Exclusionary Infrastructure & Displacement

Exclusionary Infrastructure & Displacement A joint CAP proposal by Luke Murray & Elisa Castañeda exploring ideas of exclusionary infrastructure, urban sociology, systemic disinvestment, and urban blight in Jackson, MS.

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Content 01. Abstract Summary of work

02. Preface Addressing our position and interest in the research

03. Introduction An exploration of theory behind exclusionary infrastructure

04. History of Jackson A brief overview of Jackson’s history

05. Case Studies Examples of interventions that provide connections between communities and foster a dialogue that aspires to combat inequity

06. Present Jackson Historical analysis with mapping and diagrammatic exercises.

Site selection

07. Looking Forward A philosophical approach moving forward, Roadmap of deliverables and schedule for the Spring of 2024

08. Appendix Interview transcritions, bibliography, citations and further readings

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Abstract Jackson, Mississippi is a unique place, the capital of the most low-income state in the nation, the Blackest major city in the United States per capita, and a city whose history is translated through its’ infrastructure and built landscape.

While the implementation of policies and regulation are directly in view as forms of disenfranchisement in marginalized communities, public infrastructure, urban planning, and the built environment are not often recognized as forms of regulation. Architecture and public infrastructure have been documented, especially in the South, as having devastating effects on marginalized communities, but are often overlooked, as they are not easily identifiable. The placement of highways, railroads, walls, and more, have had profound effects on the organization of different racial demographic groups within the city of Jackson - the effects of which can still be seen today. Jackson is a city inseparable from its’ deeply rooted history of civil-rights, a struggle still evident in the city’s architecture and infrastructure alike.

The above implicates exclusionary infrastructure, defined here as the placement and construction of built works that hinder accessibility between communities, resulting in systemic disinvestment and social plight. This proposal aims to examine how these factors – and their historical, social, and political contexts – have resulted in inequity at multiple scales. And furthermore, leverage that research to better understand how architecture can be a form of liberation rather than control in a city and a state that fails to reconcile under the weight of its own history.

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Preface This research project explores the complex intersections of architecture, infrastructure, and social equity. We have centrally focused on a critical, yet often overlooked aspect of our discipline — the role of architectural and infrastructural design in perpetuating social inequities.

The genesis of this work lies in the recognition that while architecture and infrastructure are crucial in shaping the physical landscapes of our cities, they also have profound, lasting impacts on the social fabric of communities. Too often, these impacts exacerbate existing social divides, marginalizing certain groups while privileging others. This project seeks to unwind these dynamics and explore avenues for positive change.

Our research is interdisciplinary in nature, weaving together threads from urban planning, social justice theory, and public policy. We have analyzed historical examples where design has contributed to social inequity, both inentionally and unintentionally. The case studies, drawn from both inside and outside Jackson, provide a nuanced understanding of the challenges and opportunities at the intersection of the built environment and social issues.

A pivotal aspect of our approach has been engaging with diverse voices, including those of city officials, architects committed to social change, and residents of neighborhoods shaped by inequitable development practices. Their insights have been invaluable, offering ground-level perspectives on the real-world impacts of design decisions.

Our intention with this paper is twofold. First, to shine a light on the ways in which architecture and infrastructure can, and often do, contribute to social inequity. And secondly, to propose a framework for reversing these trends.

We offer this work as a contribution to the ongoing dialogue about the role of the built environment in shaping a just society. It is our hope that it will serve as a resource and inspiration for architects, planners, policymakers, and community advocates working towards a more equitable and inclusive future.

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Introduction

Throughout mid-size cities in the United states, infrastructure is a vital component of the city’s fabric, has historically been weaponized against minority and low-income communities as a form of exclusion, the effects of which can still be seen today. This is evident at multiple scales – the city, neighborhood, and street. The built environment is as much a reflection of the state of social equity within an urban environment as is the community itself. For this reason, infrastructural decision making should embed equity at its core to stave off becoming defective and inherently unjust. Therefore, any approach to urban planning that does not aim to achieve infrastructural justice represents a dangerous affront to the very essence of community and equitable urban planning.

At its’ largest scale, the city organizes major infrastructure, such as railroads, interstates, public transportation systems, and more, to achieve an efficient system. But, the design of urban infrastructure is evidence of more than just form and function – it also embeds and perpetuates societal biases and inequities. Infrastructural decisions – like where highways are placed, the height of overpasses, and the design of public spaces – are often presented as neutral or practical determinations, alternatively termed “traffic logic” by Nicholas Blomley in his book, Civil Rights Meet Civil Engineering: Urban Public Space and Traffic Logic.8 However, when examined critically, these choices can be seen as tools of architectural exclusion, subtly guiding or limiting the movement of certain demographic groups. While some still contend that exclusion through infrastructure is simply coincidence, history tells us differently.

In fact, some of the most highly regarded architects and engineers used overtly discriminatory designs to exclude marginalized groups. Robert Moses, the “Master Builder” of New York, used infrastructure as actual physical barriers. When Moses was commissioned to design a series of overpasses along the Long Island parkway that bordered the newly developed Jones Beach, he specified that the bridges be “low hanging”, so that the twelve-foot-tall buses widely used by low-income communities and racial minority groups could not fit under them.14 Moses’ biographer even wrote about the intent behind the project as being “racially motivated”.14

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Although the intention of Moses is apparent and documented, not all instances are as easily identifiable. For example, the placement of transit stops throughout a city can have hazardous effects for some communities. While most moderate to highincome individuals travel via private vehicles, low-income communities and communities of color often widely rely on public transit networks for transportation. When areas are underserved by bus routes or light rail, those same areas become less accessible to affected communities. Not surprisingly, many affluent communities push local elected officials not to allow transit stops in their neighborhoods.14 The effects of this are apparent in the mostly white suburbs of Atlanta where employers face a shortage of workers that mostly black innercity communities could easily fill if provided viable transit. Despite this, “residents and policymakers…have rejected proposals to bring Atlanta’s rapid transit network (MARTA) into their communities”.14 The above examples provide abhorrent evidence of social and racial discrimination in the built environment and illustrate how urban infrastructure can act as a vehicle for a community’s values – good or bad. It is for this reason that urban planning cannot be overlooked as a purveyor of culture in our cities.

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The ideas outlined above can be directly translated to the neighborhood scale. In some municipalities, walls and barriers are used as clear forms of physical segregation. The Eight Mile Wall in Detroit was erected in 1940 “to separate an existing black neighborhood from a new white one that was to be constructed”. The Federal Housing Authority historically only provided financing for new developments if the neighborhood was “sufficiently residential and racially segregated”. Because the proposed development was too close to a black community, developers erected the wall to secure funding. It still exists today, while Detroit remains the most segregated city in the United States.12 Susan Bickford articulates the social psychology behind physical barriers in her article, “Constructing Inequality: City Spaces and the Architecture of Citizenship”.

