Special Issue of AIW's Al-Raida | Vol. 47 No. 2 (2023)

Understanding Masculinity: The View of Lebanese Private School Adolescents

dovan khalifee

Eliminating Sexual Harassment from Lebanese Public Schools

georges koberianos

Gender-Based Violence Against Lebanese Women Journalists

nour ammar

Workplace Struggles of Gender Non-Conforming People in the Middle East

anonymous

The Veil: A Women’s Equality Issue

marc chamoun

The Effects of a Four-Day Workweek on Gender Equality in Lebanon

maryam chamseddine

The Erasure of Women from Lebanese History

heba hallak

On the (Mis) representation of Disabled Masculinity and Femininity in Arab Film and Television

Dina Abdul Rahman Executive Director,

MEPI-Tomorrow’s Leaders Programs at the Lebanese American University

I have been working on MEPI Tomorrow’s Leaders-funded programs since 2015. By far, the Tomorrow’s Leaders Gender Scholars (TLS) program has been one of the most powerful and impactful to date.

Since 2020, LAU enrolled more than 500 TLS scholars, all of whom have successfully completed the oneyear program requirement. Our TLS alumni not only completed two gender courses as part of their bachelor’s degree requirements, but they also attended a series of seminars and workshops on gender issues and produced policy papers to be considered for publication; all of this while being active ambassadors to raise awareness on issues of diversity, equity, and inclusion within their scholarly disciplines and communities. Wow!

In light of the global pushback against gender rights, we at LAU are proud to say that we are graduating a new generation of change-makers: interdisciplinary leaders who are empowered and well-equipped to make the changes needed for a better tomorrow. It is the new generation of what I would call Inclusive Leaders!

This publication is the culmination of the best work of the 2022–2023 cohort of TLS students and would not have been possible without the continuous support and trust of our partners at the United States Department of State and the U.S.-Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), who continue to believe in the transformative power of the youth of the region. Also, the indispensable support of many valuable LAU departments, staff, and organizations was essential to the success of the program, including LAU’s School of Arts and Sciences and its esteemed faculty and Writing Center, the Arab Institute for Women and the staff of Al-Raida, and LAU’s SDEM unit led by Vice President Elise Salem. Lastly, it goes without saying that we all owe a major debt of gratitude to the TLS administrative team. A message of gratitude goes out to our amazing and fearless team, led by Dr. Lina Kreidie, Dr. Jennifer Skulte-Ouaiss, and Ms. Tania Bou Arbid. Thank you for going above and beyond the call of duty for our amazing TLS students.

We are very proud to see their hard work come to life through this issue of Al-Raida. Congratulations to all!

Lina Kreidie MEPI-TLS Academic Director

You are published!!

You are today’s and tomorrow’s change makers.

Our dear third cohort of Tomorrows’ Leaders for gender studies. At a time of political, economic, and social instabilities, your hard work continues to withhold the backlash, and to stand strong towards promoting diversity, inclusivity and respect to all people irrespective of their racial, ethnic, socioeconomic and gender background. We are so proud of you and your passion to promote human rights.

Accomplishments and progress require the vast support of open-minded and courageous people and institutions. You: our Tomorrow’s Leaders students have exactly that. Thanks to the Middle East Partnership Initiative at the United States Department of State for providing our students and our institution with the financial and ideological support to pursue the Lebanese American University’s (LAU) commitment to human rights and other liberal values. Thank you to the MEPI-TLS team, both in Lebanon and abroad, for your remarkable support for and implementation of this program. Without your dedication, our students would not have the tools that they need to pursue a bright and gender equitable future for us all.

Finally, to our students: Remember, prosperity happens only once social justice has been achieved. Fly high, stay connected, and keep us posted as you move forward beyond the borders of our LAU campus.

We salute your work.

Alex Ziade

Understanding Masculinity: The View of Lebanese Private School Adolescents

Dovan Khalifee

Eliminating Sexual Harassment from Lebanese Public Schools

Georges Koberianos

Gender-Based Violence Against Lebanese Women Journalists

Nour Ammar

Workplace Struggles of Gender Non-Conforming People in the Middle East

Anonymous

The Veil: A Women’s Equality Issue

Marc Chamoun

The Effects of a Four-Day Workweek on Gender Equality in Lebanon

Maryam Chamseddine

The Erasure of Women from Lebanese History

Heba Hallak

On the (Mis) representation of Disabled Masculinity and Femininity in Arab Film and Television

Understanding Masculinity: The View of Lebanese Private School Adolescents

Alex Ziade Mechanical Engineering Major

Introduction

Male adolescents’ poor mental health is a serious public health issue. In 2019, estimates showed that one in seven male teenagers were thought to have mental illnesses (WHO, 2019). This translates to an estimated 89 million boys worldwide. Adherence to hegemonic male gender roles strictly limit the emotions that boys and men are “allowed” to express and elevates other emotions such as anger (Chaplin, 2015). The issue of hegemonic masculinity is of utmost importance because it shows that most boys are not able to express themselves fully, especially if their true identity goes against hegemonic masculine norms. Most boys or even men are playing the role of a manly figure in order to fit in with society’s definition of a man (Eisler & Blalock, 1991). Relatedly, some religious groups and doctrines oppose any changes to hegemonic gender identities, because most of their beliefs are rooted in normative gender roles (Morgan,1987). This paper is focused primarily on one stakeholder, the Antonine Sisters School of Ghazir, which is where the paper’s survey was conducted. The paper concludes with a set of recommendations based on the findings of this survey.

Masculinity and Mental Health

There are many different types of masculinity, including toxic masculinity. It is thought that some masculinities are stronger than others—meaning, there is more cultural and societal buy-in to specific types of masculinity than others—which is consistent with the idea that there are various forms of masculinity (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). The concept of hegemonic masculinity, or the most socially accepted version of masculinity in a given period and location, is at the top of this hierarchy of masculinity (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). In countries all over the globe, this type of masculinity is “related with being white, heterosexual, and middleclass, and possessing classic masculine attributes of assertiveness, dominance, control, physical

strength, and emotional restraint” (Evans et al., 2010, p. 8). Many men aspire to this type of masculinity due to its relationship with social power and control, but few, if any, will completely attain it (Mankowski & Maton, 2010). As a result, a key mental health issue for men might be related to the struggle to achieve, but never being able to actually attain the ideals of hegemonic masculinity. For instance, the main drive of toxic and hegemonic masculinity is its focus on control, strength, and most importantly, power. This explains why men avoid, for example, seeking help for medical issues, given the belief that asking for aid indicates weakness or a loss of physical control (Addis & Mahalik, 2003). This idealized version of masculinity comes with a constrained emotionality, which is extremely harmful to mental health in particular (MacLean et al., 2010).

Gender Identity Development

A really important problem that adolescents find themselves tackling is identity. One specific factor of identity development is gender. The concept “gender identity” refers to what people consider themselves to be relative to the existing gender binary of male or female. For instance, people could be feminine, masculine, or even a combination of both (Bem & Lenney, 1976). They might have varying sexual preferences, or they might identify as “non”-binary or outside of the gender binary, meaning, that they do not feel fully represented by the binary identities of “male” and “female.” Gender is defined by, among other things, the binary feminine and masculine roles assigned to individuals at birth. Gender is built through social roles, behaviors, and customs (Wood & Eagly, 2015). The definition of gender is based on qualities that change with respect to time and cultures.

During the early stages of adolescence, the meaning of gender is frequently stereotyped. This explains the typical engagement of young adolescents in rigid stereotyped conduct, often with conscious and/or subconscious support of adults in their lives. For instance, girls will engage in extremely feminine behaviors, while boys will gravitate towards aggressive and masculine behaviors and appearances. Usually, stereotypical behaviors are passed down from one generation to the next (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). The real issue at hand is embedded and rooted in the patriarchal system. Boy adolescents are driven towards gender roles and gender expectations by their fathers, brothers, and grandfathers. These male figures pressure the adolescent’s perception about masculinity by feeding him lines such as “to be a man you have to be strong” (Brooks, 2001). The same scenario repeats for girls: Instead of male figures, it will be their mothers, aunts, and grandmothers. As individuals progress in the stages of adolescence, their gender identity becomes more flexible. They start becoming more confident and secure to engage in activities they are interested in, even if they were assigned a different gender at birth (Brooks, 2001). However due to social pressure and gender norms they will still feel that something is not right.

Methodology

Alongside a literature review, a survey on masculinity and gender identity was conducted at a private school called Antonine Sisters School Ghazir. The survey was only relevant to male students ages 15-16 (adolescents). Sixty male students in Grades 10 and 11 completed the survey. The survey was divided into three multiple choice questions. The aim behind the survey was to identify how adolescents perceive

masculinity and how it affects their mental health. The three questions in the survey target a certain aspect of this study. The first question targets the mental health aspect. The second targets gender roles and their effect on the students. The third question targets the origin of the problem at hand, which is the way males have been raised.

Literature Review

The understanding of masculinity for adolescent boys is not a topic to be taken lightly. Kimmel et al. (2004) argue that boys are socialized and molded to fit a limited definition of masculinity. After all, adolescent boys fear being mocked and ridiculed for being feminine (Phoenix et al., 2003). Masculinity and manhood are rigid, according to Kimmel et al. (2004): It is something that a boy either has or does not have. The concept of manhood in our society is considered something eternal, where it is all built on the biological composition of a man, or in other words: his penis (Kimmel et al., 2004). Moreover, statements such as “boys will be boys” and “be a man” are considered as destructive and not progressive (Phoenix et al., 2003.) The rigidity of what is considered masculine in a man can be challenged by blurring the definition of masculinity and identifying a man in a socio-psychological sphere. For that reason, Kimmel et al. (2004) believe that in order to create gender equality, a general definition of manhood should be established.

Kimmel (2000) not only argues for a new definition of manhood, but also divides and analyzes the different stages of manhood. For young boys, manhood is solely based on the desire to engage in violent acts. For adolescent boys, the fear of femininity is a powerful driving force constraining their expression of masculinity. This is the stage where boys seek approval from other boys the most (Kimmel, 2000). When it comes to young men, they should make sure that their acts are stereotypical, their behavior should be manly, and no emotions should be shown. In addition, the whole concept of manhood is an affirmation for other men in order to gain approval (Brooks, 2001). Men share their accomplishments with other men, and only seek approval from other men; this is what builds “true” masculinity (Kimmel, 2000). This is the main reason behind sexual contests, fist fights, and many other activities that men engage in to establish their masculinity. After all, manhood is a homosocial act, since men are granted manhood based on the heroic acts and risks they engage in as part of their relationships with and to other men, for their approval (Kimmel, 2000). The definition of manhood can also be analyzed through a different lens. For instance, men fear being emasculated or perceived as not real men. This fear breaks the established definition of manhood, because it depicts the weakness of men. Not only does it show men as weak, it also humiliates men (Phoenix et al., 2003). Consequently, men are afraid to be ashamed. Therefore, they remain silent. This silence is the reason behind the ongoing loop that men are stuck in and cannot escape from.

Findings

For decades, masculinity and manhood have been concepts that adolescents have struggled with. This struggle is a critical reason for some of the mental health issues that adolescent boys face. For instance, 21.6% (13 out of 60) of survey respondents stated that they have been discriminated at school because they are males. 53.4% reported that they have not been discriminated at school and 25% chose the “maybe, I am not sure” option. Strikingly, 80% of the participants felt that they are obligated

to engage (or to refrain from engaging) in certain activities because it is inappropriate for their gender; 20% did not have this issue. Also, 35% of the participants stated that their parents teach them that all men should have masculine characteristics and all women should have feminine characteristics. 41.6% reported having progressive parents that teach them that all genders are equal and that anybody can feel and do whatever suits them.

Analysis

The findings show that there are two main types of masculinity: gender-normative masculinity and non-gender-normative displays of masculinity (Addis & Mahalik, 2003). Adolescents that abide by gender-normative masculinity tend to follow social norms and social roles assigned to the identities of “man” or “woman.” Those that abide by non-normative masculinity tend to distance themselves from traditional normalized characteristics of a man. These individuals tend to focus on their own values and norms (Addis & Mahalik, 2003). The results also show that bullying and gender discrimination in schools are a real issue. 21 out of 60 respondents stated that they have been bullied at school because of their gender. The main reason behind this issue is that the characteristics of traditional masculinity do not apply to all boys. The bullies are taking advantage of this issue by bullying the boys that do not follow the “rules” of normative masculinity, in order to establish their dominance and win the approval of other men around them (Bem & Lenney, 1976). Moreover, boys are obligated to obey the gender roles given to them at birth, which dictate every single aspect of their life. 80% of the participants stated that their decisions are highly influenced by their gender. This shows that adolescent boys are living in a struggle between what they want to do and what they are supposed to do. Further, adolescent boys learn about the characteristics of a “real man” from male figures in their lives. For instance, 35% of the participants stated that their parents teach them that all men should be masculine, meaning, that they should be strong and should not show weakness. This shows that gender identity and gender constructs are traditional and that they are transmitted from generation to generation (Chaplin, 2015). Another important problem is that some adolescents have minimal information regarding gender identity and social constructs. The survey findings show that some adolescents have no knowledge about gender or gender issues. This is a critical issue, because gender is a part of a person’s identity. If they are unaware of their identity, then they are unaware of who they really are.

Recommendations

Perceptions of masculinity and toxic masculinity are embedded in our education systems. The problem is that toxic masculinity is a belief: it is based on the social constructs created by societies all over the globe. Therefore, in order to abolish this toxic perception of masculinity, we need to start by lobbying for a change to the singular and hegemonic definition of masculinity. This change needs to start with the youth, and it needs to start in schools. There are several key recommendations for schools. First, schools should implement programs regarding sexual education. These classes should not only be about sexual activity, but also about sexual and gender identity. This introduces adolescents to a part of their identity and can therefore provide them with a better understanding of masculinity and how it works. If implemented correctly and consistently, proper sexual education classes can open

the eyes of younger generations to toxic masculinity and a variety of other gender discrimination issues. Another really important issue is that religious classes in schools have their own agenda and, therefore, must come under scrutiny relative to the types of hegemonic masculinity they support and perpetuate. Several recommendations can be made to address this issue. First, religious courses should not be obligatory for all students. Second, in religion classes, gender roles should not be discussed, because they shape the beliefs of young kids. Instead, gender roles should be addressed by experts who have knowledge on the subject. Therefore, not only do educators at schools need to be trained on how to deal with students having gender identity problems, but also awareness campaigns need to be implemented for parents. These awareness campaigns can be in any form of media that reaches the parents, such as Facebook posts, billboards, and other media tools. Moreover, the staff in schools should be monitored, in case they are pursuing their own ideological agenda relative to gender. They should be respectful and they should teach all students to be respectful to one another, no matter their gender identity. Staff that violate these principles should face different forms of discipline, to ensure that classrooms remain a safe and inclusive space. All of the strategies stated above are a small sample of what can be implemented in order to make schools a safe place for all gender identities, especially individuals that identify as non-normative.

Conclusion

To conclude, this study found that boys who do not abide by the masculine roles of society reported more depression, anxiety, and loneliness as compared to their gender normative peers. This problem is extremely significant because it affects our youth, who are the future political decisionmakers. Therefore, the solutions for the issue discussed are of utmost importance and should be implemented as soon as possible. If we educate our youth and guide them on the right path, then we are working toward a gender equitable and better future.

references

Addis, M.E., & Mahalik, J.R. (2003). Men, masculinity, and the contexts of help seeking. American Psychologist, 58(1), 5-14. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.58.1.5

Bem, S. L., & Lenney, E. (1976). Sex typing and the avoidance of cross-sex behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 33(1), 48–54. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0078640

Brooks, G. R. (2001). Masculinity and men’s mental health. Journal of American College Health, 49(6), 285–297. https://doi.org/10.1080/07448480109596315

Chaplin, T. M. (2015). Gender and emotion expression: A developmental contextual perspective. Emotion Review, 7(1), 14–21. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F1754073914544408

Connell, R. W., & Messerschmidt, J. W. (2005). Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the concept. Gender & Society, 19(6), 829-859. https://doi.org/10.1177/0891243205278639

Evans, J., Frank, B., Oliffe, J. L., & Gregory, D. (2010). Health, illness, men and masculinities (HIMM): A theoretical framework. Journal of Men’s Health, 8, 7–15.

Eisler, R.M., & Blalock, J.A. (1991). Masculine gender role stress: Implications for the assessment of men. Clinical Psychology Review, 11(1), 45–60. https://doi.org/10.1016/0272-7358(91)90137-J

Kimmel, M. S. (2000). The gendered society. Oxford University Press.

Kimmel, M. S., Hearn, J., & Connell, R. W. (Eds.). (2004). Handbook of studies on men and masculinities Sage Publications.

MacLean, A., Sweeting, H., & Hunt, K. (2010). “Rules” for boys, “guidelines” for girls: Gender differences in symptom reporting during childhood and adolescence. Social Science & Medicine, 70(4), 597–604. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1016/j.socscimed.2009.10.042

Mankowski, E. S., & Maton, K. I. (2010). A community psychology of men and masculinity: Historical and conceptual review. American Journal of Community Psychology, 45(1), 73–86. https:// psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1007/s10464-009-9288-y

Morgan, M. Y. (1987). The impact of religion on gender-role attitudes. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 11(3), 301–310. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1987.tb00905.x

Phoenix, A., Frosh, S., & Pattman, R. (2003). Producing contradictory masculine subject positions: Narratives of threat, homophobia and bullying in 11–14 year old boys. Journal of Social Issues, 59(1), 179–195. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1111/1540-4560.t01-1-00011

Wood, W., & Eagly, A.H. (2015). Two traditions of research on gender identity. Sex Roles, 73(11-12), 461–473. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1007/s11199-015-0480-2

World Health Organization (WHO). (2019). Adolescent mental health. https://www.who.int/newsroom/fact-sheets/detail/adolescent-mental-health#:~:text=Globally%2C%20one%20in%20 seven%2010,illness%20and%20disability%20among%20adolescents.

Eliminating Sexual Harassment from Lebanese Public Schools

Dovan Khalifee Biology Major

Introduction

According to UNESCO, “Education is the foundation of gender equality.” This emphasizes the great role that education has in influencing gender equality as it is the foundation for a gender sensitive society. Thus, this paper will tackle gender equality in Lebanese public schools and will focus specifically on sexual harassment. The paper will then develop some policy recommendations that can minimize sexual harassment in public schools. These policies can consequently have a positive influence on the Lebanese curriculum, personnel working in the educational sector, and the funding process of the educational institutions.

