in maalos, particularly in the urban Debar Maalo in the northeast of our investigation area. However some of these buildings can be found in the southwest as a fill-in of a Modern structure perimeter block.

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2modern Living Box The Living Box describes prefabricated residential buildings. These types were mainly built during the Yugoslavian period as cooperative housing. The city center also contained condominiums, since the Yugoslavian system was more benevolent concerning private property. Problems of maintenance are the result of this fact. The houses are built to define spacial structure and therefore fit in the old street structure of Skopje. For Rent signs give the impression that a real estate agency may have renovated the facades in a unified manner. Even still, air-conditioners, Skopjeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s beloved element repeated throughout the entire city, litter the building face. The Living Boxes in the city core have some minimal decoration ornaments, for example special balconies or decorative flag stones. The Living Boxes in the southeast are simpler and in better condition, though their once colorful facades are now dusty and gray.

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Notably the majority of Living Boxes inside the city center were not destroyed by the earthquake.

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Multiples Multiples are groupings of like buildings repeated in different places throughout the city. Some of these duplicates create their own urban structures such as the linear development. Due to the concentration of the same buildings, spaces, streets and entrances are generated. The main part was built before the earthquake during the housing shortage. Of particular importance is the “Y_Home“ that can also be seen in Tange‘s plan. It frames the city center in the south in a line with three duplicates and continues the path of the City Wall in the north. Do their placements have a special purpose? Do Multiples have a special meaning or is it just going the easy route, creating one design and many copies? The City Wall could also be understood as a Multiple, though in the City Wall a purpose is known and obvious.

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2modern Housing Complexes These structures were built after the earthquake at the end of the Modern period in the 1970s and 1980s. Therefore the state of repair is still good. Their design is similar. The facade is divided into small sections so the appearance is less bulky. These Complexes can often be found in other countries, even those without a Socialist background. The red brick facade and the prefab elements simplify the construction and create a reoccurring image. Housing Complexes offer many people an accommodation in a central location, hence they are an important element of the housing stock for Skopjes city center.

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CONCLUSION

The amount of people living in the city center is remarkable especially in comparison with Central European cities. Skopje‘s different types of residential houses in Skopje reflect the development of Modernism. Classical Modernism cubes mirror the first stage. The buildings are comparatively small and strictly functional in design. In Yugoslavia Modernism was a decidedly favored style. According to socialist ideals the preearthquake Living Boxes were built as cooperative housing. The type of Multiples originates from the same period. Its main purpose was the lessening of the pressing housing shortage. Modernism‘s final stage becomes manifest in the House Complexes. Especially at the beginning of the Modern period living in a house designed in this new architectural style was en vogue. One of the aims of Modernism was to improve the standards of living. In comparison with the partly gruesome conditions in the perimeter

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blocks of the 19th and early 20th century the new Modern edifices with their then up-to-date equipment must have seemed like everybody‘s dream house. Today many of the buildings are in poor shape. Since individual units are often privately owned the maintenance responsibilities rest with the owner and few are able to afford to keep up their apartment‘s exterior. Often times the living standards haven‘t improved above those of the 1960s. For example the insulation quality remains low, leading to high energy costs for the owner. Particularly in the Multiples and Housing Complexes there is a feeling of disconnect with the structure. Their uniformity often don‘t allow the individual to identify with the building in any meaningful way.

2modern MODERN CONCLUSION

Modern buildings in the City Center of Skopje

The idea and vision behind Kenzo Tange‘s plan and the competition for the new Skopje was big; a modern town that represents the zeitgeist and society in Yugoslavia while at the same time establishes Skopje in the international context. Tange‘s City Wall and Skopje‘s “Ensembles” show the limited fashion in which this goal was achieved. Nevertheless the city center gives the impression

of being Modern, particularly when looked at quantitatively on the map. Within the cityscape, the products of post-earthquake rebuilding inspired by the then-contemporary international trends help facilitate this impression: the post office and communication center, the television skyscraper, the church, the office buildings, the opera, and schools. In particular, residential buildings contribute to the

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image of Skopje as a city of Modernism. The four elements of “Modern Habitation” catalog the development of Modernist living. A few were built before the earthquake in order to renew Skopje and provide more residential capacity with a better living standard. Other buildings were erected after the earthquake out of necessity in response to the housing shortage. 179

The question arises: How do the people and the city interact with the existing Modernism?

pendent back than in the 1960s, due to Federalist policies it was its own republic with an administration, parliament, court and more. Therefore all the representative buildings one can find today can be traced back to the Modern style period.

This requires an examination of the uses housed in Modern buildings today. The majority are still in a good shape and certainly they occupy a place of prestige, located in the city center of Skopje, capital of Macedo- But the association with Modernism nia. and its architecture is nevertheless negatively charged. In the last few Residential use is one of the years there has been a trend to erect primary uses. The apartments new buildings with the same purpoare popular due to their centra- ses as the Modern ones, such as lity, which also makes them ex- the post office and communication pensive. The houses were built center. A replacement is in progress. with a new living standard and a Also the desire of the government for high average of sqm per person new public representative buildings (Home n.d.:13,18). is obvious in “Skopje 2014.” But Usually store fronts on the ground what reasons are there to deal with floor provide space for retail and Modernism so dismissively? grocery stores. This is particularly common in the City Wall, STATE OF REPAIR which has very few vacancies. The condition of the Modernist faca Most of the public buildings were des confirms their age. The majority destroyed during the earthquake are not at all or only partially renoand had to be rebuilt. Further- vated. A state of partial renovation more new services were needed often exists due to private investdue to the technological, eco- ment. The oversimplified, drab gray nomic and social changes. The buildings are pocked with self-renoimportant fact is that they were vated elements using new materials all erected for a special purpose, which provide a stark contrast to the such as educational facilities, original building substance around museums, the shopping center, them. The concrete of the Modernist banks and the telecommunica- building age was new, popular and tion center. (Home n.d.:17) often used, though not fully techno Representative buildings like- logically developed. Today, material wise belong to the category of damage to the concrete is obvious public buildings built to serve a as it disintegrates and discolors. The particular function; they are a re- standardized use of this material and presentation of the state. So, e.g. the elapsing of time results inevitably the parliament building maintains in a gray appearance. This is worsea prestigious facade in order to ned by a lack of upkeep. A similar reflect the capital and the state. problem is deriving from the use of Even if Macedonia wasn‘t inde- prefabricated materials. 180

DESIGN In the 1950s and 60s the launch of prefabrication led to precast concrete slabs that were used to quickly construct cheap residential buildings. It was the easiest way to respond to the housing shortage after the earthquake and was very common in Socialist countries. Most buildings look the same or can even be found repeated in another city somewhere else on the planet, e.g. lineal constructions or housing complexes of the 1970s and 80s. They created for their time a good housing standard, and the people enjoyed the idea of equal housing values for everybody. But just a few years later the first problems began to reveal themselves. Due to prefabrication identity and humanity were missing. Over time the aesthetic qualities of this minimalistic housing architecture have lost their value and even public and representative buildings from this time are no longer in vogue. TIME The Master plan was seen a “symbol of the brotherhood and unity of the equal and free peoples of Yugoslavia“ (United Nations 1970 (Ed.): 52) and was “the first major international collaborative exercise of this magnitude to prepare a development plan for a sizable city“ (Watts 1997, in Home n.d.: 28). Hence, all the designs were built within the greater context, politic and zeitgeist of the 1960s. Today, the Macedonian government tries to deny the Yugoslavian time period. Searching for a new identity, they are also looking for an architecture that represents the new democratic Republic of Macedonia. “Béton brut“ alludes to an old situation and poli-

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tic, apparently a new use of shape is needed. Prefabricated buildings were the architectural reflection of social equality. With the renunciation of Socialist ideals, the wish for individuality and an own aesthetic is growing. Every generation wants something of their own that is special and represents the current zeitgeist. OVERALL PLANNING It is a well known fact that the ideas of Modernism are out favor. Architects overestimated the significance of a suitable architecture for a newly industrialized society. Even if modern technologies and new ways of living did work their way into daily routine, the people would still have been content living in Pre-Modern cities. But planners foresaw a total transformation of urban spatial structures to match advances in an industrializing society. This was not site-specific and led to the internationalization of urban planning. The earthquake‘s clean sweep was a challenge and an opportunity to build a city suitable for a Modern society. However Functionalism and related trends in Modernism had become not a utopia for the masses but rather for the architects and planners themselves. Their visions were not necessarily representative of the actual needs and desires of the society for which they thought they were building. “The Master Plan was a creature of its time. Architectplanners of the modern movement, confident in their role of remaking the postwar world, worked with the state rather than with the people“ (Home n.d.: 20). Even as it was being developed it was unclear if Skopje‘s inhabitants would really identify with the new plan. Tange‘s plan is notab-

State of Repair of modern buildings

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Building Use of modern buildings

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le for its attempt to unify the diverse ethnic composition in Skopje. However by assuming Modernism was the medium through which this could be achieved, the plan also displayed a lack of respect for the equally diverse traditions of the individual ethnicities.

THE MASTER PLAN DISCONTINUED “For the people of Skopje themselves the city‘s reconstruction was as momentous an event as its destruction: when Skopje school children were asked in the 1960s to write an essay on a “major event in the life of my town“, 80 percent chose to write about the Master plan rather than the earthquake“ (Home n.d.: 4). The 181

vision of Tange was to create symbolic meaning leading into identity and humanity. The plan‘s partial implementation shattered the big vision for Skopje into isolated buildings and zones. Reasons for this were the long planning and implementation phases, a lack of money and the attitude of taking sometimes the easiest but not the best way. So we don‘t know how the “perfect Modern city“ could have worked or been understood today, because the entire idea of Modernism and Kenzo Tange was not carried out in Skopje. Due to this fact the structure cannot work. It‘s like a machine that is just engineered in parts, the mechanism will never work.

Modernism solely based upon its appearance. It is important to find a contemporary handling of Modern architecture in order to integrate Modernism into the cityscape. Modern elements like those in Skopje‘s city center have to be included in the greater city structure if they are to function properly. The quality of the city is represented in its architectural variety, where differences in the physical environment complement each another instead of creating riffs.

vironment. Contemplating this theoretical background is important for a contemporary interpretation and understanding of Modernism in Skopje. Reintroducing the original functions back into Modernist buildings, rehabilitating their exterior and reinterpreting their contemporary contribution to Skopje‘s city fabric could improve the relationship between Modernism and the city‘s inhabitants.

It is fundamental for an appreciation of Modern architecture that inhabitants realize the original intent of the architects. Modernism has a high Modern architecture bases its aesthe- level of abstraction and a minimatics on its function. The slogan “form list design, which cause difficulties follows function” illustrates the idea communicating its intention through of Modern architecture. To legitima- external appearance. Architects like te Modernism, these buildings have Kenzo Tange were reacting to and to maintain their initial function or be critical of classical Modernism. He reused. Therefore Modern buildings tried to satisfy the social and human have to be kept in good condition needs in the city, such as communito prevent the future depreciation of cation and identity in the urban en-

Skopje before the earthquake small pattern structure is competing with new concret blocks 182

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INTRODUCTION

Due to the many power shifts in Macedonia‘s history, the term Macedonian can be confusing and vague. Likewise the population of Macedonia is multi-ethnic and makes describing an ethnic “Macedonian” difficult. The majority, 66 percent, of Macedonians are ethnic Slavs while ethnic Albanians, at 25 percent of the population, comprise the largest minority (Republic of Macedonia, State Statistical Office (Ed.) 2002: 446). The growing Albanian population in Macedonia leads to fear among ethnic Slavs of one day being the minority “in their own land.” Additionally many neighboring countries question not only the country‘s borders but also the legitimacy of a separate Macedonian language and culture, serving only to cast more doubt on an independent, Macedonian identity. After peacefully seceding from Yugoslavia in 1991 ethnic conflicts in Macedonia became explosive. Macedonia perceived its new independence as an opportunity to open the country to Western European development. However Democracy in the young country became a call, particularly among minorities, to become more politically active. The political participation of Macedonia‘s ethnic minorities led to a conflict with fractions of ethnic Slavs which peaked at the threat of civil war in 2001. Macedonian independence was likewise fuel for a long-standing border conflict with Greece. Both countries 186

claimed to have the historical right not only to particular regions but also to particular cultural legacies. The conflict‘s expanding proportions led Greece to veto Macedonia‘s entry into the EU (Opfer-Klinger 2008: 25). But times of crisis and uncertainty increase the need for security, influence and national identity. Among other, mostly political outlets, this desperate search is expressed through current, architectonic trends. This chapter examines Skopje‘s three most visible trends in architecture. These trends developed as reactions to Yugoslavia in the years following independence and could be identified as (Re)construction, Kitsch and Globalized Architecture, influenced respectively by the government, private residents and international economic development. Further, we examine an omnipresent “Do-It-Yourself” mentality among private citizens, which appears as a reaction to certain deplorable conditions in the built environment. At the end of each section we present a short subjective interpretation. The conclusion for Chapter III discusses similarities and differences among the individual trends and examines the trends‘ originators and their motivations.

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(RE)CONSTRUCTION

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Reconstruction is a phenomenon particular to Central and Eastern Europe. Neo-Classicism, Neo-Academicism and the Secession among other architectural movements helped create stately city centers, political and national identities that were destroyed through World Wars or natural disasters. Repetitive, post-war socialist ensembles replaced these structures along with the hope of a Modernist utopia that never materialized. Today the opposite trend can be recognized across Central and Eastern Europe, as many cities, including Skopje, attempt to deconstruct Modernism‘s legacy and reconstruct a glorious past (Delitz 2010). One example is the “Berliner Stadtschloss” that was pulled down in socialistic times (1950) because it was interpreted as a symbol of Prussian absolutism. In 1973 the government of the GDR started to erect the “Palast der Republik“ which was deconstructed in 2006. Nowadays the federal government and the city of Berlin

Berliner Stadtschloss about 1900 188

want to reconstruct the “Berliner Stadtschloss” similar to the original appearance with some minor modern adjustments. There have been many protests against this reconstruction plan out of political and aesthetic reasons. Similar movements take place in many countries, especially in the Balkans. Post-socialist cities often reconstruct the monumental and ornamental buildings of the 18th and 19th centuries while deconstructing the prominent socialist ensembles of their still-recent past. (Delitz 2010:5) The communistic symbols get replaced by national symbols, religious elements, monuments etc. in order to wake the imagination of a glorious past, regardless of its real background. Skopje is no exception. Furthermore, politicians use national symbols to create an identity. In the case of Macedonia this means the invention of continuity from the glorious times of Alexander The Great. (Schenker 2010)

Palast der Republik 1977

The phenomenon of reconstruction is not unusual and is generally a product of the search for stability in times of change. Certainly this is the case in Skopje. However in Skopje reconstruction underlies a deeper ethnic conflict, which is being expressed in architecture and urban design (Reiterer 2009). Architecture has always been a product of its time and sparked resistance, but the question in Skopje has taken on new dimensions. Reconstruction in Skopje is no longer purely architectural. It goes beyond a matter of taste, provoking questions of political or social intent. This section examines reasons for reconstruction in Skopje and seeks to understand exactly what is being “reconstructed.” This is an especially pregnant question considering that the majority of buildings under (Re)construction never existed in the first place.

