RethinkingComparison
InnovativeMethodsforQualitativePolitical Inquiry
Editedby
ERICAS.SIMMONS
UniversityofWisconsin–Madison
NICHOLASRUSHSMITH
CityUniversityofNewYork–CityCollege
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Contents ListofFigurespage ix ListofTables x ListofContributors xi Acknowledgments xv 1 RethinkingComparison:AnIntroduction 1 EricaS.SimmonsandNicholasRushSmith partirethinkingthebuildingblocksofcomparison 29 2 BeyondMill:WhyCross-CaseQualitativeCausalInference IsWeak,andWhyWeShouldStillCompare 31 JasonSeawright 3 TwoWaystoCompare 47 FredericCharlesSchaffer 4 UnboundComparison 64 NickCheesman 5 OnCasingaStudyversusStudyingaCase 84 JoeSoss 6 FromCasestoSites:StudyingGlobalProcessesinComparative Politics 107 TheaRiofrancos partiidevelopingnewapproachestocomparison throughresearch 127 7 ComparingComplexCasesUsingArchivalResearch 129 JonathanObert vii
8 ComposingComparisons:StudyingConfigurationsofRelations inSocialNetworkResearch 152 SarahE.Parkinson 9 AgainstMethodologicalNationalism:SeeingComparisonsas EncompassingthroughtheArabUprisings 172 JillianSchwedler 10 ComparativeAnalysisforTheoryDevelopment 190 MalaHtunandFrancescaR.Jensenius 11 ProblemsandPossibilitiesofComparisonacrossRegime
208 BenjaminL.Read 12 ComparisonswithanEthnographicSensibility:StudiesofProtest andVigilantism 231 EricaS.SimmonsandNicholasRushSmith epilogue 251 13 TheoryandImaginationinComparativePolitics:AnInterview withLisaWedeen 253 EricaS.SimmonsandNicholasRushSmithwithLisaWedeen Index 275 viii Contents
Types:ExamplesInvolvingChina
7.1 DiffusionofviolenceinChicagoRaceRiot (July 26–29, 1919) page 143
8.1 MilitantA’segocentricsocialnetworkperspective 165
Figures
ix
7.1 Methodologicalchoiceandcomplexcomparisons page 138
7.2 RaciallymotivatedviolenceintheUnitedStates(1919) 145
Tables
x
Contributors
NickCheesman isFellowintheDepartmentofPoliticalandSocialChange, AustralianNationalUniversity.Heistheauthorof OpposingtheRuleof Law:HowMyanmar ’ sCourtsMakeLawandOrder (Cambridge UniversityPress, 2015 ),and Myanmar:APoliticalLexicon (Cambridge Elements,forthcoming).Hehoststhe “ NewBooksinInterpretivePolitical andSocialScience ” podcastontheNewBooksNetwork.
MalaHtun isProfessorofPoliticalScience,Co–PrincipalInvestigatorandDeputy DirectorofADVANCEatUNM,andspecialadvisorforinclusionandclimate intheSchoolofEngineeringattheUniversityofNewMexico.Sheworkson women’srights,socialinequalities,andstrategiestopromoteinclusionand diversity.Htunistheauthorofthreebooks,mostrecently TheLogicsof GenderJustice:StateActiononWomen’sRightsaroundtheWorld, coauthoredwithLaurelWeldon(CambridgeUniversityPress, 2018).
FrancescaR.Jensenius isProfessorofPoliticalScienceattheUniversityofOslo andResearchProfessorattheNorwegianInstituteofInternationalAffairs (NUPI).Shespecializesincomparativepoliticsandcomparativepolitical economy,witharegionalfocusonIndia.Sheistheauthorof SocialJustice throughInclusion:TheConsequencesofElectoralQuotasinIndia (Oxford UniversityPress, 2017).
JonathanObert isAssistantProfessorinPoliticalScienceatAmherstCollege. Heistheauthorof TheSix-ShooterState:PublicandPrivateViolencein AmericanPolitics (CambridgeUniversityPress, 2018)aswellasnumerous articlesonviolence,stateformation,andAmericanpoliticaldevelopment.
SarahE.Parkinson isAronsonAssistantProfessorofPoliticalScienceand InternationalStudiesatJohnsHopkinsUniversity.Groundedbysocial xi
networktheoryandethnographicmethodologies,herresearchexamines organizationalbehaviorandsocialchangeinwar-anddisaster-affected settings.Parkinson’ sworkfocusespredominantlyontheMiddleEast andNorthAfrica;shehasconductedextensive fi eldworkinLebanon andIraq.ShereceivedherPhDandMAinpoliticalsciencefromthe UniversityofChicagoandhasheldfellowshipsatYaleUniversity, GeorgeWashingtonUniversity,a ndtheUniversityofMinnesota. Parkinsonisalsoaco-founderoftheAdvancingResearchonCon fl ict (ARC)Consortium.
BenjaminL.Read isProfessorofPoliticsattheUniversityofCalifornia,Santa Cruz.HisresearchhasfocusedonlocalpoliticsinChinaandTaiwan,andhe alsowritesaboutissuesandtechniquesin fieldresearch.Heistheauthorof RootsoftheState:NeighborhoodOrganizationandSocialNetworksin BeijingandTaipei (StanfordUniversityPress, 2012)andcoauthorof Field ResearchinPoliticalScience:PracticesandPrinciples (CambridgeUniversity Press, 2015).Heco-editstheCambridgeElementsseriesinEastAsianPolitics andSociety.Hisarticleshaveappearedin ComparativePoliticalStudies,the JournalofConflictResolution,the ChinaJournal,the ChinaQuarterly,and the WashingtonQuarterly,amongotherjournals,andseveraleditedbooks.
TheaRiofrancos isAssociateProfessorofPoliticalScienceatProvidenceCollege andanAndrewCarnegieFellow(2020–2022).Herresearchfocusesonresource extraction,renewableenergy,climatechange,greentechnology,social movements,andtheleftinLatinAmerica.Thesethemesareexploredinher book ResourceRadicals:FromPetro-NationalismtoPost-Extractivismin Ecuador (DukeUniversityPress, 2020)andherco-authoredbook APlanetto Win:WhyWeNeedaGreenNewDeal (VersoBooks, 2019).