Overview

This paper is based on a review of existing literature on the subject of sexual harassment in public schools, beginning at the global level and then narrowing down to focus on research from Lebanon. As previously mentioned, sexual harassment can be present across different sectors and even at schools. In fact, female sexual harassment at school can be physical or verbal, including but not limited to sexual coercion of girls and undesirable sexual remarks or jokes (Jenner et al., 2022). Female sexual harassment can look very different, as there are many different types. For example, sexual harassment is when a male student physically intimidates his female classmate, calls her lesbian because she likes to play football, or shows her sexual photos that she does not want to look at. Harassment can have serious negative effects on the student. These negative effects range from having trouble sleeping, feeling scared of going to school, and even developing suicidal thoughts. A study done by Hill and Kearl (2011) identified sexual harassment in U.S. schools as a type of bullying, and noted that it is very widespread in middle and high school levels whereby girls are more likely to be the victims. Moreover, in a study conducted by the American

Association of University Women, it was proven that females are more likely to be harassed than males. Almost 48% of students who were between grades 7 and 12 have been subjected to sexual harassment during the years of their school education. The sexual harassment that they were subjected to was not limited to physical harassment but also virtual sexual harassment. In fact, 44% of the students were physically harassed while 30% were virtually harassed through social media or by text messages (Hill & Kearl, 2011). The study also showed that students who had been sexually harassed were often afraid to return to school and preferred staying at home where they felt safe. Also, students who had been sexually harassed experienced a drop in their school performance levels, including severe grade drops (Hill & Kearl, 2011). This demonstrates the extensive physical and mental effects of sexual harassment on female students.

It is important to note that the shape of the educational sector greatly influences the rates of sexual harassment in schools. For example, the Lebanese school curriculum includes three levels of education which are the elementary, secondary, and higher education (Assaf et al., 2022). Each educational level includes certain subjects; none of the subjects are related to gender issues or discrimination. All the sections that are found in the Lebanese curriculum will prepare students to join various fields in the future but will not prepare them to have the mindset of gender equality. Public schools in Lebanon, and with the diminished funding that they get, do not have the ability to include gender related workshops and educational sessions concerning gender equality. However, this lack of awareness might contribute to an increase in the prevalence of female sexual harassment among students. According to the UN and the World Bank, between 100,000 and 120,000 students have joined public schools in 2019-2021 in Lebanon due to the economic crisis (BouJaoude & Baddour, 2022). Even though there is no proper funding for public schools in Lebanon, they are now overwhelmed with a great number of students. So, this shows the severity of the problem in which generations will be growing without a base and a foundation about gender discrimination, sexual harassment, and gender-based violence. Further, since all these public schools adopt the national curriculum, an increased number of students will be graduating with a weak foundation and knowledge about gender related topics (BouJaoude & Baddour, 2022).

According to BouJaoude and Baddour (2022), private schools today are starting to introduce gender studies to the curriculum either through guest speakers, projects, or workshops. This shows the willingness of the private sector to introduce the concepts of feminism and gender equality and the drawbacks of sexual harassment to their students. As a result, this makes students in private schools more aware of the issues that surround gender-based violence, sexual harassment, and discrimination. However, public schools, which lack the proper management, funding, and organization, and without introducing their students to issues related to gender, are failing to solve the issue of female sexual harassment that occurs on school grounds (Mattar, 2012).

The gap between the public and private sector is due to the fact that public schools are completely under the control of the Lebanese government which includes the Center for Educational Research and Development (CRDP). CRDP is responsible for the modification and improvement of the Lebanese curriculum (BouJaoude & Baddour,

2022). This explains why some private schools introduce gender-based topics to their curriculum as compared to public schools: While private schools can make changes to their curriculums internally, public schools are subjected to government oversight. However, this also means that any changes must be approved by the government before they can be implemented in public schools. Not only does this make the process long and bureaucratic, but it simultaneously places public schools under the complete control of the government.

Recommendations

According to this analysis, it is important to mention several recommendations that can be implemented for a potential improvement.

1. Modifying the Educational System

As mentioned previously, the Ministry of Education is the governmental organization responsible for shaping and modifying the system. In other words, the Center for Educational Research and Development (CRDP) has a direct influence on the content of the curriculum. As a result, these organizations are capable of enforcing gender-related content to the curriculum. For example, they can make students attend obligatory sessions regarding gender awareness. CRDP can also implement a final gender-based project that is mandatory to submit to the school by the end of each year. However, for the Ministry of Education to be able to implement such changes to the curriculum, political will must be built from within the ministry itself. Meaning, ministry staff should have awareness about the need for gender sensitivity training in schools, as well as the negative consequences of gender-based discrimination and bullying in schools.

2. Proper, Targeted Educational Funding

The Lebanese government should work on increasing the allocated GDP percentage to fund the educational sector in Lebanon. In 2013, 2.6% of the total GDP was assigned to public teaching. Whereas countries that are part of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) allocate an average of 5% of GDP to fund the educational institutions (OECD, 2022). The improvement of the education sector is highly dependent on the amount of funding that it gets (Tang, 2022). Based on this, the private sector gets most of the funding from the high tuition rates that they collect from the students as compared to the public sector. The public sector is highly dependent on external donors and on the Ministry of Education. As a result, with minimal funding, public schools will not be able to introduce any activities or workshops that will promote gender equality among students. However, if the funding is increased, the Ministry of Education will be able to start funding educational and awareness-raising programs for its own employees so that they will gain the proper expertise to start working on implementing the workshops and curriculum modifications to the public schools that highlight gender equality. Also, with proper funding, new activities that will help to reduce gender discrimination, sexual harassment, and gender-based violence can be introduced to public schools. In addition, there also must be proper supervision to make sure that all the new policies issued by the Ministry of Education are implemented. This also requires funding, as

efficient and knowledgeable personnel must be recruited to conduct the auditing process on schools.

3. Proper Training of Teachers

According to BouJaoude and Baddour (2022) teachers are the most crucial component for the proper education of students. Teachers influence their students in different aspects as they are in contact with them for long periods of time each day and throughout the year. Thus, teachers must be the perfect role models for gender equality. For teachers to be good role models for gender equality, they must attend gender awareness and educational sessions in which they are taught how to implement gender equality among students. These campaigns must be supervised and funded by the Ministry of Education. In this way, the Ministry of Education can certify every teacher that successfully passes a gender training. By providing teachers with the proper gender education, they will be able to deal with any type of gender discrimination and female sexual harassment among students in a professional way. Having trained teachers might also help to limit the amount of sexual harassment that takes place in schools between students.

4. Updating Current Curricula

Another strategy to reduce sexual discrimination and harassment among students is by adding new chapters to the books currently used in the curricula. To begin with, history books can be modified to include the history of women in addition to protests and revolutions that took place over the past years to attain gender equality in different societies. Also, a modification for the civics book can help in reducing sexual harassment among students. The civics book can be modified to include the laws that ensure gender equality among citizens such as international conventions including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, or CEDAW, and the UN Security Council resolution 1325, or the Women, Peace and Security Agenda. In addition, the book chapters should elaborate on the extensive work done by different organizations over the world to eliminate female sexual harassment. In this way the curriculum will be gender sensitive, which will help to reduce sexual harassment among students.

Conclusion

In conclusion, gender discrimination is a critical issue that needs to be addressed. Sexual harassment is one type of gender discrimination which may have detrimental effects on the victim. This policy paper reviews sexual harassment that occurs in Lebanese schools, and specifically, in public schools. One major identified cause of sexual harassment in Lebanon is the absence of gender education in the Lebanese curriculum. Thus, four recommendations were drawn to help enhance the education system. First, the MOE and CRDP are highly responsible for shaping the Lebanese curriculum especially for public schools, which needs to be amended as soon as possible. Moreover, it is crucial that the education system in Lebanon receives funding; teachers need to receive extensive training about harassment, and gender-sensitive teaching materials need to be added to current curricula. If these recommendations are implemented, gender equality may be achieved. As previously mentioned,

discrimination comes in different forms, and it is not limited to sexual harassment. Thus, future research must tackle the intersectionality among the different forms of discrimination in order to have a better understanding of their effects on the physical and psychological level.

references

Assaf, J., Nehmeh, L., & Antoun, S. (2022). Promoting the full potential of Open Educational Resources (OER) in the Lebanese educational community. Pedagogical Research, 7(4), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.29333/pr/12475

BouJaoude, S., & Baddour, R. (2022). Teacher education programs in Lebanon: Innovations in the past decade (2011–2021). In M.S. Khine (Ed.), Handbook of research on teacher education (pp. 153-170). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2400-2_10

Hill, C., & Kearl, H. (2011). Crossing the line: Sexual harassment at school American Association of University Women.

Jenner, S.C., Djermester, P., & Oertelt-Priogione, S. (2022). Prevention strategies for sexual harassment in academic medicine: A qualitative study. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 37(5-6), 2490-2515. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260520903130

Mattar, D.M. (2012). Factors affecting the performance of public schools in Lebanon. International Journal of Educational Development, 32(2), 252–263. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. ijedudev.2011.04.001

OECD. (2022). Public spending on education. https://doi.org/10.1787/6932ce5c-en

Tang, Y. (2022). Government spending on local higher education institutions (LHEIs) in China: Analysing the determinants of general appropriations and their contributions. Studies in Higher Education, 47(2), 423—436.DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/03075079.2020.1750586

UN Women, UNDP, UNFPA, UNESCWA. (2018). Egypt Gender Justice & The Law. https://arabstates. unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Field%20Office%20Arab%20States/Attachments/ Publications/2018/Gender%20Justices%20and%20The%20Law%20in%20the%20Arab%20 Region/Country%20Assessments/Egypt%20Country%20Assessment%20-%20English.pdf

Gender-Based Violence Against Lebanese Women Journalists

Georges Koberianos Biology Major

Introduction

Journalism is a vital profession that aides us in finding the truth. Journalists work hard to research, compile, and present information that people need to know about events occurring in their nation or across the globe. While journalism can lead to the truth, it can also be used to conceal it. In many nations, journalists are subject to intimidation, censorship, and even physical attacks for reporting on controversial topics or stories that are unfavorable to the government or powerful parties. Moreover, journalists are also at risk from cybercriminals, who may use social media and other digital platforms to spread misinformation and false news, harass, and abuse journalists online. Sadly, many journalists have even been abducted, threatened with death, or assassinated for their work. According to a UNESCO (2022) report, 62 journalists were killed in 2021 and 90% of these murder case are still unresolved. As such, journalism is a dangerous job, but it is necessary to keep the public informed and ensure accountability.

Both men and women are victims of online and offline violence, however, attacks on women are highly sexualized and are largely related to gender (OHCHR, 2021). Women are often the target of online assaults that target their looks, sexual activity, or gender identity, such as trolling, cyberbullying, threats of physical or sexual harm, revenge porn, cyberstalking, and doxing. Offline assaults on women may include rape, assault, stalking, and harassment, as well as physical and sexual violence. These assaults are founded on gender inequality and are used to restrict women’s freedom and autonomy. This form of violence is a powerful and oppressive tool that prevents women from reaching their full potential and conveys the message that women are valued solely for their appearance, rather than their knowledge, hard work, and talent. It makes it harder for women to be taken seriously and respected, and it reinforces traditional gender roles. Furthermore, discrimination against women journalists violates their

fundamental human rights, including freedom of speech, safety, and the right to equality and non-discrimination, as established in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights treaties (United Nations, 1948).

Journalists in Lebanon are particularly vulnerable to gender-based violence (GBV), such as harassment, intimidation, and physical violence. During the 17th of October protests, women journalists experienced particularly severe forms of violence. Numerous reports emerged of women being called abusive names, being followed, and even being physically attacked. Additionally, several women reported being subjected to sexual harassment, including unwelcome sexual comments, inappropriate touching, and threats of rape. Unfortunately, when faced with these threats and instances of GBV, female journalists often have little to no support from their own media outlets or the government, which leaves them exposed and unprotected.

The purpose of this paper is to identify the causes of GBV against women journalists in Lebanon and its consequences, with the aim to propose recommendations to reduce such violence. The target audience for any initiatives to reduce gender-based violence against women journalists includes national and international organizations such as the United Nations (UN), the International Women’s Media Foundation (IWMF), Reporters Without Borders (RSF), and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). At the national level, important stakeholders include Lebanese government officials such as the Minister of Information, Lebanese organizations such as the Lebanese Center for Human Rights (CLDH), and the Lebanese Syndicate of Journalists (LSJ), as well as local media organizations.

This paper is based on an analysis of secondary sources, including civil society reports, testimonials, and interviews with journalists who have experienced GBV. Some quantitative data, specifically statistics on the prevalence of GBV among women journalists, is analyzed as well. A literature review was conducted to analyze the causes and the consequences of the matter incorporating frameworks like patriarchy, gender inequality, and gender roles.

Overview

Lebanon ranked 130th out of 180 countries in the Reporters Without Borders (RSF) 2022 World Press Freedom Index (WFP), a significant drop from their 2018 ranking of 100th (RSF, 2022). The WFP Index evaluates the degree of freedom available to journalists in 180 countries around the world (UNESCO, 2022). The decrease in Lebanon’s ranking could be attributed to multiple factors, such as increased harassment of journalists during the Lebanese protests, as well as online harassment that has led to self-censorship. According to UN Women (El Kaakour, 2021), there has been a significant increase in GBV and harassment of women journalists since the 2019-2020 protests. In their report, all of the eight women journalists interviewed had experienced physical violence when reporting on the protests, while only four of the eight men journalists interviewed reported experiencing violence (El Kaakour, 2021).

Moreover, an analysis of female reporters’ accounts showed that they experienced more sexist and offensive comments than male reporters did, even though both genders said they were targets of online violence (El Kaakour, 2021). Examples of the comments

received include: “How much is he paying you per night?”; “I think this country needs more sex to please all those unsatisfied females”; “You are a top model but surely not a reporter”; and “It would be better for you if you stayed in the domain of fashion and makeup.”

Many Lebanese journalists’ experiences were shared across the internet and other media outlets concerning GBV, yet nothing was done. For instance, freelance journalist and editor, Zahra Hankir, experienced numerous threats of rape and death on the internet. Luna Safwan, a Shi’ite journalist, has been labeled a traitor to her religion and country and has been slandered as an agent of Israel for her criticisms of Hezbollah (Posetti & Shabbir, 2022). Dima Sadek, a formal Lebanese Broadcasting Company (LBCI) journalist, had her phone stolen during the protest and harassers continue to send threatening voice calls to her mother who ended up suffering from a stroke due to the immense stress (Arab News, 2019). Furthermore, Dima Sadek faced false allegations of creating pornography and was publicly denounced as an “enemy of God” by religious figures, resulting in her resignation from a full-time position at LBCI. She noted that Pierre Daher, the CEO of LBCI, rather than supporting her, had instead monitored her tweets and informed her that she could only return to the network if she stopped her online activity (Caramazza, 2019). Lastly, the journalist Youmna Fawaz has been subjected to intense online hate for the past decade, receiving vicious insults such as being called a “whore” and a “bitch,” as well as false allegations that she had gotten ahead in her career through exchanging sexual favors or accepting bribes. She has also been mocked for having a lisp, and her family members have been threatened (Posetti & Shabbir, 2022).

Analysis

The causes of increased GBV in Lebanon against women journalists are numerous. In Lebanon, traditional gender roles usually assign men the role of the breadwinners and decision-maker in the family and beyond, while women are expected to be modest and submissive and support their husbands. According to UN Women (2017), the majority of women reported participating in chores such as washing clothes, cleaning the kitchen or living rooms, and cleaning the bathroom, while only a quarter of ever-married men reported ever doing those tasks. These traditional gender roles are a driving factor of harassment against women journalists: Because these women are outside of the house, they are actively challenging this system, leading to violent backlash. This has led to cases of harassment against women journalists in order

“[Harassers] try to strip you of your ‘honor’, because they consider that a woman’s honor is between her legs…so, if you’re coming from a conservative upbringing, you’d most likely quit the profession and/or be silenced.”

Youmna Fawaz, investigative journalist (Posetti & Shabbir, 2022)

to silence them and drive them out of their profession and back to their traditional gender roles in the household (OHCHR, 2021). Moreover, traditional patriarchal attitudes persist in Lebanon, leading to the view that women are inferior to men. This is evidenced by the low representation of women in parliament (4.6%) and the high gender gap, for example (UN Women, n.d.).

In addition, many television programs and advertisements indeed portray women in a sexualized manner to get more viewers (Steiner, 2017). This can have a damaging effect on how society views women, as it reinforces the idea that they are only valuable because of their physical attractiveness and can lead to gender-based violence and feelings of inadequacy among women (Araüna, 2012).

All of these factors, among many others, make women far more susceptible to GBV. Nearly 60% of Lebanese women reported having ever experienced some form of sexual harassment in the street (UN Women, 2017). Further, the normalization of violence against women in Lebanon can leave female journalists feeling powerless and unable to speak out against abuse or discrimination, further contributing to the prevalence of GBV against women journalists in the country and perpetuating this practice with impunity.

Finally, political instability has had a negative impact on the safety of female journalists. This political instability has only exacerbated the gendered harassment facing women journalists. For example, even though employees at the OTV station took precautions to protect themselves from verbal and physical harm due to their political affiliation by removing their logos from equipment while covering the protests, they were still subjected to harassment (Arab News, 2019).

GBV against women journalists in Lebanon is a serious issue with far-reaching and long-lasting repercussions. It has the potential to significantly impede women journalists’ abilities to perform their jobs and flourish in their profession. According to a study conducted by El Kaakour (2021), 37% of the surveyed journalists reported that their productivity had been adversely impacted due to the violence they experienced during the protests. One of the women surveyed even had to take a break from work for a few months because she felt overwhelmed by the situation. Moreover, this woman expressed fears of the danger she and her family might face as a result of her profession, which ultimately led her to flee Lebanon. It is clear therefore that GBV can lead to a decrease in job satisfaction and a decrease in the number of women in the media industry overall.

El Kaakour’s (2021) interviews with female reporters revealed a serious negative impact on women journalists’ mental health and well-being due to the GBV they experience. Of the eight women interviewed, five reported feeling sad, angry, and tired, with three of them experiencing trauma and depression. In comparison, only 37% of the male reporters reported feeling these same emotions, with the majority (62%) stating that violence had little to no effect on their well-being. This stark difference reflects the severity of the abuse that women are subjected to as compared to men.

