Words from the MEPI-Tomorrow’s Leaders Executive and Academic Directors
Laetitia Merhi
International Selectivity: The Relationship between Responsibility 2 Protect (R2P) and Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) in the Gaza War
Maya Hamadeh
The State of Women and Children’s Health amidst War on Gaza
Elie El Hayek
Integration of Gender Perspectives in Humanitarian Assistance in the Israeli-Hamas Conflict
Hasan Diab
Navigating Post-Revolution and Intervention Challenges in Libya: Implications for Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) and the Imperative for Evolving Foreign Policy Frameworks in the SWANA Region
Lara Younis
Sex Work is Work: Feminist Theory and the Fight for Decriminalization
Charbel Karam
Silent or Silenced: Misconceptions and Myths Surrounding Male Victims of Sexual Assault
Samir Abi Rached
Parental Leaves: Influencing the Equilibrium of Work Life and Gender Expectations
Cynthia Salha
Tackling the Gender Pay Gap in the Lebanese Football League amid Crisis
Tina Doumit
Toward Inclusive Hiring: Policy Pathways for Addressing Gender Bias in Lebanese Job Advertisements
Nareg Assadourian
From Villains to Victims: The Contrasting Portrayals of Palestinian Men in Social Media and Traditional Western Media
Words from the MEPI-Tomorrow’s Leaders Executive and Academic Directors
Dina Abdul Rahman
Executive Director, MEPI-Tomorrow’s Leaders Programs at the Lebanese American University (LAU)
Since 2015, I’ve had the honor of contributing to MEPI Tomorrow’s Leaders-funded programs. Among these, the Tomorrow’s Leaders Gender Scholars (TLS) program stands out as a beacon of empowerment and change.
Indeed, since 2020, LAU has enrolled over 550 TLS scholars, all of whom have successfully completed the one-year program requirements. Our TLS alumni not only completed two gender courses as part of their bachelor’s degree requirements, but they also attended a series of seminars and workshops on gender issues and produced policy papers for publication consideration. Additionally, they served as active ambassadors, raising awareness on issues of diversity, equity, and inclusion within their scholarly disciplines and communities.
In the face of global backlash to gender rights, we at LAU are proud to announce that we are producing a new generation of change-makers: interdisciplinary leaders who are empowered and well-equipped to make the necessary changes for a better tomorrow. They represent the new generation of Inclusive Leaders!
This publication represents the best work of the 2023–2024 cohort of TLS students. It wouldn’t have been possible without the continuous support and trust of our partners at the United States Department of State and the U.S.-Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI). We are tremendously grateful for their continued belief in the transformative power of the youth in the region.
We are deeply grateful for the unwavering support of various LAU departments, staff, and organizations that have been instrumental in the success of the TLS program. This
includes LAU’s School of Arts and Sciences, its esteemed faculty, the Writing Center, the Arab Institute for Women, the Al-Raida creative team, as well as LAU’s SDEM unit led by Vice President Elise Salem. We also owe a significant debt of gratitude to the TLS team led by Dr. Lina Kreidie, and Dr. Jennifer Skulte-Ouaiss. Thank you for your exceptional commitment to our TLS students.
We are very proud to see the hard work of our precious scholars come to life through this issue of Al-Raida. Congratulations to all!
Lina Kreidie
Academic Director, MEPI-Tomorrow’s Leaders Gender Scholars Program (TLS) at the Lebanese American University (LAU)
You are published!! You are today’s and tomorrow’s change makers.
What a year! We have witnessed doubts about human rights conventions, distrust in international law, and humanity in crisis. You faced these challenges with full determination to be on the right side of history. You acquired knowledge, debated issues, advocated for what is right, and never yielded to the shocks and awe of what the world is witnessing—from racism to various forms of instability, and to the failures of governments and international institutions in providing much-needed responses to crises. We are so proud of you and your dedication to promoting human rights, including gender justice.
You are the leaders who will pave the path for a just, peaceful, and democratic world. Your accomplishments and progress required open-minded and courageous people and institutions. You, our Tomorrow’s Leaders students, embody these qualities. Thanks to the Middle East Partnership Initiative at the United States Department of State for providing our students and our institution with the financial and ideological support needed to pursue the Lebanese American University’s (LAU) commitment to human rights and other liberal values.
Thank you to the MEPI-TLS team, both in Lebanon and abroad, for your remarkable support and implementation of this program. Without your dedication, our students would not have the tools they need to pursue a bright and gender-equitable future for us all.
Finally, to our students: Remember, prosperity happens only once social justice has been achieved. Fly high, stay connected, and keep us posted as you move forward beyond the borders of our LAU campus.
We salute your work.
Laetitia Merhi
International Selectivity: The Relationship between Responsibility 2 Protect (R2P) and Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) in the Gaza War
Maya Hamadeh
The State of Women and Children’s Health amidst War on Gaza
Elie El Hayek
Integration of Gender Perspectives in Humanitarian Assistance in the Israeli-Hamas Conflict
Hasan Diab
Navigating Post-Revolution and Intervention Challenges in Libya: Implications for Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) and the Imperative for Evolving Foreign Policy Frameworks in the SWANA Region
Lara Younis
Sex Work is Work: Feminist Theory and the Fight for Decriminalization
Charbel Karam
Silent or Silenced: Misconceptions and Myths Surrounding Male Victims of Sexual Assault
Samir Abi Rached
Parental Leaves: Influencing the Equilibrium of Work Life and Gender Expectations
Cynthia Salha
Tackling the Gender Pay Gap in the Lebanese Football League amid Crisis
Tina Doumit
Toward Inclusive Hiring: Policy Pathways for Addressing Gender Bias in Lebanese Job Advertisements
Nareg Assadourian
From Villains to Victims: The Contrasting Portrayals of Palestinian Men in Social Media and Traditional Western Media
International Selectivity: The Relationship between Responsibility 2 Protect (R2P) and Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) in the Gaza War
Laetitia Merhi Political Science and International Affairs Major
Abstract
The current Israeli-Hamas “conflict” has highlighted double standards across the Global North/Global South divide and tested the selectivity of international norms. One such norm is the “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) that underscores international obligation to protect populations from mass atrocities when their own government fails to do so. Another relevant standard is UNSCR 1325 or the ‘Women, Peace and Security’ (WPS) Agenda, a resolution set to mainstream gender in the prevention and resolution of conflict. At the intersection of both norms lies the crisis in Gaza, which has an undeniable gendered dimension, and thus qualifies for consideration under both the R2P and WPS. However, there have been little to no talks of directing these structures to the situation in Gaza, despite the climbing humanitarian toll. There is thus a need to examine the failure of the international community to apply these norms, specifically when it comes to Palestinian women. This paper will use existing frameworks that merge the R2P and WPS in resistance contexts to conduct a case study analysis of the state of Gazan women between October 2023 and March 2024. The literature on Gaza is generally lacking, especially from the perspective of the current conflict and when analyzing the gendered impact of international double standards. The paper will draw similarities and differences across both agendas and question the need for more crossfertilization between them. Its results would inform policy recommendations to the UN and the international community as a whole, seeking to modernize the WPS agenda in light of shifting geopolitical dynamics and lessons learnt.
Introduction
The Responsibility to Protect, known as R2P, is an international norm, unanimously adopted during the 2005 UN World Summit, that seeks the protection of all populations against the mass atrocity crimes of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes
against humanity (Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, 2023). Around that time, states also realized that gender and sexual violence were as deserving of attention as other forms of aggression (Bond & Sherret, 2012). This served as the basis for the development of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) principle, which was recognized in a series of UN Security Council decisions, notably landmark resolution 1325. The latter stressed the importance of women’s inclusion in all stages of peace processes, from prevention to post-conflict reconstruction. Its WPS agenda focuses on the gendered aspects of conflict and provides for the protection of women against gender-based violence in such contexts. However, despite the apparent parallels between R2P and UNSCR 1325, there was initially no effort to align the principles.
While the effectiveness of such an alignment may be questioned, scholars tend to agree that the R2P was founded on a one-sided, gender-blind approach. Moreover, the disconnect between both agendas is aggravated in the context of stigmatized regions or populations, as is the case with the Middle East and the Palestinian people. Indeed, the emphasis placed by R2P, UNSCR 1325, and WPS on shifting the narrative from state-centric to human-centric security does not translate into the Palestinian context. This is symptomatic of a larger issue within the structure of the world order – that of international selectivity.
While global norms claim to be equalizing the playing field, they often become systemic tools through which Western hegemony is maintained. Double standards prevail under the pretext of advancing democracy and peace. Nowhere is such selectivity more obvious than in the context of the current Israeli-Hamas war, particularly with regard to the condition of Palestinian women. The impunity accorded to the Israeli authorities in their crimes against Palestinians for the last 75 years has reached its climax over the past months. Unprecedented destruction has claimed the lives of nearly 35,000 Palestinians, the majority of whom have been women and children. This war has caused polarization within international relations and strengthened the Global North/Global South divide.
Since most Western states have stood behind Israel and failed to apply the very norms that they have traditionally been staunch advocates of, this paper will investigate the failure of the international community to protect Gaza by examining the intersection of the R2P and WPS. Analyzing protection through a gendered lens offers needed insight into the selectivity of Western feminism and aid. It also paves the way for policy recommendations that prioritize the safety of civilians, especially women, even in the most divisive and stigmatized conflicts.
Methodology
The most appropriate approach to the topic at hand is a qualitative case study. This paper will combine a literature review with a thorough case study analysis of the situation in Gaza and the plight of Palestinian women. It will focus on the period between October 2023 and April 2024 and rely on content and document analysis. The literature review encompasses both essential definitions and recent critical research around the selected norms, while the analyzed documents consist of news articles, press releases, and NGO or IGO reports. By dissecting the crises Gazan women face, the paper aims to determine whether they meet the criteria for intervention under
the R2P or UNSCR 1325. It will also assess the extent to which the latter have been applied throughout the ongoing conflict. Finally, it will examine the intersection of the two norms in Gaza and provide innovative policy recommendations that put civilian women first.
Literature Review
R2P & WPS Alignment
The R2P is based on three key pillars. First, every state must protect its population from mass atrocity crimes. Second, the international community must assist states in realizing that responsibility. Third, if a state fails to protect its population, the international community should take timely collective action in accordance with the UN Charter (Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, 2023). Intervention then ranges from peaceful measures to the use of force if necessary. The pillars are built on the idea that as danger progresses, the responsibility shifts beyond the sovereign state (Barber, 2023). It goes from prevention to reaction to reconstruction, with the least coercive option always being considered first.
On the other hand, the WPS agenda has four pillar points: prevention, protection, participation, and relief, all of which prioritize the needs of women (United Nations Development Program, 2019). This stands in stark contrast to the R2P’s genderblind beginnings that either failed to account for women or reinforced patriarchal stereotypes of them as mere victims (Aoláin & Valji, 2019). From this angle, the R2P and WPS may seem like two different normative agendas; however, many argue they are complementary. This is evident through their overlapping focus on both prevention and protection, as well as the inclusion of SGBV in more recent R2P reports (Davies & Hewitt, 2020). To that end, the 21st century has seen renewed calls to prioritize preventive measures in the face of mass atrocities and SGBV. Scholars have thus highlighted the prevention pillar as an area of growth and potential alignment for R2P and WPS (UN Women, 2015). They insist it could facilitate the long-term operationalization of these agendas and bridge the gap between theory and practice (Davies & Hewitt, 2020).
Indeed, an enduring concern with international standards is their operational deficiency and futility in the face of divisive issues such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Their normative nature enables the proliferation of double standards, especially if, like the R2P, they are enforced through the Security Council where power politics create frequent deadlocks. As such, Davies et al. (2013) posit the need for a less interventionist, more prevention-focused approach to uniting the R2P and WPS. They present it as a way to circumvent the controversy that comes with intervention and advance the plight of marginalized populations. Scholars also suggest the involvement of human rights mechanisms as they are the first line of defense against human rights abuses and can thus inform R2P and WPS prevention measures (Davies & Hewitt, 2020).
Nevertheless, aligning the R2P and WPS agendas comes with many challenges. Chief among them is the fear that closely intertwining both principles would be counterproductive to the broader goals of the WPS. As previously mentioned, the R2P’s effectiveness is often limited by its connection to the Security Council. According to Lito (2013), researchers worry that bringing WPS closer to the R2P would put it
under the UNSC’s control, and thus thwart its potential achievements. While states need to wait to be helped by the UNSC under the R2P, WPS can be applied in a much more direct and responsive manner without UNSC approval. Additionally, the scope of the R2P’s involvement in women’s issues has been constrained to SGBV, which is only one aspect of the multifaceted WPS agenda. Hall and Shepherd (2013) contend that aligning WPS with the R2P could easily reduce the former to the masculine and feminine stereotypes that have traditionally constrained international politics. Finally, Spitka (2019) criticizes the literature’s near-exclusive focus on the prevention pillars of both principles instead of protection, which can be detrimental to vulnerable populations in difficult conflicts.
R2P & WPS in Gaza
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict can certainly be labelled as difficult. Over the years, many of its violent outbursts may have qualified under the R2P’s third pillar, but the international community repeatedly failed to come to a consensus (Spitka, 2019). Additionally, OCHA states that women and girls in Palestine are disproportionately affected by hostilities in Gaza due to widespread displacement, lack of access to basic services, and lack of property rights. They also suffer first-hand from attacks targeting civilians at home, which is often the “domain of the woman.”
Gaza is a prime example of the sometimes-unbridgeable gap between rhetoric on the importance of protection and actions to protect vulnerable populations (Brugnola, 2016). The misrepresentation of Palestinian issues by the media on an international level adds to the complexity of the situation. Where there is aid, it comes on a conditional and dehumanizing basis. This turns into “the myth of protection” in that measures claiming to provide security to vulnerable groups expose them to more dangers. For instance, the characterization of women as needing saving often comes with their opinions being excluded from the design of security policies by their protectors (Kandiyoti, 2007).
In the case of the Middle East, the so-called protectors are Western states. Western leaders often exploit Orientalist stereotypes to legitimize their intervention into the region (Abu-Lughod, 2016). These stereotypes vilify the culture of the Middle East and patronize its women who are depicted as oppressed by religion or tradition (Zakaria, 2022). While Palestinian women work as soldiers, activists, and even mid-level leaders, they are most commonly depicted as victims, effectively stripping them of their agency (Spitka, 2019). The consensus seems to be that the responsibility to protect in Gaza lies in the hands of the Israeli government, the Palestinian Authority, and Hamas. During the 2014 war, the UN called on these actors to safeguard the population. Instead, this triangle of authority has facilitated blame-shifting between the three players. To an extent, the complexity of Gazan governance has clouded the exercise of political and legal accountability when it comes to norms such as the R2P or WPS (Bellamy, 2014). The universality of these norms can therefore be questioned.
Gaza is a testament to the fact that Western democracies are just as willing to commit or at least endorse atrocity crimes when it serves their interests (Moses, 2024). It reveals that the language of humanitarianism can be used to defend atrocities, just as it can be used to oppose them. In the context of Gaza, the R2P and WPS have thus
been of marginal value at best. For years, international divisions have paralyzed any initiatives that could speak to the values of these norms and strengthen protection. The US has used its veto to strike almost every UNSC resolution targeting Israel. There continues to be a large gap between the gender and protection agendas of humanitarian organizations and those of the international community, Israel, and the PA. Intervention is limited to inadequate humanitarian assistance that serves the “savior” narrative of the West while ignoring the discourse on protection (Spitka, 2019). On top of lacking norm invocation, there has been no recognition of the negation of R2P and WPS state obligations in Gaza (Aoláin, 2014).
Case Study: Gazan Women & the Ongoing Israeli-Hamas War
Existing literature helps frame the situation in Gaza as particularly sensitive since aid is easily co-opted to further neocolonial and destructive practices. This discussion should thus not only target the alignment of the R2P and WPS in Gaza, but also determine whether this alignment truly serves the Palestinian people. The previous section has made the lack of adherence to the R2P and WPS principles in Gaza painfully obvious. UN reports have pointed out the disproportionate targeting of Palestinian women and girls by Israel since October 2023, with 9,500 women killed and 57,000 injured (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2024). They also state that a number of women and girls have been forcefully disappeared by the Israeli military, with many of them suffering sexual assault and violence. UN Special Rapporteurs working under the Human Rights Council have established Israel’s genocidal intent towards Palestinians on the basis of Israeli officials’ dehumanizing remarks. These range from labeling Palestinians “children of darkness” and “animals” to calling for a second Nakba.
Additionally, the Special Rapporteurs have condemned the reproductive violence committed against Palestinian women as an international crime and questioned the credibility of international law. The agony of Palestinian women points to the backsliding of the WPS agenda on a global scale (Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, 2023). The Global Center for the Responsibility to Protect called for a ceasefire as early as October 18th. This followed its five earlier warnings about Israeli atrocities against Palestinians before the October 7th attack, showing that the international community’s failures in Gaza are not limited to periods of war but are rather systemic. Given that the R2P emerged in response to global inaction towards genocide in Rwanda and Bosnia, it is hard to grasp the cognitive dissonance that characterizes the current silence. The R2P’s third pillar is built on a unanimous stipulation contained in Article 139 of the 2005 World Summit’s Outcome report:
We are prepared to take collective action, in a timely and decisive manner, through the Security Council … should peaceful means be inadequate and national authorities are manifestly failing to protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. (United Nations General Assembly, 2005, p. 30)
For decades, the Palestinian people have been failed by their national authorities –whether the latter are considered to be the occupying power, the PA, or Hamas – while they suffered horrendous atrocities. However, the international community is yet to invoke intervention on the basis of the R2P’s third pillar. For some, this has indicated
the coming end of the R2P on a global scale (Mott, 2024). For others, it has led to questioning the reliance on international norms for action in Gaza. Considering the controversy around previous R2P interventions in the region, would it truly be wise to advocate its application to a context as volatile as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? Existing forms of “intervention” have mostly served the West’s agenda at the expense of the Palestinian people. For instance, sanctions against Hamas have had harsh consequences for civilians but little effect on Hamas leadership. Additionally, gender issues have been co-opted by different actors in the conflict to gain legitimacy and sanction further military action, only to then discard the plight of Palestinian women. It seems that language tied to international norms – whether the R2P or WPS – has done more harm than good in the Gazan context. Indeed, it can be said that these norms have played into the narrative of Palestinian women as victims to benefit the warring status quo without going so far as to tackle their specific needs or include them in resolution efforts.
Existing Policies
While most of the work on aligning the R2P and WPS remains theoretical, there have been some subtle efforts to connect the two. First, the UN has gradually integrated a gender lens into its peacekeeping missions. This was the case with UNOCI, the UN mission in Côte d’Ivoire, which employed gender advisors and focused on the participation of women in the peacebuilding process. It should be noted that UNOCI supported the post-crisis transition following the 2011 R2P intervention and is considered one of the UN’s most successful missions to date. Aside from its gender aspect, many point to the consistent Security Council consensus received by the mission as a main factor behind its success (Hultman et al., 2019).
Second, many states have incorporated R2P principles into their WPS National Action Plans (NAPs). These include early warning systems, which are traditionally used to detect actions that may lead to atrocities but often miss specific threats against women and girls. Their integration into WPS plans creates more gender-sensitive protection agendas.
Finally, one should not underestimate the efforts of NGOs in pushing for a more holistic approach to civilian protection. Organizations such as the GCR2P or the International Women’s Network (IWAN) have taken on the task of researching and reporting on the gendered aspects of divisive conflicts, often using their data to lobby governments and international organizations (Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, 2023). Of course, these policies are not without their flaws and face several obstacles, namely to do with lack of resources as well as political resistance in national contexts.
Policy Recommendations
While the literature offers a rather pessimistic view of the R2P and WPS in the context of Gaza so far, there are many measures that could be put in place to improve the protection of the Palestinian population:
• Balancing Intervention and Prevention
Despite years of advocacy to stop the international community’s overreliance on intervention and focus instead on preventive measures, developed states continue to
lean toward coercion in fulfilling their “protection” duties. This paper advocates for collaboration between international organizations, governments, and NGOs to develop better prevention strategies for mass atrocity crimes that target women. These can build on the early warning systems existent in several states’ WPS NAPs by collecting gender-disaggregated data and training analysts to identify the subtler signs of violence against women in conflict. In contexts where governance is complex, such as Gaza, they may be implemented systematically through UN bodies with an established presence, such as UNRWA. The preventive approach ensures that women’s needs are not overshadowed by the paternalistic militarism that often fuels intervention. However, it is important to remember that prevention does not always work in volatile and protracted conflicts. As such, the increased focus on prevention should not be coopted to maintain the impunity of states in such contexts.
• Minimizing Reliance on the Security Council
One of the pitfalls of international norms, particularly that of the R2P, is their enforcement through the UNSC which is prone to deadlock and P5 caprices. In fact, the UNSC is one of the main reasons why scholars are hesitant to advocate for R2P and WPS alignment, in fear of paralyzing WPS progress. Developing these normative frameworks outside the UNSC would allow for their connection without the concern of one costing the other. Additionally, it may create an opportunity for more widespread consensus on protection measures in divisive conflicts, particularly Gaza. Indeed, as previously seen with the case of UNOCI, the success of protection measures may largely depend on consistent agreement in the UNSC and between UN member states.
Since achieving UNSC agreement is far-fetched for Gaza, one must look for other institutions through which to build this consensus. Within the UN, one can turn to the human rights system. Since human rights abuses often precede mass atrocity crimes, human rights mechanisms are essential in preventing atrocities. Additionally, these mechanisms already employ a gender lens in discharging their mandates and are thus ready to provide protection for Palestinian women. The involvement of human rights mechanisms can be done through the Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review, which supports states in meeting their international and national obligations toward their populations. It can also include various Special Rapporteurs (on violence against women and girls, on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territory, on the right to safe drinking water and sanitation, and so on) as they have proven capable of dissecting the issue from a legal, non-political viewpoint.
• Involving Regional Institutions
Relying less on the UNSC to deliver protection also means the development of alternative mechanisms outside the UN system to fulfil R2P and WPS duties. This is where regional organizations and human rights bodies come in. They consist of the European Court of Human Rights, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and the Arab Human Rights Committee. They are vital in preventing atrocity crimes and providing protection since they possess contextual knowledge and can foster regional cooperation. One may even advocate for the establishment of an R2P-WPS network using these mechanisms
as focal points to strengthen interstate collaboration outside traditional forums and encourage the exchange of best practices or lessons learnt. The regional character and knowledge of these organizations may avoid the political resistance faced by existing policies, and their cooperation may remedy the lack of resources that singular institutions or NGOs deal with.