FredericCharlesSchaffer isProfessorofPoliticalScienceattheUniversityof Massachusetts – Amherst.Hisareaofspecializationiscomparativepolitics. Substantively,hestudiesthemeaningofdemocracy,thepracticeofvoting, andtheadministrationofelections.Whatsetsmuchofhisworkapartfrom otherempiricalresearchondemocracyisamethodologicalfocuson language.Byinvestigatingcarefull ythedifferingwaysinwhichordinary peoplearoundtheworldusetermssuchas “democracy,”“politics, ” or “votebuying”– ortheirroughequivalentsinotherlanguages – heaimsto arriveatafullerappreciationofhowtheyunderstandandmakeuseof electoralinstitutions.ProfessorSchaffer ’ spublicationsincludefourbooks: ElucidatingSocialScienceConcepts:AnInterpretivistGuide (Routledge, 2016 ), TheHiddenCostsofCleanElectionReform (CornellUniversity Press, 2008 ) ,ElectionsforSale:TheCausesandConsequencesofVote Buying (LynneRiennerPublishers, 2007 ),and DemocracyinTranslation: UnderstandingPoliticsinanUnfamiliarCulture (CornellUniversityPress, 1998 ).
xii ListofContributors
JillianSchwedler isProfessorofPoliticalScienceattheCityUniversityof NewYork’sHunterCollegeandtheGraduateCenterandisNonresident SeniorFellowattheCrownCenteratBrandeisUniversity.Sheisamember oftheeditorialcommitteefor MiddleEastLawandGovernance (MELG) andwasamemberoftheBoardofDirectorsandtheEditorialCommitteeof theMiddleEastResearchandInformationProject(MERIP),publishersof thequarterly MiddleEastReport.ShehasservedasamemberoftheBoard ofDirectorsoftheMiddleEastStudiesAssociation(MESA)ofNorth AmericaandthegoverningCounciloftheAmericanPoliticalScience Association.Duringthespring 2020 semester,shewasVisitingProfessor andSeniorFulbrightScholarattheCenterforGlobalandInternational StudiesattheUniversityofSalamanca,Spain.Dr.Schwedler’sbooks includetheaward-winning FaithinModeration:IslamistPartiesinJordan andYemen (CambridgeUniversityPress, 2006)and(withLalehKhalili) PolicingandPrisonsintheMiddleEast (ColumbiaUniversityPress, 2010). Herarticleshaveappearedin WorldPolitics, ComparativePolitics, Middle EastPolicy, MiddleEastReport, MiddleEastCritique,Journalof Democracy,and SocialMovementStudies,amongmanyothers.Sheis currently finalizingabookmanuscripttitled ProtestingJordan:Geographies ofPowerandDissent (StanfordUniversityPress,forthcoming).
JasonSeawright isProfessorofPoliticalScienceatNorthwesternUniversity. ProfessorSeawright’ sresearchinterestsincludec omparativepolitics,with anemphasisoncomparativepolitical partiesandonpoliticalbehavioras wellasmethodology,particularlyinvolvingmulti-methodresearch designsandissuesofcausalinference.Heistheauthorof Party-System Collapse:TheRootsofCrisisinPeruandVenezuela.Hisresearchhas beenpublishedin PoliticalAnalysis, PerspectivesonPolitics, ComparativePoliticalStudies,andarangeofotherjournalsandedited volumes.
EricaS.Simmons isAssociateProfessorofPoliticalScienceandInternational StudiesattheUniversityofWisconsin –Madison,wheresheholdsthe PoliticalScienceDepartmentBoardofVisitorsProfessorship.Sheisthe authorof MeaningfulResistance:MarketReformsandtheRootsofSocial ProtestinLatinAmerica (CambridgeUniversityPress, 2016 ),whichwas awardedthe 2017 CharlesTillyawardfordistinguishedcontributionto scholarshiponcollectivebehaviorandsocialmovements.Sheisalsothe authorofnumerousarticlesoncontentiouspoliticsandqualitative methods.Herworkhasappearedin WorldPolitics,ComparativePolitical Studies,ComparativePolitics,PS:PoliticalScienceandPolitics, and Theory andSociety, amongothers.
NicholasRushSmith isAssistantProfessorofPoliticalScienceattheCity UniversityofNewYork–CityCollegeandaSeniorResearchAssociateinthe
ListofContributors xiii
DepartmentofSociologyattheUniversityofJohannesburg.Hisprimary researchinterestsincludedemocraticpoliticsasseenthroughthelensof crimeandpolicinginpost-apartheidSouthAfricaandonqualitativeand ethnographicmethods.Heistheauthorof ContradictionsofDemocracy: VigilantismandRightsinPost-ApartheidSouthAfrica (OxfordUniversity Press, 2019).Hisworkhasbeenpublishedin AfricanAffairs, American JournalofSociology, ComparativePolitics, PerspectivesonPolitics, Polity, PS:PoliticalScienceandPolitics,and QualitativeandMulti-Method Research.
JoeSoss isCowlesChairfortheStudyofPublicServiceattheUniversityof Minnesota,whereheholdsfacultypositionsintheHubertH.Humphrey SchoolofPublicAffairs,theDepartmentofPoliticalScience,andthe DepartmentofSociology.Hisresearchandteachingexploretheinterplay ofdemocraticpolitics,socialinequalities,andpublicpolicy.Heis particularlyinterestedinhowpracticesofgovernanceintersectwith relationsofdomination,oppression,andpredationintheUnitedStates.
LisaWedeen isMaryR.MortonProfessorofPoliticalScienceandthe Co-DirectoroftheChicagoCenterforContemporaryTheoryatthe UniversityofChicago.SheisalsoAssociateFacultyinAnthropologyandCoEditoroftheUniversityofChicagoBookSeriesStudiesinPracticesof Meaning.Herpublicationsincludethreebooks: Ambiguitiesof Domination:Politics,Rhetoric,andSymbolsinContemporarySyria (UniversityofChicagoPress, 1999;withanewpreface, 2015); Peripheral Visions:Publics,Power,andPerformanceinYemen (UniversityofChicago Press, 2008);and AuthoritarianApprehensions:Ideology,Judgment,and MourninginSyria (UniversityofChicagoPress, 2019),whichreceivedthe AmericanPoliticalScienceAssociation’sCharlesTaylorBookAward, sponsoredbytheInterpretativeMethodologiesandMethodsgroup,and theAPSA’sinauguralMiddleEastandNorthAfricaPoliticsSection’sbest bookaward.SheistherecipientoftheDavidCollierMid-Career AchievementAwardandalsoafellowshipfromtheNationalScience Foundation.