Also during the October 17th protests in Lebanon, female journalists experienced GBV both offline and online. Interviews with female journalists revealed that many

had experienced psychological trauma, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), necessitating medical treatment and time off work due to online GBV (Posetti & Shabbir, 2022). Additionally, survey results showed that 17% of respondents (121 people) felt physically unsafe as a result of online violence, and 29% reported missing work due to the possibility that online attacks might escalate into physical violence (Posetti & Shabbir, 2022). Myra Abdalla, a Lebanese journalist, spoke of her experience: “The day I decided to stop writing was the day I was sent a picture taken from inside my house [by someone who had broken in and was threatening her]; that’s when I decided that it was not worth it” (Posetti & Shabbir, 2022). The prevalence of online and offline GBV against female journalists in Lebanon demonstrates the urgent need for adequate protection and support.

As a result, a growing number of female journalists are choosing to distance themselves from public view due to fear of online harassment. A survey of 207 female respondents revealed that 10% had requested to be removed from the air (radio and television) or have their names removed from articles after experiencing GBV. Additionally, 19% of the participants reported avoiding certain topics, and 10% admitted avoiding specific stories to protect themselves from online violence, a practice known as self-censorship (Posetti & Shabbir, 2022).

Current Legislation Protecting Women Journalists

Lebanon’s 1994 Audiovisual Media Law marked a milestone not just in Lebanon but in Arab countries more broadly, but its outdated and inconsistent provisions have rendered it obsolete. The law, which is heavily influenced by the French model of broadcast regulation (Mady, 2015), is riddled with contradictions and fails to provide the necessary guidance to ensure the effective regulation of the media sector. Despite recommendations that emerged during the World Conference on Women and the Beijing Declaration of 1995 (Mady, 2015), gender-specific media policies have not yet been developed in the Arab world. While some deem Lebanon to be the most progressive and Westernized country in the region (Mady, 2015) and believe, therefore, that it has the best potential to implement such progressive policies, the country has yet to take a stand to protect journalists and particularly women journalists.

Worse, the restriction of digital media and content creators on digital media platforms by the Lebanese government has increased over the years, and is a major issue, as it violates both freedom of expression and freedom of the press. This is especially concerning, as the Lebanese Press Law does not protect individuals in digital media and content creation (Bushehri, 2020). The press law that was approved in 1962 and revised in 1977, 1994, and 1999, only covers print media. Broadcast journalists and people who create content on digital outlets, such as web outlets and social media, are subject to criminal law. Even as the use of social media continues to grow among young people, activists, and officials, Lebanon has yet to expand its legislation to safeguard freedom of expression on the internet and digital media (Bushehri, 2020).

Globally, the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity (2016) holds member states accountable for investigating crimes, including violence perpetrated against reporters in both armed and non-armed conflicts, with a special emphasis on the heightened risks experienced by female reporters. Furthermore, the

plan notes that many of these crimes go unreported due to cultural and professional stigma (El Kaakour, 2021). In addition, UNESCO has started to develop plans to protect women journalists against GBV. With a grant from the Swedish Postcode Lottery Foundation, UNESCO launched a project in 2019 that provides capacity-building measures in four countries (Senegal, Mali, Sri Lanka, and India) that includes training for women journalists on safety and their rights, training of media managers, and open dialogues with security forces on freedom of expression and gender topics (UNESCO, 2022).

Taking a more expansive approach, the University of Texas at Austin’s Knight Center for Journalism in the Americas, in cooperation with IWMF, is introducing a Massive Open Online Course (MOOC) entitled “How to Report Safely: A Guide for Women Journalists and their Allies.” This course focuses on the safety of female journalists in both the digital and physical realms and provides them with dedicated safety instructions. As well, it is highly accessible, since it is an online course that anyone can register to take (UNESCO, 2022).

Recommendations

The protection of female journalists during protests in Lebanon is of utmost importance, and different methods can be taken to ensure this.

1. To address the underlying causes of GBV, such as social and cultural norms that perpetuate gender inequality and discrimination, awareness must be raised and campaigns must be launched to challenge and end it. Lebanese universities should introduce courses in their curriculum for journalism students that specifically focus on GBV in the media, providing an opportunity for students to gain knowledge and awareness of how GBV is depicted or represented, as well as the necessary skills and resources to protect themselves from it.

2. Providing training and support to journalists on how to stay safe while reporting on protests and other potentially dangerous situations: This can include training on how to recognize and avoid potentially dangerous situations, how to protect oneself and others in the event of violence or other emergencies, and how to communicate effectively with authorities and other relevant parties.

3. Ensuring that journalists have access to adequate protective equipment: This can include providing journalists with helmets, flak jackets, and other gear that can help protect them from physical harm while they are on the job.

4. Providing support and resources to journalists who have experienced GBV while on the job: This can include offering legal assistance to help journalists seek justice and protect their rights, as well as providing medical assistance to help them recover from any injuries they may have sustained.

5. Working with local authorities and community leaders to address and prevent GBV against journalists during protests: This may involve engaging with these parties to discuss ways to prevent violence and ensure the safety of journalists, as well as working with them to develop and implement policies and procedures to address GBV.

6. Gender-sensitive laws and policies must be advocated for and implemented to protect female journalists in Lebanon.

Concerning online harassment:

1. Access to mental health support and counseling services should be provided for anyone who has experienced online harassment, and a culture of openness should be established so that employees feel comfortable reporting any incidents of online harassment.

2. The Lebanese law should be analyzed and modified. For example, the law should include digital media in the Lebanese press law, not in the criminal law.

3. Additionally, training programs should be made more accessible for women journalists and should be mandatory for all journalists.

4. Establishing a system for reporting and addressing online harassment. This could include setting up a dedicated email or other means of contact for reporting harassment to a police agency or specialized department, and establishing a formal protocol for reviewing and responding to reports of harassment.

5. Working with online platforms and service providers to address and prevent online harassment. This could involve engaging social media platforms (and their staff) to discuss ways to prevent harassment and ensure the safety of their users, as well as working with these platforms to develop and implement policies and procedures to address harassment.

It’s important to note that addressing online gender-based violence and harassment may require a combination of these and other approaches, and that the steps taken will depend on the specific circumstances and context of the situation.

Conclusion

Gender-based violence is a pervasive issue that affects individuals, families, and communities all around the world, including those in Lebanon. It takes on many forms, including physical, emotional, sexual, economic, and social abuse, and can be perpetrated by both men and women in homes, schools, workplaces, and public spaces. The underlying causes of GBV are rooted in Lebanon’s patriarchal society and can have devastating effects on its victims, including mental health problems, fear, and even abandoning their professional aspirations. Journalists, especially women, are particularly vulnerable to GBV because of their occupation. While laws exist to protect women journalists, they are often not enforced or have numerous loopholes. As a result, victims of GBV are reluctant to report their experiences out of fear of retribution or lack of support from their communities. It is therefore essential that measures are taken to ensure that victims of GBV are provided with the resources and support they need to report their experiences safely and confidently. This includes providing safe spaces for victims to talk about their experiences, offering legal and psychological assistance, and ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable for their actions.

According to Byerly (2011), only 26% of Lebanese news organizations had sexual harassment policies in place. Challenging the low and limited prevalence of such policies in news organizations, for example, is a crucial step in ensuring that journalists can safely and effectively practice their profession. Because, if journalists are not protected from harassment and GBV inside their own organizations, how can they be protected when reporting from the field?

references

Arab News. (2019, December 7). Lebanon’s journalists suffer abuse, threats covering unrest. https://www. arabnews.com/node/1595416/media

Araüna, N. (2012). Gender violence and the representation of sexual and affective relationships: Reflections on cross-media research. Catalan Journal of Communication & Cultural Studies, 4(2), 239–248. https://doi.org/10.1386/cjcs.4.2.239_1

Bushehri, F. (2020, February 14). In Lebanon, journalists and activists who cover protests face threats. Global Voices Advox. https://advox.globalvoices.org/2020/02/14/in-lebanon-journalists-andactivists-who-cover-protests-face-threats/

Byerly, C. (2011). Global report on the status of women in the news media. International Women’s Media Foundation. http://iwmf.org/resources/global-report-on-the-status-of-women-in-the-news-media/ Caramazza, G. (2019, December 4). Lebanon’s women journalists being harassed for reporting the truth. The New Arab. https://www.newarab.com/analysis/lebanons-women-journalists-beingharassed-reporting-truth?fbclid=IwAR2EtCR2cZ437UlgOFVD-yTBHiBP2ZVjGRrG5XJqnEpJAICd4 BodXGUS4Zg

El Kaakour, H. (2021). Comparative study of violence against female reporters and male reporters during Lebanon’s 2019 protest movement. UN Women Arab States. https://arabstates.unwomen.org/en/ digital-library/publications/2021/09/comparative-study-of-violence-against-female-reporters-andmale-reporters

Mady, C. (2015). The status of women news journalists in Lebanese television: A field-gender approach [Phd thesis, Carleton University Ottawa].

OHCHR. (2021). Women journalists face violence and sexualized attacks. https://www.ohchr.org/en/pressreleases/2021/11/women-journalists-face-violence-and-sexualized-attacks-un-expert

Posetti, J., & Shabbir, N. (Eds.). (2022). ICFJ-UNESCO global study: Online violence against women journalists. International Center for Journalists. https://www.icfj.org/our-work/icfj-unesco-globalstudy-online-violence-against-women-journalists

Reporters Without Borders (RSF). (2022, August 17). Lebanon. https://rsf.org/en/country/lebanon

Steiner, L. (2017). Gender and journalism. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication. https://doi. org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.91

United Nations. (1948). Universal Declaration of Human Rights. https://www.un.org/en/about-us/ universal-declaration-of-human-rights

United Nations (UN). (2016). Plan of action on the safety of jouralists and the issue of impunity (CI12/CONF.202/6).

UN Women. (n.d.). Lebanon. UN Women Arab States. https://arabstates.unwomen.org/en/countries/ lebanon

UN Women. (2017). Understanding masculinities: Results from the International Men and Gender Equality Study in the Middle East and North Africa. https://www.unwomen.org/en/digitallibrary/publications/2017/5/understanding-masculinities-results-from-the-images-in-themiddle-east-and-north-africa

UNESCO. (2022, April 21). UNESCO and partners offer open online course on safety of women journalists. https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/unesco-and-partners-offer-open-online-coursesafety-women-journalists

Workplace Struggles of Gender Non-Conforming People in the Middle East

Nour Ammar

English Creative Writing Major

Introduction

Hegemonic gender identity, by definition, is supposed to fall into a binary: male or female, man or woman (Whitaker, 2016). The 21st, however, has blurred and disrupted this idea. Today, the world recognizes gender non-conforming people, non-binary people, and transgender individuals. However, these individuals continue to suffer from violence and discrimination in different aspects of their lives. Gender non-conforming people across the world are frequently unable to meet their basic needs (Mcfadden & Crowley-Henry, 2016). Added to this, is the fact that gender non-conforming individuals are often subjected to discrimination due to social norms and myths about gender identity. According to Lombardi et al. (2001), society sees gender nonconforming people as a threat because they challenge traditional understandings of the gender binary. This is especially true in communities that strictly adhere to tradition and cultural norms, leading to even worse discrimination and oppression. In his book Unpopular Essays (1950), Bertrand Russell writes that “collective fear simulates herd instinct, and tends to produce ferocity toward those who are not regarded as members of that herd.” This appears to be especially true in the Middle East where individuality, identity, and queerness are still viewed as a form of Westernization (Whitaker, 2016).

The view of the public on individuals who do not conform to normative concepts of gender expression has several outcomes on these individuals themselves and on the progression of the society as a whole. This is why it is important to use the law to combat gender-based discrimination in the workplace. These policies can help to encourage changes in societal attitudes toward gender. Combatting negative attitudes towards gender non-conforming people and promoting their inclusion in society is vital for ensuring they can access their basic human rights. This paper looks into the sufferings of gender non-conforming people in the Middle East.

The Realities of Gender Non-Conformism

The Context

Heteronormativity—which is the assumption that heterosexuality is the “norm”— has created a system wherein everyone who falls outside of the gender binary or who is not heterosexual is vilified as deviant, weird, and marginal (Boncori et al., 2019). The workplace tends to be a microcosm of society which is why gender nonconforming individuals are often discriminated against by their work surroundings. Further, the absence of laws that protect individuals considered to be “deviant” or “abnormal”—as society frequently portrays gender non-conforming people—allows for the continued mistreatment of gender non-conforming people with impunity.

In their book Transgender and Gender Non-Conforming People in the Workplace, Boncori et al. (2019) discuss the various micro-aggressions that impact LGBTQ people and transgender/non-conforming (TGNC) individuals. They argue that although “hidden discriminations” against these individuals tend to be brief, they remain frequent. Such aggressions can be carried out in various ways. These behavioral and environmental aggressions include, for example, staring at people who look “different,” or allowing heterosexual displays of affection to occur in public spaces while vilifying others. In the workplace, however, specific examples of these micro-aggressions can be even harder to identify. For example, the use of workplace name badges with a person’s dead name or the use of incorrect gender titles on calendars and in emails (Boncori et al., 2019, pp. 146-148).

In another book on transgender people in the workplace, McFadden & CrowelyHenry (2016) focus on the importance of looking into the hardships facing gender non-conforming people in order to better understand their experiences in the workplace and find ways to support them. For instance, Lombardi et al. (2001) have shown that more than 50% of transgender individuals have been victims of harassment and violence throughout their lives. Furthermore, data collected from self-report surveys, hotlines, and police reports in the US show that violence against non-conforming individuals frequently starts during adolescence in various forms and is more likely to be sexual in nature. This is in distinction to cisgender adolescents, who experience violence but do not experience sexual violence at the same rate as gender non-conforming people (McFadden & Crowely-Henry, 2016). To add, social support is also lacking for transgender individuals; trans individuals report lower levels of support compared to their cisgender counterparts. This is shown in statistics proving that gender non-conforming youth are more likely to be rejected by their families and schools, which leads to high levels of homelessness and illiteracy within these groups as compared to others (McFadden & CrowelyHenry, 2016).

This mix of physical, verbal, and emotional violence that gender non-conforming individuals experience can lead to self-harm. In a study conducted on transgender individuals in San Francisco, results showed that almost 35% of trans people interviewed had attempted suicide at one point in their lives (McFadden & CrowelyHenry, 2016). This is why it is crucial to understand the experiences of transgender individuals and gender non-conforming people (Davidson, 2016). These people are

likely to spend a lifetime fighting “gender battles” that will inevitably affect their perception of the workplace and the discrimination they face.

Recent Research on Gender Non-Conforming People in the Workplace

More recently, transgender and gender non-conforming people have been receiving more media coverage than before. Considering this increased media coverage, it is vital to ensure that media outlets are inclusive and representative, and that they fully understand the reality of being gender non-conforming (Davidson, 2016). In his paper on gender inequality in the workplace, Davidson (2016) highlights the inadequacy of media outlets using his National Transgender Discrimination survey, which was conducted in 2018. In this survey, Davidson defines the term “transgender” as an umbrella concept under which falls any individual who does not identify with the sex identity assigned at their birth. Davidson also focuses on the distinction between sex and gender. Davidson notes that while they are related, gender is a mere translation of biological realities into socially acceptable expectations and assigned roles for “men” and “women” (Davidson, 2016).

The National Center for Transgender Equality and the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force in the US conducted Davidson’s National Transgender Discrimination survey in 2008, which included a total of 1,389 non-binary people, 2,906 transgender women, and 1,347 transgender men. A survey this big is important for many reasons, in particular because it sets the foundation for future research on gender non-conforming individuals based on its findings (Davidson, 2016). Davidson’s (2016) survey tested four hypotheses:

• Gender non-conforming people who are out (out means people who have disclosed their gender and sexual identities to others) about their gender identity will encounter more negative employment outcomes compared to non-binaries who are not out about their gender identity.

• Gender non-conforming people who were assigned male at birth will encounter more negative employment outcomes than non-binaries who were assigned female at birth.

• Gender non-conforming people of color will encounter more negative employment outcomes than white non-binaries.

• Transgender women will encounter more negative employment outcomes than non-binaries. Transgender men will encounter better employment outcomes than non-binaries.

Survey results indicated that discrimination against gender non-conforming individuals is more likely to exist in job assigning than in employment, such that gender nonconforming people as a category are often employed but given less important jobs than cis-gender individuals. Another finding is that gender non-conforming people tend to conceal their gender identities when applying to jobs. Further, if they choose to come out, or divulge their gender identity, later on, they often are penalized. For the second hypothesis, there are conflicting results. These results appear to suggest that “outness” seems to be directly related to discrimination (hiring of assigned male at birth nonbinary individuals) and to ongoing or long-term discrimination throughout the course of employment (toward assigned female at birth non-binary individuals), suggesting that non-binary individuals who are socially read as either “male” or “female” face

some of the same types of discrimination (positive for males, negative for females) that we would expect to see for cisgender men and women. For the third hypothesis, the numbers show that gender non-conforming people of color tend to experience racial bias in addition to gender discrimination. Unsurprisingly, gender is likely to intersect with race especially through stereotype reinforcement (Davidson, 2016). Finally, for the fourth and last hypothesis, results further indicate the importance of intersectionality, whereby being a woman and being transgender increases the discrimination these individuals face.

The Middle East Tradition is important in many cultures, and especially in the Middle East. By definition, traditions are sets of common beliefs, practices, or ideologies passed down over the course of years and generations in an attempt to create a sense of unity among the individuals of one community. However, it can sometimes reinforce tight boundaries relative to self-expression and individual freedoms by over-projecting norms and expectations onto individuals, especially gender norms. As a result, tradition can feel suffocating and pressuring on non-conforming people (Marques et al., 2017).

Moreover, traditions tend to carry historical importance. Therefore, the people that choose to enforce certain dimensions of traditional practices are often granted a higher social standing, as they are considered to be doing the important work of maintaing culture. Relatedly, individuals who follow and maintain certain traditional practices also secure a better social position for themselves, even if this is limited to their immediate family members of communities. As a result, strong systems are crafted that maintain culture and punish or ostracize those who challenge it. Hinton and Hinton (2002) state that maintaining tradition is a form of social control that discourages any form of deviation from pre-established customs resulting in fear of rejection and ostracism in individuals who aim to express themselves outside the cultural realms of their society.