Reconstructed Berliner Stadtschloss

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“SKOPJE 2014“

The big prominent buildings on Skopje’s Macedonia Square, including the “National Bank”, “City Theater” and “Officers‘ Quarters”, embodied a new political, economic and cultural meaning of the city in the early 20th century. The old Ottoman bridge over the Vardar connected these symbols of urban power into an impressive whole. It was the time of the SCS Kingdom and the cultural dominance of Serbia. After liberation from the Ottoman Empire Skopje, like many other cities in the southern Balkans, oriented itself towards Europe. Then contemporary architectural projects commissioned by the government communicate a clear message. It was a well-directed regress to a con-

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structed national identity with its roots 2014” was released with a 3D compuin the past. Furthermore a new inter- ter animation in the presence of Centar pretation of history was supported by Mayor Vladimir Todorovik, Culture Miemulating the architectural grandeur nister Elizabeta Kanceska-Milevska, associated with a European identity architects and other guests. The video (Reiterer 2009). is now on many websites and internet forums and has sparked heated debaThe center of Skopje will have a new tes. „This presentation is going to help look by 2014 with new buildings, Skopje‘s residents get a better picabout “20 monuments and retouched ture of what the center of the capital and decorated facades of the present is going to look like,“ Todorovik said buildings surrounding the Macedonia (Macedonian Information Centre (Ed.) Square”. “The construction of these 2010). The whole face-lifting project buildings and monuments has been will cost about 200 million Euros planned and is being realized by the and will be drawn from several annuMacedonian government, the Ministry al state budgets, from the municipal of Culture and the Municipality of Cen- budgets and from private investors tar” (Macedonian Information Centre (Trajkov 2010). (Ed.) 2010). The vision for “Skopje

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The old Skopje about 1960

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RECONSTRUCTED THEATER MUSEUM COMPLEX “MACEDONIAN STRUGGLE“

2 NEW HOTELS

STATE ARCHIVES, ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM AND CONSTITUTIONAL COURT NEW OFFICERS‘ CLUB

ORTHODOX CHURCH OF SAINTS KONSTANTIN AND ELENA

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

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What is planned to be built? Four new buildings will be put up in the Macedonia Square: The rebuilt Officers‘ Quarters, a hotel complex and the “Church of Ss Konstantin and Elena”. The square is currently being dug up to build the fountain and monument to Alexander the Great. On the other side of the Vardar, the theater, the “Museum of the Macedonian Revolutionary Struggle”, the “Constitutional Court”, the “Archive”, the “Archaeological Museum” and the “Ministry of Foreign Affairs” are in the process of construction. The “Agency for Electronic Communication”, the “Public Prosecution” and the financial

police, as well as a line of columns called „Independent Macedonia“ are scheduled to be built. The Parliament will get a new look with an addition of one more floor and three domes. (Macedonian Information Centre (Ed.) 2010) The final designs for theses projects have been decided through competitions (Reiterer 2009).

origin. Most of the buildings are completely invented anyway and consequently do not have a historical antetype. Hence, they simulate a special history of architecture. The following describes the individual projects in as much detail as was available.

This Vision is kitschy. There is a disparity between form and function. The city pretends to reconstruct the old historical buildings. But some of the new buildings will be placed on a more representative setting or created bigger and more pompous as its

View from Vardar Bridge to Macedonia Square and the Millenium Cross 191

The New Buildings

THE OFFICERS‘ CLUB The renewed Officers` Club next to the river will serve as a hotel, and a floor will be adapted into a residence of the mayor. Two historic looking hotels will be built next to it, while one will be part of the same complex with the Army House. They will be separated by a round decorative building, whose design is yet to be determined through a competition.(Macededonian Information Centre 2010).h

Old Officers‘ Club

New Officers‘ Club

THE ORTHODOX CHURCH

Rendering of the Church and the Statue of Alexander the Great

The most spectacular of these projects is the Orthodox Church, built on Macedonia Square in a 14th century style (Reiterer 2009). An international architectural competition in 2008 determined the design of this hotly debated building. The Ministry of Culture set criteria detailing where competition entries should draw inspiration. They were looking for a building that would mix traditional, orthodox influences with the current

Future area of the church: current situation at the Macedonia Square (march 2010) 192

context in the city center. The building should connect with surrounding cultural monuments. Proposals were judged based on respect for tradition, originality of the design and innovativeness of the proposal. Proposals were also asked to take into account seismic activity and handicap access. The design is an imaginative albeit arbitrary interpretation of the original building that stood on the square (Reiterer 2009).

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THE THEATER in the same location as the old theater. The cornerstone was laid in 2007. Jovan Stefanovski-Zan is the chief architect of the project. According to him, the building‘s exterior and interior will be consistent with the old theater. The new theater, by contrast, will be much larger and envisions a 756-seat capacity for the main hall. An additional, smaller stage will have 236 seats (Ministry of Culture (Ed.) 2010). ImitaOld Theater ting the ornamental exterior of the old The theater is one of the few projects theater, however, merely reappropriathat is an official reconstruction. The tes the former SCS identity as Maceoriginal was built during the SCS King- donian, using the theater‘s shell symdom and destroyed in 1963. It will be bolically (Reiterer 2009). Additionally

there is already a theater in Skopje. This raises the questions of whether or not this new theater is even necessary and what will happen to the current one. Aside from the theater and Officers‘ Quarters, the only other existing building to be (Re)constructed is the Parliament Building, which receives a Neo-Classical facade.

Rendering of the Theater

THE MUSEUM COMPLEX “MACEDONIAN STRUGGLE“ The Museum Complex is not a strictly architectonic reconstruction. There was never a museum devoted to the “Macedonian Struggle”. The architecture does, however, reflect the ornamental styles consistent with (Re)construction, intending to represent a historical building whose stature is somehow associated with Macedonian culture. The Museum Complex will house the “Museum of VMRO” as well as the “Museum

of the Victims of Communism” and will be located next to the new theater. The Ministry of Culture arranged an architectural competition for the museum‘s design. It was the first competition in 2007 for the new planned buildings by the government. The jury consisted of 13 people. All of them were members of the Ministry of Culture and the president was included.

The Commission has stated that the Ministry of Culture decided which of these two designs should be selected for building of the Museum Complex (Commission for Public Procurement (Ed.) 2007). Construction started in 2008.

Rendering of the Museum Complex

Construction site of the Theater and the Museum Complex in march 2010 193

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS This administrative building is approximately 13,500 sqm and will cost 13.5 million Euros. The building will be 29 meters high. Construction started in January 2010 and should be finished in June 2011 (Build.mk (Ed.) 2010). The Ministry is also a new (Re)construction.

STATE ARCHIEVES, ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM AND CONSTITUTIONAL COURT This building has likewise never existed and is in a Neo-Classicistic style. It will be located next to the Museum Complex with the old Stone Bridge in between. The building will be 13,510 sqm. Construction started in 2009 and is supposed to be realized by the 23rd of July 2011 (Build.mk (Ed.) 2009). Rendering of the Museum Complex

Construction site of the State Archieve in march 2010 194

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HERE ARE TWO OF THE PLACE MATS WE FOUND IN A RESTAURANT, A PANORAMA OF THE MACEDONIA SQUARE TODAY AND IMAGES FROM THE OFFICIAL „SKOPJE 2014“ VIDEO.

Macedonia Square today

Panorama View of the planned Cit Center “Skopje 2014“

Planned Triumph Arch without history

Even the govermental building gets a facelift; planned statues in the front

Govermental detailed plan of the buildings (eastern side of the old bridge) 195

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MONUMENTS

The current situation shows a diversity of statues in the city center of Skopje and, particulary to be noticed, a huge monument called the “Millenium Cross“.

One type of monument is placed in front of the parliament building. A variety of „ancient“ statues line up as if they were standing in a museum or in the front garden of a wealthy estate, without any context. What is the reason for placing these monuments, looking like new old Greek statues?

The numerous bronze statues in the city center are the result of a questionable “art“ competition organized by the city of Skopje. The statues are placed along the main pedestrian way running straight from the old station to Macedonia Square. The fact is that these monuments do not have a meaning for Skopje. They don‘t remind the viewer of anything. As a result they could have been placed anywhere else in the world. Furthermore it is not clear whether these statues should be called “art“ or just a kind of tool, perhaps of a political nature. The competition itself could be called into question: who determined the winner?

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The Millennium Cross is one of the latest symbols of Skopje. It was built and finished in 2002 by the Macedonian Orthodox Church in order to celebrate 2000 years of Christianity in the world and on Macedonian soil. Because the Church was unable to collect enough money for the construction, the Macedonian Government supported them with a donation of almost two million Euros. It was constructed and placed on the highest point on Vodno mountain, a place known for centuries as “a place where a Cross exists“. Most of the time during Ottoman rule in Macedonia, a small cross stood on this spot. Turkish and local Macedonians called it “Krstovar“ (place with a cross). The special thing about the Millenium Cross is its visibility. It can be seen from almost every point of view in the city. At night it is illuminated and appears like a holy cross hovering above the city. Some people are fascinated about it, some think it scary or spooky. But could it also been interpreted as a provocation or as an expression of disrespect towards the Albanians, their religion (mostly Muslim) and culture?

This sculpture is located next to the University of Skopje and is rumored to allegorize a hand grenade.

Miniature of a church located in the middle of Magir Maalo. In Skopje one can find several small churches like this one, placed on small public spaces as well as in front of normal sized churches.

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CURRENT MONUMENTS IN THE CITY CENTER

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“SKOPJE 2014“ The New Monuments Right now, as part of the “Skopje 2014“ project, the city of Skopje is erecting new bronze statues to “bring back the old glitter to a city full of its fair share of gray architecture from the Communist era“ (Marusic 2010). The project includes plans for at least 17 tall statues, all made in Italy. In May 2010, two bronze statues of the early 20th century Macedonian revolutionaries Goce Delcev and Dame Gruev, mounted on horses, were erected in Skopje’s main square. One month later, a third statue, the marble bust of the first president of the “AntiFascist Assembly of the National Liberation of Macedonia”, was erected

at the same location. The bust of Metodija Andonov Cento, together with its stand, is some 7.5 meters tall. Several planned elements attracted significant controversy from the public, including the giant 22 meter tall horse statue of the ancient warrior King Alexander the Great, which many people considered to be oversized. (Marusic 2010)

of communist urban structures. It appears as if the government is attempting to create a glamorous and modern image of the city by selectively picking out every little questionable piece of “history-we-shouldbe-proud-of“ and splicing it together in the form of monuments at important spots of the city.

As a result of this enormous “monument-erecting-activity“, the city center of Skopje is becoming a conglomeration of statues and fountains. They create an impression of despe- Localisation of current and planned ration in the shadows of the relicts sculptures in the City Center

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SKOPJE 2014: OPINIONS

and administrative functionality (Trajkov 2010), so it is officially a project to show the governments power.

“Don‘t rape Skopje!“

Several NGOs and the opposition have attempted public protests, arguing the funds would be better spend on fighting poverty (Trajkov 2010). Moreover they criticize the non-transparent process of selecting architects for the planned buildings and monuments and that the project will be too expensive for the state (Nestoroska 2010). The government and its licentious planning and the symbolic meaning of the buildings get criticized. The former Foreign Minister Denko Malevski, disclaims „Skopje 2014“, it will raise the arguing with Greece and it confronts the Macedonian and the Albanian citizens. The minority of muslin citizens in Skopje feels affronted, too. Because they don’t get considered, the project amplifies the separation between the ethnics. (Bachman 2010) The (not involved) urban planners and architects are outraged. The plan 202

to promote classical architecture was frowned upon by Macedonia’s Association of Architects as being poorly drafted against the current settings of the city. They released a statement in which they said that “they would not give up on as they call it their Don Quixotian battle to improve the opinions quality of the Skopje 2014 project, with the support of the International Union of Architects”. (Nestoroska 2010) The Association offered to collaborate with the government several times and “proposes that all elements of the “Skopje 2014” project which are intended to have a lasting impact be reevaluated.” (Nestoroska 2010) The architect Grceveven points out that the planned buildings represent the architectural taste of dictators and this kind of propaganda makes it more difficult to become a member of the EU (Bachman 2010). The government-controlled newspaper “SETimes” published an article by Goran Trajkov which said that the goal is to enhance Skopje’s appeal

The First Arhi (Architect) Brigade, an informal group of young architects and students from the Faculty of Architecture, organized an exhibition in the Cultural center called “Skopje 28.03.-upgraded”. This exhibition is devoted to the “First Architectural Revolution” (another source says it was called “The First Architectonical Rebellion”) when several hundred people demonstrated against what they considered to be usurpation of public space, when the government decided to built the Orthodox Church on the main square on 28.03.2009. But they were met by a much bigger group of protesters with opposing views and a clash ensued. As a governmental reaction on this protest

“Metropolis! Not Necropolis!“

screaming in public got forbidden. Now the demonstrators announce their demands for more transparency in political decisions and freedom. The exhibition contains student projects and other projects which are set to be installed in various locations in Skopje, something that the public has not yet been informed about. (Nestoroska 2010) The protests against the Orthodox church on the Macedonia Square developed to continuative demands to the government. Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski answered that the new buildings will eventually save money by reducing rents that some agencies must pay. Furthermore he brings the argument that construction jobs are being created. (Trajkov 2010) But there are other supporters of this project, too. What a surprise it’s most of the

people who benefit from “Skopje 2014”. One of the artists, Aleksandar Stankovski said: “In this case the government represents the taste of the citizens, who vote and thus make an aesthetic choice”. (Nestoroska, 2010) This statement is completely void because it explains the decision of esthetic issues with the election result. It is quite strange to affirm that in a democracy esthetic decisions are made by an election. Other artists say it is a kind of art revolution that there are so many sculptures being built from different artists. One of the responsible architects, Vangel Bozinovski, said to a program in Deutschlandfunk (German Radio newschannel): “I am proud. What happens here is really unique and I think it is justified because from an architectural view we never had a

post modern capital up to now” (translation by author). In a survey last March a majority of the Macedonian people voted against „”Skopje 2014“ (Bachman 2010).

The scream by Matej Bogdanovski (original by Edvard Munch)

Legal Prescription The local Architect Grvev brought the case to the Constitutional Court in February this year. In July the Macedonian Constitutional Court ruled that many of the buildings and monuments in the project “Skopje 2014”, were illegally included and their construction must be halted. The judges found that the Municipality Centar made “decisions under a shortened procedure and thus neglected the provisions of the laws that at that time did not allow for such an abridged procedure”. Ironically, one of the unlawful buildings is the new Constitutional Court itself and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Amongst

other monuments, the giant statue of Alexander the Great is problematic, too. The Constitutional Judge told the media that “There is a formal breach of the procedure which is unfortunately filled with politics.” The municipality now has two options, either to tear down the problematic buildings and monuments or to start a new planning process that would include several stages like drafting, public debate and presentation (Marusic 2010).

kesman said. That is not the first time the party VRMO-DPMNE shows it takes no stock in the judgements of the Constitutional Court (Bachmann 2010.