xiv ListofContributors
RethinkingComparison
AnIntroduction
EricaS.Simmons
UniversityofWisconsin–Madison
NicholasRushSmith
CityUniversityofNewYork–CityCollege
Comparativemethodshaveseenadoublemovementoverthepasttwodecades. Ontheonehand,politicalscientistspointtothe “enduringindispensability” of comparativemethods,particularlycontrolledcomparativemethods(Slaterand Ziblatt 2013),toexplainpoliticaloutcomes – aninvestmentthathasbeen deepenedamidtheincreasedinfluenceofscholarshipthatrelieson subnationalcomparison(Giraudy,Moncada,andSnyder 2019)ornatural experiments(Dunning 2012)toimprovecausalinference.Ontheotherhand, inthehumanitiesandhumanisticsocialsciences,comparativemethodshave comeunderintensescrutiny.Acrossthesedisciplines,particularlywiththerise ofpostcolonialtheory,suchmethodsarefrequentlyseenas “oldfashionedat best,retrogradeatworst” (FelskiandFriedman 2013b, 1).Suchcritiqueshave gainedparticulartractionbecausecomparativemethodswereoftenusedto compare “civilizations” throughhierarchical,evolutionarysocialscientific paradigmsandweretiedtoEuropeancolonialexpansion(seealso vander Veer 2016).Therefore,dependingonone’svantageanddisciplinarytraining, comparativemethodsmightappeareitherasanindispensabletoolfor understandingtheworldorasintellectuallyandpoliticallydubious.
RethinkingComparison appearsamidthisbifurcatedviewofthe comparativemethod,tacklingsomeofthechallengesraisedbyboth perspectives.Todoso,thebookaskstwofundamentalmethodological questions:(1)whydowecomparewhatwecompareand(2)howdothe methodologicalassumptionswemakeaboutwhyandhowwecompareshape theknowledgeweproduce?Intheprocessofaddressingthesequestions,the chapterscollectivelysetoutcomparativepracticesthatdiversifytherepertoire ofcomparativemethodsavailabletostudentsofpoliticswhilebeingcognizant oftheirhistoryastoolstopoliticallyandeconomicallydominate(see
1
1
Riofrancos, Chapter 6,thisvolume)orintellectuallydiscipline(seeCheeseman, Chapter 4,thisvolume;andWedeen, Chapter 13,thisvolume).
Inpursuingthesegoals,thevolumeisintentionallyaimedatabroad scholarlyaudience.Ourhopeisthatthechaptersoffertoolsforscholarsof politicsregardlessoftheirepistemologicalorontologicalassumptions,regions ofinterest,orscaleofinquiry.Someofthecontributorstothisvolumeconsider themselves “positivists”;othersmightusethelabel “interpretivists.” Some compareacrossregions,otherswithincountries,andothersacrosstime. Irrespectiveofthesestartingpoints,theyallshareacommitmenttothe importanceofapluralisticapproachtocomparison.Rootedinthispluralism, thechaptersthatfollowsimultaneouslyallowustoexpandourunderstanding oftheworldevenaswearecognizantthatourcomparativetoolsarethemselves freightedwithcomplexintellectualandpoliticalhistories.Thiscommitmentis evidentinthechapters’ pragmaticgoalofrethinkinghowcomparisonis practiced,theirtheoreticalgoalofrethinkingwhywepracticecomparison, theirdisciplinarygoalofrethinkingwhoisauthorizedtocompare,andtheir politicalgoalofrethinkingtheendstowhichwecompare.
comparisonandpoliticalscience
Ourinterestinengagingwithquestionsofcomparisonemergesamidarevival ofqualitativemethodsinthedisciplineofpoliticalsciencegenerallyand arenewedinterestincontrolledorpairedcomparisonsspecifically.1 Building onfoundationalworklayingoutthevalueofcontrolledcomparisonandthe closelyrelatedstrategiesofpairedcomparisons,subnationalcomparisons,and naturalexperiments,thisrecentworkshowshowthemethodcancombinethe bestofboththequalitativeandthequantitativetraditions.2 Specifically, controlledcomparisonsallowscholarstotraceoutdynamiccausalprocesses whileaccountingforornegatingtheeffectsofpossibleconfounding explanations,ultimatelyenablinggeneralizablearguments.3 Notsurprisingly, controlledcomparativeapproachesdominatecurrentbestpracticesincase
1 Onqualitativemethodsinpoliticalsciencegenerally,see Wedeen 2002; Mahoneyand Rueschemeyer 2003; GeorgeandBennett 2005; Gerring 2006; Schatz 2009; BradyandCollier 2010; Mahoney 2010; AhmedandSil 2012; GoertzandMahoney 2012;and Ahrametal. 2018 Oncontrolledorpairedcomparisons,see Snyder 2001; Tarrow 2010; Dunning 2012; Slaterand Ziblatt 2013; Gisselquist 2014;and Giraudy,Moncada,andSnyder 2019.
2 Oncontrolledcomparison,see PrzeworskiandTeune 1970; Lijphart 1971, 1975; Skocpoland Somers 1980; BradyandCollier 2010;and SlaterandZiblatt 2013.Onpairedcomparison,see Tarrow 2010.Onsubnationalcomparisons,see Snyder 2001 and Giraudy,Moncada,andSnyder 2019.Onnaturalexperiments,see,e.g., Dunning 2012
3 Thiskindofcomparison,oftencalled “mostsimilarwithdifferentoutcomes” or “mostdifferent withsimilaroutcomes,” orthemethodofagreementandthemethodofdifference,continuesto reference Mill([1843] 1882),althoughscholarsoftenfailtoacknowledgeMill’sowndiscussion ofthelimitationsoftheapproach(foranexception,see GeorgeandBennett 2005).Regardless, whatareofteninvokedasMill’smethodsofdifferenceandagreementareubiquitousin
2 ComparisonandPoliticalScience
studypoliticalscienceresearch.Graduatestudentsandprofessorsalikelookto selectcasesthatholdpotentialalternativeexplanationsconstantorleverage variationininitialconditionsoroutcomes.4 Indeed,inanarticleonthevalueof controlledcomparisons, SlaterandZiblatt(2013, 1302)notethe “enduring ubiquity” ofthestrategyinqualitativecomparativeresearch.