This has severe consequences for gender non-conforming people who, as discussed earlier, present a “threat” to hegemonic gender norms. In a region like the Middle East, the conservative environment—for example, dress codes are often enforced by religious and governmental laws—coupled with an insecure political environment and a strong attachment to tradition contributes to an especially difficult environment for gender non-conforming people (Whitaker, 2016). One example of the rigid-minded disposition of the region relative to gender identity is reaction to the movie The Danish Girl (Hooper, 2015) which features the story of a transgender artist. As soon as it was shown in Qatar, complaints flooded social media platforms and the Culture Ministry thanked Twitter users for showing “unwavering vigilance” to combat the spread of queerness. In the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Bahrain, Jordan, and Kuwait, the movie was subjected to immediate censorship.

Gender norms are also rigidly controlled in the Middle East through censorship of clothing and other behaviors that are gender non-conforming, according to authorities and other institutions. Clothes are a form of self-expression, yet some conservative Islamic scholars tend to uphold what they call “proper dress codes.” For instance, in his book Lawful and the Prohibited Islam (2000), Yusuf al-Qardawi quotes the

Qur’an, stating that men and women should not “cross dress” under any circumstance (Whitaker, 2016). He then proceeds to explain the evils of such conduct on both the individuals themselves and the society they live in. Websites like Muttaqun Online carry this viewpoint forward; the website states that men ought to have beards and wear clothes that cover their bodies but not their ankles, insisting that anything else would be “unlawful.” However, this discourse is comically ironic when placed in conversation with the theater, cinema, and other forms of art that require costumes, which is definitionally another form of cross-dressing (Whitaker, 2016). But, because costumes do not necessarily challenge gender norms and are often seen as benign, they more easily escape critique than a performing drag artist, for example.

In the region, gender non-conforming people are often marginalized. For this reason, they are invisibilized in discussions about issues like workplace discrimination and labor force participation. There is no literature in particular about gender nonconforming people in the workplace in the Middle East. Articles and studies done on the gender gap in the workplace are often oriented towards the discrimination women face and avoid a discussion about the discrimination facing gender non-conforming people. This exacerbates the already very limited amount of data available on the subject and contributes to the further marginalization of gender non-conforming people in the workplace.

Combatting Discrimination

While the discriminatory environment of the Middle East relative to gender nonconforming people is well documented, the limited research on gender non-conforming people in the workplace makes it difficult to produce any sweeping claims. However, there are still several strategies and policies that can be implemented to protect the rights of gender non-conforming people. As established above, gender non-conforming individuals often suffer from unsupportive surroundings at the levels of education, families, and peers (McFadden & Crowely-Henry, 2016). To combat this hostility, it is crucial to create an alternative environment where they can feel accepted and equal to their cisgender counterparts. That is why enforcing a healthy workplace void of any form of bias has to be the first step to be considered regardless of the nature of the job itself.

An equitable work environment, however, cannot be created overnight. Instead, creating a protective and safe workplace environment should be seen as a work in progress, where long-term action is emphasized. One way of bringing this vision to life is by introducing legal protections for gender non-conforming individuals. Examples from the US can be helpful when thinking about the types of policies that can protect gender non-conforming people in the workplace. For instance, since 1974, several versions of federal legislations were issued to protect queer and trans workers in the US like the Employment Non-Discrimination Act. Early versions of this act aimed to protect different sexual identities; however, they did not clearly protect gender identities. This created a hierarchy in terms of which gender identities are protected and those that are not (Kelly et al., 2020). This exclusion of gender identities from the bill created a sense of homonormativity, a phenomenon where gender queer individuals are excluded from the LGBTQ community in favor of creating a “completely gendernormative gay and lesbian community” (Kelly et al., 2020). Hence, to create an

effective workplace environment in the Middle East, it is important to introduce work policies that are inclusive of the LGBTQ community as a whole.

Another way to ensure the safety of gender non-conforming people is by protecting the disclosure of gender and/or sexual identities at work. It is true that one’s own identity is private and a person should not be pressured to disclose this information. However, creating an accepting environment should make room for safe disclosures with the consent of the person or people involved. This is important because a safe workplace is only as safe as its most marginalized employees feel they are in that space. Feeling safe enough to disclose your own personal identity, should you want to, is therefore a strong reflection of the safety and inclusivity of a workplace. Over the years, scholars were able to identify a set of reasons for why gender nonconforming people choose to disclose their identities at work: recognition, authenticity, relationships, clarity, and safety. These reasons tend to get validated in team meetings, paperwork, colleague bonding activities, and other instances, all of which play an important role in the workplace (Kelly et al., 2020). Therefore, creating an environment where an employee feels safe to participate as their authentic self in these spaces is a strong indicator of how inclusive and safe a workplace is.

Aside from legal policies, simple gestures can mean a lot to minority groups and can contribute to the creation of a safer and more inclusive environment in the workplace. One step towards inclusivity could be revising dress codes while maintaining a professional attire. This can be implemented by not imposing gender specific clothing by enforcing an employee uniform. A second step could include creating gender neutral restrooms and facility access to support employees. An example of this is the restroom in the café Kalei, which is located in Mar Mikhael in Beirut, Lebanon, where they have three separate bathrooms one for women, one for men, and one where “anything works,” as the sign indicates. This set up ensures that both staff and customers feel welcome, seen, and validated. A third step towards inclusivity is through healthcare. Every company or institution that provides health benefits to their employees should consider updating these plans to ensure that non-binary individuals’ potential healthcare needs are covered by the policy.

Conclusion

Gender and sexual identity are at the heart of a person’s identity. Therefore, protecting non-binary individuals whose identity does not fit into the “norm” should be a priority for all organizations, companies, and corporations who are striving to create a non-discriminatory and equitable workplace for their employees. While the issue of creating a gender non-discriminatory workplace environment is prevalent around the world, the Middle East remains a particularly difficult place for non-binary individuals to live and work. Therefore, it is critical that policy and advocacy efforts focus on challenging these conservative environments to protect non-binary individuals. As a public space, the workplace in the Middle East is under heavy surveillance; gender non-normativity is therefore highly monitored and often punished with impunity. This paper recommends that all activists and organizations working on issues related to the well-being of non-binary individuals also focus on the workplace, to ensure that workers who identify as non-binary are safe and prtoected.

references

Boncori, I., Sicca, L.M., & Bizjak, D. (2019). Transgender and gender non-conforming people in the workplace: Direct and invisible discrimination. In S. Nachmias & V. Caven (Eds.), Inequality and organizational practice (pp. 141-160). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-03011644-6_7

Davidson, S. (2016). Gender inequality: Nonbinary transgender people in the workplace. Cogent Social Sciences, 2(1), 1–12. https://doi.org/10.1080/23311886.2016.1236511

Hinton, D.E, & Hinton,S.D. (2002). Self-expression through the arts in cross-cultural perspective: Discourse, communication, and innovation. The Arts in Psychotherapy, 29(4), 249–260.

Hooper, T. (2015). The Danish Girl [Film]. Focus Features.

Kelly, M., Carathers, J., & Kade, T (2020). Beyond tolerance: Policies, practices, and ideologies of queerfriendly workplaces. Sexuality Research and Social Policy 18, 1078–1093. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s13178-020-00512-3

Lombardi, E. L., Wilchins, R. A., Priesing, D., & Malouf, D. (2001). Gender violence: Transgender experiences with violence and discrimination. Journal of Homosexuality, 42(1), 89–101. https:// doi.org/10.1300/J082v42n01_05

Marques, J. M., Lima, M.L., & Gouveia, V.V. (2017). How Traditionality Shapes Young Adults’ Beliefs about Personality Traits and Sexual Behaviors. Frontiers In Psychology, 8, 830

McFadden, C., & Crowley-Henry, M. (2016). A systematic literature review on trans* careers and workplace experiences. In T. Köllen, T. (Ed.) Sexual orientation and transgender issues in organizations (pp. 63-81). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29623-4_4

Bertrand, R. (1950). Unpopular essays. Simon and Schuster.

Whitaker, B. (2016, February 8). Transgender issues in the Middle East. Al Bab Blog. https://al-bab.com/ blog/2016/02/transgender-issues-middle-east-1

Kelly, M., Carathers, J., & Kade, T. (2020). Beyond tolerance: Policies, practices, and ideologies of queerfriendly workplaces. Sexuality Research and Social Policy 18, 1078-1093. https://doi.org/10.1007/ s13178-020-00512-3

The Veil: A Women’s Equality Issue

Anonymous Computer Engineering Major

Introduction

While women around the world have made incredible advancements over the past several decades, some women remain marginalized. These women include those with disabilities, those who are obese, are veiled, and others. Their experiences are frequently overlooked; it is only more recently that issues related to women’s intersectional identities have come to the attention of women’s rights actors and organizations around the world.

In Lebanon, marginalized groups of women face different types of discrimination, including at the workplace, and in public institutions and private institutions such as schools or universities (Keuchkerian, 2022). In particular, women who wear the hijab have faced specific types of discrimination by various organizations, solely on the basis of their religious dress. For example, anti-veil discrimination frequently occurs in the workplace. Although veiled women do possess the talent, potential, and required qualifications for high-level and high-quality jobs, they are given less value compared to non-veiled women and are sometimes disqualified from applying to certain job positions because they are veiled (Syed, 2022).

Anti-veil discrimination has existed in the public sphere globally for years, and has been exacerbated by the rise of religious fundamentalism around the world. For example, hijabi women were at one point prohibited from working in governmental institutions in Lebanon (Naharnet Newsdesk, n.d.). Today, discrimination continues to push hijabi women out of the public sphere (Shizleen, 2018). “[It] won’t look good for business” is commonly the answer of many job employers when asked why they prefer not to hire veiled women. In one news report, employees at an organization with more than 1,000 workers reported never seeing a single woman wearing a headscarf, even though the area where the factory was located was reportedly mixed (i.e., both Christians and Muslims resided in the area). Another young woman reported being repeatedly asked about her clothes and dress habits in different interviews due to the fact that she was wearing the hijab (Sandels, 2010).

Wearing the hijab should be a personal religious decision. However, many veiled women are facing unfair professional consequences for choosing to wear the veil. Interestingly, while anti-veil discrimination and Islamophobia have been more an issue of study and analysis outside of the Middle East, it has not been in the region itself even though the same issues are prevalent. Today, women wearing the hijab in the Middle East are subject to personal attacks on social media, and hate speech against the hijab is on the rise. This discrimination continues to make hijabi women feel unsafe and insecure (Wallace, 2013).

The Lebanese workplace continues to perpetuate the misconception that veiled women are unsuitable for some professional situations, resulting in substantial barriers to their careers. Lebanese institutions should pay more attention to this demographic because hiring veiled women as part of a diversified workforce is ethical. However, although evidence on discrimination against veiled women in the Arab world is on the rise, it is still largely limited. This is especially true when it comes to academic references. Therefore, this paper will discuss anti-veil discrimination using several short stories taken from newspapers and other online sources. These miniature case studies have occurred over a long stretch of time (since 2010), but still offer important points of reflection. After discussing these four cases, the paper presents a set of recommendations that can strengthen protection for hijabi women and can prevent anti-veil discrimination from happening with impunity.

Examples of Anti-Veil Discrimination

In 2013, a diverse group of students at the American University of Beirut (AUB), including both Arabs and Americans, veiled and unveiled, visited a shop in Dora, a suburb of Beirut largely known for being an enclave for different non-Arab immigrant communities. Ironically, however, the owner of the retail shop visited by the group of women did not respond positively to the diversity of the group. Namely, the owner took issue with the fact that one of the women was wearing a hijab (AntiRacism Movement, 2013). “What do you want?” he asked the veiled woman directly. The veiled woman was checking for a Pepsi; he responded, “We don’t have [that].” She went inside the shop to check for other items for sale, and he followed her, informing her that they only sell to Sri Lankans and that she had to leave. He refused to back down and demanded that she and her non-Sri Lankan colleagues depart. In this example, bias and pre-formed opinions about Islam influenced the shop owner’s treatment of the young woman wearing the hijab (Anti-Racism Movement, 2013). This biased attitude might be influenced by incorrect information from the media, including from social media. As well, the highly politicized sectarian environment of Lebanon, which frequently pits different religions against each other, contributes to a context of impunity where such acts of discrimination frequently go unpunished because this behavior is seen as “normal” by some communities.

The second story takes place at a restaurant, where a group of three people with dinner reservations were turned away from the location because one of the people in the group was wearing a hijab (Fares, 2016). Meanwhile, the group reported that as they were being denied entry, women who were unveiled were being allowed into the restaurant even though they did not have a reservation. According to a newspaper article on the incident, the restaurant claimed in an audio note sent to

the reporter that they “weren’t allowing anyone [in] with hijab tonight because it’s a special night” (Fares, 2016). The special night was an evening targeting international football players. Seemingly, the restaurant did not want these players to see any veiled women in their establishment, as veiled women are frquently linked to notions of “backwardness” and other Islamophobic assumptions (Sharaf Eddine, 2022; Fares, 2016). Although it is legally permissible for a private business to deny entry to certain people, this practice is largely used in a discriminatory manner. In this case, under the guise of it being a “special night,” the restaurant was legally able to prevent hijabi women from entering the restaurant. This kind of behavior from this restaurant and other private businesses only serves to further widen the divide and the non-equal opportunities in Lebanese society for women wearing hijab

In another instance of anti-veil discrimination, a pop-up shop at Beirut’s ABC Mall claimed that the mall’s management urged it to fire an employee for wearing a hijab While there is limited information on the incident in the news, an article from Daraj Media (Sharaf Eddine, 2022) notes that the pop-up shop preferred to close rather than fire its employee.As the author of the article notes, it is ironic and hypocritical for ABC Mall to forcibly fire an employee donning a religious symbol in a country where sectarian discourse and practice dominates social life. What this sheds light on, then, is that certain religious practices--like wearing the hijab--are only acceptable in certain places. As Sharaf Eddine (2022) notes, “the pretext that the shopping complex is wary of religious symbols,” which is the reason ABC Mall in Beirut gave for forcing the veiled employee to be fired, “sounds like a rather unsound argument in a country devastated by religious and sectarian strife.”

Lastly, in response to its choice not to hire veiled women, a company at the Rafik Hariri International Airport in Beirut claimed that “the company does not employ veiled women” because of its foreign owners. These owners, the company claims, are the ones who stipulated that veiled woman should not be hired there. In response, one applicant responded that, “even in Western countries, America and Europe, veiled women do get employed; why in Lebanon do you refuse to hire us? Hijab covers my head; it does not cover my brain or abilities” (Khzam, 2022). In response to the story, Halimeh Kaakour, a Lebanese Member of Parliament recently elected at the time, challenged such discrimination, noting that they “contradict our right as women to choose our clothes and our religious symbols” (Khzam, 2022).

Policy Review

These stories give important insights into the experiences of discrimination that veiled women might face in Lebanon. Although Lebanon has made considerable progress in recent years, it still lags behind several of its regional counterparts relative to women’s rights. Women in Lebanon continue to face significant barriers, and face increased prevalence of abuse, violence, and discrimination. These issues have particular consequences for hijabi women.

The legal framework in Lebanon contains certain laws and policies that defend women’s rights and gender equality, at least nominally. The Lebanese Constitution contains certain articles that defend women’s equality; the Lebanese Labor Law also includes some articles that target equal working conditions for women and men in

both the public and private sectors. Specifically, Article 26 of the Lebanese Labor Law was introduced to protect women from any act of discrimination regarding “the type of work, the amount of remuneration, employment, promotion, vocational training, and clothing.” It is illegal for employers to differentiate between men and women relative to workplace benefits and services offered to the employees and their families. In addition, women are allowed to have night shifts at work and cannot be discriminated against based on employers’ perceptions of what are considered to be “appropriate” jobs for women based on negative gender stereotypes. The law was also recently amended to extend fully paid maternity leave from 40 to 60 days for public sector employees and to seven weeks for private sector employees. Employers were also prohibited from dismissing pregnant employees from work beginning in their fifth month of pregnancy or during their maternity leave (Keuchkerian, 2022).

Importantly, these benefits apply to all women in Lebanon irrespective of their religious practices and dress. While this means that the law should be equally applied to all women workers, it unfortunately hides the realities facing women with intersectional identities. In other words, the use of the universal identity of “women” ignores that there are marginalized groups of women that might need special protections to ensure that they can also enjoy the benefits of equality. For example, women with disabilities need specific sets of legal protections, just as women donning religious symbols like the hijab might need certain legal protections to ensure that they are not discriminated against.

Policy Recommendations

Based on this analysis, it is therefore key to promote legislative reforms to address anti-veil discrimination against women in Lebanon. These legislative changes should identify the specific types of discrimination facing these women and outlaw them. For example, discrimination barring hijabi women from entering the labor force directly violates the Lebanese Constitution’s protection of religious freedom for all citizens. Therefore, recognizing this specific type of discrimination as punishable by law can help to strengthen the laws that are already in place to ensure equality among citizens.

The Lebanese Government should therefore enact laws that provide legal protections for veiled women in the workplace. These laws should explicitly prohibit discrimination based on attire and provide clear remedies for those who experience discrimination. Legal protections may include the right to file complaints with relevant authorities, access to legal representation, and the ability to seek compensatory measures (ECRI, 2022). By establishing robust legal frameworks, the Government of Lebanon can reinforce the principle of equality and hold those who engage in discriminatory practices accountable for their actions.

In addition, employers should develop comprehensive anti-discirmination internal frameworks that address and prevent anti-veil and other forms of discrimination from occuring in the workplace. An essential component of any framework to protect veiled women should include anti-discrimination policies that explicitly prohibit bias, harassment, or differential treatment of hijabi women, following best practices and guidelines established by the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance

(ECRI, 2022). These policies should be clearly communicated to all employees, outlining the consequences for violating them and emphasizing the commitment to equal opportunity in the workplace. The consequences can include verbal or written warnings, suspension, or termination of employment.

Alongside anti-discrimination policies, employers should prioritize the development of diversity and inclusion initiatives targeting all women, including veiled women. These initiatives can create a workplace culture that actively supports diversity (ECRI, 2022), irrespective of religious beliefs or attire. By fostering an inclusive environment, employers can encourage collaboration, creativity, and productivity among their employees. Moreover, such initiatives can help raise awareness about the importance of racial and gender understanding and openness among employees in the workplace more broadly.

Recognizing the unique needs of veiled women could also include the development of accommodation policies that recognize or account for the specific forms of discrimination that might face veiled women in the workplace. For example, in workplaces where uniforms are mandatory, accommodation policies can ensure that women wearing the hijab can both wear their hijab as well as the proper uniform attire. Other examples of reasonable accommodations include flexible scheduling to allow for religious holiday observance, or designated prayer spaces. These policies have been adapted by countries around the world, and can help foster an inclusive workplace. By implementing these policies, employers demonstrate their commitment to ensuring that veiled women can fully participate and thrive in the workplace.