• Rethinking the R2P
In the long-term, it is apparent that there needs to be more radical changes to the current humanitarian system. For instance, there should be a clear understanding that gendering the R2P is not simply about adding gender into existing principles but reconsidering the current pillars from a gender lens. The R2P’s and WPS’s “moral” connotations should also be debunked. These principles need to be viewed using the political lens through which they operate if any progress is to occur. One could even go so far as to advocate for the abolition of these normative frameworks in favor of more concrete and pragmatic practices. The selectivity and hypocrisy shown vis-à-vis the Palestinian people have destroyed the norms’ claim to universality. What Gaza and other stigmatized conflicts necessitate are locally-owned processes that directly speak to the needs of vulnerable populations and do not require the approval of far-removed actors.
Conclusion
In conclusion, international norms such as the R2P and WPS have undeniably failed the Palestinian population. The current conflict is the nail in the coffin of so-called universal humanitarian principles. Despite suffering unprecedented violence and destruction that fit the pillars of the R2P and WPS, Palestinian women have been abandoned by the world. It can even be said that the international community, headed by Western states, views the lives of women and girls in Gaza as expendable and sanctions their suffering. The aid and protection that they should be provided with has been held back by systemic hurdles, from the lack of consensus on the identity of the national authority in Gaza to the whims of the P5 in the UNSC. From scholarly articles to opinion pieces, the selectivity of the R2P and WPS seems to have dealt the final blow to the credibility of universal norms. This paper has presented policy recommendations that may either temporarily remedy the existing system or advocate for alternatives. Between a more balanced approach to intervention and the replacement of the R2P, hope should not be lost for Palestinian women. There is much that can be done, and the world should no longer fall for the depiction of the Gaza crisis as impenetrable or unsolvable.
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The State of Women and Children’s Health amidst War on Gaza
Maya Hamadeh Multimedia Journalism Major
Abstract
This paper examines the complex dynamics of the 2023 Gaza war and its important implications for mothers’ and children’s health. The unrest has produced significant disruptions in health services, especially for women, children, and infants, who are bearing the brunt of increased mortality and inadequate access to fundamental healthcare. Over 50,000 pregnant women in Gaza are reportedly at risk of losing out on vital prenatal services, increasing the likelihood of giving birth without sufficient medical support. Thus, this paper aims to shed light on, and provide solutions to, the numerous challenges that mothers, children, and newborns encounter. This research also seeks to contribute to discussions about ensuring the safety of vulnerable populations during attacks by examining present gaps in health services and visualizing feasible changes. The recommendations are designed to assist governments, medical personnel, and humanitarian organizations in pursuing targeted efforts to alleviate the burden on children’s and maternal medical care in the aftermath of the Gaza war. These recommendations include supplying mobile healthcare units, restoring destroyed health facilities, and a broad appeal for a ceasefire that protects all civilians.
Introduction
Since October 7, 2023, the Gaza Strip in Palestine has been exposed to a series of assaults targeting civilians, journalists, and households, causing irreparable destruction to the area and putting Palestinian inhabitants’ lives in danger. In response to the “Al Aqsa Flood” operation, Israel began attacking Gaza heavily, including sites where civilians sought shelter. These attacks, combined with the harsh reality that Gaza residents live under, resulted in a severe lack of food, water, electricity, internet, and other necessities. Particularly in the health sector, injured Palestinians are increasingly at risk, including their families and those around them, since the majority of them did not obtain adequate care for their injuries (World Health Organization [WHO], 2023a). The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) continue to prevent most hospitals from getting financial assistance or medical equipment, and procedures are routinely disrupted by power outages and persistent bombings on these hospitals (Talmazan et al., 2023). The
situation has never been more catastrophic, with more than two-thirds of Gaza’s 36 hospitals and over 70% of primary healthcare institutions being “out of commission” (WHO, 2023b).
These health concerns have exacerbated the situation even further, frequently resulting in the death of entire families due to a dearth of medical resources, including hospital availability. However, when it comes to women, particularly pregnant women, the situation gets considerably more problematic. According to a WHO report, there are currently more than 180 pregnant women in Gaza giving birth every day: 15% are likely to have pregnancy or delivery-related difficulties and require further medical care, but they are unable to obtain the emergency obstetric services required to give birth safely and care for their newborns (WHO, 2023c). Due to a lack of space in hospitals, women are being forced to have emergency C-sections without anesthesia, and they are released from the hospital as soon as three hours after birth. Accordingly, maternal deaths are expected to rise as a result of incompetent treatment (WHO, 2023c). The psychological impact of the hostilities is then revealed to have direct repercussions on reproductive health, such as an increase in stress-related miscarriages and premature deliveries. Among the many problems that Gaza is presently dealing with, one of the most critical is ensuring the safety and protection of its women and children. Mothers, kids, and newborns are dying at an alarming rate, and if no solution is discovered, their safety will be jeopardized.
Therefore, this article will shed light on the current situation of women and children in Gaza during the ongoing war, as well as the consequences of this war on their health and safety. The following research question will be explored: How does the continuing war on Gaza influence the well-being and health of children and mothers alike, and what are the most efficient methods to alleviate these effects? To examine the dangers of the situation at hand, the research will resort to scholarly literature on the subject and the usage of a feminist theoretical framework to analyze the issue further. Based on the analysis, recommendations will be made to emphasize the health of women and children in Gaza, as well as provide a novel approach to prospective activities by responsible parties that may assist in resolving the problem.
Women and Children’s Health in War: A Right or a Privilege?
The complex situation in Gaza’s medical sector is not a new issue, and has been at stake for many years. The Gazan health sector has been seriously harmed during the last two decades by the Israeli blockade, which has put restrictions on the movement of individuals as well as the import and export of goods (Abdulrahim, 2023). This restriction on movement has created various difficulties in receiving sufficient health care, which has been coupled with 645 attacks on healthcare facilities in the Gaza Strip (Health Cluster & World Health Organization, 2022). Women, in particular, suffer severely as a result of this ongoing embargo, because their condition was not taken into account throughout their pregnancy, with newborn infants, menstruation, or with reproductive health disorders. According to Bosmans et al. (2008), new mothers were not accessing postnatal care services, scoring a general 52% decrease, which was triggered by the military checkpoints and the IDF’s refusal to allow entry to these crossings. While in labor, some women had to wait for many hours in front of the checkpoints, while others were forced to walk to the opposite side after the checkpoint
(Bosmans et al., 2008). Pregnant women are currently in a worse condition, as some have been forced to give birth in the streets of Gaza amid rubble or in overcrowded healthcare institutions where cleanliness is deteriorating and the risk of infection and medical complications is on the rise (WHO, 2023c).
The lack of access to healthcare and proper resources has damaging consequences on all Gazans alike, with a higher danger on women and children. For starters, demographic changes will be widespread, as this can affect the general age structure and lead to a considerably older population, affecting the composition of the society in Gaza. Mother loss may also have a greater influence on female demographics, which could result in a lopsided sex ratio, and exacerbate the already precarious quest for gender equality (Kekatos, 2023). Furthermore, the absence of access to safe and sanitary healthcare undermines several fundamental human rights, including the right to life, the right to health, and the rights of children. According to the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), women, children, and infants should have full international human rights during times of war and conflict (Icelandic Human Rights Centre, n.d.).
The risky reality of women’s health is not only prevalent in Gaza, but other Palestinian territories still struggle with proper healthcare as well. According to Bates et al. (2017), the Gaza Strip population bears a disproportionate burden of an absence of access to commodities and services, as well as being subjected to political violence and a divided healthcare system. However, while the West Bank has a more structured health system than the Gaza Strip, it still fails to receive adequate aid (Bates et al., 2017). Differences in health services among these regions include variances in healthcare availability, access, and utilization. The Palestinian Ministry of Health attempted to assist women by developing the ‘’National Unified Reproductive Health Guidelines & Protocol’’ with assistance from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). The protocol sought to incorporate thorough reproductive treatment into all primary care services.
However, the geographical isolation of the West Bank and Gaza has hindered the application of the aforementioned guidelines, which has been exacerbated by harsh mobility restrictions (Bosmans et al., 2008). This reality persists, as diagnostic testing is typically restricted to particular hospitals or geographic areas, and specialist surgery is restricted to Palestinian hospitals. Many women were forced to search for such care in Jordan or adjoining Israeli territory, posing numerous economic and political obstacles to their safety. International treaties hold Israel legally liable for the general health of the occupied population (Wick, 2010). However, this was never the case, as disparities between locations persist, harming women who are dealing with their reproductive health and/or those caring for their newborns post-birth.
The Health Sector in Palestinian Territories: A Historical Background Throughout history, significant efforts have been made to improve maternal and newborn health in Palestine. However, following the second Intifada, or Palestinian uprising against Israeli control (2000-2005), the United Nations (UN) and humanitarian organizations were no longer given preferential treatment in getting permits to enter curfew zones. One public health clinic that provided postnatal treatment no longer had a physician on staff because the recurrent curfews and checkpoints created an impossible challenge for them to travel to the center (Bosmans et al., 2008). At
the time, Palestinian officials stated that the provision of sexual and reproductive healthcare was heavily reliant on external funds. Even if that funding was available, the issue of reproductive health was no longer a top concern in the context of growing political violence (Wick, 2010). Since reproductive health is typically compromised, there is a notable absence of focus on menstruation in the current help that Gaza is obtaining. Although menstrual health is a human rights concern, it is not a priority for international actors in the war, who continue to exclude Gazan women and add to their challenges. One woman was compelled to cut fabric from her tent, according to an interview with Raseef22 website (Shahine, 2023).
The atrocities committed by Israel over the previous decades have not been gendered. Indeed, many academics claim that colonization is fundamentally founded on similar discrimination of all people, as the colonizer’s purpose is frequently to wield authority over all individuals regardless of who they are (Borloz, 2023). According to Sayegh (1965), Zionism is built upon the forced expulsion of ethnic groups from a certain area in order to ethnically homogenize the territory. Hence, Israel targets all Palestinians alike, in spite of their gender, ethnicity, age, or any other factor. However, women and children continue to face specific difficulties and obstacles to equality and social justice. The ongoing war has destroyed most of the Gaza Strip, forcing most families and citizens to be displaced (Al Jazeera, 2023). The reality of displacement and leaving behind family has had severe effects on the mental health of women and children.
According to a report by the United Nations’ Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the vast majority of Gazan children have likely been exposed to traumatic conditions (UNICEF, 2023). War and forced displacement create especially serious trauma as they disrupt children’s growth processes, exposing them to death, disability, and the development of depression, anxiety, and PTSD (Goodarzi et al., 2023). When it comes to women, displacement has a greater impact on their mental health. They endure the repercussions of displacement, as they face greater movement restrictions, forced displacement, family separation, and limited access to fundamental medical care, placing them at a higher risk of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) (UNHCR - The UN Refugee Agency, 2003). This means that, in addition to these beleaguered women’s already nervous and agitated state, they face physical and mental abuse as a consequence of forced displacement.
Gazan Women and Children Through a Gender Lens
If this topic were to be examined from a feminist perspective, it would fall under the umbrella of intersectional feminism. According to the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women), the intersectional feminist approach demonstrates how social identities of individuals may intersect and result in compounding instances of discrimination, which helps to comprehend the depths of disparities and their relationships in any given context (UN Women, 2020). When addressing intersectionality in the context of war, the core idea of the “us-versus-them” mentality emerges. The creation of an “enemy” is required and critical to separate them from the “good guys,” or those in charge of the war (Peterson, 2007). This concept of the “other” thus seeks to dehumanize individuals suffering from the war, presenting them in many images that may justify violence against them. This idea is heightened when women become an integral component of wars.
The intersectionality of women’s identities increases their susceptibility and determines the nature of the problems they confront in conflict zones. Not only are they impacted by the overall us-versus-them mindset, but they also face gender-specific obstacles in the context of war. Women’s traditional gender roles and expectations frequently overlap with other criteria such as race, social background, and age, resulting in a complicated web of oppression. According to scholars such as Cynthia Enloe, the “othering” of women in conflict is complex, as they are not only targets of enemy troops but also endure marginalization and brutality inside their communities (Sjoberg, 2017). This dual form of oppression is strongly ingrained in societal standards, which are amplified during times of conflict. This is not dissimilar to what women in Gaza endure, who already live in patriarchal cultures and under constant political pressure.
Nonetheless, international organizations and UN entities bear a significant deal of responsibility for protecting women in times of war. They must strive to provide services that are directly related to them and their rights as females and mothers, while also providing a primary focus on the safety of pregnant women and their newborns. Gazan women and children can be considered as the stakeholders that are directly involved in the issue at hand. Women, for example, would be able to secure their required monthly necessities, such as pads and pills, if the embargo were lifted and international aid tailored to their needs could enter Gaza. A solution should also be put in place expressly for pregnant women so that they can give birth appropriately and safely without causing injury to themselves or their newborns.
Concerning children, international aid should be supplied to build shelters to protect them from bombings, as well as agreements with occupying forces not to attack them. The healthcare industry and medical experts would also require extra equipment, medication, and fuel, as well as a mission to prevent aggressions on hospitals, which are critical in treating injured citizens. Families could profit indirectly from the policy recommendations, as ensuring the safety of women and children and maintaining the healthcare sector would reduce the separation of families who are forced to relocate or migrate, as well as allow for a longer lifespan and fewer risks from Israeli airstrikes.
The current war is increasing the likelihood of GBV against women, limiting their access to critical reproductive health services. Because of the harsh environment, pregnant women risk increased problems during delivery. Unfortunately, due to rising political uncertainty, these concerns are not receiving enough attention, and women are left to deal with the repercussions on their own. Many women in Gaza are unable to access necessary surgery, postnatal care, or even basic menstrual products. This distressing fact demonstrates that, even in the midst of war’s devastation, women continue to endure unique and frequently underestimated problems by themselves. It is critical to shine a light on these particular issues, emphasizing the critical need for action and assistance to alleviate the suffering of women in Gaza.
Policy Recommendations
A glimmer of optimism appears in the form of a potential possibility to reduce the Israeli impact on the execution of potential crisis solutions. As a UN member, Israel must uphold its commitments under international humanitarian law, including the use of proportionate force and taking all reasonable care to protect civilians during
military operations (Guterres, 2023). Furthermore, the Fourth Geneva Convention outlaws “individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory” (Amnesty International, 2019, para. 3). These regulations have been in effect since the 1990s, when the United Nations Security Council Resolution 465 urged Israel “to dismantle existing settlements and, in particular, to cease, on an urgent basis, the establishment, construction, and planning of settlements” (Amnesty International, 2019, para. 27). As a result, if solutions for the issue at hand in Gaza are adopted, Israel is required by law not to intervene and to allow appropriate NGOs to take action as needed.
In the midst of the current violence, immediate action is required to ensure the protection of women and children in Gaza. It is critical to encourage joint efforts with international and local groups in order to reconstruct and equip healthcare facilities. This involves repairing damaged infrastructure and making humanitarian help more accessible by assuring the availability of medical supplies, skilled staff, and appropriate equipment. Establishing safe transit routes and guaranteeing the safety of humanitarian workers are critical components of this endeavor, which will include negotiations with Israel to ensure safe travel in Gaza. Furthermore, it is critical to assist displaced families by immediately providing safe emergency shelters with access to clean water, sanitary facilities, and adequate food supplies. A defined strategy of mobile healthcare units should be implemented to reach displaced populations and assure their continuous access to medical treatments, immunizations, and maternal care for individuals who are unable to reach fixed healthcare facilities. More emphasis should also be placed on the preservation of health infrastructure, with greater international monitoring programs in place to avoid attacks on healthcare facilities, as well as community involvement in conserving these assets.
Investing in child protection should likewise be prioritized for Gaza’s most vulnerable citizens. To secure the safety of children in Gaza, it is vital to strengthen child protection services, including the detection and response to situations of abuse, exploitation, and trafficking, as well as to ensure that they are shielded from Israeli airstrikes. The most crucial recommendation, however, is to demand a ceasefire that protects citizens, including men and women, from arbitrary Israeli aggressions. As previously said, Israel has a legal obligation to do so, and more emphasis should be paid to how it is managing the war’s developments and to its ongoing violations of international treaties. Without this vital solution, the implementation of the other proposals would be hampered.
Conclusion
The ongoing war on Gaza endangers the safety of all civilians, particularly women and children. This paper has sought to highlight the gravity of the problem while encouraging all responsible actors and stakeholders to assist women in mitigating the dangers to their safety during wartime. Several obstacles prevent women from receiving critical healthcare, particularly those who are pregnant or have newborn babies. The IDF’s entry barrier has prevented the movement of people, doctors, and medical equipment, severely reducing hospitals’ ability to execute safe surgeries. The war endangers women even further, as reproductive and sexual health are being neglected. Women in Gaza are now constantly displaced and must carry the weight of
exhausting travel, while children suffer greatly, mentally and physically, as a result. The topic was raised in the research from an intersectional feminist perspective, which revealed that, while conflicts are terrible for all citizens equally, women are still struggling in a more specific way. They are victims of authorities’ and nongovernmental organizations’ indifference to their problems, sidelined in patriarchal communities, and subjected to political attacks. Women and children, as well as hospitals and healthcare professionals, would be the primary stakeholders of proposed policy recommendations.
Even as Israel has already violated international treaties and conventions, numerous policy ideas can help alleviate the healthcare challenges faced by women and children. Joint efforts with international and local organizations are critical to rebuilding and equipping healthcare facilities, facilitating humanitarian aid delivery, and ensuring medical supply availability. Safe travel between Gaza requires secure routes for transport and agreements with the Israeli authorities. Furthermore, displaced families must be provided with sanitation, clean water, and nourishment through emergency shelters. This should be combined with international monitoring mechanisms and community engagement, both of which are critical for safeguarding health infrastructure. Most crucially, a call for a ceasefire is vital to protect civilians and ensure their rights while adhering to international law, which Israel is committed to as an occupying power.
In addition to international accords and conferences aimed at finding solutions to the ongoing attacks, the above-mentioned policy recommendations, if implemented, would be one of the very few measures that can affect long-term improvement in the health safety of women and children. Policymakers should pay more attention to the issue at hand so that they may propose required remedies and debate them with the responsible parties and stakeholders. However, this is insufficient, as more research is required to address all facets of the problem at hand. First, researchers should consider the future situation of Gaza’s health sector if the war continues with strikes on healthcare facilities. Finally, research should focus on quantitative data acquired from Gazan women and children in order to accurately analyze the dangers of the current scenario. While there is a lot of research on the health sector in Gaza, previous publications should be examined and updated to keep up with the latest developments in the war.
references
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Integration of Gender Perspectives in Humanitarian Assistance in the Israeli-Hamas Conflict
Elie El Hayek Biology Major
Abstract
The Palestinian militant organization Hamas launched an abrupt attack on southern Israel in October 2023, marking the deadliest attack on Israelis in history. Following this event, Israel declared war on Hamas in an attempt to destroy it, worsening the miserable situation in the Gaza Strip, home to over two million Palestinians before the battle started. In this ongoing crisis, it is fundamental to address the diverse needs and vulnerabilities of affected populations, particularly through integrating gender perspectives into humanitarian assistance. This paper aims to explore the rationale and policy recommendations for mainstreaming gender considerations in humanitarian interventions in Gaza Strip. It examines the different gender-based problems faced by Palestinian women, namely the inaccessibility to secure shelters, the lack of sanitary items, conflict-related sexual violence, and the maltreatment of women with special cases. In order to ensure the rights, dignity, and well-being of individuals affected by crises, this paper advocates for a more inclusive, effective, and sustainable approach to humanitarian assistance in Gaza, highlighting the significance of taking into consideration the essential services needed by Palestinian women in wartime, including assisting females with unique needs. Drawing on lessons learned and successful practices, the paper suggests concrete policy recommendations to enhance the integration of gender perspectives in humanitarian assistance: building suitable makeshift homes, dispatching international forces to protect women, providing sanitary and menstruation products, and offering humanitarian relief specifically designed for women with special needs.
Introduction
The roots of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict date back to the late nineteenth century when Jews immigrated to Palestine which was part of the Ottoman Empire seeking
refuge from massacres and other forms of persecution in Eastern Europe, coinciding with the emergence of the Zionist movement (McGreal, 2023). In 1947, the United Nations passed Resolution 181, generally referred to as the Partition Plan, aiming to divide the British Mandate of Palestine into separate Arab and Jewish states (Global Conflict Tracker, 2024). Ever since the establishment of the Israeli state in 1948, violence has persisted between Palestine and Israel, encompassing sundry armed conflicts: the Six-Day War in 1967, the Yom Kippur War in 1973, two Palestinian intifadas from 1987 to 1993 and 2000 to 2005, the withdrawal of Israeli settlers from Gaza in 2005 followed by Hamas seizing control in 2007, numerous flare-ups between Palestinian militants and Israel in Gaza, and the recent ongoing war between Israel and Hamas starting in October 2023 (Reuters, 2023). It is important to mention that women and children are the most targeted victims of this Israel-Hamas conflict, accounting for 16,000 casualties and an estimated two mother deaths each hour since Hamas launched an unexpected attack on Israel (Lederer, 2024). These individuals – women and children – struggle to access homes, safety, healthcare facilities, or medical care, and they primarily lack justice and hope as they are on the verge of starvation (Bahous, 2024). Due to the prolonged conflict, the UN estimates that almost 700,000 women and girls in Gaza undergo their menstrual cycles without having enough access to basic utilities such as running water and bathrooms, or even crucial hygiene supplies including pads and toilet paper (Batrawy, 2024).
Therefore, the integration of gender perspectives in humanitarian aid within the context of the Israeli-Hamas conflict is essential. This paper delves into the various gender-specific challenges encountered by Palestinian women, including difficulties in accessing safe shelters, inadequate availability of sanitary products, and instances of sexual violence related to conflict, as well as the abuse of a particular group of females. Moreover, it will tackle the various roles of stakeholders, including nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the United Nations, governmental bodies, and public officials. This paper will consequently develop some recommendations to alleviate the gender-based challenges faced by women in the Gaza Strip. In reality, these measures are fundamental to guarantee that Palestinian women are protected from dehumanizing actions and illegal activities, and are granted vital services ensuring a life with dignity.