Contributions(andaFewCritiques)ofControlledComparisons
Thus,evenasqualitativecomparativemethods – andspecificallycontrolled qualitativecomparisons – havecomeunder fireoutsideofpoliticalscience, withinthediscipline,theyhavebeencentraltosomeofthemostenduringand influentialscholarship.5 Controlledcomparisonsdrivecanonicalstudiesof phenomenaasvariedasthepreconditionsofsocialrevolution(Skocpol 1979),theeffectsofsocialcapitalonstateeffectiveness(Putnam 1993),and partysystemstabilityandregimetype(CollierandCollier 1991).Indeed, controlledcomparisonissuchadominantforceinpoliticalsciencemethods trainingthatastwoleadingmethodsscholarsnote, “Nearlyallgraduatecourses oncomparativepoliticscommencewithadiscussionofMill’smethodsof ‘difference’ and ‘agreement,’” whichservesasthefoundationforcontrolled comparativestudies(SlaterandZiblatt 2013, 1302).
Weagreethatcontrolledcomparisonshaveimportantutilityforscholars engaginginsmall-nwork.Contemporaryscholarshaveeffectivelyused controlledcomparisontoshedlightonstatecapacity(Slater 2010),ethnic violence(Wilkinson 2006),andindigenousmobilization(Yashar 2005),just tonameafewsubjects.Yet,evenascontrolledcomparisonshaveproduced someofourmostinfluentialtheoriesofpolitics,somescholarshavenotedtheir limitations.Thoseworkingwithinaquantitativeepistemologyhavearguedthat researchbasedoncontrolledcomparisonhaslimitedabilitytogeneralize(King, Keohane,andVerba 1994; Geddes 2003),aproblemthatscholarsutilizing amixtureofquantitativeandqualitativemethodshavetriedtoanticipateby implementing “nested” researchdesigns(Lieberman 2005).Scholarsworking fromvariousqualitativetraditions,bycontrast,havearguedthatprojects deployingcontrolledcomparisonstendtooveremphasizetheirabilityto addressconfoundingexplanationswhilenecessarilyunderemphasizing processesofdiffusion(Sewell 1985, 1996a)andinteraction(Lieberson 1991, 1994).Stillotherssuggestthatcontrolledcomparisonsmayunintentionally effacecontextbylimitingtheimportanceofpeople’slivedexperiencesandthe
qualitativecomparativework(foradiscussion,see SlaterandZiblatt 2013)andremaincentralto thewaysinwhichwequestionandevaluatecomparativecaseresearch.
4 Theapproachtocomparisonandprocesstracingthat GeorgeandBennett(2005) layoutandthe qualitativecomparativeanalysismethodsthat Ragin(2014) pioneeredareimportantexceptions here.
5 SlaterandZiblatt(2013) makethispointpersuasively.
RethinkingComparison 3
specificmeaningstheyattachtopoliticalphenomena(SimmonsandSmith 2017).
Asanexampleofthesechallenges,takesubnationalcomparisons,which scholarshavearguedareparticularlywellpositionedforcontrolled comparativeapproachesbecausetheyallowscholarstoholdsomany potentiallyconfoundingvariablesconstant(Snyder 2001; Giraudy,Moncada, andSnyder 2019).As Soifer(2019) carefullyshows,however,seriousproblems emergewhenwetreatsubnationalunitsasindependentbecausedrawing appropriatesubnationalboundariesischallengingandthecompound treatmentproblemplagueseventhebestsubnationalstudies.6 The consequenceisthatevenwithseeminglyidealsubnationalcomparisons,as withanycontrolledcomparison,itishardtodefendtheclaimthatthereis onlyonerelevantdifferencebetweenunitsand,therefore,difficulttoestablish causalityinthewaythatscholarspursuingthesecomparisonsoftenhopetodo (Soifer 2019).Ultimately,theconcernisthatstudiesthatrelyoncontrolled comparisonsmaynotbeaspredictiveandtestableasclaimed(Burawoy 1989), pushingscholarstoignoreresearchquestionsthatdonotimmediatelyevidence variationthatcanbeexplainedthroughlogicsofcontrol(Ragin 2004, 128).
Inthisvolume,JasonSeawright(Chapter 2)givesusatrenchantcritiqueof theinferentialcapabilitiesofcontrolledcomparisons.Hedoessobyapplying thecomparativemethodtoaclassofindividualswhowouldseemcomparable and,therefore,aboutwhomitshouldbeeasytomakegeneralclaims: billionaires.WithintheUnitedStates,atleast,billionaires(particularly politicallyconservativeones)wouldseemideallycomparablebecausethey haveacommonpoliticalculture,overlappingsocialnetworks,andashared elitestatus.Yet,despitethesesimilarcharacteristics,asSeawrightshows, attemptstomakegeneralclaimsabouthowconservativebillionairesengage inpoliticsquicklyfallapart,astheyhavedivergentpoliticalstyles,theyfund differentkindsoforganizations,andtheyoftenhavevaryingconcretepolitical goalsdespitethebroadlyshared “conservative” label.Theproblemof comparingbillionairesraisesatroublingquestion,though:ifcontrolled comparativemethodsareoflittlehelpinunderstandingthepoliticalpractices ofsuchseeminglycomparableindividuals,howusefularecontrolled comparativemethodsforunderstandingpoliticalpracticesofmorecomplex unitsofanalysislikeorganizations,socialmovements,orstates?
Ifpoliticalscientistsareaskingwhatthevalueofcontrolledcomparisonsis forgeneralizablecausalinference,inthehumanitiesandthehumanisticsocial sciences,scholarshavegonemuchfurtherbyquestioningthevalueof comparisoninthe firstplace.Specifically,inthewakeofpostcolonialtheory andamidrecentdemandstodecolonizetheacademy,scholarshaveexamined
6 Giraudy,Moncada,andSnyder(2019, 36)definethecompoundtreatmentproblemasemerging “whenthetreatmentencompassesmultipleexplanatoryfactors,thusmakingitdifficultto pinpointwhichfactoractuallycausestheeffect.”
4 ComparisonandPoliticalScience
thehistoricalconditionsunderwhichcomparativemethodsemergedandthe politicalendsthattheyserved(seeRiofrancos, Chapter 6,thisvolume).Scholars writinginthistraditionhavetracedthecontemporaryuseofcomparative methodstoEurope’scolonialencounters,seeingsuchmethodsaspartofthe evolutionarytheoriesofcivilizational “development” thathelpedjustify colonialdomination(see Cheah 1999, 3–4; vanderVeer 2016, 1–2).