To address and mitigate various forms of bias that contribute to discrimination in the workplace, employers should prioritize diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) training for all staff, including those with higher positions in the company, such as the administration and even the owner. Such training programs raise awareness about biases and provide tools and strategies to recognize and overcome them (Ali, 2022). By fostering an understanding of the impact of biases on decision-making processes, employees can work towards creating a more equitable and inclusive workplace environment.

Anti-workplace harassment policies also play a key role in supporting margainlized women workers. These policies should clearly define what constitutes harassment, provide examples, outline reporting procedures, and highlight the negative outcomes that will face companies that do not implement strict anti-harassment policies (Lebanese League for Women in Business [LLWB], 2019). These negative consequences might include reputational damage, negative publicity, loss of customers or clients, or damage to their brand (Impactly, n.d.). These policies are important to ensure that employees feel safe and supported when reporting incidents of harassment. As well, strong anti-harassment policies in the workplace can ensure that thorough investigations are promptly conducted following a report of harassment (LLWB, 2019).

Ultimately, by implementing these comprehensive policies and laws, employers, the Lebanese government, and other key stakeholders can create an inclusive and

respectful work environment that embraces and supports veiled women (Sidani, 2018). It is through the collective efforts of employers, employees, and policymakers that we can combat discrimination, foster inclusivity, and promote equal opportunities for all individuals in the workplace.

references

Ali, H. (2022, July 8). How leaders can better support Muslim women at work. Harvard Business Review. https://hbr.org/2022/07/how-leaders-can-better-support-muslim-women-at-work Anti-Racism Movement. (2013, October 20). Testimony of discrimination based on “wearing a veil.” https://armlebanon.org/testimony-of-discrimination-based-on-wearing-a-veil/ European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI). (2022). ECRI general policy recommendation no. 5 (revised) on preventing and combating anti-Muslim racism and discrimination. https://rm.coe.int/ecri-general-policy-recommendation-no-5-revised-onpreventing-and-comb/1680a5db32

Fares, E. (2016, September 10). Seven Sisters Beirut bans veiled woman from entering because international football players were there. A Separate State of Mind. https://stateofmind13. com/2016/09/10/seven-sisters-beirut-bans-veiled-woman-from-entering-because-internationalfootball-players-were-there/

Impactly. (n.d). Effects of sexual harassment in the workplace: 4 effects. https://www.getimpactly.com/ post/effects-of-sexual-harassment-in-the-workplace.

Khzam, R.B. (2022, May 23). Beirut duty-free reportedly refused to hire a veiled woman. the961. https:// www.the961.com/beirut-duty-free-refused-hiring-veiled-women/ Keuchkerian, K. (2022, March 4). Lebanon still has laws that prohibit women from working in several breadwinning jobs. the961. https://www.the961.com/lebanese-law-prohibits-womenseveral-jobs/#:~:text=In%202000%2C%20Lebanon%20introduced%20Article

Lebanese League for Women in Business. (2019, September 13). Women in the public sector: Findings and recommendations. https://llwb.org/women-in-the-public-sector-findings-andrecommendations/

Naharnet Newsdesk. (n.d.). Hijab-wearing policewomen cause stir in Lebanon. https://m.naharnet. com/stories/en/34304-hijab-wearing-policewomen-cause-stir-in-lebanon

Sandels, A. (2010, October 28). Lebanon: Islamic hijab not welcome in Beirut offices, says frustrated jobseeker. Babylon & Beyond, Los Angeles Times. https://www.latimes.com/archives/blogs/babylonbeyond/story/2010-10-28/lebanon-islamic-hijab-not-welcome-in-beirut-offices-says-frustratedjob-seeker

Sharaf Eddine, N. (2022, February 7). Lebanon: ABC Mall bans the hijab and recycles discrimination. Daraj. https://daraj.media/en/86909/

Shizleen, A. (2018). Muslim veiled women and religious discrimination: A strength Muslim veiled women and religious discrimination: A strength perspective [Bachelor’s of Science Honors thesis, Edith Cowan University]. Research Online. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses_hons/1527

Sidani, Y.M. (2018). Chapter 21: Glass doors or sealed borders? Careers of veiled Muslim women in Lebanon. In A.M. Broadbridge & S.L. Fielden (Eds.), Research handbook of diversity and careers (pp. 343-356). Edward Elgar Publishing. https://www.elgaronline.com/display/ edcoll/9781785365591/9781785365591.00033.xml.

Syed, S. (2022, May 18). Muslim women wearing hijab at work face heightened scrutiny, professional consequences. The Globe and Mail. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/business/article-muslimwomen-wearing-hijab-at-work-face-heightened-scrutiny/

Wallace, T. (2013). Women’s work in Lebanon: Making the invisible visible. Collective for Research and Training on Development – Action (CRTD-A). https://arabwomenwork.files.wordpress. com/2015/01/womens-work-in-lebanon.pdf

The Effects of a Four-Day Workweek on Gender Equality in Lebanon

Marc Chamoun Mechanical Engineering Major

Introduction

While progress toward gender equality has been made globally, gender inequality persists with women still being disproportionality affected by gender norms and stereotypes across all sectors and parts of life, including the workplace. According to the UN Women’s report Progress on the Sustainable Development Goals: The Gender Snapshot 2021, 50% of women worldwide are restricted in some way or another from working in certain jobs. The report also adds that in 2020, the number of women in the workforce decreased by 54 million, with women suffering from unpaid care also at home, an issue that was exacerbated because of COVID-19. Other challenges that women face in the workplace are sexual assault and harassment. According to Measuring #Metoo: A National Study on Sexual Harassment and Assault (Kearl et al., 2019), 38% of women have experienced sexual harassment at work. While data and detailed numbers are lacking for the Lebanese context, an article from the World Bank mentioned a noticeable rise in Lebanese women speaking up about sexual harassment at work (Char et al., 2022).

Women also face a gender pay gap at work. Dah et al. (2014) mentioned that regardless of the high level of education of Lebanese women, women on average earn 71% of what a man earns. Women also struggle to keep an appropriate balance between work life and family life along with childcare because of gender normative expectations that women should provide free childcare and domestic work. Consequently, studies have shown that women do adjust their careers more than men for the sake of their family lives (Parker, 2020).

This paper argues that the implementation of a four-day work week can help to reduce the challenges that women experience in the workplace. While more research is needed, the studies that do exist about the four-day workweek emphasize that it can be a positive contributing factor to increasing gender equality for working women.

The idea of a four-day workweek is not new: Policy attempts to decrease the number of work hours per week from 40 to 30 hours in the U.S., for example, date back to the American New Deal during the 1930s (Meisenzahl, 2019). However, it is only recently that experiments to implement a four-day workweek are being performed and studied by companies and countries. According to CNBC, dozens of countries such as Ireland, Spain, and the UK have tested a four-day workweek (Smith, 2023). The fourday workweek has also been demanded by various politicians such as Bernie Sanders, according to Business Insider (Kaplan & Sheffey, 2023). Broadly, many researchers suggeset that the recent push to implement a four-day workweek is linked to the effects of COVID-19. The COVID-19 pandemic changed how work happens around the world. Importantly, the realization of the realities of difficult and oppressive working conditions globally has led to an increase in union activity to demand better labor protections in places like the U.S, for example (Smith, 2023). Further, the ways that COVID-19 lockdowns and work from home policies negatively affected women— who were tasked with the majority of care and domestic work tasks prior to the pandemic—have equally pushed employers to think differently about the ways that work is structured and how work can be more accommodating for workers with family responsibilities.

Looking at the outcomes of a four-day workweek through a gender lens is necessary to analyze any potential this policy might have in fighting gender inequality in the workplace. This paper will include information from academic articles and other grey literature that analyzes the challenges women face in the workplace. This will be paired with an analysis of the outcomes of several important four-day workweek trials, which will be examined through a gender lens to determine whether a four-day workweek can alleviate the pressures facing women in the workplace and working women more broadly.

Common Challenges and Barriers for Working Women

To assess the potential positive effects of a four-day workweek on gender inequality in the workplace, and due to the lack of data on this topic, it is important to begin with a review of the types of inequality and challenges that working women face. A major obstacle is the gender pay gap. Schneider et al. (2021) studied the presence of a gender pay gap among women on European executive boards, which included individual pay data from 359 boards in 75 companies across several European countries. Schneider et al. (2021) found an unfair pay penalty of 17% and a gender pay gap of 11%. According to data from Eurostat (2023), the difference between the hourly earnings of women and those of men as a percentage of men’s gross earnings is around 12.7% in the European Union. There are many reasons behind the existence of the gender pay gap. Wagner (2015) mentions that women are more likely to work in part-time jobs than full-time jobs, which can lead to lower work experience compared to men; lower work experience then leads to lower pay. Another reason is the implicit bias that comes during the hiring process, with employers offering starting salaries 15% higher for male applicants than female ones.

The gender pay gap is also tied to the gender division of labor and gendered expectations that push women to perform most of the childcare and domestic work in their households. The gender pay gap starts to get larger after women become

mothers, which is known as the “motherhood penalty.” According to the United Kingdom’s Institute for Fiscal Studies, by the time a child gets to 12 years of age, the gender pay gap is 33% between men and women (Francis-Devine, 2022). According to the World Economic Forum, a major reason behind mothers being paid less and working less is their prioritization of childcare and homework, since this work is mostly attributed to women (Werber, 2019). Argyrous et al. (2017) studied the effect of a firstborn child on work and childcare. It was shown that the effects of a firstborn on work are a “women’s issue,” with the father’s own work life experiencing little to no changes at all following the birth of a first child. Argyrous et al. (2017) add that, in Australia, which is where their study took place, it seems to be the norm that only women sacrifice their professional lives and goals in order to take care of children, rather than men.

Paid maternity plays an important role in decreasing gender inequality and reducing the challenges working women face when it comes to childcare. Its absence in turn promotes inequality between men and women. Chai et al. (2021) found that longer paid maternity leave supported more egalitarian economic decision-making in the household. Such a policy also encourages women to return to work, which goes against traditional norms and increases women’s participation in the labor force. However, the World Economic Forum explains that in countries where paternal leave is offered, cultural norms might lead employers to prefer paid leave for working women, while paid leave for men will be more restrictive; this unfortunately reinforces more work for women, relative to childcare and domestic work (Werber, 2019).

When it comes to Lebanon, working women face the same challenges. The Lebanese Labor Code in 1994 was updated to include mandatory maternity leave for seven weeks, which was later increased to 10 weeks in 2014. However, according to an article from L’Orient Le Jour, the law remains discriminatory (Tabbara, 2022). The lack of paternal leave in the law reinforces the idea that childcare is women’s prerogative. In addition, maternity leave does not apply to all women workers. For example, the Lebanese Labor Code excludes several women-dominated sectors of the labor market, including domestic labor and civil service.

Another important challenge women face at work, which is considered one of the most dangerous challenges to women’s health and wellbeing, is workplace sexual assault and harassment. According to the International Labor Organization (ILO), sexual assault at work can take two forms (Sexual harassment at work: Factsheet, n.d.). The first is called quid-pro-quo abuse; this occurs when sexual behavior is demanded in exchange for a pay rise or a better job position, or something else in exchange. The second type of workplace sexual harassment is when the work environment itself can lead to an increased prevalence of sexual harassment, known as a hostile work environment. This type of work environment can create a setting where sexual harassment perpetrators are not punished and act with impunity. In Hong Kong, 25% of workers interviewed were sexually harassed, of whom two-thirds were women (ILO, n.d.). In the European Union, 40-50% of women have come out stating that they have been sexually harassed at work. A report from the Institute for Women’s Policy Research lists the detrimental consequences sexual assault has on working women (Shaw, 2021). Sexual harassment leads to negative effects on the mental and physical

health of women, which affects the work performance of women. Furthermore, sexual assault decreases on-the-job learning opportunities and experiences for women. Sexual assault can also force women to change jobs.

The Outcomes of a Four-Day Workweek and its Potential Contributions to Gender Equality in the Workplace

Academic studies analyzing the outcomes of a four-day workweek on gender equality are scarce. To address this lack of information, this section summarizes and analyzes findings from four-day workweek trials that were undertaken in companies and their potential impacts on gender equality in the workplace. This is an exploratory analysis; more research is needed to make definitive claims about four-day workweeks and their positive implications for gender equality.

The most recent experiment with a four-day workweek was undertaken in the United Kingdom. The World Economic Forum (Ellerbeck, 2023) reported that it involved 60 companies and 2,900 UK workers, who implemented a four-day work week for six months, between June and December of 2022. The model followed was the “100-80-100” model, where workers would work 80% of their normal hours while getting paid the same, while maintaining the same level of productivity. The results were overwhelmingly positive. Out of the 61 companies in the trial, 56 mentioned their willingness to continue to try this workplace model, with 18 of them making the change permanent. The trial was done by 4 Day Week Global along with other organizations and academic researchers. Several important findings emerged from this experiment. A shorter work week was found to lead to fewer absences and reduced burnout among employees. In numbers, 71% of employees stated that it had reduced their level of burnout at the end of the trial, with 43% indicating that their mental health had also improved. The World Economic Forum also mentions that 37% of workers reported an improvement in physical health. One of the most important outcomes of the trial was that 60% of workers reported that they were more able to combine work with their family life, house chores, and childcare responsibilities (Ellerbeck, 2023).

As discussed above, the issue of balancing between work and family life is a challenge often thrown on women. One less day of work per week can help women and even men in dividing tasks when it comes to childcare and domestic work. According to 4 Day Week Global (2023), a four-day workweek can improve household discussion when it comes to dividing the caring responsibilities between parents, while also reducing childcare costs. During a four-day workweek, men take a bigger share of childcare and housework, with 21% of all workers experiencing a reduction in caring costs and responsibilities. Other trials in different countries experienced similar results. 4 Day Week Global (2022) provides an example from a four-day work week pilot program in Iceland implemented between 2015 and 2019. The results included improved well-being and work-life balance for the 2,500 employees who participated. In short, the four-day workweek can have a great effect on gender equality by giving women more control over their professional careers and their personal lives because they are guaranteed an additional day off. Such a model can fight against the burden of childcare on women, since it also gives more time for men to engage in childcare by dividing responsibilities and tasks with their partners.

The four-day workweek model also plays an important role in reducing the gender pay gap. According to the think tank Women’s Budget Group (2022), a four-day workweek can help reduce the gender pay gap and can even help the environment. Their report points out that the countries who had lower average annual working hours such as Germany, Denmark, and Norway in 2019, also had smaller gender pay gaps than their European counterparts. The report also stated that shorter work weeks make men engage more in unpaid care and domestic work. However, the report does mention that this might not be always the case. This is because the equitable distribution of childcare and housework is also related to a variety of other gender equitable workplace policies, including parental leave. For that reason, a four-day workweek should not be used as a substitute, or in the place of a wide spectrum of gender equitable workplace policies like parental leave. Instead, the four-day workweek should complement these efforts.

The Women’s Budget Group (2022) emphasizes that shorter work weeks can lead to better productivity in many sectors, especially in women-dominated sectors, such as healthcare. It also creates a more stress-free workplace environment, which leads to better productivity. Better productivity can, in turn, create the opportunity to implement even shorter workweeks, which can ultimately lead to a better work-life balance for women and men. However, while a four-day workweek can lead to a healthier and less stressful environment, it is not clear whether this can directly help to reduce sexual assault at work.

Policy Recommendations and What Can Be Done in Lebanon

When it comes to Lebanon, the gender pay gap remains high despite the level of education of many Lebanese women. Dah et al. (2014) mention that women earn 71% of what Lebanese men earn. According to UN Women, Lebanon also has one of the highest overall gender gaps in the world. A study by the World Bank (Char et al., 2022) states that 60% of Lebanese women mention childcare responsibilities as the main reason behind not joining the workforce in the first place.

It is clear that women in Lebanon face the same workplace challenges as women globally. Therefore, it can be hypothesized that like their global counterparts, working women in Lebanon would equally benefit from the implementation of a four-day work week. With the current economic and political situation in Lebanon, which is fueled by instability, it would be impractical to focus on passing and implementing laws and regulations which would lead to shorter work hours per week or a fourday work week in specific. However, the private sector can take independent steps towards implementing a four-day work week in the absence of government-level policies and legislation. For example, the Lebanese Private Sector Association, which includes business owners, can implement this model in several companies. Owners’ associations and worker unions can also contribute to implementing this model. The main incentive would be the shared benefits of a shorter work week, which include the improvement of the well-being of workers, a healthier working environment, and increased productivity, which in turn helps the company grow and generate profit. These incentives will also lead to the improvement of gender equality in the Lebanese workplace overall.

Conclusion

The global four-day workweek trend that has taken off in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic needs to be taken advantage of, especially in countries like Lebanon that face high levels of gender inequality in the workplace and beyond. With the many challenges that working women face, which either keeps them from joining the workforce in the first place or discourage them from continuing their careers after having children, it is important to implement immediate policies to alleviate these gender barriers. This study has argued that a four-day workweek can lead to a better distribution of childcare and housework responsibilities between men and women, which ultimately leads to the closure of the gender pay gap and gender inequality for working women more broadly. Moreover, it also creates a healthier environment for both women and men and a more productive atmosphere, leading to a more stress-free environment.