’Gates’ take a variety of forms, then: from an impenetrable wall to… barbed wire surrounding a housing project to red lines on a city map.

Viewed from different angles, these gates have different social meanings.

A gate that indicates safety and security to a resident of a middle-class development can communicate “danger-keep out” to residents of the poor neighborhood it borders…Most significantly, gates construct and manifest social relations-in this case, segregation…these kinds of gates function not just to keep some people out, but to keep people on each side separate from one another, or, to put it paradoxically, to actively construct relations of separation.9 Here, Bickford begins to deconstruct how barriers not only physically divide communities, but also how they disproportionately effect the communal psychology of certain groups. Less obvious strategies to separate areas are also used at the neighborhood scale. Divided highway median barriers on arterial roads have been used as deterrents to pedestrians or left turning cars. Highway 101 in Palo Alto separates the “affluent West Palo Alto” from the “low-income East Palo Alto”.

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In fact, crossing from East to West Palo Alto requires the traversal of many busy intersections and accounts for one of the “highest rates of car-pedestrian collisions” in the state of California.14 This blatant disregard for pedestrian safety is clear in the lack of secure pedestrian infrastructure.

Another physical manifestation of how certain groups within urban environments are deemed expendable is through the intentional placement of hazardous facilities employing unsustainable environmental practices. This is often illustrated in the adjacency marginalized neighborhoods have to brown fields, industrial complexes, and the proximity to mass transit corridors such as highways and interstates. David Reichmuth from the Union of Concerned Scientists recently conducted a study in the state of California that made direct correlations between lowincome communities of color and high risk air-pollution derived from on-road vehicles.

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“On average, African American, Latino, and Asian Californians are exposed to more PM2.5 (particulate matter) pollution from cars, trucks, and buses than white Californians. These groups are exposed to PM2.5 pollution 43, 39, and 21 percent higher, respectively, than white Californians...

Pollution burdens can also be seen at the community level. In census tracts with average annual PM2.5 concentrations less than half the state average, whites make up 48 percent of the population, while only constituting 38 percent of the state’s total population. In contrast, the most polluted census tracts have a higher proportion of people of color.”10

These environmental practices continue to disproportionately impact our communities of color within urban spaces. And, although they often contribute less to air-pollutants present within inner-cities on average, they bare a heavier burden on their health. Not only are these unsustainable practices causing environmental injustices, they are contributing factors to social-behavioral health risks. This correlation is historically evident, as these adjacencies have contributed not only to health, but also to mass-incarceration, as an exhaustive study by Rick Nevin made clear. His analysis of the correlation between reductions in the levels of lead in gasoline and the reduction of violent crimes per-capita puts the impacts of pollutants on communities directly in view.13 It shows how living within toxic chemicals produced by on-road vehicles have generational impacts on marginalized communities.

As designers of these urban spaces, we must begin to acknowledge how these acts of infrastructure have had and continue to have adverse ramifications. Especially with the intentional placement of federal highways within communities of color, these are designed pieces of the built environment whose consequences last for decades. Public infrastructure poses as a powerful indicator of the disenfranchised and demonstrates how the values of those in power are physically built throughout our cities. It is imperative that the intentions behind infrastructure, or a lack of infrastructure, is scrutinized at the highest level.

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The presence or absence of certain features in urban design can signal which populations are valued or devalued, especially concerning the accessibility to public spaces. This kind of exclusionary design not only shapes the physical environment, but also the social and economic dynamics of urban spaces at the pedestrian scale. Bickford begins to describe how forms of infrastructure are meant to enforce policing and surveillance of segregation in the built environment.

“There is also ‘prickly’ space, designed to be uncomfortable to occupy, particularly by the homeless. Its components include sprinkler systems, lack of protection from sun or shade, an absence of public toilets or water, ‘bag-lady proof’ enclosures around restaurant dumpsters, and “bum-proof benches” on which it is impossible to lie down.”9 These examples are often referred to as hostile architecture, a practice that has derived its name from its propensity to be utilized in urban spaces that are specifically designed to deter designated and disadvantaged groups. If we are to question the morality of infrastructure to contextualize a designer’s place in orchestrating sustainable, equitable urbanism, then what place does hostile architecture have? And, how do designers approach creating public spaces that could reverse these effects?

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In essence, the built environment is not just a reflection of societal values but an active participant in shaping them. The Broken Windows Theory draws upon historically discursive practices that naturalize urban blight and a lack of accessibility as a product of individual behavior rather than government policies of organized abandonment.11 At the scale of cities, infrastructure is another marker and enforcer of state violence and inequity. But this paper argues that Broken Windows do not represent signals of individualized disorder or failing, but rather neocapitalist production of landscapes that assault our most vulnerable. By drawing attention to these architectural practices, we can begin to understand the importance of considering the broader societal impacts of designing urban infrastructure. It’s a call for urban planners, architects, and policymakers to recognize that their decisions have social consequences, and to actively strive for inclusive design that supports rather than marginalizes vulnerable or minority populations.

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History of Jackson 1900 - Present

The history of Jackson, Mississippi, from 1910 to where it stands today is a testimony to the significant societal, political, and economic challenges. Over the past century, the city witnessed a series of transformative events that reshaped its identity. Black residents of Jackson, approximately one-third of the city’s population by 1900, were increasingly disenfranchised from the social, economic, and institutional framework of the city. Due to racial segregation and Jim Crow laws, black Jacksonians developed separate institutions, businesses, churches, and social organizations within their own communities.

The 1920s were a decade of profound change and transformation in the United States, and Jackson, Mississippi, was no exception. During this period, the city witnessed a series of major infrastructural developments that significantly shaped its growth and modernization. In the early 1920s, Jackson saw significant investment in its road infrastructure. The Mississippi State Highway Department initiated several road construction projects, including the improvement of the Jackson-Vicksburg highway, which was a vital connection between the state’s two major cities. Improved roads and bridges not only enhanced transportation within the city but also facilitated economic growth by enabling easier movement of goods and people.4 Prior to the early 20th century, Jackson’s economy was deeply rooted in agriculture, with cotton as the primary crop. As was commonly known, “cotton was king” in Mississippi, and it made a lasting impact on the economy of the state. The city’s fortunes were closely tied to the success of the cotton industry, which had its ups and downs. By 1910 the timber industry dominated in Mississippi, “accounting for 53.1% of the total value of all manufacturing industries in the state.”4 At this time Jackson had an advantageous geographical location that made it prime for a railine that stretched from New Orleans to Chicago for the purpose of exporting large numbers of timber from the region. Thus, the construction of Union Station between North Gallatin and Mill Streets was completed, impacting the growth of the city for generations. This impressive Colonial-Revival style building not only improved the city’s connectivity but also enhanced its architectural presence. Union Station became a symbol of Jackson’s modernization and economic progress.4 The expansion of the city’s waterworks system was another significant development during this decade.