Overview
This study is grounded in an analysis of existing literature concerning the integration of gender perspectives in humanitarian assistance efforts in Gaza, particularly focusing on the challenges faced by women in times of war. Previous research has emphasized the importance of inclusion of gender perspectives in humanitarian assistance in Gaza by demonstrating the presence of significant gender-based challenges, including the inaccessibility of women to safe shelters, absence of hygiene products and essential services, exposure to different forms of conflict-related violence such as rape, and the vulnerability of women with special needs.
Inaccessibility of Women to Safe Shelters
Over 70% of Gaza’s homes were destroyed in December 2023, making it one of the most devastating urban conflicts of modern times (The Kvinna till Kvinna Foundation, 2024). As a result, 1.9 million Palestinians, equivalent to 85% of Gaza’s total
population, had to relocate internally into bunkers (UN Women, 2024). The overloading in shelters, combined with heightened stress levels among refugees resulting from insufficient access to food, water, and privacy, has aggravated the risks of genderbased violence (United Nations Population Fund, 2023, as cited in Swan, 2024). Consequently, the UN has warned about the extent to which women and girls displaced in Gaza are experiencing severe physical violence as they are susceptible to sexual harassment (Swan, 2024).
Absence of Hygiene Products and Essential Services
Since 11 October 11, 2023, Gaza has entered a state of complete blackout due to Israel’s cutout of electricity and fuel supply, resulting in the collapse of vital infrastructure and unbearable living conditions for its inhabitants (United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs [OCHA], 2023). Women and girls seeking refuge in Gaza amid the conflict face a serious shortage of sexual and reproductive health resources, leading to the risk of disease outbreaks (International Planned Parenthood Federation [IPPF], 2023). Since hospitals and healthcare facilities are increasingly being targeted, medical tools are in short supply and healthcare institutions are overburdened (OCHA, 2023), which aggravated the problem leading to instances of sexually transmitted diseases and urinary tract infections in the severely overcrowded shelters, with minimal to nonexistent access to medical treatment (IPPF, 2023). Furthermore, due to a shortage in water and menstrual products, women resort to norethisterone (synthetic oral progestin) tablets to mitigate menstrual discomfort, risking side effects such as irregular bleeding and nausea (Alsaafin & Amer, 2023). In a broader sense, experts in the field seem to agree that the multiple crises in Gaza, ranging from infrastructure collapse due to blackouts to shortages in healthcare and essential supplies, necessitate a revolt against the acute humanitarian situation faced by women.
Violence as a Weapon of Conflict against Palestinian Women
Previous studies have demonstrated that during times of conflict, women confront increased susceptibility to sexual violence such as forced marriage, rape, sexual slavery, prostitution, compelled pregnancy, mandatory abortion, and imposed sterilization. To illustrate, the UN refers to the several forms of sexual assaults as Conflict-Related Sexual Violence (CRSV) affecting women disproportionally (Morgan, 2023). Numerous Palestinian women and girls detained by Israeli military in Gaza have reportedly experienced inhumane and degrading conditions, including denial of menstrual sanitation items, essential supplies, and medical care, coupled with severe physical abuse, such as being confined outdoors without provisions (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner of Human Rights [OHCHR], 2024). It is equally important to emphasize that the Israel-Hamas war has escalated violence and displacement, exposing Palestinian women to heightened risks of sexual exploitation and human trafficking, further intensifying the longstanding dangers of the decadeslong Israeli-Palestinian conflict (Morgan, 2023). Authorities have voiced concern over reports indicating that some Palestinian women and children, including girls, have disappeared following interactions with the Israeli army in Gaza; disturbing accounts highlight instances of infant girls involuntarily transferred to Israel and children being separated from their parents, with their locations remaining unknown (OHCHR, 2024).
The Difficulties Faced by Women with Special Needs
Following the Hamas attacks on October 7, 2023, the Israeli military’s airstrikes, ground operations, and blockade in Gaza disproportionately affected individuals with disabilities, increasing their risk of harm due to being separated from caregivers and assistive devices, making it harder for them to seek refuge (Human Rights Watch, 2023). According to OCHA (2024), elderly women frequently encounter violence, mistreatment, and disregard of their age, gender, or other circumstances, such as disability or widowhood. In Gaza, where over 15% of internally displaced individuals have disabilities, most shelters lack proper accommodations, including essential medical equipment. For instance, lack of mattresses and medical beds causes unsterile environments and usually results in health issues, ulcers, and allergies. Likewise, the quality of food fails to cater to those with swallowing difficulties when the components are hard to digest (Humanity & Inclusion [HI], 2023).
According to UN Women (2024), approximately 3,000 women may have become widows and breadwinners, in need of urgent protection and food assistance; meanwhile, almost 10,000 children may have lost their fathers, leading to increased fears among women about families resorting to desperate coping strategies such as early marriage. From a wider perspective, the aftermath of the Israeli attacks in Gaza has worsened pre-existing vulnerabilities, leaving people with disabilities, elderly women, widows, and children without proper care, shelter, or support. This misery highlights the urgent need for comprehensive humanitarian aid and protection measures. In sum, recent findings have underscored the interconnected nature of the
1: Conceptual Model Illustrating the Gender-Based Challenges Faced by Palestinian Women during the Israeli-Hamas War
Unattainability of safe shelters for women:
• Overcrowded bunkers with increased levels of sexual/physical violence.
Lack of hygiene supplies and vital services:
Gender-Based challenges faced by Palestinian women during the IsraeliHamas conflict
• Gaza in complete blackout since October 11, 2023, causing infrastructure collapse.
• Shortages of sexual and reproductive health resources in Gaza, leading to disease risks.
Violence used against women as a war tool:
• Increased risk of sexual violence, including forced marriage, rape, and exploitation.
• Exposure to inhumane conditions, denied essential supplies, and physical abuse.
Women with unique needs and circumstances:
• Israeli attacks worsen vulnerabilities for disabled, elderly, widows, and children in Gaza, requiring urgent aid.
Figure
obstacles such as the limited access to safe shelters, inadequate hygiene provisions, various forms of violence, and heightened vulnerability among women with special needs, resulting in the necessity of integrating gender perspectives into humanitarian assistance in Gaza.
Recommendations
In light of this analysis, it is imperative to emphasize a number of implementation actions to alleviate the severe conditions of Palestinian women.
Building Provisional Housing Structures
To address the various challenges faced by displaced Palestinian females in Gaza, a comprehensive response is essential. Firstly, immediate efforts should focus on providing adequate shelter and basic amenities to reduce overcrowding and improve living conditions. Constructing temporary housing facilities equipped with essential utilities and ensuring equitable distribution of resources is a priority. Additionally, targeted support programs should be employed to address the specific needs of vulnerable groups, including women and girls at heightened risk of gender-based violence due to increased levels of stress among refugees. Moreover, collaborative initiatives involving local authorities and international organizations are essential for delivering effective assistance and fostering resilience among displaced populations in Gaza. In response, the International Rescue Committee (IRC) is collaborating with Palestinian organization Juzoor to provide fundamental services covering healthcare, disease prevention, financial aid, and psychological support in over 20 shelters across Gaza (International Rescue Committee [IRC], 2024).
Ensuring the Essential Sanitary Needs and Services for Palestinian Women
To address the sanitary and healthcare crisis faced by women during the IsraeliHamas conflict, urgent actions should be applied. For instance, international organizations must pressure Israel to restore electricity and fuel supply to Gaza, ensuring the functioning of the remaining infrastructure and promoting living conditions. Simultaneously, intensive efforts are needed to secure and distribute sexual and reproductive health resources, such as contraceptive and skilled attendance during childbirth, to women, especially those in shelters, to impede the risk of disease outbreaks. Furthermore, humanitarian aid must prioritize the replenishment of medical supplies and support for healthcare facilities, including protection from Israeli airstrikes. Initiatives to provide adequate water and menstrual products such as sanitary pads are essential to safeguard women’s health and dignity. To add, cooperative activities between governments, NGOs, and local authorities are crucial for sustainable solutions to address the interconnected challenges facing women in Gaza. For example, in order to offer critical humanitarian aid, such as psychological support, legal counseling, and the distribution of hygiene bundles and dignity kits, to the roughly 1.5 million individuals seeking safety in Rafah, the Women’s Affairs Center (WAC) opened a new office in that region (UN Women, 2024).
The Integration of Various Strategies to Face CRSV
In order to prevent the usage of sexual violence as a weapon of war against women in conflict zones such as Gaza, a multidimensional approach is necessary. To elaborate, prompt steps should be taken to strengthen protection mechanisms, including the
deployment of international forces to deter perpetrators and ensure the safety of women and girls. Additionally, comprehensive support services must be made readily available, including accessible medical care, trauma counseling, and legal aid for survivors. Collaborative efforts between local authorities, international organizations (e.g. the UN Women), and community leaders are central in raising awareness, promoting gender equality, and challenging the culture of lawlessness surrounding sexual violence. As a consequence, incorporating the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Resolution 1820 of 2008, as well as condemning acts of sexual violence against women in conflict situations, including those perpetrated by military forces, is crucial in addressing the deteriorating situation in Gaza.
Addressing Vulnerabilities Through Tailored Humanitarian Assistance
In response to the aggravated vulnerabilities faced by disabled females, elderly women, widows, and children in Gaza following the Hamas attacks and subsequent Israeli military actions, urgent humanitarian interventions are vital. Shelters must be equipped with proper accommodations, including essential medical resources and facilities tailored to the needs of disabled individuals and the elderly. Humanitarian organizations (e.g. Anera) should prioritize the distribution of aid that considers specific dietary requirements, such as soft foods for those with swallowing difficulties. In addition, specialized support services and protection measures should be implemented for widows and female-headed households, including access to food assistance, legal support, and psychosocial care.
Furthermore, efforts to prevent harmful coping mechanisms, such as early marriage among vulnerable widows’ children, should be intensified through community engagement and education campaigns that can be done by the UNICEF. Subsequently, coordination between international humanitarian agencies, local authorities, and community-based organizations is essential to ensure the effective delivery of comprehensive aid and protection measures to address the diverse needs of affected populations in the Gaza Strip. In the context of armed conflict, states must fight discrimination against individuals with disabilities, especially against those who are subjected to numerous and overlapping forms of discrimination, as stated in UN Security Council Resolution 2475 of 2019.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has deep historical roots and has resulted in devastating consequences, particularly on women and children. The ongoing violence, intensified by the recent war between Israel and Hamas, has led to a humanitarian crisis in Gaza, where women face immense challenges in accessing basic necessities, such as a safe shelter, sanitation, and healthcare. Integrating gender perspectives into humanitarian aid efforts is crucial to addressing these specific needs and ensuring that Palestinian women are protected from harm and CRSV, as well as provided with essential services.
Stakeholders, including NGOs, the United Nations, and governmental authorities, must collaborate to implement effective solutions such as constructing temporary houses, deploying an international army for women’s security, and ensuring access to sanitary products and healthcare. By prioritizing the wellbeing and rights of Palestinian women,
it becomes possible to work toward a more just and dignified resolution to the IsraeliPalestinian conflict, promoting peace and stability for all affected communities. Looking forward, upcoming studies must focus on the long-term consequences of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on women, shedding light on the resilience, intergenerational impact, and routes to peacebuilding and sustainable recovery.
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Navigating Post-Revolution and Intervention Challenges in Libya: Implications for Women, Peace,
and
Security (WPS) and the Imperative for Evolving Foreign Policy Frameworks in the SWANA Region
Hasan Diab Computer Science Major
Abstract
The politics of interventionism have for long been a topic of discussion. In the case of Libya, the 2011 Arab Uprisings have had a particularly outstanding outcome, with a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)-backed intervention toppling the one-man authoritarian rule of Muammar Gaddafi, Libya’s 42-year leader. Clearly, the toppling of a regime and the transition to another have carried implications on the Libyan economy and global foreign policy, with women being at its forefront. This policy paper explores the impact that the NATO-led humanitarian intervention that aimed to topple Gaddafi’s rule has had on Libyan women’s peace and security. The methodology relies on the analysis of both qualitative and quantitative data to assess the current situation, and to scrutinize the NATO and EU’s current approach to foreign policy. The paper finds that the current approach is in need of reform, which may be achieved through the lens of Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) that relies upon the principles of non-interventionism and anti-colonialism.
Introduction
In 2011, Libya stood as a beacon of hope in Africa, boasting the highest Human Development Index on the continent (Mamdani, 2011). Underpinning this progress were constitutional guarantees of women’s rights and the enactment of progressive legislation. However, despite these legal provisions, Libyan women encountered formidable cultural and social barriers that stifled their political engagement, exacerbated by the government of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, which systematically marginalized their participation in civic life. This reality, in addition to constant and considerable infringements on political freedoms and rights, made Libya a fertile land for the Arab Spring that engulfed the whole region.
Amidst this backdrop, women emerged as indispensable agents of change, playing a pivotal role in the revolutionary movement that eventually toppled Gaddafi’s rule. However, despite achieving their goal the proceeding vacuum and chaos gave way to violence where armed factions, supported by various foreign governments, vied for control. As a result, the nation plunged into a protracted and bloody conflict, leaving many to look on Gaddafi’s reign with nostalgia and rose-tinted glasses, harkening back to an era where the government provided citizens with stability and essentials.
Indeed, the situation in Libya post-Gaddafi can only be described as a political, social, economic, and humanitarian disaster, especially compared to its condition under his rule (Fetouri, 2023). The Gaddafi regime was overthrown by a NATO coalition that provided military aid and aerial support to multiple rebel factions solely based on their opposition to Gaddafi. NATO intervened under the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle and UN Security Council Resolution 1973. Initially seen as a humanitarian and successful intervention, it is now evident that NATO contributed to chaos, significantly more so than to peacebuilding and peacekeeping efforts. This is apparent through various metrics indicating the deterioration of the situation for Libyan individuals across all sectors, particularly affecting women, migrants, and minorities. Libyan GDP has contracted by upward of 60% in the last decade. Furthermore, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), there are more than 570,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Libya, along with over 47,000 refugees and asylumseekers registered with UNHCR in the country. Violence, meanwhile, continues to resurge (Human Rights Council, 2023).
This paper undertakes a comprehensive examination of Libya’s post-intervention socio-economic landscape, with a particular emphasis on the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) framework. Through a meticulous synthesis of qualitative and quantitative data, coupled with a comparative analysis of pre- and post-Gaddafi Libya, the study seeks to study the impact of NATO’s intervention on human rights and gender equality. Central to this analysis is a nuanced exploration of the underlying motives behind the intervention and its far-reaching ramifications for the region. The paper critically examines the continued failure of traditional peacekeeping efforts and underscores the deleterious effects of external interference and geopolitical rivalries on Libya’s fragile statehood.
Therefore, the paper proposes a revised framework for future foreign policy, which is centered on two primary approaches: Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) and NonInterventionism/Strategic Independence. In particular, FFP is a diplomatic strategy that integrates policies and practices to promote gender equality in how countries and entities interact with one another on the international scale. It was developed and coined by Swedish Foreign Affairs Minister Margot Wallstrom (D., 2018; Radio France, 2020). While these approaches are comprehensive, they do not purport to serve as a definitive guide to resolving all foreign policy issues. Nonetheless, they are poised to alleviate the current situation and mitigate the risk of a recurrence of the events in Libya.
Methodology
This paper advocates for novel foreign policy frameworks and offers recommendations through a critical analysis that synthesizes various research findings. It examines the present state of affairs in Libya and scrutinizes the policy choices of foreign actors, particularly the United States, European Union, and NATO, which have contributed to the current failed situation.
Rationale for Methodology
The literature review relies almost equally on qualitative and quantitative research for several reasons. First, the frequent use of quantitative data allows us to capture and effectively analyze the size and degree of failure in Libya and understand the issues plaguing efforts to improve peace and security in the region. Additionally, it allows us to undergo a comparative analysis of the situation pre and post-intervention in Libya and identify how each stakeholder was affected. Qualitative research, on the other hand, is utilized to understand the policy decisions that have led to the current situation in Libya. Also, qualitative data such as news reports and interviews help us to accurately capture the overall situation and feel in the country.
Furthermore, it is important to utilize qualitative data to propose recommendations by reviewing different foreign policy practices and choosing the ones that would be the most effective in ameliorating the current situation. In addition, the use of both qualitative and quantitative research hand-in-hand allows for understanding the nuanced dynamics and nature of the modern foreign policy landscape, run on hegemonic principles. Moreover, invoking a corpus of literature on Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) and other case studies on the failures of foreign interventions enhances our learning of the flaws of perception and goals that lead to the issue at hand (Nylund et al., 2022).
Synthesis and Policy Recommendations
This paper synthesizes qualitative and quantitative data collected to critically assess the shortcomings of the international community in evaluating and resolving the Libyan crisis. By drawing on diverse perspectives and rigorous analysis, we develop comprehensive and impactful policy recommendations that aim to address the issue holistically, considering the needs of all stakeholders.
Literature Review
The Crisis
The situation in Libya has been described almost unanimously by international human rights groups, and other national and international actors as a
humanitarian and political disaster. Over the past 13 years, Libya has gone through numerous governments, often two or more at a time ruling over parts of the country and plunging it deeper into civil war. Constant and overlapping upheaval has followed, characterized by international military intervention and interchanging periods of war and uneasy, short-lived peace. Constant peacemaking attempts have been conducted but none have been able to result in sustainable conflict resolution (Fernández-Molina, 2023). Against this backdrop of deepening political fragmentation and complete dissolution of the line that separates the state from non-state actors, a humanitarian crisis has emerged. At one point, an estimated 1,600 different armed groups were operating in Libya, including the Islamic State which controlled vast swaths of territory (Rowan, 2019).
This culminated in almost 1.3 million people in Libya requiring humanitarian assistance, of which around 348,000 are minors. In addition, almost 393,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) have lived in makeshift camps since 2011 after fleeing the violence (International Civil Society Organization, 2021). This is further exacerbated by a constant influx of migrants into the country who are trying to get to Europe via the Mediterranean Sea. According to the report of the International Civil Society Organization (2021), around 43,000 refugees and asylum seekers who mainly come from sub-Saharan Africa currently reside in Libya, and most take the often-deadly journey by boat to reach Italy. The tightened immigration policy of the EU, along with Italy’s and the EU’s support and funding of the Libyan Coast Guard (LCG) to capture, return, and repel refugees, has led to concerning reports from organizations such as Amnesty International and UNHCR.
These reports highlight the dire situation faced by refugees and migrants in Libya, including being held in detention centers, drowning, and falling victim to trafficking. Accounts from these reports detail harrowing experiences, with refugees suffering or witnessing a range of abuses including unlawful killings, enforced disappearances, torture, ill-treatment, rape, sexual violence, arbitrary detention, and forced labor (UNHCR | Canada, n.d.). The latter actions aren’t limited to state actors but non-state ones as well, in an environment best described as “total impunity” (Amnesty International, 2020, para. 2).
On the other hand, the political life in Libya is marred by constant violations and human rights abuses. The country has not voted in an election since 2014 due to constant frictions and disagreements (Human Rights Watch, 2023). The judicial system is weak and many international human rights organizations have raised legitimate concerns on due process issues in Libya’s legal system. Authorities in both the east and west of the country have been cracking down on civic groups and at times persecuting staff members of NGOs (Human Rights Watch, 2023).
In relation to WPS, adding to the aforementioned violence and humanitarian disasters, women face high levels of discrimination in Libya, today more than ever. Last year, the Tripoli Security Agency, a body tied to the Government of National Unity (GNU), began requiring Libyan women traveling without a male escort to complete forms and undergo questioning for the reasons of present and past travel history (Human Rights Watch, 2023). Libya’s family code doesn’t
protect against domestic violence, honor killings, and marital rape. Punishments such as flogging are still in use in the country. Libyan law requires women to get the authorities’ permission before marrying a non-Libyan man (Human Rights Watch, 2023).
To fully grasp the current crisis in Libya, it’s crucial to contextualize it with the situation before the 2011 revolution and NATO intervention. Libya under Gaddafi, despite its flaws, enjoyed the highest human development index in Africa (Mamdani, 2011). The government provided or supported citizens with essential needs such as housing, education, electricity, and interest-free loans. Over a million foreign workers sought opportunities in Libya, attesting to its relative prosperity. Gaddafi’s government initiated ambitious projects like the Great Man-Made River (GMR), the world’s largest irrigation endeavor, ensuring access to water for Libyan households. Contrasting this initiative with recent government negligence leading to flooding, which claimed thousands of lives and displaced many, highlights the stark decline in Libya’s situation over the past decade as “the Decade’s Most Worsened Country” (Taft, 2020). The comparison underscores how Libya today is significantly worse off than it was thirteen years ago.
While Western powers, particularly NATO, cited human rights violations to justify intervention, Libya’s human rights situation right now is notably worse than under Gaddafi according to numerous sources. The independent UN fact-finding mission probe, released on March 27, 2023, expressed “deep concern over the country’s deteriorating human rights situation in its final report today, concluding there are grounds to believe a wide array of war crimes and crimes against humanity have been committed by State security forces and armed militia groups” (Human Rights Council, 2023, para. 1). The report further detailed accounts of rape, torture, and slavery in the country. The majority of the current acting forces in Libya implicated in these crimes include Libya’s Deterrence Apparatus for Combating Organized Crime and Terrorism (DACOT), the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF), the Internal Security Agency (ISA), and the Stability Support Apparatus (SSA).
Thus, Libya is arguably a failed state and the NATO intervention, though it managed to achieve its goal of deposing Gaddafi, has failed to provide an alternative to maintain peace and stability in the country and the region as a whole. Although the NATO intervention happened under the R2P framework, these protections haven’t materialized for the Libyan populace. It can be concluded from the current situation that the international community’s efforts concerning Libya have not achieved the desired outcomes, raising an imperative to change foreign policy and increase cooperation between states. The latter would not only address the immediate situation, but would also prevent it from happening in the future. Therefore, we should first identify the missteps leading to the current position and highlight solutions for better foreign policy.
History and Development of the Current Crisis
It is elementary to contextualize the current state of affairs in Libya to better understand the situation, effectively identify stakeholders, and understand the issues that lead to the current situation.