While other countries can take legislative steps to implement such changes in the workplace, Lebanon currently lacks the government willpower to make such changes in light of the ongoing economic and political crises plaguing the country. Thus, this paper urges the Lebanese private sector to take on the four-day workweek this initiative considering the major benefits that this schedule has not only on women workers, but on all workers.

references

4 Day Week Global. (2023). Why pilot a four-day work week? https://www.4dayweek.com/why-pilot Argyrous, G., Craig, L., & Rahman, S. (2017). The effect of a first born child on work and childcare time allocation: Pre-post analysis of Australian couples. Social Indicators Research, 131(2), 831–851. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-016-1278-5

Chai, Y., Ríos-Salas, V., Stek, P., & Heymann, J. (2021). Does enhancing paid maternity leave policy help promote gender equality? Evidence from 31 low- and middle-income countries. Gender Issues, 39(3), 335–367. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12147-021-09293-4

Char, L. A., Elzir, A., & Jaber, A. (2022, July 25). Study on childcare services in Lebanon reveals a struggling sector. World Bank Blogs. https://blogs.worldbank.org/arabvoices/study-childcareservices-lebanon-reveals-struggling-sector

Dah, A., Abosedra, S., & Dahbourah, F. A. (2014). Gender pay discrimination in Lebanon. Oxford Journal: An International Journal of Business and Economics, 5(1), 138–147. https://laur.lau.edu. lb:8443/xmlui/bitstream/10725/3840/1/Gender.pdf

Ellerbeck, S. (2023, March 10). The world’s biggest trial of the four-day work week has come to an end. These are the results. World Economic Forum. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2023/03/fourday-work-week-uk-trial/

Eurostat. (2023). Data. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat

Francis-Devine, B. (2022). The gender pay gap. Institute for Fiscal Studies. https://commonslibrary. parliament.uk/research-briefings/sn07068/ International Labor Organization (ILO). (n.d.). Sexual harassment at work: Factsheet. https://www.ilo. org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/publication/wcms_decl_fs_96_ en.pdf

Kaplan, J., & Sheffey, A. (2023, February 22). Bernie Sanders says it’s time for a 4-day workweek. Business Insider. https://www.businessinsider.com/bernie-sanders-say-its-time-for-four-day-workweek-2023-2

Kearl, H., Johns, N.E., & Raj, A. (2019). Measuring #MeToo: A national study on sexual harassment and assault. UC San Diego’s Center for Gender Equity and Health. https://gehweb.ucsd.edu/wpcontent/uploads/2019/05/2019-metoo national-sexual-harassment-and-assault-report.pdf

Meisenzahl, M. (2019, November 7). People have toyed with the idea of a 4-day workweek for over 80 years. Here’s how the concept has evolved, from the Great Depression to Microsoft’s latest successful experiment. Business Insider. https://www.businessinsider.com/history-4-dayworkweek-microsoft-japan-great-depression-2019-11

Parker, K. (2020, August 14). Women more than men adjust their careers for family life. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2015/10/01/women-more-than-men-adjusttheir-careers-for-family-life/

Shaw, E. (2021, August 4). Sexual harassment and assault at work: Understanding the costs. Institute for Women’s Policy Research. https://iwpr.org/iwpr-publications/briefing-paper/sexual-harassmentand-assault-at-work-understanding-the-costs/

Smith, M. (2023, April 14). 4 countries that are embracing—or experimenting with—the 4-day workweek. CNBC. https://www.cnbc.com/2023/04/14/countries-that-are-embracing-orexperimenting-with-a-4-day-workweek.html#:~:text=Dozens%20of%20countries%20 including%20Ireland,productivity%2C%20morale%20and%20team%20culture

Schneider, M., Iseke, A., & Pull, K. (2021). The gender pay gap in European executive boards: The role of executives’ pathway into the board. International Journal of Human Resource Management, 32(14), 2952–2974. https://doi.org/10.1080/09585192.2019.1620307

Tabbara, R. (2022). Lebanese mothers and fathers push for expanded parental leave. L’Orient Le Jour https://today.lorientlejour.com/article/1288966/lebanese-mothers-and-fathers-push-forexpanded-parental-leave.html

Wagner, B. (2015). The complex causes of the gender pay gap. Montana Business Quarterly, 53(3), 16-18. https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/complex-causes-gender-pay-gap/ docview/1750971977/se-2

Women’s Budget Group. (2022, March 24). A shorter working week could help to close the gender pay gap. https://wbg.org.uk/media/shorter-working-week-feminist-green-new-deal/ Werber, C. (2019, January 24). Why the four-day work week is good news for gender equality. World Economic Forum. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2019/01/why-the-four-day-work-week-isgood-news-for-gender-equality

The Erasure of Women from Lebanese History

Maryam Chamseddine

English

Major

Women’s centrality to the nation and state formation, their absence from written history, the inappropriateness of conventional research methods for discovering women “in history”—all these have been the focus of recent feminist theory.

(Sayigh, 1998, p. 42)

Introduction

History is largely retold from the perspective of men. This has led to the erasure and absence of women from history books, and consequently, the invisibility of the many injustices that women have faced and continue to suffer from (Sharaf Eddine, 2022; Shuayb & al-Sarraf, 2022). Arguably, the absence of women in history has prevented us from achieving gender equality globally. Lebanon is no different. In the case of Lebanese history, there is still no unified history textbook taught in schools, which has left various critical events—such as the civil war, Israeli invasions and attacks, and the various massacres of men, women, and children, among others—completely out of certain curricula. The lack of a unifief historical textbook for schools has also made it more difficult to redress women’s overall absence from history.

Nayla Hamadeh, Ex-President of the Lebanese Association for History (LAH), discusses the dangers of restricting history to the point of view of men only (Sharaf Eddine, 2022). She criticizes the approach commonly used to teach history in Lebanon, which frequently asks students to simply memorize facts rather than critically engage with historical events or issues. For this reason, she notes, students only end up memorizing the hegemonic version of history. This version often ignores the voices of marginalized

groups, including but not limited to women. This has several critical consequences. To start, it reinforces normative gender roles: Overlooking women’s role as important historical figures has meant that women are primarily featured as “unimportant” housewives and caretakers. Further, such a gender-biased history that only focuses on men paints women as passive, invisible individuals in society as opposed to their male counterparts who are portrayed as active agents. Given the important role of education in shaping the perceptions of youth, it is critical to challenge this normative history to prevent the perpetuation of sexism and the creation of yet another generation that fails to address women’s issues and see the world through a gender lens.

It is paramount that history is retold from women’s perspectives. As well, history should be taught using materials produced by women, including textbooks written by women history scholars. Learning about history from a woman’s point of view can powerfully shape our perception of the world that extends beyond the restricted and limited version of history that continues to be taught in schools in Lebanon. This is because if society starts looking at things from different viewpoints, such as that of women, people will begin to understand issues of gender inequality and discrimination because they are seeing and learning about it firsthand. Women as tellers of history can provide a different persepctive, one that opens people’s eyes to a different set of structural challenges they might not have noticed before. Including women as both the subjects of history curricula as well as the authors of history will therefore encourage the adoption of a gender lens. The stories of women historical figures can help students to more easily identify gender inequality, including how gender has been weaponized historically and the various women’s movements that have emerged to try and fight back against this inequality. Producing this type of critical thinking is key to creating strong gender equitable policies in the future and can contribute to a more gender equitable society overall.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the problem of women’s marginalization in Lebanese history. In particular, the paper advocates for the inclusion of women in history in two ways: women as subjects of history in school curricula, and women as writers of history. Including women as subjects of history means that students will be required to learn about various women historical figures as part of their history courses. Including women as writers of history means that women historians, writers, and scholars should have a place in educational curricula, such as in history courses, to bring a wide array of perspectives to the course material and ultimately, to the students.

To delve into this issue, the methodology that is used includes a content analysis of research studies conducted on women’s exclusion from history curricula and materials with the aim to determine the causes and effects of this exclusion. The paper concludes with policy recommendations and solutions that could be implemented to redress this exclusion.

Women’s Roles in Lebanese History

Lebanese history is full of women leaders and writers who took part in social and political life, many of whom participated in the early stages of the feminist movement in the country. However, these women’s voices have not been recognized and given

the attention they deserve. Lebanese people fail to see that women have had essential roles in shaping the community since World War I because of their absence in history books and the marginalization of their voices. The activities of women before and during World War I are a powerful example of the ways that women’s work has been overlooked by mainstream Lebanese history books. In 1914, a group of women founded the “Awakening of the Young Arab Women Association,” whose purpose was to empower Arab females through education. The group consisted of women activists who fought and challenged a patriarchal system, including well-known feminists like Anbara Salam, Ibtihaj Qaddura, Amina Hamzawi, Adila Bayhum, and others (Hivos, n.d.).

During World War I, women played a crucial role founding clubs and charity organizations, which created an opening for them to enter the political arena and to possess some political power (Cochran et al., 2010). Women leaders advocated for independence from the French mandate in Syria and Lebanon, and demanded equal educational rights for men and women. Cochran et al. (2010) state that the Women’s Union in Syria and Lebanon was established in 1924 to support women’s rights including issues such as child custody, divorce, and education rights. Throughout the years of World War I and the French Mandate, women maintained their power and reached higher positions in society, even participating in and leading protests against the Mandate. However, the dominance of men and the use of violence against women was prevalent, which pushed many women out of the public sphere.

Leila Saad and Emily Nasrallah are among the inspirational women whose roles made a huge difference in Lebanese society during World War I. Leila Saad was able to establish schools, including language schools, for girls in Choueifat, Lebanon. One of these schools, the Charles Saad School, remains open today. Moreover, Saad and her husband opened schools in many countries around the world, shaping the future of women’s and men’s education in Lebanon and beyond, but her work is not fully acknowledged in Lebanese history books. Emily Nasrallah was among the graduates of the Charles Saad school and one of the few women who first went to college, a sign of Saad’s success. Nasrallah became a writer who went on to win many awards, and in her stories, she addresses important topics about gender equality and the barriers Lebanese women face. However, Nasrallah is rarely included in Arab women’s literary anthologies (Cochran et al., 2010). Other influential female figures include Mary ‘Ajamy, Mary Yanni, Julie Dimashaqiyya, Nazik ‘Abid, Adila Bayhum, and Nazira Zayd al-Din, as noted by Sharma (2012). These women all took part in advancing the role of women and securing a better future for women under the French Mandate. Struggling from the oppression of the French Mandate that discriminated against women, these leaders were always determined to make a change through protesting, demanding their education rights, and breaking from the domestic sphere. Women stood beside men during these hard times, and they never neglected the issue of women’s rights, making it a priority along with nationalist goals. “Women were not passive—they were active, practical, powerful, and resourceful” (Sharma, 2012, p. 67).

The efforts of these women would continue after the French Mandate, beyond World War II and through the early years of Lebanon’s independence. They would continue to fight against the “new” patriarchal system that replaced the French Mandate, and

they would fight against growing sectarian divisions. Thus, Lebanese and Syrian women leaders, advocates, and writers, among others, have left a salient mark in history, challenging dominant gender norms at the time.

The Marginalization of Women in Lebanese History

In a study conducted by The Center for Educational Research and Development (CERD) and UNESCO, 428 Lebanese textbooks were examined to assess the different portrayals of men and women. The results of the study indicated that women were underrepresented, and the depiction of women often aligned with the stereotypical role of women as “weak, dependent, and emotional,” whereas men were shown to be strong, independent, and patriotic leaders (USAID, 2021, p. 10). Shuayb and alSarraf’s (2022) study also demonstrated the erasure of women from Lebanese history, and noted that if women were present, they were linked to stereotypical roles such as wives and mothers. The presence of women historically as either mothers or wives frequently resulted in the production of a historical subject who lacked agency and was considered an insignificant part of society. Relatedly, Sharaf Eddine (2022) discusses the results of a social experiment that was conducted to assess awareness about women’s roles in the Lebanese Civil War. When asked to discuss what they knew about the war, replies were mainly: “men with guns, men shooting, men making peace” (para. 1). In other words, women were not conceptualized as having played a critical role, or any role at all in the Lebanese Civil War. This study therefore demonstrates how the retelling of Lebanese history primarily from the male gaze has invisibilized women, who have been belittled and undermined as historical agents in their own right.

The issue of marginalizing women in history is also tied to the ways that the dominant religions in the region, such as Islam and Christianity, teach about their own histories. Aslan (2013) discusses this problem in relation to Islam and explains how the erasure of women from religious discourse is done intentionally “in order to theologically legitimize gender roles that favored men and required women’s submission” (p. 38). In contrast, Aslan (2013) sheds light on how women in Islam were strong leaders who partook in wars and led troops, even though their roles are often ignored in the context of Islamic history. The author attributes this to men’s misogyny and their misinterpretations of Qur’anic verses that address women. Aslan (2013) explains how such allegations do not even have a Qur’anic scriptural basis but instead, are tied to what he describes as “poorly authentic” hadiths: “Such hadiths, attributed to the Prophet, neither correspond to the Prophet’s way of life nor historical accounts, and furthermore they are not compatible with the context of early Islam” (p. 42).

Relatedly, David Kelly, a Welsh scientist, explains how discrimination in education about history could be used as a political tool to maintain power dynamics, as reported by Lattouf (1999). Lattouf further argues that educational curricula are often designed in a way that aligns with society’s dominant ideology, which is the case in Lebanon. In the case of Lebanon, it can be argued that the portrayal of women in stereotypical gender roles is necessary to maintain a patriarchal society that is in favor of men: Any action that might challenge this hierarchy, such as the inclusion of women in history, is considered as a threat (Lattouf, 1999). Educational materials, or what is being taught, is therefore subject to strict oversight by those in power to ensure that challenges to the current patriarchal system are eradicated. Thus, education can be, and often is a

major tool that prevents equality and reinforces sexism. In removing women from the historical record and preventing their voices from being heard, education curricula can effectively maintain and perpetuate the violent patriarchal system. Knowing this, it becomes clear that historical portrayals of women as passive agents are not necessarily true, but might be largely attributed to the heteronormativity of the education system and the role it plays in maintaining the patriarchal order.

To add, Cochran et al. (2010) suggest that women’s marginalization in historical accounts lies in the social constitution of a sexist society that does not give women equal opportunities. When asked about why they think they are not acknowledged in history, women claimed that the legislative system and the societal norms are built by men who wish to maintain their power. Moreover, women have limited opportunities in education and employment in the first place which makes it harder to make their voices heard and their achievements recognized (Cochran et al., 2010).

In their study, Bahous et al. (2013) shed light on how Frédéric Laffon and Khalil Joreige, two filmmakers who produced films about Lebanon’s Civil War, were initially shocked to learn about the huge gaps in teaching Lebanese history. In response to this, they wanted to give voice to the forgotten stories and voices of the war. Through this work, they highlighted that these gaps in Lebanese history can be attirubted to the complex political and sectarian environment in Lebanon after the conclusion of the war, which prevented attempts to develop a new history curriculum. As a result of these complexities, Sharaf Eddine (2022) explains that the history curriculum, which was established during the 1960s, has never been updated or changed. Sharaf Eddine (2022) also remarks how there is a lack of female writers who produce history books.

Consequently, even if schools choose different books from different publishing houses, a common problem remains: Without women writers, these books will continue to overlook their perspectives. Therefore, including women as historical actors in history books and curricula should also be accompanied by a simultaneous effort to include the works of women writers, historians, scholars, and others, on history.

Rewriting History

The marginalization of women’s history—their role as historial actors and as writers of history—is a barrier to the development of critical thinking skills. It is also a barrier to the adoption of gender equitable attitudes and beliefs. To address this, Hamadeh (Sharaf Eddine, 2022) stresses the importance of oral history and how it could be incorporated within the curriculum to produce a well-rounded perspective of the past that includes women. This could help to emphasize the voice of women and their struggles throughout history (Sharaf Eddine, 2022). “Rewriting is impossible without retelling, which shows the need for the use of oral history, which only emerged in the 1950s,” states Hamadeh, as quoted by Sharaf Eddine (2022, para. 15). Rosemary Sayigh’s (1998) work with Palestinian women in Lebanon is a powerful example of this kind of historical retelling using oral histories.

Sayigh’s (1998) work documents the stories of Palestinian women in Lebanon so that they are heard and brought to life. Sayigh conveys how there is no acknowledgement of Arab and Muslim women’s stories about local history. This issue was brought to

Sayigh’s attention when she asked a teacher in Burj al Barajneh camp to suggest possible people that could talk about their experience of being Palestinians, and the first 20 potential speakers did not include one woman. Like what Hamadeh suggested, Sayigh (1998) recognizes the importance of oral retelling of history to provide personalized insights into marginalized communities and to examine the details that may have been overlooked, all while preserving a cultural and social sense of the story. This methodology is what Sayigh calls a “real” retelling of history. The absence of an official record of Palestinian history in Lebanon has led to an erasure of Palestinian people and their stories, many of which have been forgotten by mainstream historical accounts of Lebanon, even though Palestinians have always been a part of Lebanese history. “Their omission would leave us with an impoverished history unable to explain how, in spite of everything, the Palestinian people’s struggle has persisted” (Sayigh, 1998, p. 57). Hamadeh adds how oral retelling of history does not privilege one party over the other, but gives voice to the “heroes, the armed, and the defenseless” (Sharaf Eddine, 2022).

Previous Policies, Laws, and Regulations in Lebanon

Many attempts to renew the history curriculum in Lebanon have failed. Sharaf Eddine (2022) explains that several committees were formed to implement changes to the curriculum but to no avail. The government does not have any intentions to renew the curriculum, especially because history is merely seen as a subject to be memorized to obtain high grades, instead of an interactive topic that students can critically engage with. Lebanon’s educational system has, however, witnessed several attempts at reform, although the implementation of these reforms has not been consistent. For instance, a 1994 reform aimed to promote social cohesion and the unification of textbooks but has not yet been implemented. Shuayb (2016) explains how the 1994 and the 2010 reforms still did not address the representation of socially marginalized groups. Additionally, the policies implemented did not seek to decrease the gaps between the private and public sectors of education. Carrascal (2021) points out that the implementation of these reforms was not achieved because of a lack of enforcement. For instance, there was no guaranteeing that teachers adopted the new changes of the curriculum. Moreover, the civil war period was still not taught in history textbooks. In addition, there was the National Action Plan for All in 2005 which aimed to improve the quality and relevance of education, increase access to education for disadvantaged and marginalized groups, and promote gender equality and inclusive education. However, as Shuayb (2018) noted, there was considerable ambiguity in the strategy plan with no clear strategy for implementation. The strategy also contained several implementation gaps, evidence that the stakeholders did not take its implementation seriously.

Other attempts at reform include The People’s Rights Movement (PRM) which was established in 1986 to increase awareness about “nonviolence, non-authoritarianism, and tolerance for gender, sect, and class in Lebanese schools” (Abu-Saba, 1999, p. 43). The leaders were then appointed to implement a curriculum titled “Humanistic Education” that fostered the aforementioned issues. Despite this, it seems that there is still no evidence for any modifications or changes in the Lebanese curriculum that shed light on women, resulting in a lack of awareness about women’s roles in history. According to USAID (2021), the National Education Strategy has no clear indication for gender equality, which leaves instructors uninformed about how to implement any material related to gender equality. Based on their research, teachers are not trained

on how to develop gender inclusive teaching material (USAID, 2021). USAID (2021) recommended several policies to solve this issue such as developing curricula that are more gender inclusive and prohibit gender stereotypes and patriarchal views, and training teachers to approach education through a gender lens.