By 1924, the Jackson Water Department invested in upgrading and expanding the water supply and

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distribution network, ensuring clean and reliable water for the growing population.

This development had a direct impact on public health and sanitation, a crucial aspect of urban life. In 1927, the Jackson Municipal Airport was established, providing the city with an essential link to air travel. Initially, the airport was a modest facility, but it marked the beginning of Jackson’s aviation history and laid the foundation for future developments in air transportation. Additionally, the late 1920s saw the introduction of electric streetcars in Jackson, replacing the old mule-drawn streetcar system.4 This advancement in public transportation made commuting easier and more efficient for residents. Electric streetcars were cleaner, faster, and more reliable, contributing to the city’s growing urbanization.

In 1927, the Capitol Street Viaduct was completed, providing a direct route over the Illinois Central Railroad tracks in downtown Jackson. This viaduct eased traffic congestion and enhanced accessibility within the city, further facilitating economic activities and urban development. Until 1925, the railroad tracks and Union Station were serviced ongrade, but after petitions from the community the tracks were raised, and five overpass structures were built (refer to Case Study 1).4 This investment in infrastructure altered the city fabric and spurred huge expansion into the neighborhood of West Jackson. The Farish Street neighborhood, generally bounded by Fortification, Mill, Lamar, and Amite Streets and more recently identified as the Farish

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Street Neighborhood Historic District, had been home to numbers of black people since me 1860s and 1870s. By the 1880s and 1890s, the area had become thoroughly segregated and, by the turn of the century, it was blossoming into a notable hub of commerce for me black community of Jackson.4 In 1931, the Mississippi State Capitol Building underwent a major renovation, solidifying its importance as the political heart of the state.

The expansion and modernization of this iconic structure were a testament to Jackson’s growing prominence as the state’s capital and a focal point for political activities. The 1930s also saw the emergence of civil rights activism in Jackson. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) established a local chapter in the city, and early efforts were made to address racial discrimination and segregation, setting the stage for future civil rights movements. Racial segregation was a defining feature of Jackson during this period. African Americans in the city faced systemic discrimination, and “Jim Crow” laws enforced racial segregation in public facilities and services, reflecting a wider trend across the Southern United States. Additionally, Jackson, like many American cities, participated in the racist practice of redlining, this term refers to a discriminatory practice that was widespread in the United States during the 20th century, particularly from the 1930s to the 1960s. It involved the systematic denial of financial services, such as loans or insurance, to residents in certain neighborhoods, often based on their racial or ethnic composition.

The term “redlining” originates from the practice of drawing red lines on maps to designate areas where financial institutions would not provide mortgages or other services because they were considered “risky” or “hazardous.” This also worked conversely with white home buyers being denied loans and mortgages in these areas in order to perpetuate racial divides on community make-ups. The “hazardous” areas were typically neighborhoods with predominantly African American, Hispanic, or other minority residents. Redlining would go on to have devastating and longlasting effects on these communities. It contributed to racial segregation, restricted access to homeownership and economic opportunities for

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minority groups, and perpetuated disparities in wealth and housing.

As the 1940s began, World War II had a profound influence on Jackson’s social dynamics. The city saw increased industrial and military activity, fostering economic opportunities and social changes. The war also accelerated discussions surrounding civil rights and equality, paving the way for future activism. With the United States’ entry into World War II, Jackson’s role in the war effort led to the expansion of industries and the establishment of military bases in the region. This period of industrial expansion marked the city’s transition into a hub for wartime production, contributing to economic growth and social changes.4 During this decade, the struggle for civil rights gained momentum. The war heightened the contradictions of racial segregation, as African American soldiers returning from service in a segregated military found it increasingly difficult to accept Jim Crow laws. Civil rights activism and protests against discrimination and segregation were on the rise in Jackson. The 1950s began with the continued development of Jackson’s

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transportation infrastructure. The construction of the Interstate Highway System reached Jackson, making the city a pivotal hub for regional travel and commerce. The completion of I-55 and I-20 played a vital role in boosting the city’s economic connectivity. In 1961 the expansion of Jackson’s transportation infrastructure continued with the construction of Interstate 220, providing a critical link between I-55 and I-20. This new highway improved regional connectivity and spurred economic development.

The 1950s and 60s were marked by significant change as Jackson became a battleground for the Civil Rights Movement. The landmark U.S. Supreme Court case of Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 signaled the beginning of the end for racial segregation in public schools. Although the process of desegregation was slow and met with resistance, this decision had a profound impact on the social fabric of Jackson and the entire South. The city witnessed numerous protests and demonstrations against segregation and racial discrimination, notably, Jackson played a key role in the Freedom Rides of 1961. In May 1961, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) initiated the Freedom Rides, drawing national attention to Jackson’s ongoing struggle for equality. Legal changes played a crucial role in reshaping Jackson during the Civil Rights Movement. Landmark Supreme Court decisions, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964, began to dismantle segregation in public spaces. The city witnessed sit-ins, protests, and demonstrations demanding an end to segregation and racial discrimination. In 1963, the University of Mississippi was desegregated, signifying a crucial milestone in the struggle for civil rights. In 1965, Jackson State College became Jackson State University, signifying its growth and expanded role in higher education. The university played a significant part in the African American community’s struggle for equal access to education.

By the 1970s and 1980s, Jackson experienced significant economic shifts. The city’s economy moved away from its agricultural roots, with manufacturing and service industries taking a more prominent role. Alongside economic transformation, Jackson’s political landscape also evolved. African Americans gained political power, with the election of Harvey Johnson Jr. as the city’s first black mayor in 1997, marking a significant turning point in the city’s history. The 1990s brought urban challenges to Jackson, including issues such as crime, poverty, and educational disparities. These issues prompted a reevaluation of social policies and urban planning.

The history of Jackson, Mississippi, from 1910 to today is a story of transformation. It reflects the broader changes and challenges experienced by Southern cities during this era, from the Jim Crow era to the Civil Rights Movement and the economic and political changes of the late 20th century.