Timeline
Gaddafi’s Rule (1969-2011)
• Colonel Muammar Al Gaddafi seized power in a coup in 1969, establishing rule based on socialist and pan-Arabist ideologies.
• Gaddafi faced constant pressure and sanctions from the US and Western nations due to his government’s support of pan-African and pan-Arabist liberation movements in Africa and the Middle East (Mejia-Prieto, 20192020). Gaddafi was also reprimanded for the nationalization of Libya’s oil supplies in 1970, forcing all foreign troops to depart from the country (The Oil Drum, 2011).
• Libya’s economy relied almost completely on oil wealth (World Bank, n.d.).
The 2011 Uprising and NATO Intervention
• February 2011: Inspired by the Arab Spring protests, Libyans began demonstrations demanding reform and Gaddafi’s ousting.
• March 2011: Gaddafi responded with violence, escalating the situation into a civil war.
• March 17, 2011: The UN Security Council passed UNSCR 1973, authorizing “all necessary measures” to protect civilians and impose a no-fly zone (United Nations Security Council, 2011).
• March 19, 2011: A NATO-led coalition launched airstrikes against Gaddafi’s forces, effectively tipping the balance in favor of the rebels (NATO, 2011).
• October 2011: Gaddafi’s forces were defeated, and he was assassinated (Stephen & Beaumont, 2017).
Post-Gaddafi Chaos (2011-Present)
Power struggles erupted among rebel factions, leading to ongoing instability and violence. Two rival governments emerged:
• Government of National Accord (GNA): Formed in 2015 under UN auspices, it’s a fragile coalition of various political and militia groups. It has struggled to assert control outside Tripoli and faces internal divisions. This government is supported by troops sent by Turkey (Allahoum, 2020).
• Libyan National Army (LNA): Led by General Khalifa Haftar, a former Gaddafi military official, the LNA controls eastern Libya and some southern regions. Haftar launched an offensive in 2014 to capture Tripoli, leading to ongoing conflict. The LNA is supported by the UAE and other actors (Allahoum, 2020). Both the GNA and LNA rely on armed militias, often with competing agendas, further complicating efforts at stability.
According to Malloy and Treyz (2016), Barack Obama described the Libyan intervention as his worst mistake in office, in “failing to plan for the day after what I think was the right thing to do in intervening in Libya” (para. 2); he has added that “all of us – including the United States – could have done more in the aftermath of the Libyan intervention” (para. 11). This sentiment arises from the recognition that while the NATO intervention achieved its primary goal of toppling the Gaddafi government, the long-term consequences have left the US and EU in a worse
position. For example, the EU has regarded the migration crisis in Libya as an issue of high concern (Eljarh, n.d.). Furthermore, the international community has been trying for years to achieve a stable Libya whether through the unsuccessful Berlin Conference in 2020 and other short-lived peacemaking attempts (ReliefWeb, 2021).
France and the UK, spearheading the Libyan invasion that led to Gaddafi’s ousting, failed to adequately plan for the vacuum created afterward, resulting in a humanitarian crisis that now threatens the EU’s borders. Presently, a nation that was once among Africa’s richest now heavily relies on EU aid for survival. In exchange for this aid, the EU delegates the burden of handling migrants to the Libyan authorities and security apparatus. Western nations, despite backing regime change, have neglected to provide crucial support to post-Gaddafi governments, contributing to the current state of fragmentation (Fenton-Harvey, 2020).
Therefore, while the NATO intervention initially appeared as a swift and easy success, as evidenced by the victory lap taken by former French President Nicolas Sarkozy and the United Kingdom’s Foreign Secretary David Cameron in Libya back in 2011, the long-term consequences have failed to fulfill the protections promised to the Libyan population. Libyan women remain as vulnerable as ever, if not in a worse position.
Stakeholders
Now that the causes that led to Libya’s current fragile situation have been explained, there is a multitude of stakeholders that are relevant in the context we are describing. They represent a range of interests and perspectives. Here are some key stakeholders:
1. Libyan Women and Minorities
Disenfranchised communities are usually the most directly affected by the country’s troubled political, social, and economic dynamics. Therefore, it is of the utmost priority that they have a central role in decision-making processes and policies that impact their livelihood in a future Libya.
2. Government Agencies
Domestic, Arab, and international entities have a common stake in promoting stability, human rights, and overall development in Libya. Additionally, learning from the Libyan experience and developing new and improved foreign policy approaches will provide a benchmark for future international and regional efforts to promote peace.
3. NATO and the UN
The UN and NATO have played integral roles in the situation in Libya from 2011 onwards, making it crucial to reassess the policy decisions taken and to reevaluate their responses. Moreover, it’s important to learn from the current situation both in terms of providing aid and in dealing with similar issues in the future.
4. Refugees and Immigrants
The situation in Libya for refugees is dire, and multiple human rights organizations report on continuous human rights violations towards these refugees. Therefore, it proves important to prioritize their immediate protection in any policy choice in the future.
Tertiary stakeholders include the Libyan Civil Society Organizations, Diplomatic Missions and Foreign Aid Donors, Private Sector and Business Community, and Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries. Furthermore, it is important to identify spoilers that will stand in the way of implementing the necessary changes in foreign policy toward Libya:
1. Political Meddling
Conflicting interests of nations and parties are leading to meddling in Libyan affairs which is plunging the country into deeper violence. Over the past decade, multiple countries have been waging proxy wars through Libya (Allahoum, 2020), which, in turn, is delaying and halting all forms of peace talks.
2. Militant/Terrorist Groups
Hundreds of different armed militias and terrorist groups currently call Libya home and continue to perpetuate war and violence in the nation and the region as a whole (National Counterterrorism Center, 2023).
Solutions
Building on the previous analysis, a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP), if applied correctly with regional, cultural, and socio-economic considerations, holds significant promise for both improving the current situation in Libya and establishing an important benchmark for future international diplomacy, foreign policy, and governance. While each country has its definition of FFP, the essential ingredient to any working definition of FFP is “intersectionality.” It defines how states should interact with each other and amongst themselves in a manner that prioritizes peace, gender equality, and human rights. Additionally, FFP seeks to disrupt colonial and patriarchal structures that plague the modern world (Australian Coalition for Feminist Foreign Policy, 2022). Though it holds great merit in itself, an improved and customized FFP structure should be adopted, in Libya in particular, along the SWANA region, and in the developing world as a whole. Therefore, foreign policy in the region should be:
1. Anti-Imperialist & Anti-Colonial
It is essential to reject external interventions that prioritize resource extraction or strategic dominance over the needs and aspirations of the local population. Decisions ought to be made in partnership with local actors, respecting their sovereignty and self-determination. Also, restitution actions toward former colonies should be taken to ensure future development and global growth.
2. Intersectional & Equal
Promoting equal rights and opportunities for all genders would be at the core of a policy that advocates for intersectionality and equality – in a way that acknowledges the specific challenges faced by women, LGBTQ+ individuals, and religious minorities within tribal and cultural contexts.
3. Non-Interventionist & Non-Violent
Non-interventionist and non-violent approaches advocate for the international community to respect the sovereignty of every nation and its right to self-governance. This entails opposing the use of military force, whether through direct intervention or by supporting proxies, to prevent humanitarian disasters and ongoing violence, as witnessed in Libya today. Instead, emphasis should be placed on diplomatic solutions to address these issues (Nylund et al., 2022). Policy should refrain from gender washing and intervening in the affairs of local communities with gender as a pretext, such as in the example of Afghanistan (Cocosatu, 2012). This, and the aforementioned policy recommendations, indicate the following key areas of focus for further consideration.
4. Peacemaking, Building & Conflict Resolution
Peacemaking, building, and conflict resolution entail employing bottom-up approaches that engage all segments of society in every stage of diplomacy, ensuring a sustainable and equitable peace for all. Supporting women-led peacebuilding initiatives is crucial, as they often address the root causes of conflict, including poverty, resource scarcity, and political exclusion. This can be achieved by fostering dialogue and reconciliation processes among various tribal groups, as well as civic and community organizations.
5. Inclusive Economic Growth
This approach prioritizes developing economies holistically and in the long term, addressing both immediate needs and future prosperity. Economic diversification is key, reducing reliance on foreign aid and fostering a robust mix of industries. By investing in programs that create economic opportunities for women, communities will be more resilient and empowered to face challenges.
6. Protecting Human Rights
The international community must prioritize the protection of human rights in all its foreign policy endeavors. In the specific case of Libya, this translates to unwavering support for initiatives that safeguard refugees and combat impunity. Any potential policy must ensure the safety and well-being of refugees and migrants, upholding their fundamental rights and advocating for humane treatment. It must also address the pervasive
human rights violations by holding perpetrators accountable and supporting mechanisms for justice and reconciliation. Finally, for a policy to be effective, it must be culturally sensitive, pursuing solutions with respect to local customs and traditions. This necessitates close cooperation with local partners, ensuring their voices and perspectives are central to the decisionmaking process.
Conclusion
The case study of NATO’s intervention in Libya elucidates the failure of traditional peacekeeping efforts and further highlights the need to reform the incumbent foreign policy concerning Africa and the SWANA region. The paper demonstrated that although NATO’s intervention effectively dismantled Colonel Gaddafi’s rule, it created a political vacuum that paved the way for the emergence of radical groups and armed militias, and for the deep fragmentation of the country. Libya went from being the African country with the highest Human Development Index to a wartorn, failed state that drives millions of refugees into foreign territories every year. Clearly, the swift de-development of the state led to women being in a worse position, with the issue of women’s rights and prosperity becoming an almost extinct topic of discussion amid extreme poverty and radicalism. The intervention also underscored two important questions concerning the ethical justification of foreign interventions, mainly regarding whether the desired end justifies the employed means, and whether the removal of disfavored or authoritarian leaders is worth creating irreparable harm within the concerned nation.
That said, several solutions were proposed, among which are the principles of a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) that, in policy design and implementation, would foreground intersectionality and the principles of anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, and human rights. Cultural sensitivity and the consideration of one’s culture must also be accounted for in any measure relating to foreign policy development in the region. Furthermore, more research is imperative to be able to tailor FFP frameworks to the unique context of Libya and similar cases, ensuring that informed dialogue, diplomacy, and multilateral cooperation serve as the primary tools for resolving conflicts.
To claim that a Feminist Foreign Policy is a panacea for all the challenges in modern foreign policy is overly simplistic. However, it does hold promise in improving the situation for all stakeholders involved. A policy centered on peace and women’s empowerment can significantly reduce the toll of war. A stable Libya, long sought by the international community, promises benefits not only for its citizens but also for Europe’s border security and regional trade. More importantly, stability in Libya would advance human rights and dismantle the barriers of discrimination against women in the country. These solutions also lay the groundwork for future integrative and inclusive policies on a global scale.
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Sex Work is Work: Feminist Theory and the Fight for Decriminalization
Lara Younis Translation Major
Abstract
Despite the societal taboos that plague sex work, it remains a profession like any other, and yet, sex workers are still demonized, victimized, legally discriminated against, and physically and sexually abused. This paper aims to examine the struggles that sex workers go through, the motivating factors to joining sex work, and to provide recommendations capable of enacting positive change. We found that most sex workers deal with abuse, sex trafficking, violence, rape, murder, social exclusion, poor mental health, and a higher risk of health hazards, and usually feel inclined to become sex workers because of dire economic need, a poor educational background, and because of racial or ethnic reasons. The methodology section of this paper comprised a content analysis of the four feminist philosophies: abolitionism, neo-abolitionism, legalization and regulation, and decriminalization. Among these, this study proposes the latter –the decriminalization of sex work – as the most ideal solution, showing how the other frameworks reinforce societal taboos, negative perceptions of sex work, and increase the risks associated with the business.
Introduction
Commonly referred to as the “oldest profession,” sex work can be traced back to ancient civilizations, and is defined as “the exchange of sexual services, performances, or products for material compensation” (Freeman, 1990, p.75). Seeing that the profession is intrinsically linked to societal taboo, the discussion surrounding the rights and freedoms of sex workers grows increasingly more divisive. First and second wave feminists view sex work as degrading and vile, and sex workers as victims of exploitation and manipulation. Third and fourth wave feminists, however, regard sex work as empowering to women and a reclamation of female sexuality (Mesce, 2020).
Irrespective of how sex work is viewed, women in the sex industry remain economically disadvantaged, subject to violence, abuse, and discrimination, and without access to justice, healthcare, or safety (Global Network of Sex Work Projects,
2020; Yale Global Health Justice Partnership, 2020). The sex wars that arose in the 1980s resulted in four different philosophies regarding sex work: abolitionism, neoabolitionism, legalization and regulation, and decriminalization (Mesce, 2020). Despite these philosophes and the solutions that they suggested, sex workers, governments, non-governmental institutions, and the general public have yet to find adequate solutions as sex workers continue to be stigmatized and marginalized. The aim of this study is to examine the dangers of the sex industry and the reasons for joining the industry despite these dangers, analyze the benefits and repercussions of what has been done before based on the four feminist philosophies, and suggest a comprehensive list of solutions.
Methodology
For the purpose of this study, a content analysis was conducted. This choice was the most suitable for the objective of this study – analyzing the different philosophical frameworks, how they define sex work, what solutions they suggest, and whether those solutions yielded effective results enabled us to produce an exhaustive list of solutions.
Literature Review
This literature review highlights the reoccurring structural and systemic barriers that sex workers face, the motivating factors for joining sex work, and the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of the solutions suggested and implemented before by the four feminist philosophies. The literature shows that there are currently more than 41 million female sex workers and 10 million male sex workers worldwide, with 16% of men seeking their services (International Union of Sex Workers, 2023). According to Ecker (2022), there was an estimate of 4.8 million sex trafficking victims in 2016, with 99% of victims being women and girls. Another study by Farley et al. (1998) found that, of the participants in their study, “73 percent reported physical assault in prostitution, 62 percent reported having been raped since entering prostitution, [and] 67 percent met criteria for a diagnosis of PTSD” (p.406). Around 100,000 sex workers are killed each year (International Union of Sex Workers, 2023).
In addition, sex workers are at a greater risk of poor mental health and social exclusion (The Lancet Public Health, 2023). Fear of incarceration may lead sex workers to rethink seeking a doctor for health checkups or Sexually Transmitted Disease (STD) screenings. This same fear may drive women to meet with clients alone rather than tell a friend or partner, and this knowledge of the sex worker’s isolation may encourage the client to sexually assault or harass them (Krüsi et al., 2014). Moreover, ethnic minorities are usually the ones who bear the brunt of sex work arrests, with black women accounting for 42% of arrests, which is more than any other racial group (Rights4Girls, 2021). Those groups also undergo a number of invasive procedures after arrests, such as strip searches, profiling, assault, and sexual extortion (Sankofa, 2016). Migrant sex workers are similar to those groups in the sense that they are “painted as either victims or criminals in discourses that conflate sex work with human trafficking and deny sex workers the right to migrate” (Global Network of Sex Work Projects, 2022, p.2).
The Why
Many question the reasons for joining such a dangerous profession, but the literature shows that many who engage in sex work do not do it willingly and are rather
influenced by external factors. One study stated that “street prostitution is intrinsically related to poverty” (Monroe, 2005, p.69). Other factors include being young and homeless, unemployed, and underemployed (Benson & Matthews, 1995; Brown, 1998; Rothenberg, 1995). Some researchers also suggest that substance addiction and abuse may be another reason as to why women resort to sex work, though this theory is not heavily backed (Dalla, 2002; Farley & Barkan, 1998).
A multitude of studies find an indisputable link between race and sex work (Decriminalize Sex Work, 2023; Farley et al., 1998). In a two-year review of suspected trafficking victims in the US, 40% were Black, and 24% were Latinx, making more than half persons of color (Rights4Girls, 2021). Moreover, im/migrants are overrepresented in precarious, insecure, and informal forms of labor, including sex work due to the fact that they “face economic marginalization, discrimination and racism, precarious immigration status, non-recognition of foreign credentials and training, and exclusion from formal employment opportunities” (McBride & Janushev, 2021, p.153). Exiting the commercial sex industry isn’t as easy as it seems either; those with a strong intent of leaving the industry needed to cross obstacles, such as financial instability and insecurity, social stigma and discrimination, lack of support, skill gaps, and poor educational status, before finding a clean exit (Mazeingia & Negesse, 2020).
Overwhelmingly, it seems that men are the main demographic to which sex is sold, with 20% of men purchasing sex at least once in their lifetime (Long, 2021). Men’s “transactions account for nearly 75% of the prostitution market” (Long, 2021, para.2), meaning that those who do it, do it frequently. Research shows that those same men tended to view female sex workers with less empathy, were more hostile, held attitudes that justified and normalized sex work, and were more likely to rape and be sexually aggressive (Farley et al., 2017).
Abolitionism
Abolitionists hold that the government should legislate for the criminalization of sex work; they view sex work as inherently oppressive and degrading. The theory was based on the idea that “freedom and sex were on opposite ends of a spectrum, in which a woman could not ‘choose’ one and also have the other” (Mesce, 2020, p.13), that no one becomes a sex worker willingly, that they were either coerced by a pimp or were sex trafficked, and if neither of those was the case then the individual was influenced by extreme poverty, lack of opportunity, substance abuse issues, and/or past trauma such as child abuse and sexual harassment. Nelson-Butler (2015) argues that some abolitionist feminists don’t believe that all sex work is non-consensual but underscore that sex workers from marginalized ethnic backgrounds face different issues than white women in systemic and structural oppression.
Criminalization proponents, as in both abolitionists and neo-abolitionists, advocate for the interjection of the state and for the legal regulation of pornography and feel that the best way to ensure women’s safety from sex-work-related violence is to penalize both the sellers and the buyers of sex (Mesce, 2020). Radical feminists propose that the only way to end the violence against women is to punish clients, pimps, and participants so that “the entire institution can be destroyed” (Mesce, 2020, p.15). Nonetheless, many criticize this policy approach as “paternalistic” as it paints women
as helpless victims, which further reinforces misogynistic social norms (Raymond, 1999). Not only is the approach flawed in theory but has yielded little results in application; even though sex work is fully or partially criminalized in more than 39 countries (Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS, 2017), criminalization has yet to decrease the market for sex (Mesce, 2020).
In fact, criminalization may lead to an increase in sex work; incarceration due to sex work leads to a criminal record which may discourage employers from giving retired sex workers a chance. This would “trap” sex workers in the industry and force them to go on, despite the constant risk of incarceration, sexual and physical assault, and STD infections. In some areas, criminalization heightens the risk of catching an STD. For example, carrying condoms in the US can be used as evidence for prostitution (Wurth et al., 2013), meaning that sex workers will be scared to carry condoms around with them when meeting clients. The need for work, here, will overpower the need for safety.
Neo-Abolitionism
Commonly referred to as the Nordic/Swedish model, neo-abolitionism is a legal framework implemented in Sweden, Norway, France, and other socio-progressive countries in the West. This framework, rather than punishing women for becoming sex workers, punishes the buying of sex and paints women as merely “victims of circumstance” (Mesce, 2020, p. 15). Neo-abolitionists also argue that women only become sex workers because of a dearth in more viable life choices, such as a lack of education and/or institutional poverty (Farley et al., 2004).
Similar to the abolitionist feminist framework, this model yielded little positive results for sex workers and was heavily criticized within feminist jurisprudence (Mesce, 2020). This is because it leads sex workers to seek business in areas with less police or law enforcement, which often makes sexual transactions more dangerous (Berg, 2014). Scoular and Carline (2014) claim that this approach also ignores the structural causes of exploitation, continues to stigmatize those in sex work, and reduces female agency. This victimizing rhetoric enforced on women “legitimizes law’s power over women’s bodies” (Scoular & Carline, 2014, p. 19). They also argue that criminalization will not eliminate the market but rather will create another that hides from authorities and is much more dangerous for sex workers.
The Global Network of Sex Work Projects (2015) believes that this model has forced sex workers to accept lower wages, compromise when negotiating with clients, and to provide even more services than they offered previously. Buyers may abstain from providing sex workers with any sort of personal information as well, such as their name, phone number, or residence. This prohibits sex workers from reporting them in the event that they become violent. Sex workers may shy away from reporting clients to the police if they get violent to avoid scaring off potential clients. Finally, the illegality of brothels also prohibits sex workers from working in groups, and forces them into isolation, which puts them at a higher risk of violence (Jordan, 2012).
Legalization and Regulation
Liberal “regulationist” feminist frameworks advocate for the legalization of all
forms of sex work including selling, buying, pimping, and brothel ownership, on the condition that those activities are regulated through the government and labor laws. The government would do this by extending labor workers’ rights to sex workers and through the taxation of businesses that offer sexual services (Mesce, 2020). This framework is theorized to allow for the legal protection of sex workers, the establishment of unions that defend and advocate for sex workers rights, and for government monitoring such as STD screenings. This framework has been implemented in countries such as Mexico, the Netherlands, Turkey, Iceland, Switzerland, Austria, Denmark, Senegal, Greece, Nevada State in the USA, and Germany (Mossman, 2007; Weitzer, 2012).
Research on the topic, however, has shown that “legalization leads to heavier regulation and increased stigma, and the combination of both often exacerbates the vulnerabilities of many sex workers, particularly those with a migration background” (Regev, 2023, p.1). Additionally, many sex workers have expressed a preference for decriminalization over legalization. In countries where sex work has been legalized, such as Germany, sex workers have expressed concern over the laws that have contributed to discrimination and increased their vulnerability (Douglas, 2021). Raymond (2003) also asserts that the use of condoms remains scarce despite the attempts at regulating sex work. Critics of legalization also hold that this approach leads to an increase in sex trafficking (Raymond, 2003). Overall, it seems that this framework contributes to the sex industry as opposed to mitigating it. This approach also removes female agency and prohibits sex workers from free reign over their business.
Decriminalization
Decriminalization removes all punitive measures associated with sex work and for any person involved. This approach seems to be the most preferred by sex workers, seeing as it offers them the most freedom. Feminists that support the decriminalization framework argue that it can greatly reduce social stigma, open up access to healthcare, and “prompt a higher recognition of the human rights of sex workers” (Regev, 2023, p.23). Currently, decriminalization stands as the only approach which allows sex workers to work individually or collectively (Amnesty International, 2016), and to demand for their rights through mobilizing with other sex workers and starting unions (Lutnick & Cohan, 2009).