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CONCLUSION

A project such as Skopje 2014 is difficult to interpret. Any planning and architectural project that sparks protests of the kind seen in Skopje deserves to be questioned. The relationship between architecture and identity is complicated and has long been a subject of architectural theory. One of the questions that naturally arises pertains to who is in control of architecture and for what purposes they are using it. It would seem fairly obvious in this case that the government is controlling architecture for the sake of (Re)creating a collective Macedonian identity, using a Monumentalism reappropriated from a shared Slavic identity under the SCS Kingdom and claiming it for their own. The statues and monuments, the subject of the following section, are even more questionable. Because they

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often represent real historical figures there is little symbolism left up to the interpretation of the viewer. The statues are direct statements, claiming this figure or that revolutionary as representatives of Macedonian history. All that is certain about Skopje 2014 is that it is acting as a barrier to Macedoniaâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s political future, fanning the flames with Greece and preventing Macedonia from entering the European Union.

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Tendencies similar to those seen in the government‘s (Re)construction projects can also be found among the building activities of private homeowners.

only after Yugoslavian influence had subsided. Even those elements that resemble a Post-Modern aesthetic in today‘s urban fabric in Skopje were not purposefully created according to a Post-Modernist philosophy.

Kitsch, like so many other architectonic trends, is a reaction against that which preceded it. The dominance of a Yugoslavian Modernism At the end of the 1960s a new generation of architects queried Modernism´s Buildings fitting Post-Modernism‘s often perceived as drab effected a claim to represent “the ultimate ad- description, however, could easily longing towards comfort and indivivance in sensibility and form; that be described as Kitsch. But what is duality among residents. “Kitsch entbeyond it newness was not possible” Kitsch? Kitsch describes a creation steht immer in Zeiten des Wertezer(Welsch n.d., in Flagge; Schneider of the individual that sets off a dispa- falls und der Auflösung festgefügter 2004: 33). They criticized Modern rity between exterior form and interior Weltbilder” (“Kitsch arises in times architecture´s elitism (Jencks 1977, content. It is the attempt to externally of diminishing values and the disin Flagge; Schneider 2004: 33). Di- convey more than what could be solution of established worldviews.” versity and Pluralism were to become contained within a building‘s walls. own translation; (Gelfert 2000: 126). the basic principles of Post-Modern A house, for example, could have a Democracy in Macedonia offered rearchitectural design. “A Post-Modern facade like a palace and yet be fur- sidents the opportunity to give form work is in and of itself pluralistic; it nished with sale items from the five to their own personal interpretations of architecture. As a result a range fulfills contradictory expectations” and dime. of influences create a hotchpotch (Flagge; Schneider 2004: 33) by pattern in residential neighborhoods. using contradictory design elements. Favorite influences include historical “Post-Modernism is trying to get forms and American episodic televiover that elitism not by dropping it, sion. but rather by extending the language of architecture in many different Post-Modernism as well as Kitsch ways – into the vernacular, towards is a move away from Modern tradition and the commercial slang of architecture´s claim to universal vathe street” (Jencks 1977, in Flagge; lidity. Both place emphasis instead Schneider 2004: 33). on pluralism. But while Post-Modernism remains a form for artists and Up until the downfall of Yugoslavia Kitsch as hotchpotch architects, Kitsch is the common Post-Modernism was unable to experson‘s reaction to the elitism asperience any major break through sociated with Modernism (Flagge; in Skopje. Post-Modern characteSchneider 2004: 34). ristics first began being introduced 206

post LOCATION Kitsch elements on residential buildings barely exist in the city core. This style of architecture, however, is beloved in heavily residential neighborhoods. Kitsch architecture is most likely to be found on infill residential structures or where old buildings have to make way for new houses.

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The demolition of old buildings creates space for the new architecture of Kitsch.

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MAPPING Building Height The majority of Kitsch houses are two stories tall. Since Kitsch is generally a product of private residents working on their private home, houses have to offer enough living space for the family and be comfier and roomier than traditional, single-story houses.

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State of Repair Because Kitsch is a relatively young style of architecture, most of these buildings are in a good state of repair. Most Kitsch houses are built by the individual, causing one to wonder just how good the buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s materials are. An interesting question is how these houses will look in a few years.

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Building Use The vast majority of the buildings belonging to Kitsch are residential. Kitsch buildings housing commercial uses are rare.

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Ground Floor Use Kitsch architecture in the Maalos is purely residential and contains no ground floor use. Otherwise the new Kitsch constructions plan to house shops and store fronts as much as possible.

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ARCHITECTURE Mother Teresa House

Ambassador Hotel commissioned from the local architect Vangel Bozinovski.The chosen design combines elements of a typical Ottoman residential house, in a seemingly Post-Modern style, with a chapel and Indian design elements, attempting to remind the viewer of her life and work. (Oppeln 2009: 85)

In 2009 a memorial house for Mother Teresa was built in the city center. The memorial is in memory of Skopje‘s most famous inhabitant, who was born in Skopje in 1910 as Agnese Gonxhe Bojaxhiu to Albanian parents. She lived in Skopje for 18 years before joining a nunnery and becoming famous for her humanitarian engagement. The proposal to build a memorial house offered the chance for international recognition. The initiative of the government was supported by the Vatican and the followers of her order, and appreciated by citizens no matter which ethnicity. The Albanian nun is worshiped by orthodox Macedonians as well as Albanian inhabitants. (Pencic 2010)

But many architects wonder if the result meets this intent. Erich Raith from the Technical University of Vienna said: “The building is like someone tastelessly dressed, arrayed in gumboots, lace stockings, a brocade skirt and a Chinese silk shirt, all heavily accented with bling and what appears to be a cosmonaut‘s helmet. It puts on everything at once.” (Pencic 2010)

But the grievous point of criticism is that the design totally ignores any architectural correlation with the life and work of Mother Teresa. This is a case of overloading the architecture with meaning to point of losing almost any and all meaning. The original intent of representing the life and contributions of Mother Teresa, very simply, fails. The excessive meaning imbued in the architectonic The Ministry of Culture announced representation is in effect the exact the international competition for the opposite of the modest life Mother project. A Portuguese architect was Teresa chose in order to help others. named winner. Nevertheless, the government and the initiation committee decided to ignore the expert opinion and arranged a new competition, choosing a design previously 212

The architect said in reference to this building: “The architecture with it´s sculptures symbolize the dignity, freedom, justice and struggle for a higher quality life for all people on planet Earth” (Wego (Ed.) 2010). Perhaps he was referring to the miniature Statue of Liberty on the roof. The relevance for Kitsch is immediately obvious. Here is a normal, relatively small hotel that has been assigned the weighty task of bringing about world peace.

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SIMPLE RESIDENCES WITH THE FACADE OF A PALACE AND DECORATIVE ELEMENTS FROM THE BUILDING SUPPLY STORE.

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Design Elements Kitsch architecture is decorated with ornamentation inspired by a diverse range of historical architectonic influences. Behind the splendidly formed facade stands a mere cement skeleton no different from the ones found in Modernist structures. Contrary to the image it is meant to portray, the exterior dĂŠcor is not built with expensive materials. Rather the â&#x20AC;&#x153;fancyâ&#x20AC;? facade is just a careful selection of cheap, mass-produced items from the local building supply.

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CONCLUSION

Those responsible for the heavily decorated buildings of Kitsch in Skopje aren‘t self-proclaimed artists. Their colorful constructions, which stand in stark contrast to the plain facades of Yugoslavian Modernism, aren‘t meant to be political statements. These are simple homeowners who like to tinker, living true to the motto “my home is my castle.” Their only goal is make their dream home a reality. The path away from Modernism in Skopje has given rise to a fairly absurd situation. Kitsch has become an architectural style that feels the need for individual comfort. When everything else in the outside world is a mess, and an authoritarian state ignores skyrocketing unemployment and ethnic conflicts the last remaining place to turn is either religion or

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the private sphere. Kitsch has arisen as a fulfillment of personal desires and security. Although Kitsch is a relatively prominent phenomenon in Skopje it has limited ability to achieve the private homeowner‘s wish for individuality. Post-Modernists, especially Francois Lyotard, pleaded for a “worthy Post-Modernism” (Lyotard 1987, in Flagge; Schneider: 35), which does not mix the different architectural styles together until they are no longer recognizable, but preserves their heterogeneity (Flagge; Schneider 2004: 35).

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INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS

In South-East Europe „In the western Balkans, the collapse of the socialist economic system in Yugoslavia and Albania has given rise to extensive informal building activity that represents a new form of urbanization. The situation in South Eastern Europe is prototypical for urban development in transitional and post-conflict situations, from Prishtina to Belgrade, where weak or missing institutional structures make it impossible to achieve the regulation of construction processes.“ (Vöckler 2008) INFORMAL VS. ILLEGAL Dealing with the topic of Informal settlements and DIY Architecture first requires an understanding of the terms “informal” and “illegal”. ”References to illegality refer mainly to conformity with planning and construction norms and, more importantly, to legal relationships concerning property. The informal nature of these developments is associated with the lack of formal urban plans and/ or building licenses. Informalities are due to different factors: inadequate spatial planning, old and complex legislation, lack of housing policy, and outdated public administration structure. By contrast, the new informal settlement formation today is often driven by poverty and social exclusion.” (Tsenkova 2009: 2)

jor types of settlements in the postsocialist countries of former Yugoslavia: squatter settlements on public or private land, settlements for refugees and vulnerable people, upgraded squatter settlements and illegal suburban subdivisions on private or public land. (Tsenkova 2009: 3)

have grown to become municipalities in their own right, housing hundreds of thousands of people. Today their scale presents a severe problem. In Macedonia they are home to 11 percent of the population in the 14 largest cities. (Tsenkova 2009: 3 et seq.)

The so called “upgraded squatter settlements” started as squatter settlements and evolved over time into more established neighborhoods. Skopje, for example, has 27 illegally constructed neighborhoods dating back to the earthquake in 1963. They vary in terms of their legal status. Most began with an illegal occupation of land and slowly gained formal, legal recognition and title over the land Slums & informal housing in Belgrade (e.g. in Serbia and Macedonia). Over time, de facto legality is recognized in Squatter settlements were establis- the fact that the settlements are not SOUTH-EAST EUROPEAN SETTLE- hed in the 1970s and 1980s (in Alba- demolished and some infrastructure MENTS nia in the early 1990s). They consist has been provided. There are cases This phenomenon, not comparab- of squatter housing that was usually where these settlements are included le to slums in Asia, Africa or South built by the squatters themselves on in the new master plans of cities, reAmerica, has evolved from different illegally occupied land. The settle- cognizing their alternative develophistorical circumstances and varies ments are primarily the result of rapid ment standards. This has enabled in terms of standards (from slums to movement to cities due to migrati- some of the more established settluxurious residences), location (from on, changes in the urban economy lements to develop rapidly, with resuburbs to city cores and protected or the result of a gradual process of sidents investing in their homes and areas) and size (from several small occupation and incremental growth. improving the local environment. units to settlements for over 50,000 Located in peri-urban areas and on The upgraded settlements are often residents). One can identify four ma- public or private land, the settlements vibrant neighborhoods with a viable 218

rental and home ownership market. (Tsenkova 2009: 6)

Rapid growth of informal housing in peri-urban Pristina, Kosovo

Some of the informal settlements in the region are not necessarily poor quality, under-serviced housing areas. Residents in these settlements often have a title for the land, however the housing is built without a planning and/or building permit. Unauthorized land developments or illegal subdivi-

post modern sions are widespread on the fringes of cities in South East Europe â&#x20AC;&#x201C; from Serbia to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Illegal subdivisions refer to settlements where agricultural land has been subdivided and sold by its legal owner to people who build their own houses.

In Skopje In Skopje five major types of infor- biggest Roma settlement in Europe mal housing developments can be Shutka/ Shuto Orizari. The housing identified: conditions are mostly very poor. Many people live in shanties, some Squatter settlements and upgraded in the left-over containers originally squatter settlements: Most of them brought from the USA as temporawere illegally constructed after the ry homes after the earthquake. But earthquake in 1963, since many since there are a lot of aid organizapeople lost their home. Some of the tions, the situation improves slowly settlements date back to the 1970s and some of the houses are even and 1980s, when thousands of re- renovated. fugees and migrants (for political and economical reasons) moved to Skopje. Settlements for the wealthy: The current development includes the construction of small settlements mostly situated in the peripheries of Skopje. Zlokukjani, a settlement in Karpos, has a gated entrance but an informal status, as official permission to build there was never given.

thrown up by poor people searching for a place to live. Many build selfconstructed shacks in between vacant buildings or live in the vacant buildings themselves in the city center as provisional homes. As described detailed in Chapter I, Maalos also comprise informal settlements. After the earthquake and the new Master plan for Skopje, some of the oldest neighborhoods of the city lost their official status. Consequently, a lot of inhabitants waited and continue to wait for a plan, hesitant to invest in their houses. The current situation shows that a few people still build new houses or renovate the old ones, even without permission. Many residents live in houses without toilets. Electricity is rare and some donâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t even have water.

View on Shutka

Roma Settlements: The Roma seem to be the poorest ethnic group in Furthermore, due to the high number Skopje, and they are not integrated of very poor people, there are a lot into the society. Skopje contains the of individual informal housing units 219

Vacant building in the inner city of Skopje used by Roma as provisional homes

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OVERVIEW Theory Do-it-yourself (DIY) came up in the 1950s in England and can be defined as a culture of amateurs. The practitioners of DIY believe in themselves and their power to change something. The DIY movement of the 1960s and 1970s is characterized by a belief in self-empowerment, self-organisation, improvisation, initiative and often a distrust of established authority. (Wikipedia (Ed.) 2010) GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE DIY, or “Architecture without Architects” (Rudofsky 1964), can be observed all over the world. Architecturally, DIY refers to those self-made homes that are characterized by their imperfection. The portfolio ranges from detached houses in garden plots, slums and “Favelas”, Roma settlements in South-East Europe, “Blue Boxes” in Japan, shacks in South Africa, containers, or even Hippies and Trailerparks, just to point out a few examples. These creative improvisations can be identified as a general phenomenon of our time and of our built environment.

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A distinction has to be drawn between improvisations within the culture of amateurs; where is DIY an experimental hobby, and where does improvisation arise out of necessity? In poor countries DIY is a necessity that often provides the only possibility to survive. The manual work for an own and independent home seems like the first step to freedom and escape.

Favela Housing in Sao Paulo, Brazil

PROVISIONAL VS. IMPROVISATION A provisional solution is not really a solution but an interim arrangement that will be replaced soon. Thus it refers to the future. Improvisation on the other hand refers to its developments or origins, thus to the past. The design follows the function or the necessity of solving a problem. The urgency of production and the lack of suitable materials can be clearly observed. Solutions are often very surprising and simple, but for fear of banality most people hesitate to implement them. The several years have given rise

to a curiosity among designers and planners about the aesthetics of imperfection. Unfinished, raw and improvised objects or solutions peek interests and sometimes even give the impression of beauty. Our society seems to be influenced by the phenomenon of imperfection and discovers the charm and visual attraction of those constructions. They are no longer regarded with pity, but as a spirited architecture and source of inspiration. But why do only professional designers or planners feel this attraction about the “Non-design”? What do non-professionals think about it? What does the improvisation show and what can designers or planners learn from this phenomenon? One important reason for our attraction to the unfinished is our own relationship to the building process. Improvised structures contain visible clues as to their purpose. The viewer is able to recognize the circumstances that led to the structure‘s creation. For a planner or designer this is her or his language, just as equations are the language of mathematicians. Our interest in improvised structures rests in the process that created such structures. Viewing informal housing or elements we recognize them as the solutions to a problem (Hussain 2005).