Jackson’s history is a testament to the resilience of its residents in the face of adversity.

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Case Studies Six examples of interventions that provide connections between communities to foster a dialogue that aspires to combat inequity. The first four are national and international precendents, while the last two are local examples of inequitable infrastruture in Jackson, MS.

Claiborne Cultural Innovation District Colloquate New Orleans, Louisiana Colloqate in a BIPOC firm whose work aspires to speak to the potential for equitable spaces and attempts to visually and physically represent our collective aspirations for the future. The (above) CLAIBORNE CULTURAL INNOVATION DISTRICT (CID) is a 19-Block transformation of space beneath the elevated I-10 expressway along Claiborne Avenue, from Canal Street to St. Bernard Avenue in New Orleans. Built with green infrastructure, in addition to being a world-class market with arts, crafts, produce and seafood vendors, the CID will include classrooms and exhibit space, interactive technology and education demonstrations, and will be a site for youth programming, health, environmental, and social services, community projects, workshops, and special events for the residents of the Claiborne Corridor. As a culture based economic driver, the CID will support indigenous entrepreneurs and culture bearers in achieving their goals for equitable and sustainable community development. Heavy on innovation, it will be a resident governed effort focused on providing direct pathways to business ownership, workforce 20

development, and community capacity building, through fulfilling the need for neighborhood serving retail and enhanced neighborhood services. An outdoor marketplace can fosters the growth of small businesses either owned by those indigenous to the Claiborne area or directly serving the Claiborne community.

Over the course of eight (8) workshops and over 80 hours of informational and working open dialogue, the community established a core set of considerations that directly address issues of inequity. These workshops, which included panel discussions, community conversations, and design sessions, allowed the participants to consider everything from environmental to economic issues resulting in a breadth of ideas that seek to counteract injustice in the built environment.

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Urban Acupuncture

Urban acupuncture is a design tactic promoting urban regeneration at a local level, supporting the idea that interventions in public space don’t need to be ample and expensive to have a transformative impact. Urban acupuncture represents an adaptable framework for urban renewal, where highly focused and targeted initiatives help regenerate neglected spaces, incrementally deploy urban strategies, or consolidate the social infrastructure of a city.

Drawing from the metaphor of the Chinese traditional medical practice, urban acupuncture refers to the improvement of social and urban issues through precise interventions that revitalize areas of the city, and consolidate urban planning strategies.

The tactic has the advantage of being a fast-tracked planning, thus being implemented

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and consolidate urban planning strategies.

The tactic has the advantage of being a fast-tracked planning, thus being implemented swiftly and often with modest means. With less bureaucratic requirements, these localized gestures can trigger a chain reaction of improvement in the quality of the adjacent urban environment, from an increase in social cohesion to an improvement in public safety.

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Extinction Rebellion - Architecture as Protest

Modular, plywood boxes have been self-built by climate change protesters Extinction Rebellion to build lock-on sites, towers and stages for London protests.

“This is about what a group of people all coming together have managed to achieve. You can call it protest architecture, or architecture of activism. It’s a new typology.”

U-Build’s modules were redesigned to be simple enough that complete novices could build them, with just one shape of box and an easier bolt system.Pieces were cut at a community-run CNC workshop and supplies were bought through crowdfunding.

Circles were cut into the sides of the boxes, allowing activists to lock on through them – a peaceful protest tactic where people attach themselves to

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shut a site down. Locking on through a structure makes it harder for the police to remove protesters. U-Build is a modular construction system designed by Studio Bark to allow people and communities to self-build structures. A flatpack kit of parts allows users to build modules that can be slotted together with hand tools to form houses or extensions.

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Borderwall As Architecture Ronald Rael A manifesto for the U.S. - Mexico boundary

The work compiled in this book continues the exploration through a collection of anecdotes, essays, models, drawings, stories, and speculations... This book is also a protest against the wall – a protest that employs the tools of the discipline of architecture manifested as a series of designs that challenge the intrinsic element of a wall charged by its political context. The wall is a spatial device that had been inserted into the landscape, but with complete disregard for the richness, diversity, and complexities of the areas in which it was built and proposed.

This book advocates for a reconsideration of the existing wall, both through design proposals inspired by people living along the border who see the wall as something to respond to in positive ways and through proposals that are hyperboles of actual scenarios that have taken and continue to take place as a consequence of the wall.

So what are architects to do about the conundrum of the borderwall? Do they ignore the issue altogether or actively protest in refusal to participate? Do they strategize how design might dismantle the existing wall, or rethink the potential of the existing wall as an armature for for correcting problems with it? Should they take on the challenge of designing new walls?

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“All walls are common walls.

Special laws often govern walls shared by neighboring properties. Typically, one neighbor cannot alter the common wall if it is likely to affect the building or property on the 0ther side.

Each wall has two sides, and causing damage to a wall on one side will damage the wall on the other side.

All walls are attractors.

The current borderwall is meant to keep people out and away. Proposals should reconsider the design so that it can serve as an attractor that engages both sides in a common dialogue.

All walls are temporary.

Each proposal should be designed with the understanding that the wall will eventually be removed or reconsidered, creating an even more valuable post-borderwall scenario.” p.18-19

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Capitol Street Viaduct

To understand the impact the present-day conditions surrounding the viaduct in Jackson, we first have to understand the demographics shifts overtime in the surrounding neighborhoods.

In the late nineteenth century, white residential areas in Jackson extended outward from the two primary business hubs of downtown Jackson and West Jackson. During this period, early neighborhoods were conveniently linked by the street railway system and strategically positioned near business and industrial centers like North State Street and Bailey Avenue. Dwellings of the less affluent, including black residents, were often labeled as “tenements” or “shanties” on historical Sanborn maps, frequently situated near industries or along railroad corridors.4 Farish Street, emerging as a center of black commerce in Jackson, encompassed both middleclass residences and more modest homes, including shotgun-type housing. Nevertheless, the trend of racially segregated communities gained traction in Jackson by the turn of the century.

It was during this period that the Farish Street neighborhood and the vicinity surrounding Jackson College began to thrive as distinctly black communities. What we see as the Jackson viaduct today started with the existing rail lines that were laid down prior to 1909, rebuilt after the Civil War, connecting New Orleans to Memphis. Then in 1910, the Illinois Central Rail created Union Station to the West end of Capitol Street in Downtown Jackson and development expanded in this area with the industrial revolution.4 Our case study of the viaduct illustrates the overall impact the corridor has had on the City of Jackson over time, from its southernmost end to its northern-most end of the city limits. But, our more specific analysis focuses on the intersection of West Capitol Street and Pearl Street on the viaduct overpass. In the early 20th century, West Jackson was rapidly growing, with mills and industrial complexes spreading along the railroad, and housing for laborers soon followed.