Thisdubioushistory,somescholarsargue,meansthatcomparisonisalways politicallysuspect.As Radhakrishnan(2013, 16)argues, “Comparisonsare neverneutral:theyareinevitablytendentious,didactic,competitive,and prescriptive.” Evenfurther,forscholarsinthisvein, “Comparisonsworkonly whenthe ‘radicalothers’ havebeenpersuadedordownrightcoercedinto abandoningtheir ‘difference’” (Radhakrishnan 2013, 16).Indeed,forsome, thisneedtocreateunitsthatcanbecomparedwithotherlikeunits – say,astate oranethnicgroup – makescomparisonitselfaviolentprocessasthematerial anddiscursiveconditionsfromwhichaunitiscreated as aunitareeffaced (Cheah 2013, 178;seealso Cheah 1999 andCheeseman, Chapter 4,this volume).Worse,thematerialandpoliticalconditionsunderwhichtheseunits areproduced,scholarsargue,areneverequal(Spivak 2013, 253).So,evenas mostsocialscientistsmayconsciouslyrejectevolutionarytheoriesofsocietyand thecolonialprojectstowhichtheywereharnessed,criticalscholarsarguethat thisviolentpastisneverfullydead;itcontinuestohauntpresentpracticesof comparison(seeRiofrancos, Chapter 6,thisvolume).
Suchhauntingtakesmyriadforms:Parkinson’s(Chapter 8,thisvolume) contributiontothisvolumeoffersanexcellentexample.StudyingPalestinian refugeecampsinLebanon,Parkinsonquicklyfoundthattheorganizational dynamicsshehopedtounderstandcouldnotbeeasilydisentangledinto independentanddependentvariables.Instead,shefoundthatany understandingofthedynamicswithinthecampsneededtobeembeddedin thehistoricalcontextthathadconstructedcampsas “camps” thatcouldbe comparedtooneanotherinthe firstplace.Thecampswerehardlynaturalunits, afterall,giventhattheywereproductsofviolentpoliticalprocesses.Yet,the disciplinarytrainingthatmostpoliticalscientistsreceivemakessuchunits appearasnaturalandunproblematic,evenasParkinsondiscoveredinher researchthattheywereanythingbut.
BeyondControl
Whileitisimportanttorecognizesomeofthelimitationsofcontrolled comparisons,ourprimarygoalwiththisvolumeis not tocritiquecontrolled comparison(thoughcritiquesdoinevitablyemergeinsomeofthechapters). Instead,itistobothdrawourattentiontoandbetterelaboratethelogicsbehind somealternativewaysofcomparing.Evenascontrolledcomparisonshave producedlastinginsightsandcontinuetodominateresearchdesigns,theyare nottheonlyformofcomparisonthatscholarsutilize.
RethinkingComparison 5
Scholarsfromvirtuallyeverysubfieldofpoliticalsciencehaveusedformsof comparisonthatarenotcontrolledtomakecentralcontributionstoour understandingofpolitics,evenasthelogicsbehindthesecomparisonsare rarelyelaborated.Inpoliticaltheory,thetraditionofsystematicbut uncontrolledcomparisonsaturatestheWesterncanon.Indeed,Aristotle’s considerationofwhatwasthebestpoliticalregimewasarguablythe first uncontrolledcomparativepoliticalsciencestudy(see,e.g., Tilly 2010, 8–10). Yet,ifcreativecomparisonsundergirdthepoliticaltheorycanon,theyalso showupinboththeclassicsandthecuttingedgesofmodernpoliticalscience. InAmericanpolitics,suchworkrangesfromDouglas McAdam’s(1982) foundationalstudyofAfricanAmericanpoliticalmobilizationtoJamila Michener’s(2019) recentworkoninequalityandcivillaw.Ininternational relations,politicalsociologistImmanuel Wallerstein(1974) andhisfollowers developedworldsystemstheorytoexaminetheunevendynamicsofcapitalist accumulation,whilePaul Amar(2013) hasmorerecentlystudiedhowfreemarketeconomicpolicieshaverequirednovelsecurityarrangementsacrossthe globethroughasurprisingcomparisonofsuchpracticesinBrazilandEgypt. Incomparativepolitics – thesubfieldmostcloselyassociatedwithcomparative methods – theexamplesarelegion.Foundationalworksbydivergentscholarsin thesubdisciplineincludeSamuel Huntington’s(1968) canonicalstudyofpolitical order,Benedict Anderson’s(1983) classictextonnationalism,andCharles Tilly’s (1990) agenda-settingstudyofstateformation.Thesestudieshavebeenreadby almosteverygraduatestudentatsomepointandcontinuetoprofoundlyshapethe discipline,despitethefactthattheydonotrelyoncontrolledcomparisons.More recent – yetstillhighlyinfluentialworks – byMahmood Mamdani(1996) onthe logicsofcolonialstatesacrossAfrica; DougMcAdam,SidneyTarrow,andCharles Tilly(2001) onthedynamicsofcontentiouspolitics;James Scott(1998) onhigh moderniststateideology;and RichardM.LockeandKathyThelen(1995) on laborpolitics – haveallusedmodesofcomparisonthatdonotutilizecontrolled comparativelogics.Thesameistrueforsomeofthemostrecentworkinthe subdisciplineincludingLisa Wedeen’s(2019;seealsotheEpilogue, Chapter 13, thisvolume)studyofSyrians’ desireforautocracyamidthecountry’scivilwar,and ourownworkonsocialmovementsinLatinAmerica(Simmons 2016)and vigilantismamiddemocraticstateformationinSouthAfrica(Smith 2019;see also Chapter 12,thisvolume).
Somehow,though,despitethislegacyofclassicstudiesandaprofusionof recentscholarshipthatreliesonnon-controlledcomparisontomakeclaims aboutpolitics,surprisinglylittlemethodologicalguidanceisavailableto graduatestudentsforhowtodesignorexecutecomparisonsthatdonotrely oncontrolasacentralelement.7 Worse,thereislittleepistemologicalinsighton
7 Theworksof Tilly(1984); LockeandThelen(1995); Sewell(1996a, 1996b, 2005); Ragins (2004); Ahrametal.(2018);and Boswell,Corbett,andRhodes(2019),whichwediscusslater inthechapter,areimportantexceptionshere.