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Praxis people who own an apartment start to „TOP, ADD and FIX“ out of practical reasons. By adding balconies or topping roofs, they pay less money than they would pay per sqm. FurThe responses from Skopje resi- thermore nobody cares when they dents reveal that self-modificiations, destroy the facade, no matter how such as balconies, are not at all a ugly or pretty the building is. The result of missing individuality. If re- same issue is present in the city sidents felt the need for individuality, center where numerous adds on they would have called an architect. beautiful old houses can be seen. The motivation for DIY has its origins As a result, the DIY-phenomenon somewhere else. The reason for this in Skopje can be interpreted as an architectural phenomenon is the fact expression of the lack regulations in What is the reason for this urban that there are no regulations or ru- the housing system. This is not an development that can be recognized les, defining who is responsible for abnormality, but a typical process in in Skopje, as well as in other Balkan the house and its apartments. Or Balkan countries. countries? Is it an expression of mis- maybe there are rules, but nobody sing individuality after a long period cares about them. Consequently,

PRINCIPL ES

The movement of DIY can be applied to the general state of architecture both in Skopje and the Balkans in general. People try to fix their apartments by changing windows, or by painting their part of the facade. Moreover additions of balconies or entire new apartments on rooftops can be observed. People do this on their own (or sometimes with the help of a company) and without any permission. For them, it’s a normal process.

of Socialism with its bland, similarlooking residential buildings? Or is it just a result of a disfunctional housing system?

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SKOPJE FULL OF „TOP, ADD AND FIX IT“ ELEMENTS

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A COMPARISON

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WoZoco Apartments in Amsterdam (MVRDV)

In Amsterdam, architects “MVRDV” designed the “WoZoCo‘ Apartments for Elderly People” (1994-97). The complex is somehow reminiscent of the ADD-IT buildings in Skopje. Both examples share a common, basic house design that is very simple. The only physical differences appear to be the arrangement of the balconies and apartment units. However the motivations behind the Skopje phenomenon and the WoZoCo Apartments seem slightly different. The Balkan style is a result of private building activity reacting to the lack regulations in the housing system. At first sight the “hanging houses of Amsterdam“ appear as pure architectural design that tries to individualize the buildings. But actually MVRDV designed the building under conditions that forced them to improvise. WoZoCo‘s Apartments were supposed to provide 100 units in an area of Amsterdam threatened with the loss of green space due to a large increase in density. As a result of zoning regulations regarding

adequate day lighting in apartments, only 87 of the 100 units could fit the restricted footprint. The architects turned this “problem” into a design: to respect the open space on the rest of the site, the remaining units were cantilevered on to the north facade. MVRDV‘s solution is indicative of the firm‘s ability to create original

designs through practical considerations. (Hill 1999) DIY and the DIY-Look (except the hobby-activities of the wealthy) can be seen as a tool to solve problems of a different kind. In Amsterdam the architectural design was generated by an obstacle to the design‘s implementation, resulting in the need to improvise. In Skopje DIY is a practical solution for the partly suboptimal housing conditions, e.g. a lack of apartments, bad state of repair, etc. Hence, residents try to improve their housing quality by top, add and fix on their own.

Appartment house in Skopje with added balconies or even living rooms. 231

CONCLUSION

“The beauty of “primitive” architecture has often been dismissed as accidental, but today we recognize in it an art form that has resulted from human intelligence applied to uniquely human modes of life. […] The philosophy and practical knowledge of the untutored builders can be seen as untapped sources of inspiration for industrial man trapped in his chaotic cities. The wisdom to be derived from them goes beyond economic and esthetical (sic.) considerations and touches the far tougher problem of how to live and let live, of how to keep peace with one’s neighbors in the parochial sense and in the universal one as well.” (Rudofsky 1964) Skopje is marked by a wide range of informal and partly illegal housing developments. As described at the beginning, many squatter settlements, dating back to the earthquake and the time of migration, can be identified as well as poor Roma settlements or informal communities for the wealthy. These are informal developments on a large scale, comprising whole neighborhoods. At the same time a culture of informal (sometimes illegal) activities on a smaller, individual scale can be observed. Those who live in an apartment, or even own a house, “top, add and fix” to improve their quality of life. Summing up these developments shows that Skopje faces huge problems, and it seems like the municipalities are overextended with them.

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For us, as German urbanists, DIY architecture has a particular attraction. It‘s something we cannot find in Germany, or at least, not to such an extreme. Germans are used to building permits, regulations and strict rules. Everything, with few exceptions, is regulated. If, for example, a window is broken, the housing company tries to fix the problem in a way that it fits with the rest of the architecture. When we see this colorful diversity of windows, balconies and facades mixed in one building, the wow-effect is inevitable. In general, the aesthetic of imperfection, the unfinished and improvised architecture that can be seen in Skopje and other Balkan cities, as well as all over the globe, attracts increasing attention from architects and designers. What does it

mean and how can it influence the future development of the city? Can it be seen as a chance for Skopje (and other cities) to learn from DIYactivities? The reality of private building activities points to missing regulations and to a serious deficit in the field of urban planning. The influence of political interest, more than anything else, plays a decisive role. It could be a vision that the municipality of Skopje, architects, urbanists and politicians will become inspired by current DIY developments. They should take a look at what “untutored builders” create to face the real and urgent housing problems.

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After the collapse of Yugoslavia Macedonia‘s market opened up to international business interests. The objective was to attract foreign investors at any price in order to bring money into the country. “Invest Macedonia”, for example, is a government program providing economic incentives such as hefty tax breaks.

demonstration of power remains an important motive of building activity.

Investors invited by the Macedonian government are often given free range within the country. Aside from bringing economic influence, their presence also leaves its mark on architecture, creating an array of blue glass facades replicated around the globe as symbols of financial power.

“Today pressures to globalize architecture primarily spring from two sources: the culture of commerce and the culture of design.” (Lewis 2002)

Another example is the “International Style“ of Modernism: As the name implies, the inherent philosophy is not to create site-specific, but rather international designs, which were realized all around the world.

The “global culture of design” is supported by worldwide interconnectedness. Investments, information In the following section we explore an and ideas, including design trends, phenomenon in Skopje we‘ve termed spread all over the globe, just as in Global Architecture. Contrary to the the field of architecture. Pictures of rest of this atlas, what makes Glo- imposing, newly constructed builbal Architecture interesting is that it‘s dings go around the world and innot merely a trend in Skopje. Global fluence architects irregardless of loArchitecture is a phenomenon that cation. “With fabulous photographs places Skopje in an international con- in slick magazines and professional text. What we‘ve described as Global journals, trend-conscious designers Architecture in Skopje could just as can scan and span the globe, shaeasily be found in any business or fi- ring high-style concepts rendered in nancial district the world over. stylish materials. Glass, aluminum, stainless steel, copper, titanium and Of course, it´s not the first time in natural stone are readily available. If history, that an architectural style they can‘t be acquired locally, they influenced cityscapes all over the can be imported.” (Lewis 2002) world. The Roman Empire, for ex- Once this would have been prohiample, spread Antiquity architecture bitively expensive, but nowadays throughout their dominion, delineating transport costs are affordable. This their territory. Certainly times have “culture of design”, which is a drichanged, but using architecture as a ving force for Globalized Architec234

ture - or “New International Style” architecture – is not a contemporary emerging phenomenon, but was a driving force for previous international influential trends in architecture as well. Even if globalization has changed the circumstances influencing building activity (such as increasing worldwide networks and the international exchange of ideas via media and internet), architects have always been inspired by the ideas of other architects. Characteristic for contemporary “Globalized Architecture“, which is mainly financed by investors operating worldwide, is – more than for previous international styles – the “culture of commerce”. There is not only a worldwide flow of ideas and building materials, but of money as well. “The global culture of commerce”, which is inspiring global investors, “is driven by changing consumer expectations, market opportunities and business agendas. Their architectural manifestations include iconic, skyscraping banking towers” as a symbol of the power of a company or a city, as well as “chains of standardized hotels and franchise restaurants and shopping malls full of […] familiar name-brand stores” (Lewis 2002) to satisfy the demand for coveted consumer goods of international brands.

post A country like Macedonia with little fi- in the city center of Skopje and even nancial strength is especially depen- more under construction. dent on attracting foreign investors. For this purpose the Macedonian LOCATION government even implemented the Globalized Architecture is only locacampaign “Invest Macedonia”, inclu- ted south of the river Vardar. Objects ding free-trade laws and taxes which of this category are spread over the are among the lowest in Europe. (In- city. A concentration can be found in vest Macedonia (Ed.) 2008: 4) the city core western of the Macedonia Square. In the following this Even if Macedonia is a relatively un- area will be referred to „Business explored real estate investment loca- district“. tion, there are several new projects

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Global investors spread a new architecture of commerce across the globe, often without taking into account local structures.

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MAPPING Building Height Buildings of Globalized Architecture consist mainly of four to six levels. Especially in the city core some houses are even higher with seven to ten levels.

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State of Repair Buildings of this contemporary architectural style are newly built or under construction.

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Building Use The buildings are mainly built for business purpose, sporadicly for residential use.

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ARCHITECTURE Monumentality

Worldwide Known Brands

Globalized Architecture is an architecture belonging to the economic sector. It is built by companies that want to establish themselves in international markets and by cities competing for advantage in the globalized economy.

Cities around the world appear to look more and more similar. Even Skopje conforms. Hotel chains, restaurant franchises and shopping malls are full of familiar name-brands. Big-box stores and franchises bring more than just a standardized productline with them. Their standardized architecture is also found in Skopje, and the inhabitants appreciate the increasing availability of international brands.

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As a result, iconic, imposing buildings become symbols representing the power of a company or a city. The typical results are large, solitary buildings with reflective glass facades. Expensive materials such as marble are used as a sign of status.

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SHOPPING CENTER

way to Europe and had spread to nonindustrial countries by the 1980s. The last few years have seen a boom in shopping center construction world wide. Increasing globalization is one influential factor.

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BACKGROUND The first shopping centers were built in the USA in the early 1920s. Beginning in the 1960s they made their

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turned into products consumed by the masses. International chain stores demand attractive locations for their stores. These demands often canâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t be met by the informal and decentralized retail structures that exist in many countries. Particularly in these counInternational trade along with the po- tries, therefore, shopping centers offer pularity of outsourcing among the in- the cleanliness and security sought dustry and service sectors have pro- after by both consumers and store vided inhabitants of some developing owners. (Hahn 2010: 15 et seqq.) countries with steady employment and driven the urbanization process in THE SITUATION IN SKOPJE those countries. As a result, incomes Skopjeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s first shopping center was and purchasing power have incre- built in the 60s according to plans by ased. Products which were previously Kenzo Tange. The concept revolutioaffordable for only a scant few have nized retail and offered an alternative

post modern to the Bazaar and pedestrian malls. ge solitary building “Ramstore Mall” European standards and working meToday the shopping center concept is is written in huge letters and a glassy thods”. (Vero (Ed.) n.d.) Nowadays again becoming popular. New shop- portal draws the focus of the passers- Veropulos is one of the biggest forping centers are currently being built by to the mall‘s entrance. eign investors in Macedonia. in various locations through the city. VERO The shopping center will be enormous, RAMSTORE Vero Mall, a second shopping center with a tinted glass facade inviting the “Ramstore is the first shopping mall close to the city center of Skopje, is consumer in to a shopping experience of global standards in Macedonia and currently under construction. The in the most modern of settings. wider in the region” announces the investor is the large retail group Verhomepage of the company. Ramsto- opoulos, based in Greece. Veropoulis re Mall Skopje is part of the Turkish was founded in the 1960s when it Ramstore chain, which has more than opened its first supermarket. Suppor500 shopping centers in e.g. Turkey, ted by the German SPAR company, Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and VERO evolved into a supermarket Bulgaria. chain, that today has stores in Greece, Macedonia and Serbia. The recently built shopping center is located near the center of Skopje with The first VERO in Skopje opened a total area of 24,000 sqm and “fitting in 1997 after the independence of and satisfying all customers tastes, Macedonia. “From the very beginning needs and budgets.” (Ramstore Mall Vero brings new trends and a different (Ed.) 2008) On the facade of the lar- way of shopping in accordance with

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BUSINESS DISTRICT

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In the past residential buildings and apartments were refurbished into business facilities. This left very few available office buildings that were actually built to house offices. Additionally the majority of those business facilities were built during Socialism and therefore don‘t meet modern business needs. In view of increasing globalization and rising demand, this deficit offers many opportunities

to investors. (Invest Macedonia (Ed.) 2008: 10) At the moment the office district in Skopje is centrally located just west of the Macedonian Square along the River Vardar. This “Business District” consists of a cluster of pompous, mirrored glass office buildings housing the regional headquarters of companies such as the German Telekom.

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A country like Macedonia with little financial strength is especially dependent on attracting foreign investors. Therefore Skopje endeavors to conform its urban image into that of an established metropolis. Business and shopping centers are growing at central locations in the city. Globalized Architecture, just like Modernism, can be described as an “International Style”. However, contrary to Modernism‘s underlying socialist ideals Globalized Architecture is based on the interests of international markets. And while functionality was the basis of Modernist philosophy,

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competition and prestige lie in the foreground of Globalized Architecture‘s “culture of commerce”. The result, however, is an architecture insensitive to context; Skopje‘s hot summers and environmentally unfriendly glass facades, for example. Even still, the globalization of architecture and of an image of urbanity seem to be not only progressing but receiving political support in Skopje.

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POST MODERN CONCLUSION

the investors and the citizenry.