“The Clinton Road, a portion later renamed West Capitol Street, was the major connector to the subdivisions and industries that were rapidly developing in West Jackson. By the turn of the century, expansive mansions, modest one-story homes, commercial enterprises, and churches and other institutional buildings lined West Capitol Street out to the subdivision of Poindexter Park.”4 This area of Jackson continued to be a populated and industrious site that warranted the elevation of the railroad tracks in 1925. This was done in order to provide a safer passage of through-traffic to the neighboring West Jackson from the Central Business District with a series of five overpass structures.

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In addition to the elevation was a new two-story railroad depot done in a Colonial-Revival style, which is the present-day historic building of Union Station. Raising the tracks was a huge infrastructural undertaking for the city that spurred development into West Jackson, extending past Livingston Park before 1930. Between 1930 and 1940 the completion of several highways, such as US-49 and US-51 decreased residence reliance on railroad for transportation.

After World War II, Jackson’s economic success led to the emergence of suburban development that stemmed from a range of factors, such as post-war economic prosperity, the accessibility of affordable automobiles, the baby boom, and the availability of house loans funded by the Veterans Administration4 (VA) and the GI Bill. Although, it is important to note that these loans were largely only accessible to white working-class veterans. At the time, West Jackson was largely a white community with access to quality housing. By the time forced integration came around in the 1970s, the city experienced an exodus of its white residents to more affluent areas in East Jackson and to the surrounding suburbs. This led to the housing stock within the city to become more economical for low-income and black residents.

As racial demographics began to shift, historically white neighborhood soon became

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predominantly black communities, especially in West Jackson. It wasn’t until this shift that the viaduct and railway once again became a barrier to the city, only this time more distinctly dividing racial groups as opposed to an economic one between historically white communities. The data shown represents how the viaduct has been instrumental overtime in becoming a physical barrier that separates these now low-income neighborhoods of West Jackson from the more affluent, and predominently white, areas of the city. In the early 2000s there was a push to beautify the historic Union Station, but this did not address the underlying systemic challenges this region faced, nor did it spur the economic growth it had hoped for.

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1885 As the area around the railroad junction on West Capitol St experienced rapid growth, crossing the railroad became a nusiance for residents.

City Council approves construction of iron bridge at West Capitol Street bridging Town Creek and relieving commercial traffic.

1925 The Illin of the ra ating un Monume

1910 Jackson grows from a population of 7,816 in 1900 to 21,262 by 1910, largely attributed to the growing timber and other industries made possible by the railroads

New dev tion of panding Capitol Park

1900 Gulf and Ship Island Railroad is completed, connecting Jackson to the Gulfport Spurred industry and the city of Jackson by making raw materials near the city accessible for commercial opportunity

1880-1890 Jackson Board of Trade formed, new rail lines connect Jackson to Vicksburg and Yazoo City The above establishes Jackson as center for commerce and trade in Central MS 1861 Southern Railroad bridges Pearl River to connect to Meridian

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1858 New Orleans, Jackson, and Great Northern Railroad completed to Jackson

1871 Jackson City Railway Company organized, built light rail to connect N.O.J.G.N. depot in West Jackson to State St near Old Capitol

History of Railways Jackson, MS

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1874 Jackson expands city limits to incorporate what was considered West Jackson to capture commerce surrounding the railroad junction on West Capitol St

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1895 White residents primarily in areas of commerce, radiating out from the West Jackson railroad hub and downtown along State St Black residents primarily live adjacent to industry or along railroad corridors, including the Farish St District

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1920 Jackson annexe surrounding com developing alo road corridors to 5.95 sq miles

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nois Central train tracks west ailroad depot is elevated, crenderpasses at West Capitol, ent, and Gallatin Streets

Exclusionary Infrastructure & Displacement

1970 Jackson Public School system integrated, spurring shift in demographics as white residents move to suburban areas

velopment in the western secthe city grows rapidly, exg West Jackson along West Street and past Livingston

2006 Re-bricking of Capitol St Viaduct is completed along with renovation of Union Station as a multimodal transportation hub

1980 Jackson reaches peak population of 202,895

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1934 Redlining Map for Jackson drawn, deeming predominently black populated wards along railroad corridors “hazardous”, greatly limiting their urban mobility

1930 Jackson residents begin to rely heavily on the automobile, with over 8,500 private vehicles owned

es multiple mmunities ong rails, growing s

1960-1965 Civil Rights Movement fights segregation and community divisions

1979 Pearl River Flood causes $600 million in damage to city and infrastructure

1930-1940 Completion of several state highways such as US-49 and US-51 decrease resident reliance on railroad for transportation

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1970-2000 White residents move in record numbers to surrounding suburbs in Hinds, Madison, and Rankin Counties as Jackson fully integrates, decreasing the white population of the city from 48% to 26% Black residents begin to outnumber white residents in historically white neighborhoods throughout the city, including most of West Jackson

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Dr. Robert Smith Sr. Parkway

The envisioned Jackson Metro Parkway evolved over three decades, stemming from the closure of J.R. Lynch Street following a tragic incident on the JSU campus in 1970 that saw two students shot and killed during a protest. Since Lynch Street’s closure, West Jackson’s primary throughfare, there have been ongoing discussions about constructing a new road that would bypass Jackson State University (JSU) and link the western suburbs to the city’s Central Business District. The end goal was to extend this thoroughfare into the neighboring eastern county, connecting it to the Jackson International Airport. However, the first official plan approved by the City Council, known as the JSU Parkway Project Conceptual Master Plan, wasn’t developed until 1994. The consultants, led

by Waggoner Engineering, Inc., in collaboration with sub-consultants MTS, Ltd., and the Anderson Group, asserted that the primary advantage of the JSU Parkway would be to enhance east-west traffic flow in and around downtown and JSU. Furthermore, they proposed various benefits, such as improving shuttle and pedestrian routes, fostering new residential development, creating space for landscaping enhancements, establishing park areas suitable for community activities and parking improvements, acting as a buffer between university and residential areas, connecting the university and the community, and raising property values in West Jackson.

The proposed automobile road section of the Parkway entailed integrating about three miles of a four-lane limited access road into the existing community. Alongside the road, the concept master plan included pedestrian walkways and bicycle paths. The plan also called for incorporating these pedestrian and bike paths into a green belt that traversed the West Jackson neighborhood for most of the initial Parkway phases, providing recreational and leisure opportunities for local residents.