6 ComparisonandPoliticalScience
whysuchcomparisonsmightbecompellinginthe firstplace.Asaresult, scholarsofteneschewcomparativeresearchdesignsthatarenotpremisedon controlledcomparisons,ortheyshoehorncasesintocontrolledcomparison frameworksthatmaynot fit.Andevenwhenscholarsdoemployanoncontrolledcomparativeapproach,theyrarelyexplaintheutilityoforlogic behindthecomparisonsthattheyemployorhowotherscholarsmight performsimilarcomparisons.Theconsequencesforourunderstandingof politicsaresevere.Whenwelimitthekindsofcomparisonswemake,we necessarilyconstrainthekindsofquestionsweask,limitthekindsof knowledgeweproduce,andforecloseourabilitytoimaginepolitics differently(Ragin 2004, 128).
BuildingtheFoundationsforanExpandedComparativeMethod
Scholarswithinpoliticalsciencehavemostcertainlydevelopedvaluable critiquesofcontrolledcomparisons,andthoseoutsidepoliticalsciencehave raisedimportantquestionsaboutthegoalsofcomparisonasawhole.Yet, socialscientistshavebeenlesseffectiveinlayingoutalternativeapproachesto comparison.Themethodologicallogicsbehindthecomparisonsattheheartof theirstudiesarerarelydescribed,evenasawiderangeofapproachesto comparisonappearsinsomeofthemostinfluentialworkacrossthesubfields ofpoliticalscience(seeourearlierdiscussion).
Think,forexample,ofBenedict Anderson’s(1990,butseealso 2016) importantworkcomparingideasofpowerinJavaneseandEuropeanpolitical thought.ComparisonbetweenJavaandEuropeviolatesvirtuallyeverytenetof howacontrolledcomparisonshouldbeperformed.Andersonwritesacross differentscales(anislandversusacontinent),differentregimetypes(a monarchyandsubsequentdictatorshipsversusawidevarietyofregimes),and differentreligioustraditions(anIslamicsystemwithanimistelementsversus largelyChristiansystems).Despitethelackofcontrol,Andersonusesthe frictionbetweentheconflictingconceptsofpowertoilluminatehowideas inverselystructurepoliticalpracticeinbothsettings.HadAndersonapproached thecomparisonthroughthelogicofcontrol,hewouldnothavebeenableto generatetheseinsights.Atthesametime,itisnotclearwhattheepistemology underlyingthesecomparisonsisorwhytheyarepersuasiveorinsightful.This explanatorygapleavesgraduatestudentsandfacultywithoutthetoolstoexplain whysimilarresearchdesignswillproduceimportantinsights.
Tobesure,somecoremethodstextsarguethattoolslikeprocesstracingcan “amelioratethelimitations” ofthemethodsofagreementanddifferenceand promisetoexpandtherangeofquestionspoliticalscientistsask(Georgeand Bennett 2005, 214–15).Buteveninthesecases,processtracingisseenas asecond-bestapproachwhencontrolledcomparisonsarenotpossible(214–15),giventhatprocesstracingoftenappearsasacritical component of controlledcomparativeresearchdesignsasopposedtoan alternative tothem
RethinkingComparison 7
(e.g.,Luebbert 1991; Htun 2003; Slater 2010).8 Indeed,absentacontrolled comparison,processtracingrunstheriskofbeinglabelledas “mere” descriptive inferencebecauseitwouldbeunclearhowgeneralizabletheprocesses highlightedinaspecificinstanceare – acritiquethatitwouldbehardforany politicalscientisttowithstand,eventhoughdescriptiveinferencehasacritical roletoplayinourexplanationsofpolitics(see Wendt 1998).9
Evenifweweretovaluethekindsofexplanationsthatemergefromprocess tracingordescriptiveinferenceequallytocausallogicsthatemergefrom controlledcomparisons,questionsremainabouthowtopursueprojects askingconstitutivequestionsinacomparativefashion.Anderson’sworkon powerinJavaandEurope,forexample,mightbeconsideredaprojectof descriptiveinferenceinthathegivesustwowaystothinkaboutconceptsof power.Processtracing’sfocusoncausalprocesses,though,isnotappropriate forengaginginthiskindofconstitutiveworkgiventhatAndersonisnot describingahistoricalprocess.Andclearly,controlledcomparisonswould notmakesensetojustifyhisprojectgiventhewidedivergencesacrosscontext wedescribedearlier.Butifthemostcommonlytaughttoolsingraduate methodscoursesarenotuptothetaskofhelpingusproduceworklike Anderson’s,whatotheroptionsarethere?
Fortunately,inthepastfewyearssomepoliticalscientistshavestartedto developjustificationsforalternativemodesofcomparison. Boswell,Corbett, andRhodes(2019, 36–39),forinstance,arguethatscholarsmightbeableto expandtherangeofcomparisonstheymakeiftheyfocusonthesimilar dilemmaspeoplefaceacrossseeminglydivergentcontexts.Asanexample, theypointtothewaysinwhichbothapensionerintheIsleofWightand apoliticianinPalaufacemajordilemmasinhowtonavigatethelimited transportationoptionsforcarryingouttheirdailytasks(shoppinginthecase ofthepensionerandcampaigninginthecaseofthepolitician).Althoughdistant inplaceandexperience,Boswellandcoauthorsargue,comparingshared dilemmascreatesopportunitiesforseeingpoliticalandconceptual connectionsacrosswidelydifferingcontextsthatmightnotbeimmediately obvious.
Similarly,policyscholars BartlettandVavrus(2017) emphasizeformsof comparisonthatlooknotonlytosimilaritiesanddifferencesbutalsoto linkages,hierarchiesofpower,andquestionsofscale.Theydescribethree, mutuallyimbricatedaxesofcomparison – vertical,horizontal,andtransversal
8 See SlaterandZiblatt(2013, 1304)onthispointaswell.
9 Descriptiveinferencelooksdifferentfromcausalinferenceinsofarasitdoesnotattempttoshow thatAcausedB.Instead,itmightexplainhowBcametobedesignedthewayitisortheconditions thatmadeBpossibleinthe firstplace.Thiskindofinferenceallowsustoexplainphenomenain theworldwhilenothavingtomaketheoften-challengingassumptionsrequiredbythelogicsof causalinference(e.g.,variableindependence).Althoughtheydonotnecessarilyusetheterm, severalofthechaptersinthisvolumemakethecasethatdescriptiveinferenceshouldplayacentral roleinouranalysisofpolitics(seeSchaffer, Chapter 3,andHtunandJensenius, Chapter 10).