Skopje‘s uncertain and unstable past can be seen today, expressed in the city`s architecture. Independence in 1991 led to great uncertainties. Both the origin of the Macedonian people as well as their identity were called into question. Disputes over the legitimacy of the language, the sovereignty of the Macedonian Orthodox Church, the country‘s name, its borders and claims to the lineage of Alexander the Great have driven the desperate search for a national identity. Simultaneously Macedonia must put aside these very uncertainties in order to prove it is an international, modern country in spite of any economic weakness. But while the populace longs for the stability, security and comforts associated with a modern society, the government remains focused on (Re) constructing the Macedonian identity. These varying desires, goals and conditions mirror themselves in Skopje‘s contemporary architectural trends. The following presents the various actors responsible for the architectonic situation in Skopje: the government, 246

Foreign investors, invited on behalf of the government, provide an adThe government uses the population‘s ditional influence on Skopje‘s citysneed for a national identity as a po- cape. They represent Skopje‘s intent litical instrument. The Neo-Classic to grow financially into an internaticonstructs sprouting up along the Ri- onal player. Investors demand high ver Vardar are meant as symbols of standards unable to be met by the Macedonian achievement and iden- remnants of Yugoslavian Modertity but serve in reality to (Re)const- nism, leaving Modernism to slowly ruct and idealize Macedonia‘s histo- whither while Globalized Architecture ry. Accordingly, Alexander the Great spreads. But Globalized Architecture and the period of Slavic unity under also presents an interesting contrast the SCS Kingdom seem to form the to “Skopje 2014.” The glass facades basis for this project. The Macedo- and their multinational conglomeranian government is focused solely tes signify economic progress and on implementing “Skopje 2014”, a metropolitan character. Comparaevidenced by the lack of regular in- tively the Neo-Classic Macedonian frastructure maintenance and total identity being (Re)constructed strikes disregard for the social well-being of the viewer as somewhat stagnant. the residents. Likewise, the project‘s open provocation of the dispute with The citizenry rounds out our list of Greece puts Macedonia‘s entrance Skopje‘s major architectonic trendinto the EU at risk. setters. Skopje‘s inhabitants have somehow been left in the dust by Selective interpretation of Macedo- each of the city‘s architectural innia‘s history also means other eras fluences since the Ottomans. They in the city‘s past are negated or igno- found themselves in the literal dust red. Ottoman buildings and even en- of the SCS Kingdom after the earthtire elements of Islamic urban form quake in 1963 and in the dust of such as the Maalos are left to fall Modernism after Kenzo Tange‘s plan into decay, despite the fact that the was unable to be fully implemented. Ottomans constitute the longest con- Even today they‘re covered in the tinuous presence in Skopje‘s past. dust of (Re)construction and GloThe emphasis on the Macedonian bal Architecture‘s construction siOrthodox Church likewise ignores tes. Due to structural deficiencies in not only the city‘s Muslim past but the government‘s planning process more importantly the ethnic Albanian and because not one of these mopopulation in Skopje, the majority of vements has ever been able to fully which are practicing Muslim. speak to the residents and help them realize their dream built environment,

post modern Skopje‘s citizenry has taken matters Globalized Architecture contrast in- es such as reducing CO2 emissions into its own hands, forming a DIY ternally, alternately representing nati- or increasing energy efficiency do mentality and developing Kitsch to fill onalist desire caught in time, interna- not take place. The overall impressiin the gaps in Skopje‘s urban fabric. tional cosmopolitanism struggling to on is that everything revolves around secure a future and the individual‘s political power instead of sustainable (Re)construction, Kitsch and Globa- aspirations for a refuge from it all. planning for the Macedonian people. lized Architecture are all signs of the increasing plurality in architecture These current trends contribute to a since Macedonia gained indepen- city fabric that cannot be perceived dence in 1991. The city has slowly as a single unit. Everybody does what turned away from Modernism and she or he wants to do and an overall allowed the new architectural plura- plan for Skopje is conspicuously ablity to dominate contemporary urban sent. In addition to the lack of a comdesign. Despite their common factor mon goal there is something else as “anti-Modern”, current trends do missing. The government is reactionot only form a contrast to Moder- nary and looks backwards for ansnism. (Re)construction, Kitsch and wers. Discussions of practical issu-

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INTRODUCTION Timeline Our work up to this point has dealt primarily with individual eras in Skopje’s history, both from a city planning as well as architectonic perspective. We have tried to pay particular attention to the political framework within each era in order to understand the political influences on and secondary uses for the architecture and urban forms that we’ve encountered along the way. Therefore, the overall intention has never been to recreate Skopje as it would have looked during its various stages. Rather this atlas attempts to understand the extreme contrasts and relationships in present-day Skopje and the roll of the architectonic legacy and urban planning history that have been left behind. Looking at these political influences from today’s perspective we can begin to understand elements of the current planning agenda. The following time line summarizes what we’ve found to be the most influential characters in shaping current city planning tendencies in Skopje.

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Alexander the Great represents the original Macedonians, a people whose territory included much of what is today Greece. For this reason he is also a very controversial figure, with both Macedonia and Greece in a political battle over his legacy. Most of the (Re)constructionist buildings currently being thrown up by the Macedonian government are meant to represent a Neo-Classical architecture that is in some way associated with the greatness of their Macedonian hero.

history, a relatively low priority.

The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes represented the beginning of the union of Southern Slavic nations. It was, in effect, a young Yugoslavia. European trained Serbian city planners and architects laid the foundations for Skopje’s current urban street structure. The linear city blocks found on the southern bank of the River Vardar are a direct result of formal Serbian planning principles. Building on the block’s perimeter, allowing for interior courtyards rinThe Ottoman Empire’s 500-year rule ged mostly by residential buildings, over Skopje contributes to an unde- is likewise a result of Serbian as well niable Islamic and Oriental influence as Croatian planners during the early that is particularly noticeable on the phases of Yugoslavian Modernism. north bank of the river Vardar. The Old Bazaar, dealt with extensively in In 1945 the founding of the Federal Chapter One, represents the most Peoples’ Republic of Yugoslavia, unobvious manifestation of this cultural der the leadership of General Josip legacy. Even though the Ottomans Broz Tito helped bring the Yugoswere in Skopje until around 1910 this lav nations into a global context. influential element in Skopje’s history Tito, by breaking from the Soviet is not only ignored but, as mentioned Communists, saw in Yugoslavia the previously, being systematically co- possibility for a modern Slavic state vered up by the new frenzy of (Re) representing a Slavic society. Serbiconstructionism. an and Croatian architects worked to develop Yugoslavian Modernism. The Maalos, the neighborhood struc- The 1963-earthquake in Skopje preture in Islamic urban form, are suf- sented the chance to fully redevelop fering a similar fate as that of the and mold the city according to interBazaar. Since the Tange Plan didn’t national trends in Modernism. At the foresee their adaptation into the soci- same time the earthquake provided alist, Modernist future of Skopje they Skopje the opportunity to present are essentially illegal. As indicated by itself, both politically and architectuthe current administration the Maalos rally, as a leading example of a Sociremain, as a symbol of an unwanted alist Utopia. Kenzo Tange’s resulting

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plan remains only partially realized and can be seen today embodied mainly in the City Wall discussed in Chapter Two. Tange’s Plan is viewed by many Macedonians as foreign and disrespectful of the needs of Macedonians. In this sense Tange represents a second undesired Oriental influence and the remnants of this Socialist Vision are slowly being negated by the attempts of today’s Vision, “Skopje 2014”, to facilitate a collective Macedonian identity. The similarities of these two Visions are discussed later in this chapter. Macedonia split peacefully from Yugoslavia in 1991 and became, for the first time since Alexander the Great, an independent nation. The continual power shifts in Macedonia, however, never allowed for the development of a strong Macedonian identity. Therefore the separation from Yugoslavia and the resulting loss of a Yugoslav identity left a vast hole that needed to be filled. This search for an identity, coupled with an unwillingness to

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recognize the many minorities living in Macedonia, has allowed a government with nationalist tendencies to use the longing for a Macedonian identity for a Macedonian people as a political instrument, propelling themselves into power and paving the way for the reconstruction of a collective history, the legitimacy of which could easily be called into question. Skopje 2014, as discussed in Chapter Three, architecturally embodies this (Re)construction and is the dominant factor working two-fold to bind the historically-favored periods of Alexander the Great and the SCS Kingdom while at the same time shutting out and making illegitimate the Ottoman and Islamic traces in Skopje now associated with the Albanian and Muslim minority. Simultaneously influencing the current architectonic face of Skopje are the burgeoning Kitsch buildings of a rising Slavic Macedonian middle class and the Globalized Architecture of private investors. Both tenden-

cies serve as infill for the holes left in Skopje’s city blocks either by the earthquake of 1963 or by the deliberate disinvestment by the Macedonian government in existing Modernist buildings. Separating this current trend from others, however, is the involvement of the individual Macedonian. Instead of a political regime carrying out its agenda, Kitsch is an expression of the people of Skopje searching for their own individual identities. Globalized Architecture is likewise a result of an individual investor’s efforts, as Skopje seeks to open its markets to international funding.

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MAPPING IN COMPARISON

The following analysis seeks to establish connections between the individual eras weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve mapped in Skopje and uses the above time line as a jump-off point for drawing comparisons and contrasts across the entire study area. Weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve broken our analysis into two parts. In the first section we use mapping data gathered in Skopje to provide an objective look at the architectonic relationships between eras. Afterwards we take a more subjective approach to the study area, attempting to visually realize and describe development patterns, similarities and contrasts across all eras.

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Time Period Modernism accounts for the largest amount of buildings in Skopje. However, without thinking about the blue color‘s meaning a first glance could tell quite a different story. The urban structure of the investigated area reminds one of old city centers similar to other European cities. This is due to the “City Wall”, a singular monument that combines Modern ideas with elements of an earlier period. But was it actually an element of an earlier period in Skopje or a typical Macedonian edifice? Kale fortress indeed has and had a battlement. However, the shape of the City Wall rather resembles a bastion, an element of fortification invented in Italy.

certain pattern. Serbian Block Structure results from deliberate plans, a fact clearly visible in the linear houses and streets. One of the most important ideas of Modernism was the demand for an overarching plan. With the end of Socialist Yugoslavia this way of planning with its ambition to control every element of town development was superseded by a more “easygoing attitude”. Even the mega-project “Skopje 2014” does not have the greater aim to provide a new organization for the whole of the city. The phenomena of Kitsch and Global architecture just happen here, there and everywhere. This is reflected by their punctiform appearance all over the town.

Interestingly Tange‘s creation encloses the perimeter structures in the city center. Usually it was the other way round. In the course of urban expansions in the 19th and early 20th century, blocks of that type were built outside the old city wall. The large Modern structures and houses are a stark contrast to the small-scaled Bazaar and Maalos. Their origin is different as well. In a manner of speaking the different types of architecture in Skopje reflect the evolution of town planning. The oldest quarter, the Bazaar, was built without anything even resembling an urban plan. The Maalos represent the next stage. Some of them, like the Old Bazaar, just came into being. Others however, were erected following a 255

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Building height A building‘s height in Skopje conveniently allows it to be placed with the time period during which it was built. With few exceptions, for example, all buildings one and two-stories tall belong to the pre-Modern era of either the Ottomans or SCS Kingdom. This includes Ottoman public buildings and the shops in the Bazaar as well as Turkish Houses and early villa residences from the 1920s. By adding the three-story buildings to the map two elements of the Modern period are immediately noticeable. First of all, the early experiments with low-rise Modernist residential

houses appear. But also visible are the Mighty Modernist Monuments, museums, some administrative buildings, the post office and the “GTC”, all the non-residential buildings of Modernism‘s “euphoria,” if we may be so bold, of the 1960s and 70s in Skopje.

nism and the attempts to satisfy the immense housing needs at the beginning of the 1950s and in the post-earthquake 60s.The only few buildings that belong to this height range are Modernist administrative buildings, “Skopje 2014” and one or two Global Architecture buildings.

Adding the set of buildings ranging from four to six-stories reveals another trend. This map shows only the buildings of this height range, with green representing buildings that are not residential. All other buildings aren‘t just residential buildings, they‘re also the product of Moder-

The last map shows all buildings seven-stories and above. Almost every single building belongs to the City Wall, further emphasizing its importance, not just as a landmark within the city but as a recognizable element of Skopje‘s skyline.

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State of Repair RENOVATED / NEW There are two outstanding types of buildings that are in a good state of repair. On the one hand a good state of repair is indicative of privately homes, filling holes between other structures or in the Maalos. These could be new or renovated constructions.At the same time, however, buildings with public or commercial use can often be found in this category. It is remarkable that the majority are not renovations but new constructions.

mers and are responsible for their business. The pedestrianized streets are also in very good condition and create a nice atmosphere. But by taking a look at the backyards or side streets, one can recognize numerous shabby old Turkish houses, partly vacant. Some small, private houses in the Maalos are also partly renovated. Sometimes residents add new parts to their house, paint the facade or change doors and windows.

NON-RENOVATED Non-renovated buildings are prePARTLY RENOVATED dominantly small, private houses, The modern residential apartment either leftovers from the time before buildings dominate this category. the earthquake (small pieces betPartly renovated means in this case ween modern structures,) or in the that every household cares about its Maalos where they characterize the own apartment. Hence, a lot of new appearance of the neighborhood. It’s windows and doors, added balco- an expression of the low income of nies or roofs can be observed. (see the population, since they don’t own “Do-It-Yourself”) enough money to reconstruct their houses (both after the earthquake The big modern complexes with and in general after a long period of public or commercial uses, e.g. the time with many houses at least 100 Opera or the “GTC shopping mall”, years old). Thus many people still are not really renovated, but they ap- live under very bad conditions. Furpear in a quite ordinary condition due thermore, as mentioned in Chapter to their relatively young age. One, due to the fact that Magir Maalo and Novo Maalo became informal, It is also outstanding that a majority many residents hesitate to invest of houses in the Old Bazaar belong to in renovations. They feel a strong this category. Since the main building uncertainty concerning their future stock in the Bazaar is privately owned since they don’t know if there will be and used for commercial purposes, any development proposals for these it is probably that occasional reno- areas. vations are an economic necessity. Another dominant, non-renovated Shop owners need to attract custo- housing stock is located in the Ba-

zaar. There are a lot of shabby houses, most of them are also more than 100 years old. Most of the houses are just for commercial or public use. Since the Bazaar has lost much of its meaning as a place for handcrafted good, many of these workshops have moved away or closed for good. Consequently many of these buildings are also vacant. There are likewise many Modern houses, both with residential and public use, that have never been renovated. Especially remarkable are the public buildings north of the river Vadar. They fall into disrepair as a consequence of a government that abandons them, moving instead into the new public buildings of (Re)construction. BAD STATE OF REPAIR/ RUINED A small part of the building stock is characterized by very poor conditions. Those houses went rack and ruin and some of them are relics from the earthquake in 1963. Consequently most of these houses are vacant. Owners lacked money to reconstruct them and moved to new Modern apartment houses. In the south-east an “Ensemble” of continuous rows of houses, dating back to the Modern period, can be recognized. They are for residential use and characterized by a very bad state of repair. Who cares about these houses? 259

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Building Use The first look on the map gives the impression that residential usage is prevailing, but walking through the city retail and business facilities are more obvious. The center of Skopje offers the typical mixed usage with shops in the ground floor and flats or offices or even both above in the upper floors.

found in the South and East of the city center of Skopje. In the City Wall ring there are almost no commerce buildings. Public usage is spread over the city center of Skopje, but a concentration on the northern part of the City Center is visible. New planned facilities, such as the theater, but especially those build after the earthquake like the opera, the administration district, the university and library or the museum of contemporary design. Most of these buildings are also big complexes and not only small houses bulding, creating in particular next to the Bazaar a big a contrast. Most public buildings were erected in the modern period. An exception is the embassy district in the inner core. A small pattern structure with secession buildings shelter the international representatives.

also the size of the city. Skopje is not London or Hamburg with a City that services only commercial use. Like many other destroyed cities for example in Germany after World War II it wasnâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t possible to carry the concept of total functional separation over to real cities with less than one million inhabitants.