Carrascal (2021) reports that several academics and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), such as the Lebanese Association for History, have sought change by approaching individual professionals in schools across the country about the need for educational reforms. Carrascal (2021) mentions how local and international agencies could support these efforts by providing trainings for teachers to learn how to address sensitive topics such as the civil war. Another research study by Shuayb (2018) identifies the role of research centers in shaping education in Lebanon, such as the Lebanese Association for Education Studies (LAES) among others. Interestingly, Shuayb (2018) points out that some government stakeholders prefer to work with contracted individuals rather than with organizations that specialize in historical education. Ultimately, this reveals a lack of political will toward educational reforms and the desire to keep things the way they currently are.

Policy Recommendations

Based on this analysis, there are several policy recommendations that can address the problem of women’s marginalization in history books as well as the marginalization of gender issues in history curricula.

For the Lebanese government and governmental educational institutions: As previous educational reforms and educational strategies have been vague about the inclusion of women’s roles in history, a new plan is needed. Moreover, before implementing a new strategy, the issue of a unified history book must be resolved.

Drawing on this, several recommendations include:

• Reach a consensus on a unified history that fills the gaps in history textbooks and includes the period of the civil war and other contentious events, such as the attacks of Israel from 1948 until the Israeli invasion of Lebanon during 1982 and later, the 2006 war, among others. These sensitive periods should be approached as objectively as possible, which can be done by highlighting the roles of diverse groups and actors during these periods, including women, and honoring the victims of the many massacres that have taken place. This history should be inclusive of Syrians, Palestinians, and other non-Lebanese communities, as they are also active participants in Lebanese history.

• Develop a new educational strategy to address the current gaps in the Lebanese educational curriculum, with an emphasis on eliminating gender bias and highlighting women’s historical roles.

• Ensure that any future educational strategies and reforms are enforced and implemented.

• As noted by Shuayb (2018), policymakers in education could reach out to research centers such as the LAES to work efficiently and to effect faster changes relative to curriculum changes.

• As previous research has shown, it is necessary to increase funds and invest in public schools to improve the quality of education. Additionally, public school

teachers should receive proper training on how to address topics from a gender lens and be more inclusive.

For NGOs:

• Raise awareness about women’s roles in history and the importance of their leadership. This could be done through several creative and informative initiatives such as workshops and seminars, and developing campaigns to spread this message through digital and traditional media channels.

• Empower women to write history. If not through writing, women can retell their stories and talk about women’s activities during critical historical moments.

For publishing houses:

• Increase publishing resources dedicated to women historians and writers.

• Raise awareness about existing historical books written by women.

For religious institutions:

• Recognize and acknowledge the contributions of women to religious tradition and history. This can be done by including the stories and perspectives of women in religious texts and teachings, and by celebrating the achievements and contributions of women in religious communities.

• Challenge and reject patriarchal interpretations of religious texts and traditions that reinforce gender inequality and discrimination. This can be done by engaging in critical and inclusive discussions of religious texts and practices, and by promoting alternative interpretations and practices that are more inclusive and empowering for women.

• Support and collaborate with organizations and initiatives that promote gender equality and women’s empowerment. This can involve providing financial and organizational support to organizations that work on issues such as women’s education, health, and political participation, and by participating in coalitions and advocacy campaigns that aim to advance gender equality.

• Engage in dialogue and partnerships with other religious institutions and communities that share a commitment to gender equality and women’s empowerment. This can involve participating in interfaith initiatives and conferences and engaging in dialogue and cooperation with other religious institutions and leaders on issues related to women’s rights and equality.

For educational institutions:

• Promote research and scholarship on women’s history. This could provide a platform for scholars, researchers, and educators to share their findings and expertise on women’s history in the country and help to raise awareness of the contributions and experiences of women in Lebanese history.

• Provide support and resources for the teaching of history in schools, including funding for teacher training and the development of new teaching materials. This could include initiatives such as teacher workshops, teacher networks, and the development of online resources and tools for history teachers, as well as other courses, to adopt a more gender inclusive approach to the material.

• Develop a gender-sensitive and inclusive history curriculum that reflects the country’s diverse cultural and political heritage.

Conclusion

To conclude, the lack of depiction of women in history and the marginalization of their voices contributes to gender inequality in society. When it comes to textbooks and educational curricula, specifically history textbooks, women are presented as passive agents, in line with stereotypical gender roles. This stereotypical image of women, and the absence of women from history, reinforces gender inequality, especially in young generations. For centuries, history has been told from the point of view of men, the winners, and the privileged. Meanwhile, socially marginalized groups do not get the chance to make their voices heard. Learning about the history of women is crucial to understanding gender discrimination.

references

Abu-Saba, M.B. (1999). Human needs and women peacebuilding in Lebanon. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 5(1), 37–57. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1207/ s15327949pac0501_5

Aslan, E. (2013). Early community politics and the marginalization of women in Islamic intellectual history. In E. Aslan, M. Hermansen, & E. Medeni (Eds.), Muslima theology: The voices of Muslim women theologians (pp. 33-45). Peter Lang AG. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv2t4f10.5

Bahous, R., Nabhani, M., & Rabo, A. (2013). Parochial education in a global world? Teaching history and civics in Lebanon. Nordidactica: Journal of Humanities and Social Science Education, 13(1), 57–79. https://journals.lub.lu.se/nordidactica/article/view/18943

Carrascal, I.H. (2021). Lebanon’s education system: Why reforms are necessary. Friedrich Naumann Stiftung. https://www.freiheit.org/lebanon/lebanons-education-system-why-reforms-arenecessary

Cochran, J., Nabhani, M., Bahous, R., & Zeinati, R. (2010, October 13). Leadership in the Middle East: The story of women in Lebanon. Middle East Institute. https://www.mei.edu/publications/ leadership-middle-east-story-women-lebanon

Hivos. (n.d.) The history of the Women’s Movement in Lebanon. https://www.womenshistoryinlebanon. org/

Lattouf, M. (1999). The history of women’s higher education in modern Lebanon and its social implications [Doctoral thesis, The University of Arizona]. University of Arizona. https:// repository.arizona.edu/handle/10150/288958

Sayigh, R. (1998). Palestinian camp women as tellers of history. Journal of Palestine Studies, 27(2), 42–58. https://doi.org/10.2307/2538283

Sharaf Eddine, N. (2022, January 3). Lebanon: Marginalizing the role of women in history and education. Daraj. https://daraj.com/en/85326/

Sharma, I. (2012). Leaving her footprint: Women’s struggle for power in French Syria & Lebanon 19201936 [Bachelor’s Honors thesis, Rutgers University]. Rutgers University. https://history.rutgers. edu/docman-docs/undergraduate/honors-papers-2012/409-leaving-her-footprint-women-sstruggle-for-power-in-french-syria-lebanon-1920-1936/file

Shuayb, M. (2016). Education for social cohesion attempts in Lebanon: reflections on the 1994 and 2010 education reforms. Education as Change, 20(3), 225–242. http://dx.doi. org/10.17159/1947-9417/2016/1531

Shuayb, M. (2018). Who shapes education reform policies in Lebanon? Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 49(4), 548–564. https://doi.org/10.1080/03057925.2018 .1434409

Shuayb, M., & al-Sarraf, D. (2022). The portrayal of women in history curricula and textbooks in Lebanon: A history of systematic exclusion. Citizenship Teaching & Learning, 17(3), 437–453. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00102_1

USAID. (2021). Gender analysis of basic public education in Lebanon. https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/ PA00XVS5.pdf

On the (Mis) representation of Disabled Masculinity and Femininity in Arab Film and Television

Heba Hallak English Major

Introduction

Disability, both physical and cognitive, is underrepresented in Arab film and television. Contemporary productions which feature people with disabilities, though attempting to promote their visibility in mainstream media, are mostly problematic in their representation (Al-Zoubi & Al-Zoubi, 2022). Using stereotypes, they homogenize the disabled experience and create an inaccurate understanding of this community for the audience. Critics of these portrayals have acknowledged that a character’s disabilityinduced difficulties can be aggravated by other categories of social identity. However, the existing literature has rarely addressed gender as one of these categories (O’Dell, 2022).

The concept of intersectionality can help understand the oppression that men and women with disabilities experience. Coined by American civil rights advocate Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989, the term refers to the interrelatedness of different social identities and hierarchies, which creates overlapping experiences of injustice (Davis, 2008). Although originally used to expose the simultaneous subordination of black women to racism and sexism, intersectionality extends beyond race to include categories like class, sexuality, and—central to this study—disability. In a patriarchal-ableist society, people with disabilities are subject to gender expectations on the one hand and stereotypes around disability on the other (Hunt et al., 2021). Failure to meet certain gender norms, coupled with the stigma of being disabled, can marginalize these individuals, and make them question their sense of masculinity or femininity.

Crenshaw (1991)’s “representational intersectionality” relates intersectionality to the media. It refers to the media’s capacity to promote stereotypes and normalize discrimination by failing to consider, in its representations, how different social

identities converge. In this sense, when the media does not acknowledge the intersection of gender and disability, prevalent stereotypes of both identities are reinforced. This can culminate in the symbolic annihilation of men and women with disabilities, based on the conceptual idea that representation in the media “signifies social existence” (Gerbner, 1972), symbolic annihilation refers to the erasure of a group’s true and diverse identities due to insufficient and stereotypical portrayal in the media (Carter, 2012). The reinforced stereotypes around disabled masculinity and femininity can thus symbolically annihilate people with disabilities by perpetuating the misconception that they have limited ways of experiencing and expressing their gender.

This paper studies how Arab films and television series depict the intersection of gender and disability. A comprehensive literature review examines common stereotypes of each identity—gender and disability—as they are portrayed in media, as well as the potrayal of individuals that experience both gender and disability. The literature review is used as a framework for a content analysis of the Lebanese drama The Tale of Amal (Remy, 2001), showcasing its traditional and limited representation of disabled masculinity and femininity. Lastly, the paper provides media policy recommendations which, if applied, can contribute to an accurate and inclusive portrayal of men and women with disabilities and prevent their symbolic annihilation in Arab entertainment.

Literature Review

Though limited, existing studies on Arab films and television series commonly address the ability of movies and T.V. shows to manipulate viewers’ values and imprint new ones in their minds, shaping their attitudes toward social groups and issues (Abdelmogeth & Mossad, 2018; Al-Zoubi & Al-Zoubi, 2022; Kharroub & Weaver, 2014). This effect becomes problematic, however, when the messages conveyed in these productions are of a stereotypical nature.

Gender in Arab Entertainment

The representation of gender in Arab film and television is mostly reflective of traditional conceptions of ideal masculinity and femininity, mirroring a patriarchal social order where men are considered superior to women (Abdelmogeth & Mossad, 2018). The ideal man should be an independent financial provider for his family; women are seen relative to their domestic labor, which is supposed to be done for free and in service of the family. In an analysis of gender representation in 15 Arab and three Turkish drama series, Kharroub and Weaver (2014) find that women are outnumbered by men not only as characters, but also as workers. The few working female characters (26%) are mostly occupants of jobs perceived as feminine, such as teaching and being a secretary, while higher-paying and more respected roles, like doctors and engineers, are typically played by men. Also, unlike their male counterparts, whether female characters work is dependent on their marital status, with the portrayal of married women frequently limited to their roles as responsive wives and devoted homemakers rather than as workers outside of the household. For example, the Syrian serial Bab Al-Hara shows women working within the home whenever they appear on screen—cleaning, washing, and cooking—whereas men are preoccupied with larger community matters, such as conducting business, resolving conflict, and resisting the neighborhood’s French occupiers (Zaatari, 2015). Though popular in Arab entertainment, such portrayals normalize the public sphere as men’s

territory while women are confined to the private domain. Thus, women are deprived of the chance to achieve their full potential and their dependence on men is reinforced (Abdelmogeth & Mossad, 2018).

Also presented as markers of true masculinity and femininity are, respectively, aggression and obedience. Patriarchy equates manhood with dominance; violence is often used to achieve this dominance (Feder et al., 2010). This reality is a recurrent theme in Arab entertainment: 2002 research on Egyptian Ramadan serials has found that, over the course of 500 episodes, 43% of female characters were subject to violence from men (Skalli, 2006). Similarly, popular Egyptian films—such as Bobbos, Taymour and Shafika, and Omar and Salma—portray, sometimes in comical tones, the harassment and abuse of female characters, leading to a trivialization of genderbased violence (Shoaeib, 2021). Some productions portray this violence as not only a manifestation of patriarchal power dynamics, but also as a necessary disciplinary tool for disobedient women. In Bab Al-Hara, for instance, men repeatedly practice domestic violence to guarantee, through the infliction of fear, the obedience of their womenfolk (Zaatari, 2015). The show further endorses this practice by having female characters endorse male aggression, perceiving it as a corrective policing measure that allows the maturation of “bad” women into “good,” or obedient, women. A “prerogative of men” (Zaatari, 2015, p. 25), violence reaffirms men as the strong authority and women as their weak followers. In the public sphere, violence is celebrated as evidence of the character’s masculinity, particularly when it leads to victory over adversaries.

Media narratives that promote these gender stereotypes are complicit in the normalization of hegemonic masculinity (Connell & Masserschmidt, 2005). This form of masculinity encourages the use of emotional and physical intimidation, and male competitiveness in the public domain, to ensure domination over femininity and marginalized masculinities—that is, men who belong to minority groups. Though masculinity is not static, its definition often changes in different contexts, hegemonic masculinity has become a globalized ideal.

Disability in Arab Entertainment

Stereotypes around disability are thought to stem from superstition and an inadequate education about medical conditions (Barnes, 1992). Though knowledge is widely accessible today, these stereotypes persist due to their continual reproduction in mainstream media. As of 2022, approximately 70% of the portrayals of people with disabilities in Arab films and television series have been found to be stereotypical (Al-Zoubi & Al-Zoubi, 2022). Among several inaccurate stereotypes, these people are often depicted as dependent and helpless. For example, the Syrian television drama Behind the Sun features an autistic adult who, upon the hospitalization of his caretaking mother, becomes lost in the streets and, subsequently, a homeless person (O’Dell, 2022). This and similar presentations of disability as incapacitating not only strip its possessor of their sense of autonomy, but also render them pitiable by the dominant, nondisabled or able-bodied society and audience (Barnes, 1992). In other words, people with disabilities are frequently portrayed as victims that should be pitied. The sentimentalization of disability is also achieved by presenting the character as a defenseless and an easy target of violence. Over the years, Arab entertainment has repeatedly depicted its disabled characters as victims of different forms of abuse:

Egypt’s 1993 film Toot-Toot has a mentally impaired protagonist who gets sexually assaulted (Alkayed & Kitishat, 2021) and, more recently, the 2021 Lebanese series Ashti ya Beirut subjects a child with down syndrome to multiple threats and kidnapping (AlZoubi & Al-Zoubi, 2022).

People with disabilities in Arab productions have also been portrayed as the other extreme—not as innocent victims but as villainous perpetrators of violence. Media tends to integrate the widespread misconception that emotional distress, caused by dissatisfaction with disability and a failure to assimilate into society, results in aggressive tendencies (Longmore, 2003; Barnes, 1992). The first Arab film revolving around a disabled protagonist, the 1958 Egyptian movie Cairo Station is an example of disability vilification. The main character Qinawi, who has a limp, is “framed as the avatar of darkness, violence, and perversion generated by a repressed self unable to express itself and its needs” because he is not able-bodied (O’Dell, 2022, p. 5). In the film, society’s persistent treatment of Qinawi as a pitiable and sexually impotent man fuels his aggression, causing him to engage in gender-based abuse and attempted murder. This portrayal of people with disabilities as evil is criticized for being sensationalist —it dramatizes disability for marketing purposes at the expense of accuracy (Alkayed & Kitishat, 2021). The mistreatment of the disabled is in fact believed to cause their withdrawal from social interaction and does not turn them into “aggressors,” as these stereotypes suggest (Barnes 1992).

Gender and Disability Unite

Using an intersectional lens, scholarly research is beginning to address how gender and disability intersect, whereby the simultaneous experience of disability and gender stereotypes influences the way men and women express their gender identity (Hunt et al., 2021; Rich, 2014; Shuttleworth et al., 2012). Specifically, this section investigates how the previously described stereotypes of gender and disability can come together to either facilitate or complicate the achievement of ideal masculinity or femininity.

The Dilemma of Disabled Masculinity

Researchers have suggested that a physical or cognitive impairment can make men feel less masculine—an effect that has been termed “the dilemma of disabled masculinity” (Shuttleworth et al., 2012). This effect is defined by the contrast between hegemonic masculinity and disability stereotypes. In other words, because hegemonic masculinity requires men to be powerful, dominant, and independent (Connell & Masserschmidt, 2005), it is thought to be incompatible with the experiences of helplessness, vulnerability, and dependence commonly associated with disability.

The masculine social role most often compromised due to disability is that of the breadwinner (Hunt et al., 2021). In a patriarchal society, men’s economic power, achieved through active and competitive participation in the public sphere, is juxtaposed with women’s confinement to the domestic domain and their financial dependence on men (Kharroub & Weaver, 2014; Abdelmogeth & Mossad, 2018). Symbolic of female subjugation and male dominance, the breadwinner status thus helps men meet the standard of hegemonic masculinity (Connell & Masserschmidt, 2005). Therefore, an impairment that inhibits the attainment of this power undermines a man’s sense of masculinity and places him in a state of confusion and disappointment in relation to

his gender identity (Hunt et al., 2021; Shuttleworth et al., 2012). This, according to Hunt et al. (2021), is often accompanied by a reversal of traditional roles: An inability to provide for the family exposes the wife to the public sphere and renders her responsible for financial provision as well as the care of her husband. The man becomes dependent, for his personal and economic wellbeing, on the person on whom he would normally impose his dominance over. In other words, he has become feminized. This renders him liable to ostracization or worse, retribution for his failure to meet the standards of heteromasculinity.

A Double Understanding of Disabled Femininity

It has been postulated that women are doubly feminized by the intersection of gender and disability stereotypes (Rich, 2014). In other words, women become “twice as female” (Hunt et al., 2021, p. 67) because their classification as the passive and weaker gender is reinforced by the passivity and weakness that disability is believed to cause. This implies that disability may facilitate women’s fulfillment of traditional conceptions of femininity as they are placed in a position of ultimate dependence on others.