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comparisons – thatsituatecomparisonsnotonlyspatiallybutalsoacrossscales andwithinhistoricalcontextsandrelations(ontransversalcomparison,seealso Kazanjian 2016).10 Engaginginthistypeofcomparison,though,meansridding ourselvesofsomepreexistingideasabouthowwethinkaboutourcases – to engageinan “unbounding” (BartlettandVavrus 2017, 13;seealsoCheeseman, Chapter 4,thisvolume)ofourcasessothatwecanseeunexpectedconnections. Unbounding,Cheesemanargues,leadsusto “followresemblancesacross apoliticaltopographyinpursuitofaproblematiccategoryorpolitically salientidea” (thisvolume,p. 66).Evenaswelocateourstudiesinaspecific setting,weusethatlocationasavantagetohelpusexplorethegeneral. Attentiontotheseaxesalsoinvitesustothinkdifferentlyaboutcasesinways thatareechoedbySoss(Chapter 5,thisvolume)andRiofrancos(Chapter 6,this volume).Whenwefocusonthe “importanceofexamining processes ofsense makingastheydevelopovertime,indistinctsettings,inrelationtosystemsof powerandinequalityandinincreasinglyinterconnectedconversationswith actorswhodonotsitphysicallywithinthecircledrawnaroundthetraditional case” (BartlettandVavrus 2017, 10–11),wecanbothseeourcasesfrom multiplevantages,asSossencouragesustodo,andsituatethosecasesinthe globalcontextsthatRiofrancosemphasizesinhercontribution.
Contributorstoarecentvolumethatrevivescomparativeareastudiesoffer athirdpathoutofthebindscontrolledcomparisonscancreate(Ahram, Köllner,andSil 2018).Areastudieshavelongbeenrelegatedtoasecond-class statusrelativetosocialsciencedisciplineswithintheacademybecauseoftheir supposedfocuson “mere” description,ratherthangeneralizabletheories(see Cheeseman, Chapter 4,thisvolume).(Note,here,echoesofthecritiquesof processtracinganddescriptiveinferenceweraisedearlierinthissection.)
Comparingacrossworldregions, Köllner,Sil,andAhram(2018, 4)suggest,is onemeansofsolvingthisproblembycombiningthe “thick” knowledgeofan areaspecialistwiththebroadviewofasocialscientist.Aswith Lockeand Thelen’s(1995) workoncontextualizedcomparisons,comparativeareastudies promiseamiddlepathbetweentherelativelynarrowconcernsofcountry expertsandthemaximizinggoalsofquantitativesocialscientistsbyhelping casestudyresearchersidentifycausallinkagesthatscholarsinbothofthese othertraditionsmightmiss(Köllneretal. 2018, 5).Toplaceareastudieswithin acomparativeframework,therefore,isinsomesenseinfringingondisciplinary borderswiththegoalofbalancing “acontext-sensitiveexplorationof phenomenawithinindividualcaseswithcomparativeanalysisacrosscases frommorethanoneareasoastodevelopportableinferencesandilluminate
10 Atransversalcomparisonshowsaconnectionbetweenseeminglydissimilarplaces,timeperiods, orconcepts.ComingfromtheLatinword transvertere,whichcombinesthewordsfor “across” and “toturn,” Kazanjian(2016, 7)writesthattheconcept “meanstoturnacrossorathwart,to turnintosomethingelse,toturnabout,ortooverturn.Atransverseisthusnotsimplyalinethat cutsacross,butalsoanunrulyactionthatundoeswhatisexpected.”
RethinkingComparison 9
theconvergence,divergence,ordiffusionofpracticesacrossregions” (Köllner etal. 2018, 6).
Yetevenwiththeserecenteffortstorethinkthebuildingblocksofthe comparativemethod,workthatreliesonnon-controlledcomparisonsisoften understoodtobeextremelyrisky.Becausetheirlogicisnotbroadlyunderstood, thesestudiesareoftenreservedforseniorscholarswithwell-established reputations,arepublishedinoutletsnotnecessarilygearedtowardpolitical scientistssuchasareastudiesjournals,oraresimplydismissed.Suchwork, therefore,comeswithrisks – risksthatarenotborneequallyacrossthe profession.Forexample,inhiscontributiontothisvolume,Soss(Chapter 5) writesaboutsomeoftheriskshehastakenindoingnon-controlledcomparative workthroughouthiscareer.Sossasks:
Wouldthefreedomtotakethispath – andtherisksandeventualrewardsinvolvedin doingso – havebeenthesameforamoresociallyandinstitutionallydisadvantaged graduatestudent?Doscholarstodayhaveequalopportunitiestotakethispath,regardlessofgender,race,class,sexuality,tenure,orinstitutionalprestige?Ithinktheansweris clearlyno. Thehopeinthissortofwritingisthatwecanbroadenthewayspeople thinkaboutwhatismethodologicallysound sothatitbecomeslessrisky topursue alternativebutequallyvalidwaysofknowinganddoing.(thisvolume,p. 101,italicsin original)
Takingsociallocationseriouslymeansnotonlythatpoliticalscientistsneed additionaltoolsfordesigningandexecutingnon-controlledcomparisons; scholarsalsoneedthosetoolstobecomeacentralpartofmethodstraining.In doingthiswork,wewouldbroadenwhohastheabilitytodothisnontraditional workbyloweringitsrisks.
Wesee RethinkingComparison asanefforttoaccomplishthesegoalsby buildingonandexpandingexistingeffortsinthreecrucialways.First, RethinkingComparison isdeliberatelydesignedtoofferlogics,tools,and insightsfor all scholarsengagedinqualitativepoliticalscience(andwehope socialsciencegenerally),regardlessofepistemologicalassumptions.Whereas Boswelletal.(2019) makeacrucialcontributiontoourunderstandingofhow comparisonmightbepracticedbyinterpretivescholars,weaimtotaketheir workonestepfurtherbybringingtogetherscholarsworkingfromboth positivistandinterpretivistepistemologiestomakethegeneralcaseforthe valueofnon-controlledapproachestocomparisonand,insodoing,bring intotheconversationtwoepistemologicalcommunitiesthatareoftenseenas distinctandirreconcilable.Second,whileweareencouragedbyeffortstobring comparativeareastudiesbackin,notallresearchprojectslendthemselvesto thatparticularkindoffocusandnotallscholarsareequippedwithdeep regionalexpertise(andwearenotarguingthatallresearchquestionsrequire thiskindofexpertise).So,havinganexpandedrangeofoptionsforhowto compareforawiderangeofmethodsisdesirableand,wehope,canhelppush thecomparativeareastudieseffortforwardbybroadeningtherangeof
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comparativetoolsavailabletoareastudiesspecialists.Finally,thisvolumenot onlyallowsustodevelopmultipleapproachestocomparison;italsoputsthem intoconversationwithoneanotheraspartofasingletext.Thechaptersthat followdonotofferaunifiedvisionofcomparison.Instead,theyofferavaried toolkit,allowingscholarstobecome bricoleurs,adoptingthebestcomparative toolforagivenproject.Themoreoptionswehaveforhowtopursue comparison,thebetterequippedwearetoexplainandunderstandwhyit makescrucialcontributionstoourunderstandingsofpolitics,andthemore weempowerscholarsacrossvariedprofessionalpositionsandsubstantive intereststopursuenon-controlledcomparativework.