Residential use is especially provided due to the City Wall. The quantity of building with residential purpose is higher in the east than west. Crossing the Vardar to the north there is only few residential housing in our investigation area. Housing is only due to the Magir Maalo and the five high rise buildings in the GTC complex next to the riverside provided. Most of these buildings were build in the modern period. Especially those which are forming the old perimeter block structure in the center. They were build before the earthquake revealing to the older structure before. On the boarder of the working field Despite the general idea of moderthere are more residential buildings nism that supports the functional seof pre and post modern time. paration, Skopje and its city center is more attached to the old comprehenCommerce as a usage is typical for sion of cities - all usage is provided. a city center, especially shops and But this is also thanks to Kenzo Tanoffices are provided in cities. Com- ge who turned away from this strict merce as ground floor shops and re- modern conception - brought by Le tails are in buildings from all periods. Corbusier and the Charta from AtheOffices buildings were build more ne - and supported the humanity and likely during the modern period while livability that can be found through new services and larger shopping mixture. concepts are located in buildings of the pre modern period. They can be Another point of this development is

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Ground Floor Use An analysis of the ground floor uses throughout Skopje reveals three noteworthy trends. First of all, the vast majority of vacancies in Skopje are in the Bazaar. There could be a few reasons for this. One very decisive factor is the amount of disinvestment on the side of the state. The new Macedonian identity doesn‘t include the ethnic Albanians, who are associated with the Bazaar. Very little federal funding is available for the maintenance or renovation of public and religious buildings in the Bazaar and as a result upkeep costs fall on the proprietor or private organizations. Disinvestment causes the area to fall into disrepair and hence lose its attractiveness for customers or tourists. Economic changes have likewise caused many tradesmen to either move to another location or close up for good. A global economy

has decreased the demand for handcrafted wares as cheaper, massproduced goods become available. These goods are often sold in the plentiful pedestrian malls and shopping centers, increasing the overall attractiveness of the shopping centers which in turn attracts brand names. All this of course leaves workshops and retail stores in the Bazaar empty. Another interesting trend, however, is the slow resurgence of some peripheral areas of the Bazaar. In the few streets closest to the Vardar River a number of bars and restaurants have opened up, drawing a new generation of young Macedonians. Many of those frequenting the Bazaar‘s new gastronomic and entertainment offerings are also politically active and have expressed, both during our

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research in Skopje and in public demonstrations their dismay with the government‘s rebranding of Macedonian identity. The implications are hopeful. Perhaps this new generation is the key to overcoming the ethnic and political barriers in Macedonia. The last trend is made obvious in Debar Maalo, where Skopje‘s Kitsch architecture seems to cluster. Debar Maalo also has a comparatively high rate of services. This is no coincidence. Kitsch architecture is more often than not the provider of ground floor or store front space for services.

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CITY OF CONTRASTS

Skopje stands out due to the stark contrasts that can be observed in the city. Even though the city center was our investigation area, we recognized many differences between poor and rich, old and new, colorful and gray, big and small and many more. Especially compared to Western European capitals these contrasts are extraordinary characteristics and are reminiscent somehow of conditions in the Megacities of developing countries. Developed and modern neighborhoods are located next to really poor and rural housing developments. It is impossible to imagine chickens walking on the street next to Waterloo Station in London or seeing a timbered pigsty right next to the German Parliament. Furthermore the population of Skopje belongs to two different religions. Muslims and orthodox Christians, and consequently two totally different cultures, live side by side. This contrast leads to two entirely different urban structures facing each other in one city.

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The main housing stock in the inner city of Skopje belongs to the category “Partly Renovated”. At first glance it seems like a positive fact. But taking a look at some pictures of those buildings demonstrates that the state of repair shouldn’t be defined as positive. It is obvious that they are not in good conditions, since they appear gray, old and sometimes even shabby. The housing system seems to lack regulations, since it is unclear who is responsible for those buildings. Consequently residents try to fix their apartments on their own and without permission. This phenomenon is not a typical development of a specific architectural era but a normal activity appearing in almost every part of the city. Numerous private houses, e.g. in the Maalos, are also partly renovated. Sometimes residents add new parts to their house, repaint facades or change doors and windows. In addition, the Bazaar houses a high number of partly renovated buildings as well, meant to attract customers. Hence, Partly Renovated in the case of Skopje particularly means that the basic structures appear in a bad state of repair, but since people need to live and work there, they try to improve the quality of their part of the house on their own

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BLACK LISTED MODERNISM

Demolishing and erecting something new is the natural life cycle of a city and its buildings.1960s office buildings in pretty much every city seem to have a deplorable reputation, prompting either renewal or demolition. But this is not the problem we see in Skopje. Due to the earthquake Modernism had the chance to provide many of the current public buildings. It‘s these buildings that are or could become monuments of an architectural era, if they are not demolished or forgotten. However the current tendencies support neither adaptation nor demolition, but rather a simple fall into oblivion. Current trends and general problems are:

MODERNISM OUT OF FAVOR The government is the primary actor behind Modernism‘s decline. It‘s not the residential buildings of Modernism that are being replaced. The government needs these, having no other housing options for its residents. Rather the government is seeking to build a new identity for itself, one based upon the legacy of Alexander the Great and their pet project “Skopje 2014”, leaving residential units to deteriorate and the ethnic and social situation right along with it. STATE AS CONSTRUCTOR As a result the government builds its Neo-Classical (Re)constructions. A future “changing of the guard” is foreseeable. The Modernist wonder that is the post office complex, various museums and the telecommunications center could all one day stand empty. The “Mighty Modernist Monuments”, left barren and useless only to be replaced by a Neo-Neo-Classical, (Neo-)Macedonian (Re)construct. CAPACITY TO ADAPT PROPERTY FOR ALTERNATE USE Public buildings were all built with a purpose. This use helps define and legitimate the building shape. The reuse of purpose-built buildings is always problematic. So what happens with Modern construction after the uses move out? What could the futuristiclooking post office house instead of a post office?

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Right now there are no plans to leave the post office and Communication Center. But it is a matter that has to be considered given the current trends. A result of all the mentioned developments would mean vacant Modern buildings. Private investments are difficult to materialize. However, even if right now Modernism is not the way to represent Macedonia as the politicians want to see it, who knows if ”Neo-Macedonia” will one day be black listed just like Modernism.

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The Contrastive Vardar Banks A visitor crossing the Vardar River in the city center will immediately enter an area completely different from the one he has just left. The whole atmosphere is decidedly diverse. While the older area on the north bank consists of a complicated pattern of narrow winding alleys the street structure on the south side is wide and linear featuring broad roads designed for automobile traffic. The architectural situation is similar. Skopje‘s old town comes with small houses attached to each other whereas the south bank is characterized by large Modern buildings. Those two contrasts are probably mainly due to the 1963 earthquake, which devastated the south side of the central city area but left the north one in a comparatively good state.

Shoppers have to pick one side according to the shops they mean to visit. On the south bank, large stores selling international brands can be found. Major foreign companies have their local branch in this area. The left bank exhibits tiny shops in which mostly only one kind of goods is sold. Those are displayed in rather wild heaps and bundles in front of the houses. For local shoppers, however, the choice is made comparatively easy. Macedonians usually frequent the south bank and Albanians the north one. Each group tends to avoid the other. During our visit to Skopje we were warned on both sides not to visit the other one as it was considered dangerous. The situation with religious institutions is analogous to the ethnic divi-

de seen along the Vardar. North of the Vardar river, old mosques from the Ottoman era and some of younger origin serve the needs of the Muslim population. On the south bank an immense orthodox church is planned for the Macedonia Square and the gigantic Millennium Cross on Vodno Hill is visible from almost every part of the town. Kenzo Tange sought to bridge the gap between the two banks. However, about 40 years later it is abundantly clear that this mission has failed. Whether this is due to errors in his plan, sociological processes or other reasons cannot be easily answered. The differences between the two sides of the Vardar River would probably provide material for another scientific study. It is obvious, however, that the large buildings planned on the north bank in the course of the project “Skopje 2014” will not bring the two sides closer together. Despite the fact that they are planned by a Macedonian dominated government in “Albanian territory“ they manage to hide the old Ottoman town quite effectively. The edifices of Skopje 2014 form a regular stone wall to divide the elements on the north and south sides even further.

279

URBAN STRUCTURAL NETWORK D EVELO P ME NT O F A C T IV E A X E S A ND POI NT S OF CONCENT RATE D A CT I VITY 1899

This graphic shows the development of Skopje‘s urban spatial structures since the Ottoman Empire. The focus here is no longer street networks or urban form per se, rather we‘re emphasizing the arrangement of important axes and centers of activity. The Ottoman city maintained not only many points of activity, whether outside of public buildings or mosques or the market areas of individual Maalos, but also many axes connecting these points. Skopje to the time of the Ottomans had a very dense urban fabric. Over time axes began to lose importance and concentrate on the southern side of the Vardar. The SCS Kingdom brought formal planning principles and used the available space on the south bank to build a new city center. Modernism helped to push this new development along, creating the “City Wall” which drew even more attention and residents to the south and further concentrated the focus around Macedonia Square. The current axes represent concentrations of either political or commercial uses and the dense network of connections that were the norm under Ottoman rule have now all but withered away.

1918

LATE OTTOMAN

1945

1918

KINGDOM OF SERBS, CROATS AND SLOVENES

201 0

EARLY YUGOSLAVIAN

primary REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA

secondary tertiary

280

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THEATER SKOPJE

The Macedonian Square is the main square of the city. It is also an intersection to the old Bazaar and the surrounding Albanian residential areas. At the southern riverbank around the Macedonia Square is a pedestrian shopping area located, as well as the popular shopping-center in modernist style and a newly built business district with shiny glass buildings. The Macedonia Square is obviously a place which is devoted with high attention. The square is highly frequented; people meet here and pass by. This site and the surrounding were chosen as the scene for the project Skopje 2014. Its huge (re)constructed prestigious buildings will be erected at the northern riverbank vis-à-vis to the square. Due to its position everybody

who passes the square will see the new buildings of Skopje 2014. Although numerous buildings are going to be erected on the northern bank, the southern bank will remain the central and most important spot. One receives the impression as if the buildings are just serving as a backdrop for the visitors of the Macedonia square. The focus is on the side of the buildings facing the river and the Macedonia square. The Old Bazaar, which is located at the backside of the buildings is not incorporated in the planning. Quite the contrary, one gets the impression that it is sealed off from the inner city. So the scene of Skopje 2014 – Macedonia Square and the opposite river bank – includes different parts of the

city (business and shopping district – where the Macedonians are dominating – and the bazaar, where almost exclusively Albanians go to) between buildings of various architectural styles, such as buildings of the Serbian kingdom, the ottoman era, Modernism and newly built Globalized Architecture. But remarkably, the buildings of the Ottoman era and Modernism will be obscured by the buildings of Skopje 2014. So Skopje 2014 has a separating effect. One gets the impression, as if a scenery is erected to stage a play about an idealized Macedonian history: The southern bank is the auditorium. The people at the square are the audience of the show Skopje 2014, looking at the scenery on the northern side. 281

TANGE VS. SKOPJE 2014 While there was already a big vision in 1964/65 by Kenzo Tange, calling for a flexible and modern international city, the current architectural trends in Skopje culminate in the vision ”Skopje 2014“. The following tables compare these two and point out similarities and differences.

Similarities V IS I O N ”TA NGE“

VI SI ON ”SKOPJE 2014“

POLITICAL & IDEOLOGICAL VISION

Inspired by an idea of a new society representing the modern Yugoslavia

Creating a prestigious capital of a new independent national state

CONCENTRATION ON CITY CENTER

Rebuilding a representative and functional city center

The riverside as a setting for new representative buildings

TOP DOWN PLANNING

Public surveys used as a basis but played the planner-as-educator for the new society

Unclear and opaque responsibilities for the project (government or municipality?

INITIATION OF A NEW IDENTITY

Tange planned a new identity for the modern and technological society

”2014” as an answer to Skopje‘s current identity crisis that resulted from Macedonia’s independence, the earthquake and the name conflict with Greece

282

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Differences V IS I O N „TA NGE“

VI SI ON „SKOPJE 2014“

TRIGGER

Earthquake in 1963 forced the rebuilding of Skopje

Independence of Macedonia as a possibility for a new identity

BACKGROUND

Integrated into a master plan for the entire city

Solitary position in the city

BUILDING USE

Plan for an entire city center with different usage zones: commercial, residential, public and representative

State representative buildings (court, ministry of foreign affairs,...)

URBAN DESIGN

Over all plan with large scale elements to connect both sides of the river and the creation of a new axis

Construction of buildings and extra bridges along the riverside in the center as well as monuments seemingly randomly positioned

MEANING

Reorganization and adjustment of the city structure for the new society and their requirements

Representing an aesthetic image for Skopje

VISION

Creation of a flexible, modern and international city

Creation of a new Macedonian identity by the construction of Neo-Classical inspired buildings 283

GARDEN SKOPJE An Allegory The comparison of the three eras “pre-Modern, Modern and post-Modern” shows that they appear very different concerning urban structures they‘ve left or are currently leaving behind. At this point we want to allegorize each of them and at the end merge them in one image in order to show abstractly the conglomeration of different structures that can be observed in Skopje.

charming parts as well as shabby and homely parts. Moreover, some people identify with a wild garden, as Albanians might identify with the Bazaar or perhaps the Maalos. Others feel the wild garden may be a little too untended, similar to Macedonians who choose not to venture north of the river Vardar.

POST-MODERN Allegory: garden gnome (glorification, Kitsch)

Garden gnomes were originally made out of marble, sandstone or fired clay. Today they‘re mostly made of molded plastic. They stand proud in many gardens. At some point the garden gnome took on an ironic connotation as a symbol of the bad MODERN taste of the bourgeoisie. They were PRE-MODERN Allegory: vegetable patch (formal pl- originally placed in the home garden Allegory: wild garden (uncontrolled anning, copy and paste) as legitimate decoration. And they fit growth) anywhere, like Kitsch filling the gaps A vegetable patch utilizes formal pl- in Skopje‘s urban fabric. But garA wild garden grows organically and anning and consists of orderly rows. den gnomes can also be seen as a consists of a great diversity of bota- It is first and foremost a functional poor attempt to draw attention away nical forms. There are wild meadows use of space, providing a supply of from the dilapidated house standing with weeds and bushes on the one food. The formality of planning seeks behind them. Or the owner placed hand, and colorful flowers and trees to harness the full potential of the the thing there without considering on the other hand. One might dis- garden and can stretch over several whether or not it fit the surrounding cover everything everywhere. There acres, meaning crops are planted en aesthetics. might be parts that people prefer and mass. The goal is productivity. Furparts out of favor. Transferring this to thermore, the majority of all vegetab- The same holds true for the current the pre-Modern structures of Skopje le patches look exactly the same, as building trends in Skopje. (Re)consmeans that the uncontrolled growth if they could be applied copy-and- truction, Kitsch, DIY and Globalized of a wild garden stands for the nu- paste anywhere in the world. Soci- Architecture can all be allegorized merous developments in Skopje‘s alist Yugoslavia likewise practiced by garden gnomes. Some gnomes history, e.g. the development of the formal urban planning with a linear are meant to provoke, pants down Maalos or the Bazaar, which did not street network. Functionalism was and mooning the neighbors, whether originate from a master plan. Nowa- the basis of most city planning, att- neighboring Greece or the neighbodays there are very charming lefto- empting to plan for the technological ring ethnic Albanian. Some gnomes vers of this period of time as well as potential of society. Copy-and-paste really look like they‘re made out of buildings in quite a desperate sta- was likewise a phenomenon of Mo- expensive materials, until you pick te of repair. Thus, the pre-Modern dernist residential buildings. them up and realize it‘s just plastic. Skopje can be seen allegorically as Others are used because the person a wild garden which grows unconthas no access to anything more exrolled, appears in colorful diversity pensive or tasteful, or lacks a working but consists of both attractive and knowledge of lawn ornaments. And 284

mash up

certainly a garden gnome is a garden gnome, whether it‘s in the USA, Hamburg or Skopje. Furthermore it‘s difficult to take current architectonic development in Skopje seriously. The cityscape might provoke a little smile, but it‘s difficult to see the logic or benefit of it all. Maybe that‘s the real seriousness of the matter.