Following the construction of the road and sidewalks, further development of the parkway received approval from the Jackson Metro Parkway Commission in April 2002. Subsequently, in June 2002, the City of Jackson and the Jackson Metro Parkway entered into a contract with Jackson State University’s Department of Urban and Regional Planning and the Mississippi State School of Architecture’s Jackson Community Design Center to carry out the tasks outlined in the Commissionendorsed Action Plan.

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Rose St

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S Prentiss St

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Eastview St

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Alta Vista Blvd

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Since, there has been little to no development of the parkway.

Although it did achieve it’s purpose of creating buffer between the University and the surrounding community and decreasing traffic west and east, there has been no revitalization of the surrounding neighborhoods to speak of. In fact, conditions have deteriorated faced with a lack of investment in the area.

The parkway remains as a wide barrier between JSU and the neighborhoods adjacent to the project.

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JSU Campus

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Barrier Analysis City of Jackson

nt ow D ow

Vacant housing and blight in Jackson are deeply intertwined with the city's history of racial segregation and economic disparity.

Historically, discriminatory practices such as redlining and racial covenants restricted where African American residents could live and own property, leading to concentrated poverty in certain neighborhoods. Over time, these areas have received less commercial and infrastructural investment, contributing to neighborhood decline and the deterioration of housing stock. The economic disadvantages faced by these communities, compounded by systemic racism in employment, education, and lending practices, have limited the ability of residents to maintain and improve their properties. This legacy of racial inequity has left a lasting imprint on Jackson, where blighted properties are more common in historically segregated and economically marginalized neighborhoods, underscoring the complex relationship between race relations and urban decay in the city.

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Throughout the 20th century, the racial demographics of Jackson underwent significant changes. In the early 1900s, Jackson's population was predominantly White, but the Great Migration of African Americans from rural areas to urban centers led to gradual increases in the city's Black population. By the mid-20th century, particularly during the Civil Rights era, Jackson became a focal point for racial tensions and demographic shifts. The African American population continued to grow, both in numbers and in influence, despite facing systemic segregation and discrimination. This period also saw many White residents move to suburban areas, a pattern commonly identified as “white flight”. By the end of the 20th century, Jackson had transformed from a predominantly White city to one with a majority African American population, a shift that had profound effects on the city's cultural, economic, and political landscape.

I Jackson, like many other cities in the United States, varies in income levels among different racial groups, a situation reflecting broader socioeconomic disparities. African Americans, who make up a significant portion of Jackson's population, often face higher rates of poverty and lower median incomes compared to their White counterparts.

This economic gap can be attributed to factors such as historical segregation, discrimination in the labor market, and unequal access to quality education.

Barrier Analysis

By Census Tract

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H

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The data shown to the right illustrates a strong divide when evaluating housing stock, demographics by race, and income level. The data, organized by census tract, distinctly follows major infrastructure routes —railroads highlighted in red and designated highways highlighted in yellow.

It has been well documented that railroads, interstates, and highways can act as barriers that divide communities, and Jackson is no exception. It is in conjuction with these barriers and other significant drivers such as historically oppressive redlining maps dating back to the 1930’s that these divides have been strengthened into the 21st century.

What is more, even with an exodus of white residents beginning in the 1970’s, the infrastructure shown have continued to hold as significant obstacles to intracity mobility, and act as defining lines for capitalized development in a predominantly white East Jackson.

Income average by household

$19,000 - 32,000 $32,000 - 46,000 $46,000 - 63,000 $63,000 +

Demographics non-white population by percentage

95 - 100 % 84 - 94 % 62 - 83 % 0 - 61%

Housing vacant housing units by tract

335 - 573 214 - 334 114 - 213 1 - 113

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Vacant Housing Units The above map represents population density by census block overlayed with red markers that denote 20 vacant housing units each. These vacant units cluster along the railroads and highways and stretch into West Jackson with few radiating into a more affluent East Jackson. With Jackson comprised of 74,000 housing units — 17% of them vacant — the overwhelming majority of them are west of I-55. This map, along with the data from the previous page, shows a clear lack of investment in communities of color.

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Demographics by Race

Jackson

By Census Block

Suburbs

95 - 100 % 84 - 94 % 62 - 83 %

non-white population by percentage

non-white population by percentage

0 - 61%

70 - 100 % 49 - 69 % 30 - 48 % 0 - 29%

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Population incriments of 5,000

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145,995

Madison

27,775

Clinton

26,996

Pearl

27,682

Brandon

25,502

Ridgeland

24,404

Byram

12,721

Flowood

10,530

Richland

7,297

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Neighborhoods & Districts Brookleigh Belhaven Heights Dixon Acres

Eastover Farish Street Fondren

1954 Brown vs. Board of Education, declares separate public schools unconstitutional

160,000

140,000

120,000

Black White

1903 New Capitol Building constructed

60,000

Millsaps College Northwest Hills Presidential Hills

Leavell Woods Midtown Mid North District

1959 Jackson Academy opens as “Freedom of Choice School”

1969 Alexander vs. Holmes County BOE, forces integration of schools in American South

1979 Pearl River Flood of 1979, causes 600 million in damage

Rolling Meadows Tougaloo Van Winkle

1997 MS Adequate Education Program is passed, schools have only been fully funded twice

1927 GM&O Railroad Depot constructed on E. Pearl St., ushers in new era of industry in city

100,000 80,000

Forest Hill Hawkins Field Jackson State University

40,000 20,000

1900

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and surrounding suburbs. In addition, the top right of the graphic illustrates changing populations by race in Jackson and coinciding events throughout the 20th century. What is clear is that Jackson’s long history of racial discrimination contributed to the onset of suburbanization and shifts in racial demographics throughout the metro area.

Madison Ridgeland

Clinton

The graphic to the left takes a deeper look at the organization of demographics by race in Jackson.

Shown by census block, Jackson is currently 82.8% Black, 15% White, 1.2% Hispanic or Latino, with all other races comprising less than one percent. The map on the bottom left of the graphic respresents percentages of non-white residents of Jackson

Flowood Jackson Pearl

Brandon

Richland Byram

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Capitol St Viaduct Barrier Analysis

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The analysis spans east from the Old Capitol Building to US-49 in West Jackson. Documentation occurred every quarter mile and captured general street views, power lines and poles, occupied housing, unoccupied housing, and noteworthy instances.

d

This analysis examines conditions on either side of the Capitol St Viaduct, illustrating a sharp decline in general infrastructure and housing stock proceeding west.