Opponents of decriminalization fear that this framework will lead to an increase in sex work, sex trafficking, exploitation, and STD transmission; however, in New Zealand, the only country that has implemented this framework, the sex industry has not increased in size after the New Zealand Prostitution Reform Act (PRA). Studies show that over 90 percent of sex workers viewed the PRA positively and believed that it gave them employment, as well as legal, health, and safety rights (Crichton, 2015).
Recommendations
After a careful analysis of the four feminist philosophies, and their merits and demerits, decriminalization seems at present the most beneficial for sex workers and the bestpreserving of their rights. This is why the following recommendations will be based on the decriminalization framework.
• The General Public
Individuals from any gender, race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status must stand up for sex workers’ rights and advocate for them relentlessly; it is only through public pressure that governments listen and implement changes. These individuals are also responsible for constantly and consistently educating themselves on the issues that sex workers face daily and educating those around them in turn. Additionally, the public can vote feminist politicians into power, especially those advocating for sex workers; this supports the legislation of laws representative of the decriminalization framework and that protect the legal and social rights of sex workers. Moreover, it is imperative that the stigma, harmful stereotypes, and misconceptions regarding sex work are deconstructed and challenged through holding others accountable when they make uneducated remarks and through expressing support for sex workers on every existing platform.
• The Media Representatives in the media such as journalists, news anchors, celebrities, and influencers must leverage their platforms to bring sex workers’ issues to light. Their platform and their voice can serve as a tool for awareness and activism. Those same representatives can invite sex workers to share their experiences on their platforms; this lessens the stigmatization and societal taboos that surround sex workers, gives them a chance to expose abusive clients, and helps them spotlight the ever-present inequality and discrimination in the system. This type of activism not only raises awareness, but also humanizes sex workers in the eyes of the general public.
Celebrities and media influencers can additionally use their accumulated wealth to donate to charities and non-governmental institutions that aim to help sex workers in need of money, or sex workers who are trying to leave the industry and get either a new job or attain the education needed for better living conditions. Journalists and news anchors who are constantly involved in framing reality must be extremely cautious on the language they use when referring to sex workers; the word “prostitute” alone holds a very negative connotation and reinforces the stigma intrinsically linked with the profession.
• The Healthcare Industry
The healthcare industry is responsible for providing health services to all without discrimination or bias. Thus, it is imperative that employers in those sectors seek employees who are well educated on the issue. Hospitals and clinics should also seek to train their current employees on how to be non-judgmental when administering care. Since many sex workers get physically abused and/or raped, doctors and nurses should be well equipped to notice the signs of sexual/physical abuse and handle such cases when they come across them. Nurses and doctors should gain these skills through university courses and trainings, as well as through constant awareness raising on the sensitivity of such topics. Hospitals and clinics can also offer free STD screenings for sex workers, free access to
contraception, and awareness sessions on how to prevent HIV infection. Finally, hospitals should support/ fund research initiatives that aim to investigate the health outcomes of decriminalizing sex work.
• Sex Workers
Sex workers must first and foremost, in countries where sex work is legalized and decriminalized, band together and form unions. Such unions will ensure that sex workers have a body capable of voicing out concerns to the government and demanding for their basic rights. Sex workers must educate themselves well on the types of protections offered to them by the government, even if scarce. This is because the stigma surrounding sex work may cause people, lawyers, and legislators to abuse legal loopholes. Thorough knowledge of these laws and loopholes will prevent them from doing so. Sex workers must also speak out on social platforms about the negative experiences they have had in the industry and how those experiences have been a direct result of the lack of adequate laws that protect sex workers’ rights. Additionally, sex workers should support each other through forming social networks and groups. They can participate, too, in research revolving around sex work, as well as contribute to the data collection efforts that aim to bring sex workers’ dilemmas to the fore.
• Non-Governmental Organizations
Non-governmental organizations can fund sex-worker-led initiatives, such as the Global Network of Sex Work Projects. NGOs can also advocate for sex worker rights when dealing with governments and legislative bodies. NGOs can offer capacity-building sessions and trainings to sex workers to further help them advocate for their rights. They can also aid sex workers in leaving the industry if they wish to leave; this can be through teaching them skills that they can make money off, funding their return to education, and/or teaching them how to search and qualify for jobs. NGOs must advocate for policies and laws that decriminalize sex work and which fully push for sex workers’ rights without any loopholes or underlying exploitative agendas. Finally, NGOs must fund research initiatives, hospitals, clinics, and shelters, which all aim to ease the lives of sex workers.
• Governmental Bodies
Governmental bodies are perhaps the most important stakeholder by far, since the laws and policies they create are capable of shaping public opinion and drastically improving sex workers’ quality of life. Before making policies, governments must listen to sex workers and their demands, as seen in this paper’s literature review. New Zealand listened to its sex workers and offered them the solution that they wanted; this yielded the most benefits to each party involved. In case there are any, the government should also consult with sex-worker-led groups or unions and/or with NGOs that reflect the wants and desires of sex workers. Second, governments should decriminalize sex work and give sex workers the full agency to lead their businesses. Third, the government should allocate resources that help fund healthcare and social services for sex workers. Governments should train
law enforcement officers and government officials on how to treat sex workers with respect. Governments should implement measures that address structural and systemic inequality from the root up, and that aim to have sex work an option only for those who truly want it.
Finally, governmental bodies should monitor the progress of these policies and laws and their implementation, reevaluate their effectiveness, and ensure the absence of corruption during their implementation.
Conclusion
Sex workers are constantly stigmatized, discriminated against, and abused simply due to their profession. This type of stigmatization leaves sex workers unsafe, unheard, and underrepresented in every sphere that matters. Despite feminist frameworks that aim to define and solve the problem, not much has changed up until recently. This further underscores the need for reform, change, and laws that perceive sex workers as humans deserving of rights and equity. Through the comprehensive examination of all the feminist frameworks on the matter, it becomes clear that the most ideal solution, though scarcely implemented, is the decriminalization framework. This path allows for stakeholders to address systemic inequalities, reduce violence and exploitation, and empower sex workers to assert their agency and autonomy, rather than blame the sellers or buyers of sex. As we move forward, it is imperative that policymakers, healthcare providers, NGOs, and communities strive toward centering the voices and experiences of sex workers and toward advocating for their rights and seamless inclusion in society.
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Silent or Silenced: Misconceptions and Myths Surrounding Male Victims of Sexual Assault
Charbel Karam Mechanical Engineering Major
Abstract
This study aims to shed light on male victims of sexual assault and their underrepresentation. The majority of sexual assault and violence research to date has focused on women, with little attention to the experiences of male victims. This paper uses a content analysis methodology to bridge this gap and further discuss the causes, effects, and potential solutions of male sexual assaults. It also aims to discuss the historical evolution of male victims’ underreporting and invisibility, as well as highlight the gender-based misconceptions and myths surrounding them. The causes and impact of sexual assault on male victims mentally and physically are highlighted, with a focus on the potentially occurring response of ejaculation and erection. Existing laws and policies were investigated within this research to further highlight the need for additional policies and initiatives. Thus, the key policies to increase the visibility of male victims of sexual assault were discussed, such as promoting education and awareness, fostering a safe environment, and encouraging collaboration between different stakeholders. This study proposes the use of gender-inclusive language that could potentially reduce the stigma and marginalization of male victims. Ultimately, the proposed approach recommends a comprehensive strategy that addresses misconceptions, dismantles the barriers of underreporting, and fosters a more inclusive discourse on sexual assault that supports all survivors, irrespective of gender.
Introduction
Male victims of Sexual Assault (SA) face an omnipresent societal silence, characterized by misconceptions and stereotypes, resulting in a continuous culture of disbelief, stigma, and marginalization. Myths and unsupported beliefs about masculinity and male sexuality are common within the legal realm, the healthcare domain, as well as among agencies catering to individuals affected by SA. The frequent perceptions include the assumptions that men should be masculine enough to avoid SA and that they are responsible for their assaults (Bullock & Beckson, 2011). The latter believe that male victims are less traumatized and distressed by the assault than their female
counterparts, an assumption attributed in part to the misconception that ejaculation after the assault is an indication of a positive erotic experience. Furthermore, Peterson et al. (2011) discussed the common-held myths suggesting that men cannot be victims of SA, and that if they are victims, they are unscathed by it. This skepticism extends beyond the immediate trauma that male victims experience, intertwining into the complex fabric of gender roles and expectations, and conserving the detrimental stereotypes about masculinity and vulnerability.
The predominating societal attitudes towards male victims of SA leads, therefore, to gender inequality, since they reinforce a culture that promotes gender norms by limiting the freedom of all individuals and undermining their rights and dignity. In other words, violating the human rights of male survivors is impeding progress toward true gender equality. The emergence of this problem into the scope of this research has been propelled by the underreporting of male survivors of SA, the lack of appropriate measures and services, and the minimal legal redress. The collective efforts of researchers, clinicians, and advocacy organizations have played a crucial role in bringing male victims of SA to the forefront of public and national discussions notably after an extended period of neglect and marginalization (Wingender & Olesen, 2023). This increased focus is significant for a more comprehensive understanding of SA and to ensure that male victims are recognized, validated, and addressed within the broader conversation on sexual violence.
The definition of male SA and the extent of its underreporting varies widely across different studies, stakeholders, and organizations. Legal advocates for change perceive the issue as resulting from a systemic deficiency in validating the trauma experienced by male victims, aiming to secure equal legal protection. However, stakeholders opposing change view the legal framework that does not support men being victims of SA as sufficient and define the issue as an exception, potentially undermining its prevalence and impact on male survivors. On the other hand, clinical definitions of male rape might be more inclusive by emphasizing the overlap between sexual assaults and rape that could include non-penetrative acts (Rentoul & Appleboom, 1997). Furthermore, public officials endorsing change may define the issue as a threat to society requiring policies to ensure the mental and physical well-being of individuals. Conversely, officials opposing change might undermine the SA of men as less urgent when compared to other prevalent issues within their jurisdiction.
Additionally, supportive religious institutions may define the issue as a humanitarian concern, thus reducing the spread of its negative consequences by offering compassion and support to all survivors regardless of gender. Nonetheless, some religious institutions relate SA to the traditional gender norms and overlook male victims since their reports conflict with societal and religious norms. Different stakeholders may elicit various perspectives on key values (Rentoul & Appleboom, 1997). First, concerning equity, legal and public officials prioritize legal equity, while religious institutions focus on ethical equity. Second, in terms of efficiency, businesses emphasize the workplace environment and dynamics, whereas legal stakeholders prioritize the legal processes. Third, security wise, public officials emphasize the societal well-being of individuals, while the security of victims within the legal system is the emphasis of legal stakeholders.
Lastly, concerning liberty, religious institutions prioritize religious freedom, whereas businesses might emphasize promoting a workplace environment that allows individuals to exercise personal liberties. This diversity in values highlights the challenges of addressing SA across diverse stakeholders. The underlying value conflict revolves around the societal norms, traditional beliefs and myths related to gender roles in society and masculinity. This conflict may materialize as different stakeholders might define SA in accordance with their values, possibly hindering comprehensive efforts to address this issue.
Methodology
The methodology employed in this study is content analysis involving the examination and interpretation of different sources and studies to extract valuable and accurate information for a nuanced understanding of male SA by identifying patterns. This approach allows for a comprehensive exploration of the definition of SA and its causes and effects on male survivors. Examining the literature on the overarching subject of male SA elicits several challenges. Notably, there is a lack of well-validated measurements specifically designed to assess men’s encounters with sexual assault. In this sense, researchers differ widely in their definitions of male SA, with some encompassing various terminologies to label coerced or nonconsensual sexual behaviors.
Literature Review
Historical Evolution and Causes
This study aims to tackle the misconceptions and disbeliefs behind male victims of SA, list its causes and the detrimental consequences resulting from its occurrence, as well as mention key policies and recommendations that can further instill positive change. First, there have been confusion and misconceptions behind the definition of male sexual assault. Until the earlier years of the 1980s, many states’ rape statutes in the United States identified rape as forced sexual intercourse involving nonconsensual vaginal penetration. Moreover, before the 1994 amendment to the Sexual Offences Act 1956, the legal definition of rape in the United Kingdom also specifically comprised non-consenting vaginal penetration cases (Bullock & Beckson, 2011). Thus, according to many legal definitions back then, men could not be victims of SA, and their cases were covered under the legal statute of buggery or indecent assault, which has a considerably inferior penalty than rape. To illustrate, the sentence for rape, in the case of a perpetrator against a female victim, was life imprisonment, while for indecent assault, in the case of a perpetrator against a male victim, the sentence was 10 years in prison (Rentoul & Appleboom, 1997).
Furthermore, it was not until 2012 that the Department of Justice updated the definition of rape from “carnal knowledge of a female, forcibly and against her will” to “penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or object, or penetration by a sex organ of another person, without the victim’s consent,” thus including any gender of victim and offender (Thomas & Kopel, 2023, p. 3). Additionally, in 2020, the Department of Justice included verbal threats and attacks involving unwanted sexual contact between the victim and perpetrator in their definition of SA. The relatively recent recognition of men being victims of SA and rape is the main cause behind the misunderstandings of male victims of SA within society.
There are a plethora of reasons and factors behind the underreporting of male victims of SA. First, due to the patriarchal society dominated by male perspectives on sexuality, there are misconceptions that men are inherently sexually assertive, robust, and unaffected by abuse (Bullock & Beckson, 2011; Rentoul & Appleboom, 1997). These misguided beliefs hinder the recognition and support of male survivors of SA. Second, it has been highlighted that male victims of SA believe that their masculinity is threatened, and the shame and vulnerability that come from a compromised sense of manhood impede victims from acknowledging that they have been assaulted. It is suggested that male victims may consider themselves as non-fitting to the stereotypical SA victim and are usually ashamed of admitting that they were sexually assaulted (Wingender & Olesen, 2023).
Third, one of the main causes behind the underreporting of sexual assault of men is denial and psychological manipulation. Following a sexual assault perpetrated by a woman, men may perceive the experience as a consensual sexual encounter and fail to recognize the violation of their will (Peterson et al., 2011). The delayed acknowledgment of being sexually assaulted is frequent among male victims due to their confusion on how to interpret the incident. This limited understanding is formed due to societal misconceptions, where the perpetrator is a woman, and the sexual intercourse outcome may obscure men from comprehending their victimization experiences as instances of sexual assault. Moreover, there is a persistent belief that men are responsible for their own sexual assaults, as they are perceived to have desired and allowed it to occur despite being able to defend themselves (Wingender & Olesen, 2023). Thus, male victims usually face more blame than female victims when they lack the ability to protect themselves and cease the assault. McLean (2013) addressed this further by highlighting that the more an individual believes in masculine myths and perceptions, the more they will blame the victim for the crime and defend the perpetrator.
Impact of Sexual Assault on Male Victims
The misguided perceptions and skepticism toward male victims of SA bear numerous detrimental consequences. Male victims may experience irritability, anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder (Wingender & Olesen, 2023). Additionally, reactions post-SA, such as withdrawal, attempted suicide, and avoidance behavior, are also common among male survivors. Furthermore, Littleton et al. (2020) have demonstrated that male victims of SA expressed more depressive symptoms and engaged in more drinking and tobacco use than their non-victimized peers. In addition to these mental health and behavioral consequences, one of the most potentially occurring reactions while being sexually assaulted is the erection and ejaculation by the male victim. It has been demonstrated that these physiological responses are not under intentional control and management but are rather incited by high anxiety or anal stimulation (Bullock & Beckson, 2011; McLean, 2013; Rentoul & Appleboom, 1997).
A male victim’s arousal or experience of an ejaculation during a SA is incorrectly interpreted as implying consent. This misinterpretation suggests that the victim found pleasure in the assault. For example, a judge in the United Kingdom dismissed a case of prison rape because the victim had admitted to having an erection during the assault. Another additional defendant was free from the charges of forcible sodomy
because the victim was aroused during the assault, and it was considered a defense of submission (Bullock & Beckson, 2011). In addition to the false implication, the erection and ejaculation, because of their misattribution, increase the sense of guilt of the victim. Moreover, male victims of SA fear being perceived as gay or less masculine because of the arousal, and might also internalize these judgments. As a result, the distress of questioning their own sexuality contributes to feelings of self-loathing and homophobia.
Policies and Recommendations
Gorris (2015) argued that the policies implemented against violence and SA only pertain to women. The author stated that the interdiction on torture is explicitly stated in gender-neutral human rights instruments, such as the UN General Assembly’s Convention Against Torture and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, applicable to both men and women. In contrast, gender-based violence finds specific codification in the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, limiting its focus to women only. Although the term ‘gender-based violence’ might suggest inclusivity, within international human rights law, it solely discusses female victimization. Moreover, the frequent interchangeable use of ‘sexual assault’ and ‘gender-based violence’ in UN documents, the literature, and NGO discussions emphasizes the perception that these issues exclusively pertain to female victims, which in turn renders the victimization of men and boys less visible, under-researched, and under-addressed.
However, there has been progress in shedding light on male victims of SA and raising awareness. Notably, in June 2013, a new Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Resolution (2106) was adopted, and it was the first time in a WPS resolution that men and boys were explicitly mentioned (United Nations, 2013). Additionally, the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict organized a UN Forum singularly dedicated to increasing awareness and understanding of male victims of sexual violence. Still, despite progress in the implementation of these new resolutions, male victims are still seen as secondary victims by most instruments, which not only undermines their suffering but also reinforces traditional gender stereotypes. For example, the groundbreaking Resolution 2106 reads:
Noting with concern that sexual violence in armed conflict and post-conflict situations disproportionately affects women and girls, as well as groups that are particularly vulnerable or may be specifically targeted, while also affecting men and boys and those secondarily traumatized as forced witnesses of sexual violence against family members. (United Nations, 2013, p. 6)
Despite the representation and visibility of male victims, they can clearly be identified as secondary to women and girls. This categorization might reinforce gender stereotypes and conceptualize men as perpetrators and women as victims, focusing on notions of hegemonic masculinity and marginalizing male victims of SA. Indeed, values such as equity, efficiency, security, and liberty play a crucial role in shaping policies related to sexual assault on male victims. The lack of support and justice mechanisms for male victims hinders the progress in raising awareness and protecting male victims of SA, rendering less equity between genders. For example, Thomas and
Kopel (2023) indicated that male victims sought help at rape-crisis centers because of their lack of knowledge of alternative options.
Furthermore, the efficiency of swift assistance to male victims is rather inefficient. Thomas and Kopel (2023) have demonstrated that only 5% of rape-crisis centers are equipped to fulfill male victim needs, having insufficient resources and inappropriate staff. In addition, male victims sometimes feel unsafe in admitting the occurrence of the crime, solely because they are worried about their masculinity perceptions of others and sexuality. The responses and reactions of the victim’s family and friends might lead victims to remain silent about their assault. Additionally, law enforcement is not equipped properly to assess the conditions of a male victim of SA, which renders male victims unsafe and unprotected (Thomas & Kopel, 2023).
The policies to increase the reporting of male SA, and reduce the misconceptions and myths regarding it, include collaboration among stakeholders who can address the needs of male victims. Fostering a more supportive environment can be achieved by promoting awareness and education to challenge stereotypes and reduce the stigma associated with male victims. Inclusive policies to recognize the diverse experiences of victims are essential and can involve providing training for law enforcement and ensuring gender-neutral support services. Thus, adequate funding and allocation of resources for support organizations would benefit victims of all genders and preserve the rights of all individuals. Essentially, inclusive language could potentially reduce the stigma and marginalization of male victims of sexual assault. New policies focusing on the implementation of gender-neutral language in high-level political and non-political documents are needed. Referring to male and female victims as “victims” and “individuals” could potentially alleviate the marginalization and further emphasize the severity of the crime rather than the gender of the victim. These policy recommendations aim to balance the stakeholders’ different interests and create a comprehensive and adequate approach to address sexual assault involving male victims while promoting gender equality.
Conclusion
Sexual assault against male victims is profoundly significant in the context of gender discrimination, challenging predefined notions and stereotypes. A comprehensive approach including different policies and strategies is essential to instill positive change. Promoting education and gender-encompassing awareness campaigns and policy reforms represent essential steps toward progress. The prevailing misconception that SA solely affects females undermines the urgency for inclusive policies addressing the experiences of male victims. While existing policies, such as those mentioned above, are essential within the framework of human rights instruments, a critical evaluation is imperative. A nuanced and gender-inclusive policy framework should be developed, providing explicit support for male victims in order to alleviate stereotypes and encourage the reporting of such crimes.
In conclusion, tackling gender discrimination and reaching gender equality in the context of male SA requires a multifaceted approach. Beyond policy considerations, societal attitudes play a crucial role. Misconceptions, myths, and underrepresentation can be dispelled by instilling change at both individual and community levels.
A comprehensive strategy that addresses misconceptions, educates and promotes awareness among the public, and refines policies is pivotal for achieving meaningful yet lasting change for male victims of sexual assault to not be silent nor silenced.
references
Bullock, C. M., & Beckson, M. (2011). Male victims of sexual assault: Phenomenology, psychology, physiology. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law Online, 39(2), 197-205. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/21653264/
Gorris, E. A. P. (2015). Invisible victims? Where are male victims of conflict-related sexual violence in international law and policy? European Journal of Women’s Studies, 22(4), 412-427. https://doi. org/10.1177/1350506815605345
Littleton, H., Downs, E., & Rudolph, K. (2020). The sexual victimization experiences of men attending college: A mixed methods investigation. Sex Roles, 83, 595-608. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-02001133-1
McLean, I. A. (2013). The male victim of sexual assault. Best Practice & Research Clinical Obstetrics & Gynaecology, 27(1), 39-46. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bpobgyn.2012.08.006
Peterson, Z. D., Voller, E. K., Polusny, M. A., & Murdoch, M. (2011). Prevalence and consequences of adult sexual assault of men: Review of empirical findings and state of the literature. Clinical Psychology Review, 31(1), 1-24. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2010.08.006
Rentoul, L., & Appleboom, N. (1997). Understanding the psychological impact of rape and serious sexual assault of men: A literature review. Journal of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing, 4(4), 267-274. https://doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-2850.1997.00064.x
Thomas, J. C., & Kopel, J. (2023). Male victims of sexual assault: A review of the literature. Behavioral Sciences, 13(4), 304. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs13040304
United Nations. (2013). Security Council Resolution 2106 (2013), S/RES/2106. https://www.un.org/ shestandsforpeace/content/united-nations-security-council-resolution-2106-2013-sres21062013
Wingender, A. M., & Olesen, M. L. (2023). Male victims’ acknowledgement of sexual assault and their help-seeking process: A qualitative study. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 32(2), 325-345. https://doi. org/10.1177/10608265231215078
Parental Leaves: Influencing the Equilibrium of Work Life and Gender Expectations
Samir Abi Rached Biology Major
Abstract
Equality in caregiving is one of the precursors of gender equality, particularly in the workforce. With the emergence of gender equality movements, parental leave policies were developed influencing both households and workplaces. This paper examines the multifaceted issues of inequality in caregiving from limited access to parental leave, gender norms, and unconscious biases that perpetuate the burden of motherhood and hinder equal participation in the workplace. This cycle is exacerbated in developing countries facing economic crises where the absence of paternal leave further reinforces gender roles. COVID-19 further highlighted the influence of unequal caregiving and its contribution to the gender pay gap and underrepresentation of women in leadership positions. This paper explores the historical evolution, causes, and effects of inequalities in child-rearing while providing and assessing current policies’ effectiveness and offering potential solutions to their identified gaps. This paper also addresses the problem of economic crises such as reduced funds, the reluctance of employers to grant leave, and impact on parents’ mental health. Finally, achieving progress in this field requires challenging traditional gender norms and promoting a culture of inclusivity and respect for all families.