Thus,evenaswerecognizethestrengthsofcontrolledcomparisons,political scientistsneedtodevelopepistemologicallogicsforadditionalstrategiesof comparativeinquiry.Thisconversationhasbegun,butthereismuchwork lefttodo.Weneedtocontinuetobothaddclearlyexplainedandelaborated strategiestoourrepertoireandstrengthenthecaseforthevalueofthesekindsof comparisonsthroughconcreteexamples.Byelaborating why numerous strategiesofnon-controlledcomparisonsshouldbecompellingandproviding scholarswithavocabularytodescribetheirapproach,thechaptersthatfollow dojustthat.Theyprovideafoundationforexpandingthepossibilitiesfor comparativeinquiryinpoliticalscience.Doingso,however,involves rethinkingwhatistobecompared,howtochoosethosecomparisons,and howthosecomparisonsadvanceourknowledge – objectivestowhichweturn intheremainderofthisintroduction.
rethinkingcomparisontorethinkpoliticalscience
Thusfar,wehavesuggestedthatasystematicconsiderationofvaried comparativelogicsbeyondMill’smethodscanopennewpathwaysfor comparativeresearchforscholarsoldandnew – somethingthechaptersin thisvolumeaimtoachievebybringingtogetherworkfromscholarswithvaried methodologicalandepistemologicalbackgroundstopushtheboundariesof comparisonwithinthediscipline.Withthecombinationofbetterguidancefor howtodesignandexecutenon-controlledcomparisonsandincreased understandingofthevalueofthesecomparisonsamongearlycareerand establishedscholars – bothgoalsthatthisvolumehelpsusachieve – scholars shouldfeelenabledtotacklenewandambitiouscomparativeprojectswhile havingthetoolsavailabletoexplainwhytheirresearchdesignsleadto compellingarguments.Furthermore,withthisvolumewehopenotonlyto enablemorescholarstoengageinthesekindsofcomparisonsbutalso toencouragescholarsalreadyengagedinnon-controlledcomparisonstotake thetimeintheirownworktothinkthroughandarticulatethelogicsbehindthe comparisonstheyuse.Themorewetakethetimetoexplainwhatthelogicswe useareandwhytheyarecompelling,themorewewillempowerotherstotackle thesekindsofcomparisonsaswell.
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Toachievethesegoals,thechaptersthatfollowdeveloplogicsofcomparison thatarenotmotivatedbycontrol.Thecollectedchaptersachievethisgoalby askingandansweringfoundationalquestionsaboutcomparativemethodsand theirapplicabilitytosocialscienceresearch.Forinstance,whatkindsof questionslendthemselvestonon-controlledcomparisons?Howshouldwe thinkthroughcaseselection?Whatkindsofinsightsabouttheworldarenoncontrolledcomparisonsuniquelypositionedtoproduce?Whatarepotential modelsforwhatanon-controlledcomparisonlookslike?Whyandhowdo theseapproachescontributetoknowledge?Bybringingtogetherscholars workinginbothpositivistandinterpretivisttraditionsandaskingthemto systematicallythinkthroughhowtheyengageinqualitativecomparisonsand theinsightssuchcomparisonscanproduce,thecollectedchapterschallengethe conceptualfoundationsthroughwhichweseethepoliticalworld,createnew possibilitiestoadvancewhatweknowaboutpolitics,andopenoureyestothe politicalassumptionsbuiltintothecomparativemethodsweuse – allwiththe goalofallowingustoseetheworlddifferently.
Thechapterstacklethesechallengesbyfocusingonthreecentralcomponents ofthecomparativemethod.First,theyaskustorethinkwhatacaseisby challengingdominantconceptionsofacasethatfocusontimeorgeography andexploringalternativetypesofcasesincluding,amongothers,political processes(howthingshappen),11 practices(whatpeopledo),meanings(how peopleinteractwithsymbolicsystems),12 andconcepts(howpeopleorderthe world).Second,thechaptersexpandournotionofwhatitmeanstocompare. Theypushpoliticalscientiststoincludeattentiontothelivedexperiencesofthe peopletheystudyandhowthoseexperiencesreordersocialworlds.Finally,the chaptersexpandtheexplanatorygoalsofcomparison.Whilemostcomparative studiesinpoliticalscienceemphasizevariationsinoutcomes,thesechapters urgescholarstoconsidercomparingvariationsinpoliticalprocesses,sites, relations,practices,meanings,andconcepts.Theyalsopushustothinkabout whatitmeanstogeneralizeanargument(typicallythegoldstandardof explanatoryworkinpoliticalscience)byelaboratingalternativelogics.More foundationally,thesechaptersaskustothinkabouthowtostudypolitical worldsthatdonotalwayslendthemselvestodiscrete, fixedoutcomesthat caneasilybeidentified.Insodoing,theypushustoacknowledgeand
11 Tobesure,scholarsofcontentiouspoliticsoftenfocustheirattentiononpoliticalprocesses. However,whentheydesignthesestudiestoconformtothelogicsofcontrol,thekindsof dynamicstheycanexploreareseverelyconstrained.Worse,theassumptionsrequiredbycontrolledcomparisonresearchdesignsaredifficulttomaintaininthestudyofcontentiousepisodes, asmuchiscontingentonthedynamicsoftheepisodeitself,andapparentlysimilarconditionscan influenceprocessesinverydifferentwaysdependinguponsuchcontingentdynamics(see Sewell 1996a).Thus,wewouldarguethatwhencomparingprocessesofcontention,thelimitscreated bydemandsforcontrolareparticularlyconstrainingandthatexpandingtherepertoireof comparativelogicswouldbeparticularlyvaluableforscholarsofcontentiouspolitics.
12 See Wedeen(2002).
12 RethinkingComparisontoRethinkPoliticalScience