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Barrier Panorama

West Capitol St from the Old Capitol Building to US-49 Panorama refers to our methodology for data collection and observations dont in equal incriments along the route of analysis. This was done through a series of images looking at the maitanance of public infrastucture, housing stock, and the grahic representation of the barrier we hoped to address in each study.

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Illinois Central Railroad Barrier Analysis

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N State St

This analysis spans east from the Belhaven University to Town Creek in West Jackson. Documentation occurred every quarter mile and captured general street views, power lines and poles, occupied housing, unoccupied housing, and noteworthy instances.

This analysis examines conditions on either side of the Illinois Cental Railroad, illustrating a sharp decline in general infrastructure and housing stock proceeding west.

Woodrow Wilson Ave

Eucli

d Ave

Millsaps College

Belhaven University

N State St

Pinehurst St

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Barrier Panorama

Grandberry St to Euclid Ave

These panoramas were done for each local case study, in order to demostrate the gradient of socioeconomic decline are the intersection of each barrier from East to West menifested in the built environment.

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Barrier Panorama

Maple St to Pinehurst St

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I-55 + Railroad Barrier Analysis

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(IC

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ite

Wh

The analysis spans east from the Eastover neighborhood to US-49 in West Jackson. Documentation occurred every quarter mile and captured general street views, power lines and poles, occupied housing, unoccupied housing, and noteworthy instances.

k

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Oa

This analysis examines conditions on either side of I-55 and the Illinois Central Railroad, illustrating a sharp decline in general infrastructure and housing stock proceeding west.

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Hanging Moss Creek

arl

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Lakeland Dr

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er

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Barrier Panorama Northside Dr to Meadowbrook Rd

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Looking Forward A philisophical approach to what is next

The previous paper investigated how infrastructure has historically been weaponized against minority and low-income communities as a form of exclusion. The issue was evaluated at multiple scales – the city, neighborhood, and street. The paper concluded that the built environment is not just a reflection of societal values but an active participant in shaping them. And, if the morality of infrastructure and the built environment is called into question, then so, too, is the role of the designer. This presents the most important question rendered from this research – how can designers use their practice to reverse these effects? More specifically, how do architects design public spaces to create connections between communities that have been systemically disconnected by physical and social constructs? To bring communities together, bridges must be built, and to achieve this, architecture and engineering must make room for other disciplines – what architecture enables should be the focus. Therefore, built works should be people oriented, at the intersection of design and social sciences.

The built environment that encompasses us plays a significant role in shaping our everyday experiences.

Architects play a crucial part in creating spaces and have the chance to consider both the immediate social responsibilities and the enduring repercussions of their decisions. Nishat Awan tells us the following in the article, “Spatial Agency: Other Ways of Doing Architecture”: Architecture or, more precisely, space affects…social relationships in the most profound ways, from the very personal to the very political…buildings conjoin personal space and political space…designers have to face up to the responsibility of affecting the social dynamics of others and in ways beyond the delivery of beauty. The key political responsibility of the architect lies not in the refinement of the building as a static visual commodity, but as a contributor to the creation of empowering spatial, and hence social, relationships in the name of others.1 The first step for architects to begin reversing the effects of exclusionary design is to acknowledge that they had a hand in designing it. On an individual level, it suggests that the specific design of a building can impact social dynamics, potentially organizing people based on factors such as wealth, power, or other social characteristics. Adam Wood expands on this idea in his article, “Architecture as

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a Social Science?”. He explains that buildings, as members of collective types, play a role in stabilizing various activities, knowledge, and social structures. For instance, a bank, a housing block, or a school each represents a distinct type of building that contributes to the stabilization of specific functions and social organization. Additionally, these building types influence the allocation of roles, determining who performs certain tasks and where. This allocation is not arbitrary; individuals are typically not assigned to specific types of buildings or spaces based on chance. By solidifying these roles, buildings also establish and stabilize the relationships between roles, often shaping the interactions among the people occupying those roles.7 As established in the previous paper, both architecture and infrastructure can have devastating effects on the communities they are built within. It is also evident that built works can contribute to these effects regardless of intent. It is of paramount importance to note this distinction if designers eager for change are to make significant impacts. If too narrowly focused, even the most virtuous of us is at risk of falling short. Krishna Bharathi tells us, Every design discipline has its own way of seeing…Given that the practice of design is broadly understood as a reflective, inquirydriven endeavor undertaken by a diversity of “fragmented” knowledge cultures, the success of designers who opt to tackle 57

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new realms of application requires a greater awareness of connections, not only between theory and practice within a discipline, but also between different types of relevant theories and practices across disciplines.2 Bharathi brings into view an issue that many designers fail to reconcile with. The disciplines of architecture, engineering, and urban design do not solely present the solution – they simply comprise a part of a larger sum. Especially as the realm of design becomes increasingly more complex, so too are the solutions to longstanding issues such as poverty, disenfranchisement, and systemic divides between communities. This can be found evident in the increasing number of specialty consultants involved in the design and construction of public works – like public health and environmental consultants. Bharathi explains that this need gives credence to the idea that there is a “shift in how the design of the built environment is understood”2 , a shift that calls into question the suited scope of the designer. Furthermore, it calls into question architecture’s proclivity for the study of “things” as opposed to the study of “people”. What does this kind of architecture look like?

In the face of urgent challenges, architecture as a means of social commentary has never been more critical as a possible solution. It underscores the idea that our constructed surroundings are not just a passive setting for society but actively contribute to its ongoing story. It suggests that architecture and designers have a larger obligation to contribute to the dialogue of our social construction beyond the fundamental need for shelter. An example of architects capitalizing on their expertise as a form of social commentary is French architect Stéphane Malka, whose work, entitled A-KAMP47, serves as a poignant critique of the inability of architects and local authorities to effectively address the issue of homelessness. The initiative involves the installation of a series of vinyl tents forming a wall in an industrial corridor in Marseille, France.5 These tents are suspended from a minimal lattice structure, which is in turn affixed to a lengthy concrete wall surrounding a railyard. What distinguishes this project from others with a similar purpose is the architect’s ability to go beyond conceptualization and prototype, taking tangible action in the public domain to raise awareness and stimulate

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meaningful dialogue.