Other scholars, however, have argued the opposite: The intersection of gender and disability makes women feel less feminine (Hunt et al., 2021). In feminist scholarship, gender has been repeatedly referred to as a continuous performance (Butler, 2006; Paludi, 2010)—that there are certain behaviors one must engage in to assert their membership in a gender category. For women, these behaviors have been limited to domestic, marital, and maternal responsibilities. Because some women with disabilities are not capable of performing these activities to the satisfaction of society’s expectations, they may be subject to feelings of doubt and insecurity regarding their femininity. Asserting their status as legitimate women thus requires greater effort from them than their able-bodied counterparts (Dotson et al., 2003). This may cause them to turn to over compensatory behaviors; in other words, these women might engage in exaggerated efforts to prove their femininity, involving themselves in situations and identities they do not necessarily aspire to. For example, in a traditionally patriarchal environment, women may believe that being in a relationship boosts their femininity. Fearing their disability might lower their chances of finding a significant other, women with disabilities may settle for unhappy and, in some cases, abusive marriages to avoid the social discrimination that affects unmarried women (Galvin, 2005).

This literature review has provided an overview of common gender and disability stereotypes perpetuated in Arab film and television. It has also shown what recent research (Hunt et al., 2021; Rich, 2014; Shuttleworth et al., 2012) has suggested regarding the simultaneous influence of these stereotypes on men and women with disabilities, particularly in relation to how they negotiate and express gender identity and their feelings of masculinity or femininity. The analysis of the Lebanese drama The Tale of Amal in the following section reveals how its characters, faced with gender and disability stereotypes, embody the “dilemma of disabled masculinity” and the “double understanding of disabled femininity.” Limiting male and female characters with disabilities to these representations implies that there are only a few ways for the disabled to experience gender. These representations thus erase disabled people’s diverse identities (Hunt et al., 2021), which consequently contributes to their symbolic annihilation in the media.

Disabled Masculinity and Femininity in The Tale of Amal

In her analysis of the Lebanese serial The Tale of Amal, O’Dell (2022) is one of the few scholars to address the intersection of disability and gender in a contemporary Arab production. Released in 2001 but last rerun in 2022 on the Lebanese channel LBCI, this show is marked by its exploration of diverse disabilities as experienced by three characters. Composed of thirty episodes, the story follows the grinding lives of recently wed Amal and Habib in a rural village, the former devoted to serving the village, and the latter wanting to leave it (Remy, 2001).

In Episode seven, Habib gets caught in an accident while doing road construction work in the village’s mountains. The explosion causes him to lose his left arm and leg. Over the course of the remaining episodes, he is shown struggling with his acquired disability. The second disability the show portrays is blindness. Born with a visual impairment, Habib and Amal’s daughter Nabila gradually loses her sight due to the unavailability of appropriate health care services in the village. A time lapse then reveals the third disability featured in the show, as Nabila is married to a man with dwarfism.

Although the attention O’Dell (2022) pays to the relevance of gender to these characters’ disabilities, her analysis remains rather superficial. This is due, in part, to her use of an intersectional lens that covers not only disability and gender, but also economic status; in other words, her consideration of a third factor (class) has, to an extent, yet again put gender on the backburner. Another reason is that her paper is not intended to interpret the representation of disability as a multidimensional experience. Rather, it reviews and criticizes Arab entertainment’s objectification of disability as a crutch for social messaging. This means that, in the media products she analyzes, disability is used as a “prosthetic” (p. 1) to stimulate discourse about other social issues such as abortion, poverty, and religious differences, rather than as a potentially transformative representation of a disabled person.

This section therefore draws on O’Dell’s insights to provide a closer inspection of how The Tale of Amal portrays the interplay of gender and disability stereotypes. Using the concepts of disabled masculinity and femininity outlined in the literature review, content analysis is employed in the discussion of the character arcs of Habib, Nabila, and Nabila’s future husband, revealing the way each of them negotiates their sense of masculinity or femininity in the face of a congenital or acquired disability. The lived experience of a relative of mine who has watched this series is also provided as an example of how members of the disabled community perceive and react to stereotypical portrayals of disability.

Habib and Nabila’s Husband: Compromised and Overcompensated Masculinities

Habib begins as someone whose masculinity is criticized by those around him, namely his wife and mother, as he fails to meet certain gender expectations. Insistent on abandoning the village and haunted by his debts, he loses himself in late night entertainment with his companions, causing him to neglect his responsibilities on the farm and his role as a financial provider. In Episode five, for example, Habib sleeps in after a long night out and is reprimanded for having left his wife to work by herself. His mother, outraged by his behavior, urges him to “be a real man” and take

over providing for the household. It is the constant pressure to meet this standard of masculinity, paired with the love he feels for Amal, that pushes him to seek serious work at the construction site despite his lack of experience in this field.

Episodes six and seven showcase Habib’s growing sense of fulfillment as he earns approval and recognition from his society for beginning to live up to his manhood. But when the accident takes place, he is suddenly robbed of his capacity to work and, subsequently, any sense of masculinity he had acquired. Habib then becomes an allegory for the dilemma of disabled masculinity: the stereotype of the helpless disabled person in contrast to society’s definition of a real man. He is angered by the pitying looks and comments he receives—such as the word “miskeen” that translates to “poor man”—and the constant attention others pay to his needs. He is left in a state of shame and confusion as the compliments he used to receive for his strength and independence are replaced by infantilization, highlighting his incapacitation. As a result, he rejects any offer of help with his personal care and grows particularly displeased at the sight of his wife working, and the reversal of gender roles (Galvin, 2005), as implied in Habib’s quote, “Now that I am crippled, things are upside down.” In her analysis, O’Dell (2022) claims Habib’s bitterness over his helplessness is a result of his “not being used to being dependent and relying on care” (p. 19). Though she makes it evident that his frustration is justified as disability can be a substantial loss

for someone who was previously able-bodied, she makes no connection between this frustration and his masculinity. In other words, she does not acknowledge that the reason he was not used to “being dependent and relying on care” was also a result of his being a man, thus overlooking the interaction between gender and disability.

To recuperate his compromised masculinity, Habib falls into the common trap of both gender and disability misrepresentation: he resorts to violence. His dissatisfaction with society’s treatment leads him to abandon his family and move to the city. There,

Figure 1. Habib snatches water from Amal’s hands, refusing her help to drink [Episode 9]

he employs street boys in a variety of jobs, such as selling lotto cards, and physically punishes them for their shortcomings. As one of the boys, in Episode 25, says, “Yes, he might whip us from time to time, but he still gives us jobs to do.” Having acquired the fearful respect of these boys, Habib believes he has recuperated the power and dominance characteristic of hegemonic masculinity, detailed by Connell and Masserschmidt (2005). The respect he seeks from these children helps him restore his masculine honor, much as the violence exercised by the male characters of Bab Al-Hara, as described by Zaatari (2015), helped them perpetuate the subordinance of their womenfolk. Therefore, through Habib’s portrayal, The Tale of Amal addresses the complexity of disabled masculinity but stereotypically; his character arc reflects both the hegemonic masculinity celebrated in patriarchal societies and the simultaneous victimization and vilification of disability.

The complexity of Habib’s character, however, is in contrast to the superificial treatment of Nabila’s husband. The epitome of disability exclusion and misrepresentation, this character remains unnamed and the participation he has in the narrative is mostly second-hand: He is spoken of and described by other characters rather than speaking for himself onscreen. He is only shown in three episodes, and the scenes where he appears reveal him emotionally and physically abusing Nabila. Despite her pleading, he refuses to let her return to the village to see her mother and threatens to beat her with a belt. On another occasion, Nabila attempts to escape; but when he finds her, he begins hitting her with a stick and insulting her. He is described by other characters as a person who is “worse than an animal” and who treats his wife like one. In Episode 26, during the dramatic scene following Nabila’s mother’s death, he stands in the margin of the scene and is not seen participating in this mourning. Instead, a viewer catches a smile on his face while Amal laments her late daughter. Additionally, his character is erased from the narrative in the next episodes and his character arc is not given any conclusion.

Despite his disability, Nabila’s husband possesses authority over not only Nabila but also other women in his home. By claiming, on Episode 22, that he could do “anything he wanted” with Nabila because she was his wife, he talks about her as though she is a possession of his, an object over which he has total control. Through emotional and physical intimidation, he embodies hegemonic masculinity. But because he is not granted enough screen time, the viewer remains unaware of his feelings regarding his own disability, making it difficult to establish his position relative to the dilemma of disabled masculinity. Yet, his portrayal as, in Barnes’ (1992) words, a “sinister and evil cripple” makes him akin to Habib during his villain phase: Like Habib, he is feared and obeyed by those who, according to the logic of hegemonic masculinity, are inferior. In her analysis, O’Dell (2022) likens his character to Qinawi from Cairo Station, whose violence and monstrous nature are an overcompensation for his lacking masculine body. The similarity of his behaviors to those of Qinawi and Habib therefore qualify him as a man whose sense of masculinity may have been threatened by his treatment as disabled, and who sought, through his antagonistic nature, a recompense for the power disability has supposedly deprived him of.

Through these two characters, The Tale of Amal proves to be a flawed attempt at the representation of disabled masculinity. It pairs stereotypes characteristic of hegemonic

masculinity with those of disability victimization as well as vilification to construct both Habib and Nabila’s husband. The intersection of gender and disability stereotypes in these two characters may perpetuate a misconception about disabled masculinity: Men with disabilities are less manly and should seek compensation, through violence, for their lost manliness.

Nabila: Sacrificial Disabled Femininity

Over the course of the series, Nabila can be seen as an embodiment of both overt or excessive feminization—what Rich (2014) calls “double feminization”—and the de-feminization caused by disability, discussed in the previous section. Since the first episodes, her character is in a state of ultimate passivity due to a combination of gender and disability stereotypes. This passivity is reflected in her confinement to the home. As a child, despite showing interest in accompanying her brothers to the fields and school, her parents emphasize that she is safer inside. “Besides,” says Amal in Episode six, “when you get older, we will find you a good husband to take care of you.” As a result, and regardless of her visual impairment, Nabila is made to perform domestic chores, like cooking and cleaning, within the household. Here is a clear intersection between gender and disability: Her confinement is a consequence of gender, which stipulates that women should remain at home, and her disability, which stipulates that women with disabilities are weak, according to normative stereotypes. The gender aspect becomes clearer when, after acquiring his impairment, Habib is encouraged to learn to read, whereas Nabila is asked to focus on her chores. She has therefore become “twice as female” (Hunt et al., 2021) and experiences “double feminization” (Rich, 2014) for staying at home, performing domestic work traditionally associated with women.

As for Nabila’s de-feminization, it is more implied than stated. An example includes when her brother, trying to console her for not being able to attend school in Episode five, says, “Once you get cured, all the men in the village will want to marry you.” Despite his good intentions, what his statement insinuates is that the marriage expected of the women in their society was something Nabila’s disability blocked her

Figure 2. Nabila’s husband is unbothered by her passing, while her family mourns [Episode 26]

from attaining. In fact, Nabila expresses a rejection of the idea of getting married early on when, in Episode 15, she argues that she desires to live with her mother until either one of them dies. However, her attitude toward marriage changes when a neighbor informs her, in Episode 19, that a man was interested in her. Nabila is convinced but not because she desired marriage; rather, she feels pressured by societal demands. When she expresses hesitation to her neighbor, the latter tells her that every girl’s future was having a husband. Nabila, holding onto the hope of being like every other woman in her society, and pressured by the belief that she was a burden to her aging mother, agrees to marry without even knowing the suitor’s name. Nabila thus becomes someone who agrees to marriage out of a fear of staying single or, more specifically, out of a fear of being perceived as less feminine. Her feelings of de-feminization therefore led her to an act of overcompensation, and to perform her gender as society deemed appropriate, through the act of an arranged marriage (Butler, 2006; Paludi, 2010).

After her marriage, Nabila is kept out of the narrative until she is shown dead in Episode 26. O’Dell (2022) claims that her death symbolizes the motives underpinning her marriage: Having performed her gender duties of marrying and becoming a mother, her status as disabled offered her no other function but leaving. Her character arc and subsequent elimination from the story serve as a good example of the symbolic annihilation (Carter, 2012) of women with disabilities: She is stereotypically represented as passive because of both her disability and gender. And, once she had fulfilled this stereotypical narrative, she was removed, highlighting, both the mis- and underrepresentation of disabled femininity.

Conclusion

The analysis of The Tale of Amal provided in this paper has revealed the problem with this and similar Arab productions representing disability. By failing to acknowledge the ways gender and disability stereotypes intersect, these media productions oversimplify disabled masculinities and femininities rather than addressing and celebrating their diversity. Based on this analysis and that of other scholars, this section provides media policy recommendations that can contribute to a more accurate and inclusive portrayal of men and women with disabilities.

Describing the stereotypical representation of women in Arab entertainment media, Kharroub and Weaver (2014) have found that when women are actively involved in the production and writing of the product, female characters are presented in a more accurate and respectful manner. Similarly, O’Dell (2022) claims that the only way to tackle the ill portrayal of disability in media is to allow people with disabilities themselves to “seize the means of production” (p. 22). Thinking through and acknolwedging gender and disability simultaneously, then, means allowing people with this lived experience to dictate how they are portrayed in film and television media. In other words, people with disabilities should participate in or lead the production process, as well as star in these productions. Quoting Barnes (1992), “Disablist imagery will only disappear if disabled people are integrated at all levels into the media.” Therefore, production houses working on disability representation should issue a policy requiring the recruitment of disabled individuals behind and in front of the cameras to avoid a reductionist and offensive representation of people with disabilities.

Barnes (1992) also suggests engaging media workers in disability equality training. This paper, in addition, recommends incorporating gender into disability equality training courses to ensure that the sessions employ an intersectional lens. Importantly, these trainings should ideally be led by a person with disabilities who can speak from personal experience. Relatedly, media organizations should consider consulting gender and disability specialists before developing and later marketing their products. This way, they would have the opportunity to postpone production to resolve any remaining harmful representations in their work, rather than having to pull their products from the market following audience criticism.

These recommendations, if followed by Arab and international media producers alike, can help to gradually integrate diverse disability experiences into their products and make disabled men and women feel more visible. Such products will then be able to acknowledge and celebrate people with disabilities for who they are rather than what society expects them to be.

references

Abdelmogeth, A., & Mossad, H. (2018). Arabic mass media and women gender stereotype: Stability Versus Change “the dream of women empowerment.” KnE Social Sciences, 3(10), 148–168. https://doi.org/10.18502/kss.v3i10.3108

Alkayed, Z.S., & Kitishat, A.R. (2021). Language teaching for specific purposes: A case study of the degree of accuracy in describing the character of mental disabilities in modern Arabic drama (Egyptian film Toot-Toot as an example). Journal of Language Teaching and Research, 12(6), 1039–1050. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1206.20

Al-Zoubi, S.M., & Al-Zoubi, S.M. (2022). The portrayal of persons with disabilities in Arabic drama: A literature review. Research in Developmental Disabilities, 125, 1–8. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. ridd.2022.104221

Barnes, C. (1992). Disabling imagery and the media: An exploration of the principles for media representations of disabled people. The British Council of Organisations of Disabled People and Ryburn Publishing Limited. https://disability-studies.leeds.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/sites/40/ library/Barnes-disabling-imagery.pdf

Butler, J. (2006). Gender trouble. Routledge.

Carter, C. (2012). Sex/gender and the media from sex roles to social construction. In K. Ross (Ed.), The handbook of gender, sex, and media (pp. 365-382). Wiley-Blackwell.

Connell, R. W., & Messerschmidt, J. W. (2005). Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the concept. Gender and Society, 19(6), 829–859. https://doi.org/10.1177.0891243205278639

Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1241–1299. https://doi.org/10.2307/1229039

Davis, K. (2008). Intersectionality as buzzword. Feminist Theory, 9(1), 67–85. https://doi. org/10.1177/1464700108086364

Dotson, L.A., Stinson, J., & Christian, L. (2003). People tell me I can’t have sex: Women with disabilities share their personal perspectives on health care, sexuality, and reproductive rights. Women & Therapy, 26(3–4), 195–209. https://doi.org/10.1300/J015v26n03_02

Feder, J., Levant, R.F., & Dean, J. (2010). Boys and violence: A gender-informed analysis. Psychology of Violence, 1(S), 3-12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/2152-0828.1.S.3

Galvin, R.D. (2005). Researching the disabled identity: Contextualising the identity transformations which accompany the onset of impairment. Sociology of Health & Illness, 27(3), 393–413. https:// doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9566.2005.00448.x

Gerbner, G. (1972). Violence in television drama: Trends and symbolic functions. In G. A. Comstock, & E. Rubinstein (Eds.), Television and social behavior: Content and control (Vol. #1) (pp. 28-187). U.S. Government Printing Office.

Hunt, X., Braathen, S. H., Chiwaula, M., Carew, M. T., Rohleder, P., & Swartz, L. (Eds.). (2021). Physical disability and sexuality: Stories from South Africa. Palgrave Macmillan.

Kharroub, T., & Weaver, A.J. (2014). Portrayals of women in transnational Arab television drama series. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 58(2), 179–195. https://doi.org/10.1080/08838151.201

4.906434

Longmore, P. (2003). Screening stereotypes: Images of disabled people in television and motion pictures. In P.K. Longmore (Ed.), Why I burned my book: And other essays on disability (pp. 131146). Temple University Press.

O’Dell, E. J. (2022). Disability on Arab screens: Cripping class, religion, and gender in Syria, Egypt, and Lebanon. Disability & Society, 1–25. https://doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2021.1997715

Paludi, M.A. (Ed.). (2010). Feminism and women’s rights worldwide. Praeger.

Remy, A. (Director). (2001). Hikayat Amal [Film]. Phoenix Pictures International.

Rich, K. (2014). “My body came between us”: Accounts of partner-abused women with physical disabilities. Affilia, 29(4), 418–433. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886109914522626

Shoaeib, M. (2021). Addressing gender stereotypes in Egypt and the impact of gender-based violence in film and media [Master’s thesis, City College of New York]. CUNY Academic Works.

Shuttleworth, R., Wedgwood, N., & Wilson, N.J. (2012). The dilemma of disabled masculinity. Men and Masculinities, 15(2), 174–194. https://doi.org/10.1177/1097184x12439879

Skalli, L.H. (2006). Communicating gender in the public sphere: Women and information technologies in the MENA. Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies, 2(2), 35–59. https://doi. org/10.2979/MEW.2006.2.2.35

Zaatari, Z. (2015). Desirable masculinity/femininity and nostalgia of the “anti-modern”: Bab El-Hara television series as a site of production. Sexuality & Culture, 19(1), 16–36. https://doi. org/10.1007/s12119-014-9242-5