Introduction
Ensuring equality in caregiving is a vital component of gender equality, paving the way towards progress, especially in the workplace. This is partly due to the common practice of having children during the most pivotal career stages. As gender equality gained momentum in the twentieth century, parental leave emerged impacting individuals both in the workplace and within their households (Earle et al., 2023). The United Kingdom pioneered parental leave through the Employment Protection Act, by effectively introducing the first paid maternal leave in 1911 (Bhandari, 2023).
Maternity leave is one of three types of child-related leaves, which are related by concept but differ by time and cause. The maternity leave is exclusive to employees
who have specifically undergone labor and given birth. This leave is usually shorter than the rest and is closer to a sick leave that entails the health concerns post-birth rather than child-rearing purposes. In other words, it is allocated during the postdelivery period, and sometimes following miscarriages, to allow the child-birthing parent to recover physically from the strenuous strain of pregnancy or delivery. On the other hand, lies the paternity leave given to the non-birthing parent for child rearing and to allow parent-child bonding time. Lastly, parental leave is a broader term that can encompass both leaves, though it is generally gender-neutral for any parent birthing, non-birthing, and adoptive to spend time with their children.
Table 1: Parental Leaves Comparative Table
Maternity Paternity
Eligibility
Duration
Purpose
Birthing parent
Usually shorter
Physical recovery
Non-birthing parent
Child bonding
Parental
Both
Child bonding
This paper examines the effect of inequality in caregiving arising from a multifactorial and deeply rooted issue beginning from access to parental leave, societal norms, and cultural beliefs, all of which perpetuate the burden of caregiving on mothers, hindering their equal participation in the workforce. This vicious cycle is especially dire in developing countries in economic crisis such as Lebanon, where the exclusivity of maternal leave and the absence of any form of paternal leave reinforce the gender roles of women in child rearing and men as breadwinners. This is not only a violation of human rights but also maintains the gender pay gap and underrepresentation of women in leadership positions (Kleven et al., 2019). This also forces a damaging dynamic on families, stripping them of their choice to divide their responsibilities as they see fit, which can reflect on the well-being of the family and the development of their children (Heymann et al., 2017).
Furthermore, the COVID-19 pandemic has shed light on the impact of unequal caregiving responsibilities on women’s careers. Many were forced to leave their jobs due to increased caregiving needs during lockdowns and school closures. This drove the issue toward the public lens and called for policy reforms to address this inequality (Power, 2020). Stakeholders such as businesses, governments, and religious institutions might have conflicting interests and approach this problem by prioritizing economic efficiency, gender equality, or traditional gender roles. Governments and policymakers usually prioritize economic growth and productivity. Hence, their policies might be influenced by employers, budget limitations, and a productive workforce (Addati et al., 2014).
Additionally, businesses also focus on minimizing cost, maintaining productivity, and focusing on a stable workforce. Some of them view parental leaves as costly or unproductive while others recognize their importance in retaining the employees and increasing productivity in the long run. In turn, religious institutions may look at the issue through traditional gender roles, maintaining family values that emphasize women’s nurturing and caregiving roles to keep the cultural and religious norms. These institutions keep a conservative approach to preserve gender roles and societal norms
in fear of disrupting the balance of the system whereas more progressive ones have proposed more appropriate solutions toward achieving gender equality (Addati et al., 2014).
Methodology
This paper employs a literature review and content analysis of existing articles related to caregiving, parental leaves, and gender inequality in the workplace while searching for improvements and gaps in previous policies.
Literature Synthesis
This synthesis aims to explore the historical evolution, causes, and effects of inequality in caregiving and access to child-related leaves. It also aims to assess the effectiveness of current policies and identify their gaps while giving potential solutions to the issue at hand.
Historical Evolution
The roots of the issue can be traced back to gender and cultural norms and to the societal expectation of women assuming caregiving and domestic roles. While wellintentioned, the first maternal leave in 1911 further reinforced the traditional women’s role (Bhandari, 2023). However, more women entered the workforce, creating the need for more equitable and inclusive policies. The introduction of parental leaves in 1973 thus also included the non-birthing parent, aiming to reduce the caregiving burden on the birthing parent. This reform allowed parents to better balance their personal life and professional life without the need to sacrifice one for the other. The trigger for this reform was a history teacher in the United States who was not given a non-paid leave to care for his 10-month-old child and was denied the appeal due to the leave being exclusive to female employees. After suing the district court and filing a complaint, the law was found to be discriminatory knowing that male employees cannot benefit from it. The pronoun “her” referring to the teacher in the section was then changed to include adoptive and non-birthing parents (Rothman, 2015). The European Union followed this course by implementing a paternal leave in 2010 that was a month long, thereafter increased to two months in 2019. Nowadays, most countries have types of parental leaves with variations in duration and wages determined by the laws in question (Parento, 2023).
Despite all these advancements, deeply ingrained workplace stigma and cultural attitudes still hinder the progress of these policies, especially in the face of inflexible workplaces, lack of paid leaves, and the fear of career penalties. It is worth noting that men also face similar problems associated with the stigma that men are the breadwinners and did not birth the child, hence their perceived role as needing to provide monetary rather than caregiving support. This also is based on the assumption that the leave is only for post-partum health recovery and to tend to the physical needs of the child, forgetting the psychological and parent-child bonding time necessary for healthy child development (Rossin-Slater, 2017).
Discrimination Causes
One major cause of discrimination towards employees who take parental leave is the absence of a clear line that defines the conditions of this leave due to the ambiguity
of the laws. For example, the federal court in New York stated in 2009 that occasional contact during leave is a professional courtesy and does not violate the family leave (Stamm & Tharp, 2023). This ruling does not define what this contact could be, and this can quickly escalate to frequent demands beyond simple tasks. Furthermore, businesses also lack policies establishing limits on the frequency of work contact or productivity expectations during the leave period. This problem leaves the new parents confused, prompting them to contact a colleague or a friend whose well-intentioned opinion might be influenced by underlying workplace and gender biases, hence perpetuating gender inequalities (Stamm & Tharp, 2023). This lack of formal guidelines makes the employees vulnerable to judgments on their work commitment based solely on their perceived accessibility and informal workplace norms and preconceptions rather than objective measures. It was found that mothers were significantly more likely to be perceived as less committed to their careers compared to fathers based on the time of the leave (Stamm & Tharp, 2023). These assumptions persisted despite the gender-neutral leave policies of the firm.
Another study invited 255 employees to evaluate workers on leave. The descriptions were the same except for the gender of the employee in the text which also indicated whether the parent remained available or unavailable during their leave (Stamm & Tharp, 2023). The man in the scenario was constantly penalized for not completing work-related responsibilities when compared to a working man with no leave. Nevertheless, the man who worked during his leave was not appreciated. However, women who did the same were highly appreciated compared to those who did not even take time off. Interestingly, women on leave were not penalized for being unavailable. This implies that working women on leave were perceived as going above and beyond when staying available, while men were practically expected to continue working during their leave period. Despite claiming no gender-based expectations, survey participants’ responses implied an underlying unconscious bias against working fathers taking parental leave (Stamm & Tharp, 2023).
As discussed previously, the apparent behavioral differences between men and women in societies stem from the gendered distribution of societal roles. This stratification is a potential factor contributing to this gender inequality. This is otherwise known as the social role theory (Stamm & Tharp, 2023), indicating, notably, that this gender role even shows in the desire of men to be the primary financial provider of the family. On the other hand, both men and women showed an inclination towards equal parenting responsibilities with their partners.
On one hand, when considering unpaid leave options, a significant discrepancy between men and women was observed. Women tend to plan on taking longer leaves when offered 12 or 52 weeks compared to men (Stamm & Tharp, 2023). Both genders’ answers aligned with the traditional gender norms when asked about the duration of the unpaid leave of their partners. On the other hand, when considering the 12-week paid option, the differences between genders persisted but decreased compared to the unpaid one. Nevertheless, when presented with 52 waged weeks, insignificant disparity was found in the planned duration, yet the expectations of each gender on the partner differed once again. While men planned to have longer leaves if paid, women were two times more inclined than men to take longer leaves if unpaid (Stamm & Tharp, 2023).
The well-intended parental leave aiming to favor gender equality might have backfired. Indeed, when men were asked about their plans during the leave, they allocated a great portion toward activities to enhance their resumes such as learning new skills and looking for better job and business opportunities (Stamm & Tharp, 2023). Interestingly, this plan was not limited to older men in the work culture acquired after years in the workplace; similar patterns emerged when university undergraduates were requested to envision and plan a theoretical leave (Stamm & Tharp, 2023). Consequently, men devote more time to career-linked endeavors, leaving women to focus more on childrearing during their leave, which increases the discrepancies in their respective resumes (Stamm & Tharp, 2023). Paradoxically, therefore, all the causes discussed suggest that implementing equal parental leave policies may not eliminate workplace gender disparities and could potentially introduce new challenges due to deeply ingrained societal expectations and normative gender roles.
Economic Crises and Parental Leaves
Economic crises can significantly exacerbate the challenges associated with parental leave policies in terms of implementation and discrimination. During times of financial strain, governments and businesses face constraints especially in terms of budget. This may lead to a reduction of funding allocated for parental leave programs. This might push employees to choose between their financial stability or caregiving responsibilities (Addati et al., 2014). This reluctance of employers to grant parental leave stems from fears of negatively impacting productivity. Ironically, this has quite the contrary effect and decreases employee morale, which impacts the long-term staff retention rates, costing the business more for hiring and training new employees (Parento, 2023). Furthermore, economic crises can lead to job insecurity and an increased competition for available jobs. This scenario might discourage employees from exercising their rights and taking parental leaves to avoid being perceived as less committed, especially in workplace cultures that prioritize productivity over work-life balance. Moreover, the unstable situation can have a detrimental impact on parents’ mental health, hindering their ability to fully bond with and care for their newborns.
Policy Review and Suggestions
Business leaders understand the importance of family-oriented policies in attracting and retaining talent. Nearly 60% recognize their role in having a loyal and productive workforce. Such initiatives have shown a remarkable decline of 70% in employee turnover rates for employed mothers who were granted a compensated 12-week leave (Parento, 2023). The benefits even extended beyond mothers to include all employees who showed better commitment to the organization. This plays greatly in the success of the company, knowing that by preserving their trained workforce, they lower hiring and training costs.
In 2002, the California state pioneered a legislation for parental leave, which took effect in 2004. By 2018, the number of parents taking a minimum of six weeks leave rose from initially 45% to reach 80% (Sholar, 2016). In 2021, the scope was expanded to encompass family members serving abroad. Subsequently, New Jersey passed and implemented paid parental leave in 2008 and 2009, respectively, which benefited 85% of parents (Sholar, 2016). New York City now boasts one of the best parental leave programs of the country, offering employment protection and up to eight weeks of
paid benefits for new parents. Concerning Washington State, it enacted a paternity law in 2007 that did not take effect until 2020, providing a 12-week compensated absence for employees working a minimum of 820 hours annually or 16 hours weekly. It is important to have clear federal legislation and regulation that protect the rights of new parents due to the reluctance of many employers to give a leave in the absence of laws. However, these state-mandated programs are funded differently. Some of them are financed through contributions of both employers and employees into a dedicated fund which then compensates the workers during their leaves.
In Lebanon, the Labor Code underwent legislative revision in 1994 to include an obligatory seven-week maternity leave after childbirth, which was later extended in 2014 to 10 weeks (Tabbara, 2022). However, this duration is barely enough for the mothers to recover physically and definitely not enough to take care of their newborn(s), considering the lack of paternity leaves in Lebanon. Recalling her own experience, Lara Fayyad, a Lebanese mother, said that the duration of her leave was inadequate and forced her to return to work while her newborn was still breastfeeding and required the presence of his mother (Tabbara, 2022). Placing her infant in daycare in time of the pandemic was not a viable option. When Fayad’s spouse was asked to assist, he was overwhelmed, citing his 8 to 6 work schedule that barely allowed bonding with his child; he also advocated for the implementation of paternity leave policies. Moreover, Lara had to take 15 weeks of unpaid leave to care for her child, whom she then enrolled at three months in daycare (Tabbara, 2022). As a potential solution, institutions should look into investing in a nursery for employees’ children.
To mitigate the challenges mentioned, the Arab Institute for Women (AiW) at the Lebanese American University (LAU) collaborated in March 2021 with nongovernmental organizations and some companies to revise parental policies and draft a proposal submitted to the Lebanese parliament. The draft consisted of implementing a 15-week maternal leave postpartum and a 10-day leave for the father. Concurrently, the university voluntarily implemented this draft in the hope of paving the way for future reforms.
The initial step on the way to resolving this issue would be to adopt the proposed legislation nationally. This action could serve as a blueprint for better initiatives. A committee focused on these policies must be established and tasked to collaborate with non-governmental organizations to study and devise a plan for an effective enactment of these leaves within the governmental bodies, then within private ones. The following step should include exploring various funding avenues for this program, ranging from international resources to local and nationwide fundraisers. After securing the financing resources, the focus must be shifted towards extending the maternal leave to 20 weeks and ensuring compliance across both the public and private sectors. The final step for the moment should aim to achieve a paternal leave consisting of a minimum of four weeks.
Moreover, educational, public awareness, and workplace policies can help alleviate the effect of the discriminatory gender roles that might hinder the effective implementation of parental leave. Educating individuals from an early age to avoid the unconscious bias passed down from generations is crucial. This can be achieved by incorporating
gender equality principles into schools’ curricula, highlighting the importance of shared caregiving responsibilities between parents. It is also important to include mandatory courses or modules that focus on gender studies in general, with sections addressing the societal impact of unequal caregiving. To reach the broader public, nationwide awareness campaigns can be launched through various media channels in collaboration with religious institutions, non-governmental organizations, community leaders, and celebrities to challenge traditional gender roles and promote fair caregiving responsibility distribution.
More can also be done on the workplace level by mandating gender sensitivity and unconscious bias training for all employees, while also encouraging fathers to take parental leaves by offering additional leave days or flexible work arrangements. It is also crucial to implement clear policies concerning the conditions of the leaves to prevent discrimination against employees regardless of their gender. Another aspect to reassure new parents is to establish a committee to monitor the implementation of all policies ensuring compliance of all sectors. Finally, a mechanism for reporting and addressing discrimination against individuals should be publicly available.
Conclusion
Gender equality in caregiving responsibilities is a multifactorial challenge that needs a comprehensive approach that must include progressive parental leave policies. It is also essential to address the gender norms and unconscious bias that lead to discriminatory attitudes and perpetuate the burdens on mothers. Additionally, it is crucial to recognize that parental leave policies are not only a matter of individual benefits but have a wider effect on society. Inaccessible parental leave during economic crisis can perpetuate gender inequalities. This is especially true due to the tendency of women having to bear the burden of caregiving responsibilities. This can negatively reflect and hinder their career advancement (Addati et al., 2014). Policymakers must recognize the broader impact of parental leave on gender equality and long-term economic productivity, hence prioritizing its preservation especially during economic hardships. This can include alternative funding mechanisms such as private-public partnerships. Furthermore, it is vital to strengthen and enforce legal protections against violations of these laws, including but not limited to discrimination for taking the leave and the education of parents about their rights to help alleviate the fear and hesitations of employees. It is important to understand that this is not only a matter of social justice but an economic problem. Supporting families in these periods contributes to a more productive society, better-equipped to bear economic hardship and emerge to the other side.
references
Addati, L., Cassirer, N., & Gilchrist, K. (2014). Maternity and paternity at work: Law and practice across the world. International Labor Organization. https://www.semanticscholar.org/ paper/Maternity-and-paternity-at-work%3A-Law-and-practice-Addati-Cassirer/ e3b332c99cf4cda4ecdf355e7133aebcd5fd1fe4
Bhandari, S. (2023). Maternity leave vs parental leave: Difference and comparison. Ask Any Difference. https://askanydifference.com/difference-between-maternity-leave-and-parental-leave-withtable/
Earle, A., Raub, A., Sprague, A., & Heymann, J. (2023). Progress towards gender equality in paid parental leave: An analysis of legislation in 193 countries from 1995–2022. Community, Work & Family, 1–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/13668803.2023.2226809
Heymann, J., Sprague, A. R., Nandi, A., Earle, A., Batra, P., Schickedanz, A., Chung, P.J., & Raub, A. (2017). Paid parental leave and family wellbeing in the sustainable development era. Public Health Reviews, 38, 21. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5810022/ Kleven, H., Landais, C., & Søgaard, J. E. (2019). Children and gender inequality: Evidence from Denmark. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 11(4), 181-209. https://www.aeaweb. org/articles?id=10.1257/app.20180010.
Parento. (2023). The state of paid parental leave: Facts and statistics from 2023. https://www. parentoleave.com/blog/the-state-of-paid-parental-leave-facts-and-statistics-from-2023 Power, K. (2020). The COVID-19 pandemic has increased the care burden of women and families. Sustainability: Science, Practice and Policy, 16(1), 67–73. https://doi.org/10.1080/15487733.2020.1 776561
Rossin-Slater, M. (2017). Maternity and family leave policy. National Bureau of Economic Research. https://www.nber.org/papers/w23069
Rothman, L. (2015, June 10). Meet the father of paternity leave. Time. https://time.com/3916437/ paternity-leave-gary-ackerman/
Sholar, M. (2016, May 10). The history of family leave policies in the United States. Organization of American Historians. https://www.oah.org/tah/november-3/the-history-of-family-leave-policiesin-the-united-states/
Stamm, E. & Tharp, D. (2023). Men and women use parental leave differently. They’re judged differently for it, too. Time. https://time.com/6281701/parental-leave-gender-bias-women-careers/ Tabbara, R. (2022, January 27). Lebanese mothers and fathers push for expanded parental leave. L’Orient Today. https://today.lorientlejour.com/article/1288966/lebanese-mothers-and-fatherspush-for-expanded-parental-leave.html
Tackling the Gender Pay Gap in the Lebanese Football League amid Crisis
Cynthia Salha Mechatronics Engineering Major
Abstract
This policy paper investigates the gender pay gap prevailing in Lebanese football during the current times of crisis. The primary focus of this study centers on the factors contributing to this gap and the strategies that can be employed to mitigate it and promote gender equality in Lebanese football. Existing literature has highlighted the persistence of the gender pay gap in sports globally, but specific insights into the Lebanese football context are limited. Given the importance of sports in Lebanon and the increase of female football players, addressing the gender pay gap is crucial for promoting inclusivity and gender equality. The paper conducts a SWOT (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats) analysis. The research shows that societal norms, lack of investment, sponsorship disparities, and media biases contribute to this gap, in addition to the economic instability that affects funding for female players, making the gap wider. The proposed solutions outlined in this paper include the implementation of equal pay policies, more investment in women’s football, media representation, and awareness campaigns. These steps can make a big difference in creating a fairer and more inclusive environment in Lebanese football, leading to broader progress for gender equality in society overall.
Introduction
The Lebanese Women’s Football has been present for almost 19 years. The National Team was founded in 2005 and is considered one of the pioneers in the region, while the Lebanese Women’s Football League did not start until 2008 (Lebanese Forces, 2008). Since then, women have been facing gender disparities in football, including the gender pay gap. Specifically, the gender pay gap encompasses the unequal compensation received by female athletes compared to their male counterparts for their participation in football-related activities, including matches, training sessions, endorsements, and other related engagements (Naqash, 2014). However, this gap may
manifest in various forms, such as lower salaries, fewer sponsorship opportunities, limited access to resources and facilities, and differences in prize money and bonuses.
Amid the crisis conditions in Lebanon, female football athletes encounter challenges in their pursuit of gender equality within the sport (Hallal, 2023). The economic instability and the widespread financial struggles are major factors in this issue. For instance, sports organizations, such as the Lebanese Football Association (LFA) and several Lebanese football clubs, reduce their investments in women’s football programs as these are considered risky or uncertain, particularly if they perceive limited demand or interest from fans and stakeholders. This risk aversion may lead to prioritize safer investments in men’s football, where the potential for returns is assumed to be higher and more predictable (Naqash, 2014). The reason for that is the small fan base and the limited commercial appeal that women’s football has in Lebanon. Sports organizations thus rely on traditional revenue models that prioritize ticket sales, merchandise, and broadcasting rights, which are perceived to be more profitable in men’s football. All this goes back to the historical bias in sports where men have received more attention, funding, and resources, compared to women. This bias is rooted in societal norms and perceptions of gender roles, where men’s sports are often viewed as more lucrative and commercially viable than women’s sports (King et al., 2021).