Although we can say architecture is inherently socially engaged, conventional practice is often the largest hinderance to “progressive social change.”6 Amidst the contemporary landscape of corporate-driven urban development and the commodification of public spaces, architects, urbanists, and civic organizations with a critical perspective are actively seeking strategies of resistance and avenues for democratizing the city. Among these entities, there is a noticeable focus on the establishment and preservation of urban commons – areas characterized not solely by formal ownership but by the way citizens engage with them.3 These spaces, through the repurposing of privately owned or abandoned areas are used to create commons, utilized for urban gardens, recreation, playgrounds, or art installations often by community members, activists, artists, architects, designers and planners alike. In his article, “Open-Source Urbanism: Creating, Multiplying and Managing Urban Commons”, Bradley Karin says, “…the potential of critical architects lies in their capacity to

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be ‘agents of progressive politics’ in collaboration with others, rather than in their status as individual authors of buildings.”3 Solutions like these have become more readily available with the expansion of open-source access through the internet, as well as the world-wide pandemic which forced many urban communities to become more creative with their inherently open spaces.

COVID-19 was a catalyst for understanding the right to use and access the street and any available open space that was previously out-sourced to the expertise of engineers and city planners. The urban commons may be one among a series of solutions that can begin to democratize urban development.3 This paper begins to uncover how it is within multifaceted approaches to architecture that we gain a further understanding of how change in the built environment not only makes a physical difference, but can also stir social, environmental, political, and cultural change. If any tangible change is to occur based on designers’ desire to impact the built environment in a meaningful and beneficial way, then a shift in approach and widening of scope in the design process must occur. No longer are designer able to pick and choose from other disciplines, there must be a comprehensive engagement with the social sciences.

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Looking Forward Roadmap of deliverables and schedule for the Spring of 2024.

Spring Semester CONCEPT Jan 16 – Jan 31 – Conception of design charettes (3) - Week 1

- Feedback from professors from Fall work - Site specific diagramming and mapping - Historical - Social - Political - Physical - Etc.

- Sketching – rework designs on paper

- Further reading from literature list as required - Week 2 - Conceptual Modeling - 3 iterations per intervention - Select design to move forward with (3) SCHEMATIC February 1 – February 29 – Develop schematic proposals (3) - Week 1

- Floor/Site plan development

- Begin revit modeling

- Designate a conceptual design to become pop-up installation – GRANT* - Create perimeters for quantifiable measurements in observation of selected design and site.

* Working with Bimal Balakrishnan to apply for CAAD Departmental Grant: Creative/Research Experience for Undergraduates

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Spring Semester - Week 2 - Continue Revit

- Site/context to be fully modeled - Design Pop-up installation – GRANT

- Construction Documents

- Develop itemized budget - Week 3 - Continue Revit

- Intervention to be fully modeled - Design Pop-up installation – GRANT

- Construction Documents - Purchase all necessary materials for construction and observation - Week 4 - Finish Revit

- Major design should be completed w/ only small adjustments for DD - Build Pop-up installation – GRANT

- Document construction and installation process DESIGN DEVELOPMENT March 1 – March 15 – refine designs - Week 1 - Refine Detailing and Systems - Wall Sections - Details - Structure

- Material selection -Build Pop-up installation – GRANT

- Document construction and installation process - Week 2 - Finish refining - Wall Sections - Details - Structure

- Material selection - Install Pop-up installation – GRANT - Begin observation and data collection

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Spring Semester DELIVERABLE PRODUCTION March 16 – April 19 – drawings and models - 3 Interventions – May vary by site - 1000 word narrative of intervention

- What is the barrier?

- How does intervention connect?

- Who? What? When? Where? How? - Historical, Social, Political, etc. Mapping & Diagrams – Similar to mapping from Fall (focused on specific sites) - Demographics - Income - Etc. - Vicinity Map - Site Plan - Elevations (4) - Sections (2) - Details (4) - Axon (1) - Structural Axon (1) - Exploded Axon (1) - Renderings (4) - Models

- Final Model each intervention of manageable scale

- Conceptual Models form Concept phase

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Appendix Interview transcriptions, bibliography, citations and further readings.

Interviews

***Transcription editing in process - unedited transcriptions attached*** Mark McArthur McArthur Initiatives LLC Founder Roy Decker Duvall Decker Principal Chloe Dotson Department of Planning & Development Director of Planning and Development David Lewis Mississippi Arts Commission Executive Director Alex Lawson Jackson Redevelopment Authority Chairman - Ward 3 Tolanda Jones Operation Shoestring Community Resources Coordinator

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Works Cited

This work makes in-text citation references based in the numbering system indicated below: 1. Awan, Nishat, Tatjana Scheider and Jeremy Till, Spatial Agency: Other Ways of Doing Architecture (Routledge, 2011), 38.

2. Bharathi, Krishna, “Engaging Complexity: Social Science Approaches to Green Building Design”, 82 (Design Issues, Vol. 29, No. 4, 2013).

3. Bradley, Karin. “Open-Source Urbanism: Creating, Multiplying and Managing Urban Commons.” 95 (No. 1, 2015).

4. Diana G. Miles, “From Frontier Capitol to Modern City: A History of Jackson Mississippi’s Built Environment, 1865-1950.” (The Jaeger Company, 2000).

5. Medina, Samuel, “A-KAMP47 / Stéphane Malka.” (ArchDaily, Dec. 26, 2013) Accessed Novem ber 19, 2023. https://www.archdaily.com/461696/a-kamp47-stephane-malka.

6. Rowe, Matthew S., Joris Gjata, and Shawhin Roudbari. “Dissenting Designers: Reading Activ ism and Advocacy in Architecture through a Sociological Lens.” 72 (Architectural Theory Review, Volume 24, No. 1, 2020).

7. Wood, Adam, “Architecture as a Social Science?” (Architecture’s Self-Image, Architecture: Politics, Social October 27, 2015). https://architectureandeducation.org/2015/10/27/ar chitecture-as-a-social-science/ 8. Nicholas Blomley, Civil Rights Meet Civil Engineering: Urban Public Space and Traffic Logic,

J.L. & SOC, 2007.

9. Susan Bickford, “Constructing Inequality: City Spaces and the Architecture of Citizenship”, Po litical Theory, Vol. 28, No. 3, 2000.

10. Reichmuth, David. Inequitable Exposure to Air Pollution from Vehicles in California: Who Bears the Burden?, Union of Concerned Scientists, 2019.

11. James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling, “Broken Windows- The Police and Neighborhood Safety”, The Atlantic Monthly, 1982.

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12. Sarah Hulett, Racial, Regional Divide Still Hant Detroit’s Progess, NPR, 2012. https://www.npr. org/2012/09/11/160768981/racial-regional-divide-still-haunt-detroits- progress.

13. Rick Nevin “Understanding international crime trends: The legacy of preschool lead exposure”,

National Center for Healthy Housing, USA, Environmental Research vol.104, 2007.

14. Sarah Schindler, “Architectural Exclusion: Discrimination and Segregation Through Physical De

sign of the Built Environment”, The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 124, No. 6, 2015.

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