285

PERS PECTIVES 286

per spectives

287

THE CONCLUSION PART 1

A major aim of our work was to rety, the plan became inoperable. answer the following three main questions: The raw quantity of Modern buildings in Skopje could be one means of Is Skopje a Modern city? measuring whether or not Skopje is a Which elements of different Modern city and would in this case be eras constitute the city besides enough to affirm Skopje‘s Modernity. Modernism? A great number of striking, Modern What kind of scenarios may edifices gives distinction to the city‘s result from current develop- appearance. Most central, public and ments? representative buildings are designed in this style. However, their quality The text at hand features a brief sum- and current trends argue for the fact mary of our conclusions. We will that Modernism is less popular in give our opinions about the current present-day Skopje. Many buildings architectural trends in Skopje. are in a bad state of repair. In addition, there is a counter movement to IS SKOPJE A MODERN CITY? the previous love for Modernism in Initially we assumed that Skopje Socialist Yugoslavia. The tendency to would be an almost purely Modern build private “Kitsch” homes and the city because of the earthquake in government‘s attempt, with “Skopje 1963. Tange had proposed a whole 2014,” to generate a European cinew Modern structure and appea- tyscape with Neo-Classical edifices rance for the town. With this new both work against Modernism. Along Structuralist Master plan Skopje with additional attempts to override could have joined the index of inter- other unpopular periods, we were nationally recognized Modern cities. forced to ask the question: Tange‘s designs respected and integrated most of the undamaged parts of Skopje and attempted to preserve them. However, the Master plan was never implemented as intended due to a lack of funds, inconsistent execution during construction and changing attitudes towards the plan even in the course of its implementation. Important elements of the plan, for example the “City Gate”, were left out. Unable to be realized in its enti288

left out of considerations in town planning. The Old Bazaar on the north bank of the Vardar kept its oriental atmosphere. While this side of the river is strongly influenced and frequented by Albanians, the south one can be regarded as a Macedonian area. The Maalos are the oldest neighborhoods existing in Skopje. Some of them have a provincial and original character whereas others have developed and changed over time. An apt example is Debar Maalo, erected in the early 1900s with its orthogonal street network. In the city center, the spatial structures built in the period of the SCS Kingdom with street axes and perimeter blocks are still visible.

The Macedonian government transformed the country into a tax haven for investors in order to boost the economy and provide new jobs. Investors looking to establish themselves mostly built archetypal office buildings with glass fronts, an arWHICH ELEMENTS OF DIFFERENT chitecture that can be found all over ERAS CONSTITUTE THE CITY BESI- the globe. Accordingly, the cityscape DES MODERNISM? gets a more international look and Our mapping shows that, wedged gaps between buildings are graduin between the Modern structures, ally filled. a lot of older buildings can still be found. They appear like small isola- In contrast to these aspects of the ted islands next to the large-scale, town‘s architecture, the government Modern edifices. Even though this has launched the disputed urban depre-Modern architecture represents sign project Skopje 2014, a source Skopje‘s urban history it is not tre- for constant discussion and protest. ated with respect and consequently This plan envisions a fictional Euro-

pean city center of the 19th century overriding especially Ottoman and Modern urban forms and architecture. Implementation has already begun. Another trend, not led by the government, is the building of private homes whose owners realize all their individual fancies in mostly ornamental and Kitsch houses. This style satisfies demands put on the urban environment that aren‘t being met by formal planning practices and represents the individuality of its owner. Simultaneously, it provides a contrast and reaction to the radical simplification and homogenous bulkiness of the Modern buildings. Other citizens choose different ways to improve their immediate environment. They drop living space on their apartments, add it to them or top them. In some cases, basic needs of habitation are not satisfied and some residents are forced to face urgent and drastic accommodation problems. Even in the city center houses exist that are self-built, illegal and lack access to any infrastructure. A major fault in official planning is thereby revealed. Both the municipality and the national government can be held responsible for this situation. The cityscape represents different periods, political power and private taste. Historical buildings and structures stand in stark contrast to Modern and contemporary ones. Walking through the city center approximates a small trip through urban Europe. Villages, historic centers, slum-like dwellings, shopping streets of the 1960s, modern glass

per spectives facades, malls and even a fortress extremely unlikely, if not impossible, can be found. Almost everywhere that Skopje 2014 could manage to poverty encounters either prosperity create any common national identior feigned wealth. ty. To the contrary, it contributes to a broader gap between the two ethnic CRITICISMS groups. Due to different ethnic groups, religions, cultures, architectural styles Another problem arises from the and fast political changes, Skopje project‘s legal status. Despite the currently faces an identity crisis. fact that the Constitutional Court Architecture is used as a political declared the project unconstitutioinstrument, particularly in the city nal the governing party insists on center. Skopje 2014 pushes this po- continuing construction. This does pulist tool to extremes. The officially not evoke public confidence in the declared purpose of the project is the government. Furthermore, the open encouragement of a national identi- display of corrupt politics will not ty. However, too much emphasis is enhance the Macedonian reputation placed on impressive looking faca- abroad. The admission into the Eudes and too little on actual useful- ropean Union will be impeded, even ness. Architecture acts as scenery more so since Greece won‘t be hapto deceivingly give the impression of py about the more than ostentatious a powerful nation/state. display of Alexander the Great as part of the Macedonian cultural heritage. The project Skopje 2014 shows the efforts to establish a new history Skopje 2014 is an enormous waste while legitimate architectural wit- of money as there are much more nesses to former eras, especially pressing issues to deal with. The high Ottoman and Modern edifices, are amount of informal activity reflected neglected. Old structures get neither by the omnipresent “Do-It-Yourself” repaired nor adapted to modern infra- architecture proves this. The actual structure, but remain abandoned and challenges for urban planning are are gradually forgotten. The nationa- pollution, inadequate infrastructure, listic government provokes conflict poor housing conditions and the criby discriminating against the Muslim tical deficiency in affordable living and Albanian cultures. This situation space. is not diminished by some radical Albanian politicians‘ aggressive re- WHAT KIND OF SCENARIOS MAY sponse speeches. In 2001 the situ- RESULT FROM CURRENT DEVELOPation in the country almost reached MENTS? the point of civil war. However, even This question will be answered on moderate Albanians are demanding the following pages. better treatment, and not without justification. This call is even more relevant, since the Albanian Percentage of the population is constantly growing. Against this background it is 289

SCENARIO - AN INTRODUCTION What is a Scenario?

What is a Scenario- Analysis?

TThere are many possibilities for imagining the future: utopias, visions, scenarios, forecasts and so on. So why did we choose a scenario to imagine the future of Skopje. Scenario have to be distinguished from visions and utopias. A utopia is an unrealistic future, it is only thinkable not achievable. The vision of something is an appeal and a stimulus. Current behavior can change due to an ideal version that is imagined. For a forecast, a very profound data base is needed that can be continued in a realistic way. A scenario is likewise based on a profound data set, but it is less about data than it is about an analysis of current tendencies. The result of a scenario is a hypothetical image of the future created by combining and connecting current courses. This process of combination is written down and can be retraced, by changing one of the elements a new outcome is possible. The “Scenario Analysis” has its origins in military purposes and was later on used in business administration. Nowadays it is also a tool for urban planners for research and planning.

Retracing a scenario‘s output can only be achieved by a clear procedural method. This method is based on the self-made analysis. The analysis is the basis used to deduce generic terms that are important for the investigation area and the scenarios. These topics are called “Critical Dimensions“. Often they are particular to the site-specific problems and events, however general topics can also be considered such as economic crisis or climate change. When generating a scenario not all critical dimensions can be included. Most important is the deduction towards “Driving Forces“. These can be understood as initiating events or significant events leading to changes,

whether positive or negative.In the next step, the Driving Forces are combined with each other, resulting in in the outcome for the investigation area. This sequence can be continued as often as required to generate multiple scenarios. Next to the Driving Forces there are also variables, or “Uncertainty Factors” that can be included. They influence a scenario often to a more extreme appearance. These factors could be war or a meteorite; they may be unlikely, but not impossible. All resulting scenarios can be put into a so-called scenario funnel. Thereby all outcomes are observed over time and on a scale from best to worst case scenario.

The Scenario funnel as a help to differential the outcomes 290

per spectives

SCENARIOS FOR SKOPJE

We developed three scenarios for Skopje. For us, it was the best possibility to bundle our analysis. A list of recommendations or a new urban plan for Skopje wouldn‘t be very useful and would be contrary to the purpose of our work. With the scenarios we carry current building tendencies a few steps further and show how Skopje could develop as a worst case, best case or trend scenario. First, we had to come up with Critical Dimensions for Skopje, general topics that would be important for the development of the city center of Skopje. These themes are a logical outcome of our previous study.

Critical Dimensions POLITICS Since the independence of Macedonia in 1991 it is a national state with a democratic system, or at least the constitution says so. Corruption is a well known problem. Current politics leads to conflicts with the neighboring countries, which is resulting in the Veto from Greece to prohibit the admission of Macedonia into the European Union.

tural separation became obvious to us. Particularly the conflict between Slavic-Macedonians and Albanians is manifested in the city center of Skopje. That involves ethnic as well a religious differences. Furthermore the state changed from a socialist to a Capitalisti state. In all countries with the same experience, a desire for individual property can be observed.

with every country in the world, the economic crisis also effected Macedonia. DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS There is a tendency towards urbanization. More citizens are moving to Skopje. But at the same time there is a suburbanization taking place in Skopje. The metropolitan area of Skopje is growing. Already today, segregation is constituted. There are municipalities with more than 90 percent Albanians and others with 90 percent Slavic-Macedonians. While the Macedonian population is shrinking due to a low birthrate, the Albanian population is growing; cultural and religious backgrounds cause this development.

HISTORICAL POWER STRUCTURE Macedonia is, for the first time in a very long time, independent. In the previous years it learned how to function as a state but new problems appear constantly. Meanwhile there is a transformation process from Socialism to Capitalism. Yugoslavia is still in minds of the people and it often is remembered in many good ways. A glance to Germany shows that even after twenty years the for- Uncertainty Factors mer separation is visible in many domains such as economy or unem- In our scenarios we didn‘t integrate ployment. A transformation process Uncertainty Factors in order to keep needs time and experience. the scenario more realistic and less ETHNIC AND CULTURAL ISSUES random. The Balkans has been a multi-ethnic ECONOMY region for many centuries and, even The small state of Macedonia struggif our analysis didn‘t involve social les with economic problems. Maceprocesses, a few observations could donian politics try to attract internabe made. Due to interviews or con- tional enterprises with incentives to tact with people on the street the cul- stimulate the local economy. And, as ARCHITECTURAL DEVELOPMENT We took the three current trends already mentioned in Chapter Three for the city center nowadays: “(Re)construction”, “Kitsch” and “Globalized Architecture”. All three are negating Yugoslavian Modernism. Similarly, “Do-it-Yourself” is a current trend, a typical means of dealing with deficiencies in urban planning or architectural design found especially in the informal settlements of the maalos. The city conveys an aesthetic of decline.

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WORST CASE SCENARIO - RIOTS IN SKOPJE SC EN ARI O P LO T

Architectural/ urban development Economy

Modernism out Skopje 2014 of favor achieved

Unconsitutional construction leads to a bad repute

Scenario

incentives for foreign enterInfrastructural prises to invest needs in Macedonia

EU-candidacy in progress

domestic policy doesn‘t change

Corrupt behavior alienate foreign investors

Macedonia doesn‘t become an EU Member

Segregation

No money for maintenance

Lack of money

Urban planning focuses on wrong topics

Decay of the city center

State/city can‘t fund public facilities

New buildings are unused or a bad quality is provided

Incoherent image of the city

292

Politics

Displeasdness of citizens

Strikes and riots

Government has to resign

Skopje as an incoherent capital of a state that is incapable of action due blameworthy handling of tax money and displeased citizens.

per spectives

Scenario Discription Lack of money will be the trigger for strikes and riots. Nowadays 50 percent of the citizens support the idea of Skopje 2014. But the enthusiasm will disappear over the years. The constitutional court declared the project Skopje 2014 to be unconstitutional, nevertheless the undertaking was achieved. Due to the realization there is a gap in the household budget. The project was already expensive and the construction became more expensive than estimated. Because of the corrupt behavior the European Union refuses Macedonia as a new member and important international investments stay away. The lack of money starts

to affect the existing city. There is no fund for infrastructure improvement or the maintenance of public facilities. Especially the buildings of the Modern period suffer under this development. They fall into disrepair and degrade the image of the city of Skopje. Also, the newly built facilities are related to the lack of money. Even if there are a new theater, philharmonic and museums there is no financial possibility to support them. If there is any programming, it lacks quality. This is the point were the citizens realize the needless utilization of tax money. With general social problems like unemployment, segregation and the incoherent image of the city cen-

ter the dissatisfaction of the citizens is increasing. The results are strikes, riots and demonstrations culminating in the forced resignation of the current government. But even then the people are still far too divided in their opinions. Furthermore the problems resulting from the lack of money escalate. No party is able to get a majority and the negotiations for a coalition fail. The responsibilities and pressure are too big. The state is incapable of action. Many young people leave the country. Macedonia becomes a state falling from one domestic crisis into the next one.

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BEST CASE SCENARIO - SHOW REALITY SC EN ARI O P LO T

Politics

Architectural/ urban development

Ethnic and cultural issues

Change of the govermental party

Skopje2014 stops (unconstitutional)

Integration of Albanians and other ethnic groups

A more democratic and liberal policy > global thinking

Scenario

European attention > Skopje needs to represent itself as a modern city

294

More bottomup proceedings

Starting to face the current housing problems

Desire for a real/authentic history

Skopje realizes its real specialties and cares about the leftovers of premodern and modern time. Leftovers from the ottoman period will be safed as cultural goods

Money will be invested in the renovation of modern buildings instead of Skopje 2014

Integrational programs e.g. in education

Growing acceptance of the Albanians as Mazedonians

General framework (basic conditions) for the informal Maalos

Creation of a new multicultural identity that reflects the real history of Skopje

per spectives

Scenario Discription Imagine the governmental party changes and a more democratic and liberal orientated party reaches power. The “Skopje 2014” buildings that are under construction will be pulled down and the free space will be transformed into a new public space designed by Skopje‘s inhabitants. Both the new government and the new shared free space affect a break within the population: the Albanians and the Macedonians abandon their prejudices and raise their acceptance. The river bank, lately a crime scene of “propagandistic architecture of mania”, is becoming an intercultural space. The money

which was intended to be used for Skopje 2014 now will be used for the renovation of Modern buildings (both residential and public). Skopje starts to flaunt its Modern buildings and sticks to this architectural era as an important part of its late history. People learn to esteem the relics of the mid-20th century and therefore Modern edifices become attractive spots, giving Skopje a unique and non-artificial face. Furthermore the government decides to save one of Skopje‘s oldest urban structures, the leftovers of a 500 year-enduring Ottoman period (Bazaar, mosques, “hammams” etc.), as important

objects of cultural value in order to integrate it more into the cityscape. In addition, the municipality votes on a general framework for the 100year old Maalos in order to advance legal and regulated housing developments. Skopje underlines the real and authentic specialties of the city. It supports the tourist industry as well as the population’s acceptance of and identification with a multicultural Skopje. The new urban, cultural and political developments will improve Skopje‘s chance to access the European Union.