In Women’s Football Development Overcoming Challenges in South Lebanon, Hallal (2023) illustrates the struggles that women’s football teams go through by telling the story of Sahar Dbouk and Sarah Awally, two former Lebanese football players who established the first girl’s academy in South Lebanon, dubbed Super Girls. Dbouk said: “The general view in our region is that football is not for girls. We have been changing perceptions little by little since the academy was founded” (Hallal, 2023, para. 4). Furthermore, Lebanon’s former captain Hiba Jafail spoke on behalf of her colleagues in the National Team, expressing her pity in the security situation that negatively and clearly affects the game. Moreover, the fact that a large number of young players are still learning in schools prevents them from participating in all exercises, in addition to the difficulty of transportation in Lebanon and the lack of interest of parents at times (Naqash, 2014).
Overall, the complexity of the gender pay gap in Lebanese football arises from various factors. These include gender norms and biases, limited financial investment in women’s sports, lack of sponsorship opportunities, and unequal media representation. Additionally, the economic instability and crisis conditions prevalent in Lebanon further complicate the efforts to address this issue.
Significance
The gender pay gap in Lebanese football has garnered attention and emerged onto the national agenda and public sphere due to several key factors. There is a global conversation surrounding gender equality, particularly in sports. Movements like #MeToo and #EqualPay have amplified voices advocating for fair treatment and compensation for female athletes (Calfas, 2018). Nevertheless, there is an increased football participation among women and girls who are striving for recognition and equal opportunities in Lebanon. This has led to the increased media coverage of women’s football, both locally and internationally, shedding light on the challenges
faced by female players, including the pay gap (Toufaily, 2023b), whose significance lies in its implications on gender equality, fairness, and social justice within the sporting domain –reflecting societal norms and values regarding gender roles and human rights.
Stakeholders
Female football players have a strong voice in advocating for fairness in football by using their visibility to push for equal pay and opportunities and raising awareness of the gender pay gap. In addition, their dedication and performance on the field contribute directly to the growth and success of football. Talent and commitment drive fan engagement, sponsorship deals, and revenue generation. As mentioned before, the lack of investment in women’s football can be attributed to its perceived smaller fan base and lower popularity, which hinder organizations from allocating resources. This means that it is a cyclical relationship: the better the players, the larger the audience, thus the greater the support and the investment.
The Lebanese Women’s Football League runs on a tight budget and does not allocate money for player salaries (Naqash, 2014), which raises a critical question: How can additional funding be sourced? Here comes the role of the LFA, which is another key stakeholder in this matter, since it serves as the governing body for football in Lebanon. It is responsible for overseeing leagues, competitions, and the development of the sport at all levels. As such, it plays a central role in shaping policies, regulations, and initiatives related to player compensation and gender equality. In the context of this policy paper, the LFA is responsible for identifying means of generating funds for the women’s league and clubs, with the ultimate goal of allocating a part of the profit to the salaries of the players.
Clubs, similar to businesses, may differ in their approaches to addressing the gender pay gap. Some align with corporate social responsibility values, recognizing the benefits of fostering gender equality. These clubs understand that closing the gap can enhance team morale, productivity, and overall reputation. Conversely, other clubs may prioritize profit maximization, viewing efforts to address the gap as financially burdensome. They may prioritize short-term financial gains over long-term societal benefits, potentially delaying or resisting initiatives aimed at narrowing the gender pay gap within their organizations (Naqash, 2014).
Method and Analysis
The methodology employed is a thorough SWOT analysis (Strength, weakness, opportunities and threats) of the Lebanese Women’s League with the objective of narrowing the gender pay gap in Lebanese football amid crisis. The analysis has the following key inputs:
1. Financial support from the LFA and sponsors: The LFA provides modest financial assistance to each participating team in the league, supplemented by sponsorships from local companies. Notably, top teams such as Stars Association for Sports (SAS), Beirut Football Academy (BFA), and Eleven Football Pro (EFP) secure sponsorships, while other teams already have strong community backgrounds like Salam Zgharta, Akhaa Ahli Aley, and Montada Sour: “We did not despair. We got support from the municipality
and UNIFIL as they donated a special team bus to transport all the players to training in order to motivate them to continue playing,” said Sahar Dbouk (Hallal, 2023, para. 7).
2. Media coverage and public interest: Public interest in women’s football is becoming bigger and more noticeable due to the recent results of clubs abroad. For example, Safa Women Football Club (SWFC) won the West Asian Football Federation (WAFF) Club Championship in 2022 (Asian Football Confederation [AFC], 2022) and the National Team secured several WAFF Youth championships in addition to the Women’s International Friendly Tournament hosted by Saudi Arabia in September 2023 (Toufaily, 2023b). As a result, media outlets are more interested in covering league games and highlighting those achievements.
3. Technical expertise and coaching: All clubs are mandated to have coaches holding at least an AFC Level C coaching license. However, not all clubs possess private infrastructure. This limits training sessions to a maximum of three times per week, which is relatively low. As one player said, “Our next goal will be to have a special training ground. We share a pitch with the men’s clubs in the area, which is why we are currently only able to train at an early time twice a week” (Hallal, 2023, para. 7).
4. Player pool and participation levels: Presently, there are around 600 registered female athletes actively engaged in football in Lebanon, with a predominant concentration in Greater Beirut and Maten. However, economic challenges and the ongoing economic and political crisis in Lebanon have led to a decline in participation rates in the north and south, while the Bekaa region is yet to establish a women’s team. For example, Super Girls, the team mentioned earlier, has unfortunately withdrawn from the seniors league this year due to financial struggles leaving the players without a team after believing that they could actually make a change (Lebanese Football Association, 2024).
Lebanon currently lacks specific policies or laws to address the gender pay gap and discrimination in sports. This gap in legal framework allows the persistence of inequality, such as disparities in funding, media coverage, infrastructure, and general support between men’s and women’s sports, without formal redress mechanisms. The SWOT analysis conducted has four primary roles, which in turn leads to narrowing the gender pay gap and increasing the visibility of women’s football in Lebanon.
1. Promote gender equality and women’s empowerment through sports.
2. Develop and expand the women’s football scene in Lebanon.
3. Raise the competitive level of the league.
4. Increase national team representation and international success.
Strengths
The Lebanese Women’s Football League possesses passionate stakeholders (Mahfoud, 2021). The dedication and talent of players and coaches, despite limited resources, is a strong foundation. In addition, there is an established league structure. This system, along with eager teams, provides a base for growth. Furthermore, the increasing public interest, driven by recent successes of both the national and club teams on the international stage mentioned before, presents an opportunity to raise the league’s profile. This rising visibility creates a promising opportunity for increased sponsorships. These sponsorships play a crucial role, offering essential financial support for advancing the league’s development and professional standards.
Weaknesses
Unfortunately, the Lebanese Women’s Football League encounters substantial challenges. The significant funding gap between this league and the men’s league seriously impedes its progress and its ability to compete (Naqash, 2014). In addition, the league has a deficit in its infrastructure as well. The lack of proper training and match facilities creates a major hurdle for player development and professionalism. Media coverage is also disproportionately low, limiting public awareness on the league and potential sponsorship deals (Toufaily, 2023a). Further complicating matters, the concentration of players in certain regions and a smaller overall pool threaten the league’s long-term sustainability. Unequal access to training and resources limits the participation of players in certain regions leading to unequal development affecting the overall quality (Hallal, 2023).
Opportunities
There are several avenues for positive change. International collaborations with organizations like UEFA and ABAAD can bring valuable training programs, expertise exchange, and development opportunities to the Lebanese Women’s Football League. Strategic partnerships with corporations can generate vital financial resources for league development and player support. Additionally, focused marketing initiatives and media engagement strategies boost the league’s visibility, attracting more sponsors and challenging existing negative public perceptions and stereotypes. Investments in infrastructure, such as collaborations with local authorities, municipalities, and even men’s football clubs can lead to improved facilities dedicated to women’s football. Moreover, implementing programs in schools and universities can create pathways for girls to participate in the game and potentially join the league, expanding the player pool (Hallal, 2023).
Threats
The League’s advancement is threatened by several factors. There are potential funding cuts from the LFA or current sponsors; there is an increasing popularity of other sports, which poses a competitive threat, potentially diverting resources and media attention away from women’s football (Naqash, 2014). One of the most significant threats facing the sport are the persistent social barriers and cultural norms. Conservative families and entrenched religious beliefs often discourage girls from engaging in football or attending gym sessions, fearing that such activities may affect their femininity or lead to the development of muscular physiques (Naqash, 2014). These perceptions reinforce gender stereotypes and contribute to the underrepresentation of women in sports.
Furthermore, the lack of clear policies and regulations for women’s football development creates an unstable environment for long-term planning. These policies should cover funding allocations, gender equality policies including equal pay and equal opportunities, and partnership encouragement with football associations, government bodies, educational institutions and community organizations. Another threat stems from limited opportunities for female football players in Lebanon, both financially and in terms of competition level, which leads to talented and promising players migrating abroad.
Important Considerations
For sustainable growth, the League must consider not only immediate solutions but also long-term financial independence. It should explore potential commercialization opportunities, such as merchandise sales, to generate revenue. Community engagement plays a crucial role in challenging gender roles and stereotypes prevalent in society. By involving the community in women’s football initiatives, we can raise awareness about the importance of breaking down traditional gender norms that limit female participation in sports. Similarly, by showcasing positive female role models in football and highlighting their achievements, we can challenge stereotypes that associate athleticism with masculinity. It is important to note that the lack of data can significantly hinder our understanding and development of effective strategies. Hence, implementing comprehensive data collection on player demographics and viewership could provide valuable insights for future strategic planning and marketing initiatives.
Policies and Proposed Solutions
To effectively address the competing and complementary interests of different stakeholders, it is crucial to enact policies that not only support the growth of women’s football but also promote broader gender equality in sports. Based on the analysis of the current situation in Lebanese women’s football, a new comprehensive legislation should be introduced. This policy should mandate equal funding and resources between men’s and women’s sports, outline requirements for media coverage, and ensure equal access to facilities. It should also include provisions for regular monitoring and reporting to assess progress and compliance (Mahfoud, n.d.). This information could be used to form the basis of a comprehensive database for player demographics and performance metrics, which would provide valuable insights for future strategic planning and decision-making.
Moreover, partnerships with international organizations such as the Union of European Unions of Football Associations (UEFA) and the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) could facilitate the exchange of best practices, technical expertise, and funding opportunities to support the development of women’s football in Lebanon. The solutions, opportunities and threats, derived from this paper’s SWOT analysis, are tabulated below.
STRENGTHS
WEAKNESSES
OPPORTUNITIES
· Leverage growing interest in women’s football to secure government grants and corporate sponsorships for league expansion and infrastructure development.
· Partner with international organizations to provide training programs, exchange opportunities, and access to expertise for players and coaches.
· Develop talent identification and development programs to increase the player pool and prevent talent drain.
· Collaborate with schools and universities to create pathways for young girls to participate in football and potentially join the league.
THREATS
· Implement marketing campaigns and media outreach strategies to counter negative stereotypes and raise public awareness about the league and its players.
· Advocate for clear policies and regulations from the LFA to ensure equal opportunities and resources for women’s football compared to the men’s league.
· Lobby for increased financial support from the LFA and seek alternative funding sources such as crowdfunding or merchandise sales.
· Advocate for improved infrastructure and facilities for women’s football by partnering with local communities and municipalities and men’s football clubs.
OPPORTUNITIES THREATS
STRENGTHS
WEAKNESSES
· Leverage growing interest in women’s football to secure government grants and corporate sponsorships for league expansion and infrastructure development.
· Partner with international organizations to provide training programs, exchange opportunities, and access to expertise for players and coaches.
· Develop talent identification and development programs to increase the player pool and prevent talent drain.
· Collaborate with schools and universities to create pathways for young girls to participate in football and potentially join the league.
· Implement marketing campaigns and media outreach strategies to counter negative stereotypes and raise public awareness about the league and its players.
· Advocate for clear policies and regulations from the LFA to ensure equal opportunities and resources for women’s football compared to the men’s league.
· Lobby for increased financial support from the LFA and seek alternative funding sources such as crowdfunding or merchandise sales.
· Advocate for improved infrastructure and facilities for women’s football by partnering with local communities and municipalities and men’s football clubs.
As per the table above, the strengths of the league can be utilized to attract government grants and corporate sponsorships. Additionally, forming partnerships with international organizations could enhance training and development for players and coaches. The opportunities section suggests implementing marketing campaigns and media strategies to change public perceptions and increase awareness on women’s sports, with help from the Lebanese Football Association (LFA).
In terms of weaknesses, the League should focus on developing talent identification programs and collaborating with educational institutions to bolster the player base and prevent talent drain. Finally, the threats address financial constraints, proposing increased advocacy for LFA support and exploring alternative funding methods like crowdfunding. The League also faces challenges in infrastructure, where partnering with local authorities and men’s clubs could provide practical solutions. This SWOT analysis provides a roadmap for strengthening the League’s position and promoting gender equality within the sport.
Conclusion
Addressing the gender pay gap in Lebanese football and related gender discrimination issues requires joint efforts from policymakers, sports organizations, and society. We need new policies to ensure fairness in sports funding and resources, with regular monitoring to track progress. By working together and challenging stereotypes, Lebanon can create a more equal and inclusive sports environment where female athletes receive the support and recognition they deserve. Even though “Super Girls” withdrew from the Lebanese women’s football league this year, the Lebanese Football player Sahar Dbouk is optimistic about the change this team has made:
We have broken many barriers. The team, for example, has many players who wear a hijab. More families are encouraging their girls to participate in football and schools have an important role in collaborating with us to develop existing talents too. Having a team for girls in the area is now considered very important (Hallal, 2023, para. 10)
What we know is that “Super Girls” will come back again stronger next year, and they will try again despite all the societal, financial, and structural obstacles they face. The resilience and determination displayed by the team are not only inspiring but also a call to action for everyone involved in sports and gender equality to ensure that women athletes receive the recognition and resources they deserve.
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Toward Inclusive Hiring: Policy Pathways for Addressing Gender Bias in Lebanese Job Advertisements
Tina Doumit Economics Major
Abstract
Despite global strides towards inclusivity, job advertisements often reinforce traditional gender roles, notably in developing countries like Lebanon, where such biases are prominently displayed in roles ranging from low-skill positions to executive levels. This paper examines the persistence of explicit gender bias in job advertisements within Lebanon, exploring its implications for gender equality and economic productivity. The study adopts a mixed-methods approach, utilizing a literature review and a case study analysis of 297 job listings from Dubizzle Lebanon, which reveals a significant prevalence of gender-specific wording that limits professional opportunities for women and perpetuates societal stereotypes. The findings underscore the challenges posed by Lebanon’s inconsistent enforcement of anti-discrimination laws and the cultural entrenchment of gender roles, which together foster a labor market skewed against equitable gender participation. Finally, the paper proposes comprehensive policy reforms aimed at legal, educational, and organizational restructuring to address and mitigate gender bias. The objective is to align Lebanon’s employment practices with international gender equality standards, thereby enhancing both societal equity and economic performance.
Introduction
In today’s labor markets, job advertisements do more than just solicit applications; they also subtly propagate societal norms regarding gender roles. Despite the global push toward gender equality, explicitly gendered phrases like “Female Secretary Needed: Preferably young; organizational skills are essential” and “Male Manager Required: Must possess strong leadership qualities” remain prevalent, particularly in developing countries (Helleseter et al., 2016). These descriptions constitute modern manifestations of age-old biases, where roles and expectations are often scripted long before the job postings are written.
Gender bias in job advertisements refers to the practice of specifying or implying a preference for a particular gender in the description of job postings. This can be explicit, as in statements like “male only” or “female preferred,” which not only restrict job opportunities based on gender but also suggest that certain groups are predisposed to succeed in roles that conform to their perceived gender profile (Davison & Burke, 2000). Implicitly, this bias is also perpetuated through gender-coded language that aligns with stereotypical masculine or feminine traits. For instance, terms like “aggressive” or “leader” often align with male stereotypes, whereas “supportive” or “caring” are frequently associated with female stereotypes (Hu et al., 2022). Such biases have far-reaching implications, extending beyond the immediate job matching process to reinforce gender stereotypes, limit professional opportunities for underrepresented groups, and undermine efforts towards gender equality and human rights (UNDP, 2023). By normalizing these biases, organizations violate equitable employment principles and hinder the progress toward the UN Sustainable Development Goal 5 for gender equality (UNDP, 2015).
In Lebanon, addressing explicit gender bias in job advertisements is crucial given the country’s distinctive socio-economic and political landscape. While the Lebanese government has formally committed to international standards like the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), practical enforcement of these norms across sectors remains inconsistent. On the one hand, local and international NGOs, such as the Lebanese Women Democratic Gathering and UN Women, actively advocate for fair hiring practices and raise awareness of gender discrimination in employment (UN Women, 2024). Additionally, multinational corporations and some larger local companies often lead by example with more progressive gender policies, driven by global corporate standards and external pressures. On the other hand, Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs), which are vital to Lebanon’s economy, often maintain and propagate traditional gender biases in their hiring practices, particularly evident in lower-skilled jobs (UNESCWA, 2021). Such practices are cultivated by the failure of the government to oversee such discriminatory practices. These interactions among stakeholders highlight the challenges of transforming job advertisement norms in Lebanon, positioning gender as a significant aspect for policy reforms aimed at gender equality.
This paper investigates the persistent gender bias in job advertisements within Lebanon and advocates for integrated policy reforms that blend legal, social, and economic strategies to foster economic inclusivity and encourage a cultural shift toward gender equality. The literature review provides the theoretical framework and contextual background, while a case study of low-skill job listings on Dubizzle Lebanon applies these theories to the specific Lebanese context. This approach not only highlights the prevalence and impact of discriminatory practices but also proposes targeted recommendations for transformative actions that effectively bridge policy and practice.
Methodology
This study employs a mixed-methods approach to specifically examine explicit gender bias in Lebanese job advertisements. A literature review establishes a theoretical foundation, focusing on the historical development, causes, and implications of explicit gender biases in labor markets globally. The empirical component involves a targeted
case study of 297 low-skill job listings from the online platform Dubizzle Lebanon, using content analysis to identify and quantify explicit mentions of gender preferences. This methodology ensures that the analysis is grounded in robust theoretical insights while directly addressing measurable aspects of gender bias in the local context.
Literature Review
Historical Development of Gender Bias in Job Advertisements
The history of gender bias in job advertisements reflects broader societal attitudes toward gender roles and has seen considerable evolution over the decades. Traditionally, job advertisements were explicitly gendered, aligning with the societal norms and legal frameworks that supported a gender-divided labor market. For example, during the early 20th century, it was commonplace in Western newspapers to encounter advertisements that overtly sought “strong men” for physical labor or “women with pleasant manners” for clerical or domestic roles, reflecting the stark gender roles prevalent at the time (Goldin, 2006). The rise of feminist movements in the mid-20th century and the introduction of equal employment opportunity laws marked a significant shift. These movements challenged traditional gender roles and advocated for inclusive employment practices. In the United States, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, particularly Title VII, made it illegal to discriminate in employment on the basis of sex, among other categories, which drastically changed how job advertisements were crafted (Charlesworth & Chinkin, 2000). Similar legislative changes were seen globally, such as the European Equal Treatment Directive, which aimed to eradicate gender discrimination in employment and vocational training (EU Directive 76/207/EEC).
However, in developing countries like Lebanon, the scenario is more complex. Despite progress in legal frameworks, explicit gender bias in job advertisements remains prevalent, particularly in lower-skilled roles. Job advertisements often directly specify gender, especially in sectors where gender roles are deeply entrenched, reflecting a lag in the cultural shift that has begun in more developed regions. For example, as illustrated in Figure 1, explicit gender preferences are prevalent in job postings across Lebanese online job platforms. This persistence of explicit bias underscores a significant challenge: aligning Lebanon’s employment practices with global gender equality standards (UNDP, 2015).
Underlying Causes of Gender Bias in Job Advertisements in Lebanon
To fully grasp why gender bias in job advertisements persists, especially in settings like Lebanon, it is crucial to explore specific underlying factors. These include deeply ingrained societal norms, organizational practices, and the legislative landscape.
Societal Norms and Cultural Expectations
Societal norms and cultural expectations are profound influencers of gender roles (Wood & Eagly, 2012), significantly affecting job advertisement content. In Lebanon, traditional views on gender roles are prevalent, where men are often seen as breadwinners and women as caretakers. These norms are not just social but are reinforced through media and education from an early age (UNDP, 2021). A study by Afiouni and Karam (2019) demonstrated that these cultural expectations explicitly shape recruitment practices, with many employers in Lebanon preferring to align job roles with traditional gender roles. For example, job advertisements for positions
Source: Google Jobs, Lebanon, 2024
deemed physically demanding or requiring high mobility frequently discourage female applicants, reflecting and reinforcing the cultural narrative that such traits are predominantly male.
Organizational Practices
Within organizations, recruitment and job advertisement practices often mirror societal gender norms, consciously or unconsciously promoting gender biases. Lebanese companies, particularly SMEs that dominate the economy, frequently draft job advertisements that specify gender, believing it aligns with the ‘natural fit’ of the role. This practice is partly due to the absence of internal policies that mandate gender neutrality. A survey by the German Cooperation (2019) found that less than 50% of SMEs had formal policies addressing gender discrimination in hiring practices, illustrating a significant gap in organizational governance that allows gender bias to thrive.
Legislative Frameworks
The legislative environment in Lebanon provides a backdrop against which gender bias in job advertisements either flourishes or is mitigated. While Lebanon has ratified international agreements like CEDAW, local enforcement of laws that should prevent gender discrimination in employment is weak. The legal system often lacks specific provisions that penalize gender discrimination in job advertisements, and where laws exist, enforcement is inconsistent. This regulatory gap is highlighted in the report of Lebanon National Gender Observatory (2020), which shows that without stringent enforcement, even well-intentioned laws fail to make an impact on everyday business practices.
Figure 1: Common Gendered Advertisements on Lebanon’s Job Sites
Impact of Gender Bias in Job Advertisements on the Lebanese Labor Market
The effects of gender bias in job advertisements in Lebanon are multifaceted, significantly impacting women’s employment opportunities, reinforcing gender stereotypes, and affecting national economic productivity.
Limitation of Employment Opportunities for Women
One of the most direct consequences of gender-biased job advertisements is the limitation they impose on employment opportunities for women. In Lebanon, where gender-specific ads are not uncommon, many roles, particularly in sectors like engineering, technology, and upper management, are often explicitly advertised as male-preferred. This practice significantly narrows the professional avenues available to women, discouraging them from entering or advancing in these fields (Gaucher et. al, 2011).