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TREND SCENARIO - SEGMENTING SC EN ARI O P LO T

Architectural/ urban development

Realization of Skopje 2014

Scenario

296

Desire for globalized architecture

Ethnic and cultural issues

Politics

Growing segraDisire for indivigation between Racial tension dual property rich and poor

Financial hole within the local and public budget

Building activities in the city center concentrate on private commercial buildings

Maalos, Bazaar and modern structures fall into disrepair

City Center becomes unattractiv for residential use

Growing number of poor people moving to the city center

New malls and globalized architecture as a shelter

Skopje is falling into different parts.

Demographic trends

New, partly informal, gated communities in the inner suburbs

Average households prefer the inner suburbs or private castles in suburbia

Domestic policy doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t change

Growing aversion between Macedonians and Albanians

The government negates the ottoman history

Ethnic conflicts

Albanians feel provoked by the negation of their culture

Albanians develop a strong desire to seperate from the Mazedonians

per spectives In case Skopje‘s current political, cultural and architectural trends continue unchanged, the following consequences will possibly arrive in the near future:

CENTE R STA G E

Scenario Discription Imagine the project “Skopje 2014” will be completely implemented and the inner city will become the representative Neo-Classical city center politicians hoped for. Combined with the “Globalized Architecture”, ge-

nerated by private investments and consequently concentrated on public and commercial buildings, the impression of a prestigious stage will arise. Due to the decreasing number of residents, the city center turns

empty at night.

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SOC I AL H O TS P O T C IT Y C E N T ER

Scenario Discription The huge costs of Skopje 2014 will result in an enormous financial hole within the local and public budget. Hence, the municipality lacks money for maintenance and repair of residential buildings. The historical urban 298

structures will go rack and ruin and Modern housing will increasingly fall into disrepair and become vacant. The city center will become more and more unattractive for residential use. Since the prices of apartments

decrease, a growing number of poor people will move to the city center. The City Wall will turn into a social hotspot.

per spectives

ALB ANI AN SE GR E G ATION

Scenario Discription The growing aversion between Macedonians and Albanians is reinforced with the implementation of Skopje 2014. Especially the Orthodox Church that will be constructed at a famous place in the city center provokes the Al-

banians and their religion and culture. nated part of the river will be isolated The government negates the Ottoman from the southern part. history and the Albanians further develop a strong desire to separate from the Slavic-Macedonians. Consequently, one day the northern, Albanian domi299

I LLU SO RY WO R L D

Scenario Discription As a refuge for Skopjeâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s residents observing the city going rack and ruin, shopping malls and modern leisure complexes will create an illusory world. 300

per spectives

NE W SUB U RB I A

Scenario Discription The growing spread between the rich and poor and the strong desire for individual property will create new and partly informal gated communities in the inner suburbs. American McMansions and European castles exemplify the architectural style. Johnny O.

Citizen will move to the inner suburbs where colorful apartment buildings, decorated with kitschy elements, generate a strong contrast to the demolished apartments in the city center. Furthermore the strong desire for individuality and “Kitsch” will lead to a

growing number of “my own private” castles in the open countryside of suburbia, also inspired by international trends from western civilization, especially the USA. 301

THE CONCLUSION PART 2

POSITION It is advisable to rethink the entire planning system. It should become forward looking and consider both the pressing social issues as well as upcoming challenges. Skopje would do better investing money in education, infrastructure, integration or living conditions. People who don’t have the possibility to invest should be supported by government programs to secure minimum housing standards. Achieving EU guidelines is certainly a tough task but not impossible. If Macedonia really wants to join the EU it should carefully consider the Court and international community‘s reaction to its current agenda instead of continuing to build illegal and populistic buildings, further fueling the conflict with Greece. A more democratic and flexible planning could earn substantial social acceptance. In addition the citizens should get involved in the planning process, in as far as that‘s possible, otherwise they will never be satisfied with the planning itself. There is the chance to curtail the ethnic problems by ceasing to provoke the Albanians with the erection of new buildings in order to indicate a new identity for the Macedonians. Particularly the construction of a new Macedonian church seems like a provocation unless mosques begin to be financed by the municipality. The Ottoman history could be reintegrated into the city‘s image, creating 302

awareness, not only for this part of history but more importantly for the various ethnic groups that comprise Skopje. The Bazaar is a vivid and fascinating part of Skopje and this should be explicitly communicated through its relationship with the surrounding city. The city should accept its diverse mixture of population and turn it into a pull factor. It is undemocratic and outright impossible to conceal one third of the population and its cultural heritage.

has the chance to become a striking example of Modernism.

Fair public competitions with little degree of corruption should be taken on as goals of the new planning. In general the political system must become more transparent and democratic, though this is admittedly outside of the scope of the planning field. The willingness to make compromises and consensus are absolutely necessary. Skopje should be developed and designed by young One step towards preserving histori- people, for example by innovative arcal structures could be the legaliza- chitects or artists who create ideas tion of the Maalos by developing a for the future and find local solutions detailed plan. The state of repair and to reconnect all elements in the city. basic standards of some living situ- Getting input from the population ations are not acceptable. Since the would help infuse further developMaster plan of 1964 is still lawful, ment with individuality and a persothe status of the buildings remains nal identity for the city. informal. Hence, it is risky to invest in renovating or reconstructing the In general, it would be a good idea houses. It is vital to respect the Maa- for Macedonia to reconsider how it los as a part of urban history and to is presenting its new and own idendevelop them. Also the other infor- tity. Transformation always means mal activities in Skopje should be- self-discovery and results in the excome regulated. One idea would be pression of a new image. However, to not only allow but actively support creating a pseudo “Disney fantasy some of the private activities, since history” by selectively adopting piethey can result in better housing con- ces of the region‘s past only leads ditions. to conflict and controversy and fails to elicit the sympathies of potential Many Modern buildings have not allies. There is a wealth of historical been renovated since the 1960s, and social value in Skopje‘s obvious though some apartments have re- plurality of architecture and urban ceived new windows and insulation. form, along with too many influenDue to its rich reservoir of 1960s ces to simply ignore. Therein could buildings worth protecting, Skopje lie Skopje‘s true identity.

per spectives

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city center. composed of images from the following sources: United Nations Development Programme (Ed.)(1970): Skopje resurgent: The story of a United Nations special fund town Planning Project United Nations. New York, United Nations: 329 104 Model of the Master Plan Unknown source * 105 Working process Unknown source * 105 Working process Unknown source * 105 Working process Unknown source * 106 No titleUnknown source * 107 City Gate and Transportation Center in the first model Unknown source * 107 The second model Unknown source * 107 No title Unknown source * 108 No title Unknown source * 108 No title Unknown source *

97 Kenzo Tange Unknown source *

108 No title Unknown source *

100 Regonition of structural and japanease working manner Unknown source *

109 No title Unknown source *

103 Location of the main attraction point in the

109 No title Unknown source *

110 Usage plan by Kenzo Tange United Nations Development Programme (Ed.)(1970): Skopje resurgent: The story of a United Nations special fund town Planning Project United Nations. New York, United Nations: 333 112 No title United Nations Development Programme (Ed.)(1970): Skopje resurgent: The story of a United Nations special fund town Planning Project United Nations. New York, United Nations: 331 113 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/>, 07-232010 115 The view in the revised model is leading to a high rise building at the Republic Square Unknown source * 127 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/>, 07-232010 129 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/>, 07-232010 131 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/>, 07-232010 133 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/>, 07-232010 135

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No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/>, 07-232010 137 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/>, 07-232010 139 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/>, 07-232010 142 No title Unknown source * 145 No title United Nations Development Programme (1970): Skopje resurgent: The story of a United Nations special fund town Planning Project United Nations. New York, unted Nations : 331 145 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/“ http://earth. google.de/>, 07-23-2010

Project United Nations. New York, United Nations : 331 151 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/>, 07-232010 154 No title Hypertech, Deviantart (Ed.) (2010): Skopje, Macedonia. <http://browse.deviantart.c om/?q=skopje&order=9&offset=120#/ d1i28ff>, 07-23-2010 154 No title United Nations Development Programme (1970): Skopje resurgent: The story of a United Nations special fund town Planning Project United Nations. New York, United Nations : 331 154 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de>, 07-232010 158 No title Unknown source * 158 No title Unknown source *

148 No title United Nations Development Programme (1970): Skopje resurgent: The story of a United Nations special fund town Planning Project United Nations. New York, United Nations : 331

158 No title Unknown source *

148 No title Google Inc. (Ed.) (2010). Google Earth (Version 5.2.1.1547) [Software]. Available from <http://earth.google.de/>, 07-232010

160 Le Havre. France Unknown editor (n.d.): No title. <http:// upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/46/LeHavre.jpg>, 08-24-2010

151 No title United Nations Development Programme (1970): Skopje resurgent: The story of a United Nations special fund town Planning

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158 No title Unknown source *

162 No title composed of images from the following sources: Wakiii (Ed.) (2009): Yamanashi Press and Broadcasting Centre.jpg. <http://farm4.static.flickr.

com/3464/3923226370_51276093bf. jpg>, 08-24-2010 162 No title composed of images from the following sources: BlogXe.com (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http:// blogxe.com/amazingbuildingsinworld/ files/2010/01/Strangest-Buildings02.jpg>, 08-30-2010 162 No title - composed of images from the following sources: Krause,Georg (2009): Schlangenbader_straße.jpg. <http://www.degewo.de/ content/de/Wohnen/_2-4-Kiezportraits/ Charlottenburg_Wilmersdorf/Schlangenbader-Strasse/contentCollection/0/image/ Schlangenbader_Str.jpg>, 08-24-2010 163 No title - composed of images from the following sources: Hecker, Michael (2006): Forum 7/1959, structurel.tiff. <http://elib.uni-stuttgart.de/ opus/frontdoor.php?source_opus=2982>, 08-24-2010 163 No title Johnny, Jet (2008): Jet Blue Airlines: PicForNewsletterAug20200817 JPG.jpg. <http://www.johnnyjet.com/image/PicForNewsletterAug20200817.JPG>, 08-242010 164 No title Areal, Augusto (2010): catedral of Brazil.jpg. <http://aedesign.wordpress. com/2010/02/25/cathedral-of-brasiliabrasilia-brazil/catedral-of-brazil/>, 08-242010 164 Catedral Metropolitana Nossa Senhora Aparecida (The Cathedral of Brasília) at Brasilia, 1970 by Oscar Niemeyer BlogXe.com (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http:// blogxe.com/amazingbuildingsinworld/ files/2010/01/Strangest-Buildings02.jpg>, 08-30-2010 164 Yamanashi Press and Broadcasting Center, at Yamanashi, Japan, 1967 by Kenzo Tange - Unknown editor (2010): Yamanashi3.

jpg. <http://arts.guardian.co.uk/pictures/ image/0,8543,-10505154681,00.html>, 08-24-2010

293 worst case scenario composed from following sources:

165 „TWA“ airport terminal at New York, USA, 1962 by Eero Saarinen Cofer, S.W. (2010): TWA_Terminal.jpg.

Unknown author (n.d.): No title. <http://z. about.com/d/gogermany/1/0/u/3/-/-/NeuesMuseum.jpg>, 08-18-2010

165 No title<http://www.architect-swc.com/imagessketches/TWA_Terminal.jpg>, 08-24-2010 165 Schlangenbaderstraße in Berlin, Germany, 1980 by Georg Heinrichs Krause,Georg (2009): SchlangeLuftbild. jpg. <http://www.degewo.de/content/de/ Mieten/1-2-3-Unsere-Kieze/Charlottenburg_Wilmersdorf/Schlangenbader-Strasse. html>, 08-24-2010 165 Lijnbaan, main shopping street at Rotterddam, 1953 by Jo van den Broek and Jacob B. Bakema Unknown editor (1974): rt026.jpg. <http:// www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread. php?t=587686“>, 08-24-2010 165 No title Stoller, Ezra (2009): Eero-saarinen-twae28093terminal-john-f-kennedy-international-airport-new-york-new-york-1962-photographer-ezra-stoller-c2a9-ezra-stolleresto. jpg.>, 08-24-2010 182 Skopje before the earthquake small pattern structure is competing with new concret blocks Unknown source * 243 Vero Mall Srdjan Adamovic (2010): Vero Center. http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?p=57252569 277 Graveyard for Modernism - composed of images from the following sources: Baumann, Klaus (2006): Friedhof Hill Lane VI <http://www.fotogemeinschaft. de/d/363726-2/friedhof-hilll.jpg>, 08-122010

Riot propagangda (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http://riotpropa.blogsport.de/images/chavez_riot.jpeg>, 08-18-2010 Die Tageszeitung (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http://www.taz.de/uploads/hp_taz_img/ xl/nyt.jpg>, 08-18-2010 The Sidney Morning Herald (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http://www.smh. com.au/ffximage/2004/09/16/riot_ wideweb__430x315.jpg>, 08-18-2010 Computer.Bild (Ed.) (n.d.): No title.<http://i.computer-bild.de/ imgs/102428775_11141815ae.jpg>, 0818-2010

Wikipedia (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http:// upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/ thumb/0/01/Dry_Stone_wall_building. JPG/800p>, 08-25-2010 Stiftung Umwelt-Einsatz Schweiz SUS (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http://www.umwelteinsatz. ch/webimages/ssevt788.jpg>, 08-182010 Ottoman Palestine (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http://www.ottomanpalestine.com/index_dosyalar/OTTOMAN_PALESTINE_14. jpg>, 08-18-2010 Eol Reisen (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <www. eol-reisen.de/images/2_bosnien_mostar2_ reck_l.jpg>, 08-18-2010

* provided by the Ss. Cyril and Methodius University of Skopje

297 Center stage composed from following sources: Build.mk (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http://www. build.com.mk/?cat=32>, 07-20-2010 Buildings for Skopje 2014: Own graphic. Monuments taken from the video: Macedonia Timeless Capital Skopje 2014. <http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=iybmt-iLysU>, 08-20-2010 299 Albanian segregation composed from following sources: Die Presse (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http://diepresse.com/images/uploads/c/1/f/363551/ bild120080217173826.jpg>, 08-25-2010 Condé Nast Digital (Ed.) (2010): No title. <http://www.jaunted.com/files/admin/ croppedskandeberg.png>, 08-25-2010 CROWN - Croatian World Network (Ed.) (2010): No title. <http://www.croatia.org/crown/content_ images/2008/Kosova_Albanians.jpg>, 08-25-2010 BibleWalks (Ed.) (n.d.): No title. <http:// www.biblewalks.com/Photos1/tiberias3. jpg>, 08-25-2010

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