Reinforcement of Gender Stereotypes
Academic literature and empirical studies have consistently highlighted how genderspecific wording in job advertisements can discourage applicants of a certain gender and perpetuate gender stereotypes (Gaucher et al., 2011). Gender-biased advertisements reinforce harmful stereotypes through dictating what roles are appropriate for men and women. This cyclical reiteration of gender roles is insidious, as it contributes significantly to societal views that men are more suitable for leadership and physically demanding roles, while women are better suited to supportive and care-oriented positions (Hu et. al, 2022). These stereotypes not only influence employment practices but also affect the educational and career choices of younger generations, perpetuating gender segregation in the workforce (Gadassi & Gati, 2009).
Economic Impact
The broader economic implications of gender bias in job advertisements are profound. By systematically excluding women from certain job sectors, Lebanon is not fully utilizing half of its human capital potential. For instance, increasing female employment and leadership roles to levels comparable with men could boost the national GDP by up to 9% (UN Women, 2023). Additionally, diverse workplaces are shown to be more innovative and productive, suggesting that reducing gender bias in job advertisements could have significant economic benefits for individual companies as well as for the broader economy (Hofhuis et al., 2016).
Case Study: Explicit Gender Bias in Job Advertisements on Dubizzle Lebanon
This case study seeks to identify and analyze explicit gender preferences within job advertisements on Dubizzle Lebanon, a platform predominantly featuring low-skilled job listings, over the course of May 2024. Upon reviewing and categorizing 1,846 job advertisements, it was found that 297 advertisements (16.08%) explicitly specified gender preferences. These advertisements were further classified according to job type and the particular gender preference stated, as detailed in Figure 2.
Source: Dubizzle Lebanon, May 2024
Figure 2 illustrates explicit gender preferences in job advertisements on Dubizzle Lebanon, revealing significant disparities across various job roles. Notably, assistant roles are predominantly advertised for female candidates, suggesting a persistent traditional stereotype that associates women with organizational and supportive tasks. This is contrasted sharply with managerial roles, where there is a clear preference for male candidates, reflecting more traditional views that still dominate leadership and decision-making positions in many industries.
Additionally, delivery and construction roles demonstrate a pronounced preference for male candidates, aligning with conventional views that deem physical and labor-intensive tasks as mainly suitable for men. For roles such as delivery and construction, there is also a pronounced preference for male candidates, which aligns with conventional views that deem physically demanding tasks and fieldwork more suitable for men. Cleaning roles, though also tending towards female preferences, show a somewhat lesser degree of gender bias compared to assistant roles. However, it still reflects the stereotypical association of women with caretaking and maintenance tasks.
Sales and cashier roles demonstrate a mixed pattern, with a slight inclination towards female candidates. This trend could be attributed to the stereotype that women possess better interpersonal skills, making them better-suited for roles involving direct customer interaction. Overall, the data from Dubizzle Lebanon underscores the ongoing presence of gender stereotyping in job advertisements.
Analysis: Impact of the Lebanese Labor Law on Gender Bias in Job Advertisements
Having established that gender bias in job advertisements is a widespread issue in Lebanon, it is imperative to delve into an analysis of the existing legal frameworks.
Figure 2: Breakdown of Gender Preferences in Job Listings on Dubizzle Lebanon
This examination aims to discern why these measures have fallen short in effectively promoting gender equality within the labor market. By scrutinizing the existing laws and their enforcement, or lack thereof, we can better understand the barriers to their effectiveness and identify potential areas for reform.
Lebanon’s commitment to gender equality in employment is codified in its labor laws, particularly Article 26, as amended by Law No. 207 of 26 May 2000. This article explicitly prohibits discrimination regarding “type of work, amount of wage or salary, employment, promotion, professional qualification, and apparel.” However, the adjacent Article 27 introduces specific restrictions on the types of work available to women, effectively creating a legal contradiction that impacts the implementation of gender equality. Article 27 lists several industries where the employment of women is explicitly prohibited, as shown in Table 1. These include potentially hazardous jobs such as underground work in mines, handling of explosives, and production of materials with high lead content, among others. The prohibition is grounded in concerns for health and safety, traditionally viewing these environments as unsuitable for women. This conflicts with the non-discrimination purpose of Article 26 and reflects underlying gender biases that assume women are less capable of handling physically demanding or hazardous jobs.
Table 1: Industries in which the Employment of Women is Prohibited in Lebanon
1. Underground work in mines, quarries, and all stone extraction work
2. Oven work for the melting refining and firing of mineral products
3. Silvering mirrors by the quicksilver process
4. Production and handling of explosives
5. Glass melting and firing
6. Oxyacetylene welding
7. Production of alcohol and all other alcoholic drinks
8. Duco painting
9. Handling, treatment or reduction of ashes containing lead, and de-silvering lead
10. Production of welding material or alloys with more than ten per cent lead content
11. Production of litharge, massicot, minium, white lead, mico-orange or lead subplate, chromate or silicate.
12. Mixing and pasting operations in the production or repair work of electric accumulators.
13. Cleaning workshops where the operations listed under Nos. 9, 10, 11 and 12 are caried out
14. Operating driving engines
15. Repairing or cleaning driving engines on the run.
16. Asphalt production
17. Tannery work
18. Work in warehouses of fertilizers extracted from excrement, manure, bone and blood
19. Cutting up animal carcasses
Source: Dubizzle Lebanon, May 2024
The presence of Article 27 makes the enforcement of non-discrimination policies as per Article 26 complex and inconsistent. Employers may interpret these
contradictions as legal backing to discriminate by excluding women from certain job categories, thus limiting women’s employment opportunities and reinforcing gender segregation in the labor market. Additional factors contributing to non-compliance with Article 26 include weak monitoring mechanisms to ensure adherence to this law and violation penalties that are not sufficiently deterrent (Lebanese Center for Policy Studies, 2023).
This lack of rigorous enforcement renders the law largely symbolic, with minimal impact on actual employment practices. Economic instability further complicates the enforcement of gender equality in employment. During economic downturns, costcutting measures often overshadow equitable employment practices, with traditional gender roles influencing hiring and promotion decisions. This economic pressure may lead employers to prefer men for higher-paid and more secure roles, thereby exacerbating gender disparities in the workforce. Moreover, deeply ingrained cultural norms continue to dictate traditional gender roles within the workforce, despite the existing legal frameworks. These cultural factors pose significant barriers to the practical application of laws like Article 26, as employers and broader societal attitudes may not fully support or understand the importance of gender equality.
Policy Recommendations
Given the gap between the legal framework and its implementation, there is a critical need for targeted policy interventions. To effectively address the issue of gender bias in job advertisements within the Lebanese labor market, the involvement of multiple stakeholders is essential. The governmental level requires a holistic strategy to diminish and eventually eradicate gender bias from employment practices. A pivotal initial step is the comprehensive reform of existing labor laws, particularly to rectify the contradictions found between Article 26 and Article 27. This legal reform should be spearheaded by a collaboration of labor law experts, human rights organizations, and independent advisory bodies to ensure the new legislation is unbiased, forwardthinking, and resistant to political manipulation. Additionally, the government should prioritize the implementation of robust enforcement mechanisms, including regular audits and stringent penalties for non-compliance with gender equality standards.
Investment in the education and sensitization of employers is also critical. The government should mandate gender sensitivity training for all HR professionals and business leaders, funded and facilitated through public-private partnerships. This training should aim to reduce both explicit and implicit gender biases, promoting a more inclusive hiring environment. The potential of these strategies is evident in the findings of Mihaljević and Müller (2022) which highlighted the effectiveness of these policies in promoting gender equality in online job postings in Germany. To further this agenda, collaboration with international organizations that have successfully implemented gender-sensitive employment practices can provide valuable insights.
At the institutional level, companies, especially those in male-dominated industries, should commit to enhancing gender diversity across all levels of employment, including senior and executive roles. The establishment of internal audits and transparent reporting on gender diversity statistics would help monitor progress and hold companies accountable. Firms should also ensure that all job advertisements are
vetted for gender neutrality by trained professionals, a process that could be supported by the development of automated tools to detect biased language.
For individual HR professionals and hiring managers, it is imperative to adopt and rigorously apply gender-neutral language in job advertisements and throughout the hiring process. Training modules developed by educational institutions, in partnership with industry leaders, can aid in this transformation by providing up-to-date training on best practices for inclusive hiring. Engaging in community outreach programs to educate about gender bias in job ads can also raise awareness broadly within the industry.
Conclusion
This paper has demonstrated that explicit gender bias in job advertisements remains a significant barrier to gender equality in the Lebanese labor market. Despite legal advancements and societal shifts towards greater gender inclusivity globally, Lebanon continues to exhibit pronounced disparities in how job roles are advertised, particularly in lower-skilled positions. The analysis of job advertisements from Dubizzle Lebanon has highlighted that a substantial proportion still explicitly specifies gender, thereby perpetuating outdated gender roles and restricting employment opportunities based on gender. The persistence of these practices not only undermines Lebanon’s commitments to international gender equality standards but also impedes the country’s economic and social development. To move forward, it is imperative that Lebanon implements comprehensive legal reforms and enforcement measures to eradicate explicit gender biases from job advertisements. Furthermore, education and awareness campaigns are crucial in shifting cultural perceptions and norms to support these changes. By aligning local employment practices with global standards and actively promoting a cultural shift towards genuine gender inclusivity, Lebanon can foster a more equitable labor market. Such efforts are essential not only for advancing gender equality, but also for enhancing the overall economic productivity and social cohesion of the nation. The findings and recommendations of this study contribute to the ongoing dialogue on gender equality and provide actionable steps for policymakers, employers, and civil society in Lebanon to undertake transformative changes.
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From Villains to Victims:
The Contrasting Portrayals of Palestinian Men in Social Media and Traditional Western Media
Nareg Assadourian Biology Major
Abstract
The representation of Palestinian men in Western media has long been marred by harmful stereotypes that dehumanize and demonize them as violent, misogynistic terrorists. This study explores how such portrayals in traditional media outlets differ from emerging narratives on social media during the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian colonial war. Accordingly, this study is guided by the following question: What is the image of Palestinian men circulated on social media during the current war in Palestine, and does it differ from traditional Western media portrayals depicting them as perpetrators of violence and oppression? Through a review of recent literature, the paper first examines how mainstream Western media have perpetuated Islamophobic, Orientalist tropes rooted in colonial biases to depict Palestinian men as uncivilized perpetrators of violence, thus justifying oppression against them. However, the rise of social media has challenged these one-dimensional stereotypes by providing a platform for Palestinian voices to humanize their experiences of resilience, suffering and resistance. Specific instances where social media footage contradicted misrepresentations in mainstream coverage are analyzed. The paper then evaluates policy recommendations for further shifting media narratives, such as establishing monitoring mechanisms, promoting narrative diversification, providing cultural sensitivity training, amplifying positive stories through UN channels, and leveraging public awareness campaigns. By systematically counteracting dehumanizing stereotypes through multi-pronged strategies, more balanced portrayals recognizing Palestinian humanity can emerge to aid conflict resolution based on mutual understanding and respect for human rights. Overcoming institutionalized biases is an uphill battle, but harnessing digital discourse offers paths towards this crucial goal.
Introduction
The representation of Palestinian men in mainstream media has long been an issue of dispute, having significant consequences on our understanding of the Israeli-
Palestinian colonial war and the humanity of those involved, whether in the 2014 war on Gaza, as explained by Abdulhadi (2019) or in the current situation (October 2023 till present). Traditional Western media outlets have consistently perpetuated stereotypes depicting Palestinian men as vicious barbarians and sexual predators as mentioned by Barnett (2023). However, with the emergence of social media, alternative narratives have developed, shattering these one-dimensional stereotypes. This shows that Palestinian men’s identity and experience are represented differently across traditional media and new digital platforms during the PalestineIsrael colonial war. As Weiner (2023) has stated, negative depictions in media can have far-reaching impacts by shaping public perceptions and influencing policies and actions. Dehumanizing portrayals that reduce Palestinian men to stereotyped villains enable denial of their rights and justify violence against them. In contrast, Maharani (2024) claimed that balanced representations foregrounding Palestinian perspectives and centering human experiences could promote greater empathy, understanding, and non-violent conflict resolution. This paper explores how these contrasting media narratives take form and grapples with their profound realworld implications. By unpacking the historical roots, underlying biases, and power dynamics involved in media framing of Palestinian men’s identity, the research illuminates what is at stake and why transformation is urgently needed. Finally, potential policy recommendations will be addressed in order to propose solutions regarding the issue, as policy interventions in traditional and social media spaces could catalyze this paradigm shift toward more ethical, pluralistic depictions that uphold human rights and human dignity for Palestinian men as well as recognize their resilience, struggle, and basic humanity in the face of profound adversity: Israel. The research question is as follows: What is the image of Palestinian men circulated on social media during the current war in Palestine and does it differ from traditional Western media portrayals depicting them as perpetrators of violence and oppression? Also, what are the policy implications of this shift in representation?
Methodology
The study seeks to examine how Palestinian men are portrayed in the media using a qualitative content analysis and secondary research. The information is gathered from academic journals, websites, mainstream Western media, and social media posts about Orientalism and Palestinian masculinity. Moreover, this qualitative approach allows for an in-depth exploration of the underlying messages, ideologies, and potential impacts conveyed through media portrayals of Palestinian men. In addition, by utilizing multimodal techniques and critical discourse analysis, the study contrasts how Palestinian men are presented in traditional and social media.
Literature Review
The following literature review examines how Palestinian men have been portrayed in both traditional Western media and emerging social media narratives. It analyzes the deep-seated biases and prejudicial framing employed by mainstream outlets, rooted in Orientalist and colonial ideologies that perpetuate dehumanizing stereotypes. The review explores how social media have challenged these dominant narratives by providing a platform for Palestinian voices and lived experiences that assert their humanity, resilience, and rights in the face of oppression.
Western Media’s Islamophobic and Orientalist Portrayals of Palestinian Men since Day One
The portrayal of Palestinian men in Western media is characterized by dehumanizing stereotypes and Islamophobic narratives, depicting them as vicious barbarians and terrorists. Throughout the years, media, whether traditional or social, have always been an instrument of war by informing the public and shaping their opinion. Media may also falsify history and frighten the audience from a certain group (David & ShalhoubKevorkian, 2023). In this paper, the “certain group” are the Palestinian men. In fact, literature agrees that Western mainstream media frequently dehumanize and negatively portray Palestinian men as “vicious barbarians”; “sexual predators”; and “perpetrators of violence and injustice.” Here are some additional comments used by the Western media: “terrorists”; “inherently dangerous”; “aggressive”; “inferior human animals”; “barbaric”; “ridiculous”; “fanatical”; the list goes on… Abdulhadi (2019) and Beydoun (2023) highlight the use of Islamophobic and Orientalist as well as racist narratives to depict Palestinian men using the discourse mentioned above.
Moreover, Edward Said explains the concept of Orientalism which leads to the dehumanization of Palestinian men (Beydoun, 2023). Orientalism is a “Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient,” and “a structure of lies or of myths which, were the truth about them to be told, would simply blow away”; generally, Orientalism is “a mode of discourse with supporting institutions, vocabulary, scholarship, imagery, doctrines, even colonial bureaucracies and colonial styles,” as cited in Said (1979, p. 2). In addition, King and Jegić (2024), by using the aforementioned concept, argue that displaying Palestinians, including men, as aggressive “blames the victims” for their resistance, which is an Orientalist discourse. Hence, the prejudice in the media toward Palestine is a reflection of the cultural Orientalism that penetrates Western hegemony and plays a major role in upholding colonial power relations in Palestine (King & Jegić, 2024).
Furthermore, Ridouani (2011) claims that Western media have long promoted detrimental stereotypes about Arabs and Muslims, including Palestinian men, portraying them as barbaric, ever since the Crusades and colonial times. From the Middle Ages forward, particularly during the Crusade Wars and the Arab conquest throughout Europe, the West has perpetuated nearly identical caricatures about Arabs and Muslims, and continues to conceptualize them as a foreign “Other” or “Enemy,” regardless of when interaction occurred, whether it was centuries ago or more recently. Abdulhadi (2019), Barnett (2023), and Beydoun (2023) show the continuity of these stereotypes in the war on Gaza in 2014, as well as after the attack of October 7, 2023, as an excuse to validate bloodshed and ethnic cleansing. Indeed, as Ridouani (2011, p. 12) puts it: “As representatives of terrorism, Palestinians are always presented stereotyped as aggressors, while Israelis, being victims of Palestinians’ ‘aggression,’ have the right to defend themselves.” This quote further proves and demonstrates what the highly classified individuals in Israel perceive Palestinians as in general and Palestinian men in particular. Here are some of these demonizing perceptions:
• Prime Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu: “This is a struggle between the children of light and the children of darkness, between humanity and the law of the jungle”; “the scope of this mission [is] to defeat the bloodthirsty monsters who have risen against Israel to destroy us.”
• Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant: “We are fighting human animals and we are acting accordingly.”
• Israeli Minister for National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir: “They are all terrorists, and they should also be destroyed.”
Hence, it is evident that Western media have consistently dehumanized and negatively portrayed Palestinian men through the use of Islamophobic, Orientalist, and racist narratives, perpetuating harmful stereotypes that contribute to the justification of violence and oppression against them.
Demonizing Palestinian Masculinity: Media Bias and Cultural Stigmatization in the West
Western media outlets exhibit a pervasive pro-Israel bias in their coverage, consistently dehumanizing Palestinian men by depicting them as violent, misogynistic terrorists through negative stereotyping, dismissing allegations of Israeli human rights abuses against them, and prioritizing narratives that demonize Palestinian masculinity - reflecting deeply entrenched racist and Islamophobic prejudices that serve to justify the continued oppression of Palestinians. In fact, numerous western media personalities have themselves discredited allegations of Israel’s dehumanization of Palestinian men – for example, Julia Hartley-Brewer accusing Palestinian guests of misogyny, and Cable News Network’s (CNN) Dana Bash dismissing claims of Israeli soldiers raping Palestinian women (Jamal, 2024). Talking about CNN, scapegoating and pigeonholing various Arab and Muslim populations into a single entity linked to terrorism is normalized in the United States. One example, as cited in Ridouani (2011), is the aftermath of a bombing incident, where CNN, influenced by prejudices against Arabs, quickly implied that the act was carried out by Muslim terrorists. However, after capturing the person at fault, who was an American, CNN dropped the term “terrorists” and switched it with “offensive” to conform with the “mainstream ideology” and biases within American society.
On another note, Siddiqui and Zaheer (2018) conducted a sentiment analysis of fifty years’ worth of news headlines and found that the Chicago Tribune, Los Angeles Times, New York Times, Washington Post, and Wall Street Journal all consistently exhibit a pro-Israel news bias (as cited in King & Jegić, 2024). Moreover, Beydoun (2023) emphasizes how Palestinian men were absent from Western leaders’ demands for a ceasefire, including those from Trudeau and Macron, who focused mainly on children and women:
• President Emmanuel Macron of France: “These babies, these ladies, these old people are bombed and killed. So, there is no reason for that and no legitimacy. So, we do urge Israel to stop.”
• Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau: “Israel must stop ‘this killing of women, children, babies’ in Gaza.”
Another factor leading to the misinterpretation of Palestinian men is the stigmatization and distortion of Arabs and Muslims in Western art, cinema, and entertainment, depicting them as uncivilized and dangerous. One example is the popular cartoon show Ali Baba, which aired on several Western networks in the 1940s, and was given
the nickname “the mad dog of the desert.” In this cartoon, the main character, which is an Arab Muslim, is vilified to the point that no portion of his body reflects his humanity anymore. His reputation is not based on his smart, wise, giving, or altruistic intents, but rather on his cruel, dishonest, and spiteful gluttonous behavior (Ridouani, 2011). The latter provided further instances of distortions, including the reckless Arab merchant who narrates the story of Aladdin’s opening, as well as a frightening royal guard who was given stereotyped facial traits by Disney animators, such as a heavy eyebrow, a hooked nose, thick lips, and missing teeth.
This set of physical features in the Western media could have affected Palestinian men which led Sa’ar and Yahia-Younis (2013) to investigate a perceived crisis of masculinity among Palestinians, stating that this crisis is mirrored in a widespread discourse within Palestinian communities regarding a rise in violence and damaging hyper-masculine practices. The authors argue that this dilemma originates from Palestinian men’s liminal situation, in which they lack avenues for conventional military masculine acts owing it to their exclusion from both the Palestinian struggle and complete absorption into Israeli culture and institutions. Moreover, Beydoun (2023) highlights the current interests that prioritize demonizing Palestinian men and equating masculinity with terrorism. This is shown to be deliberate as innocent men are being portrayed as terrorists, losing their dignity and manhood in front of the entire world – humiliated, then degraded to animals and objects of contempt. Unless these pernicious narratives and biases are actively challenged and counteracted through more balanced, humanizing portrayals of Palestinian men in media and public discourse, their dehumanization will persist, further enabling the perpetuation of injustice, violence, and denial of their basic rights and dignity.
Changing the Image: Impact of Social Media on the Perception of Palestinian Men The image of Palestinian men has started to gradually change due to the presence of the alternative media. Social media and first-hand accounts challenge the dehumanizing and stereotypical portrayals of Muslim men propagated by mainstream media, showing their compassion, resilience, and dedication to their families and communities in the face of adversity. Indeed, Beydoun (2023) depicted the widely shared photo of Palestinian men being paraded by the Israeli military while they are nude, with the Israeli military claiming the guys are “Hamas fighters.” This particular image garnered widespread international attention, as it vividly depicted the harsh reality of Israeli aggression toward defenseless Palestinian men.
Moreover, Jamal (2024) explained that social media have evolved as a platform for putting attention on the violence against Palestinian men, perhaps providing a counter-narrative to the mainstream media’s marginalization of their victim experiences. The latter further claimed that without the widespread coverage of the events by social media, the Israel army would not confirm these events and would try to hide its atrocities. Additionally, Abdulhadi (2019) stated that this shift in portrayal is caused by two factors: first, the growth of a worldwide ultra-right that demonizes underprivileged people, notably Muslims, and second, Israel’s inability to suppress Palestinian resistance after decades of occupation and brutality. The unrestricted display of anti-Palestinian speech and violence helps to show Israel as a superior, civilized power while enslaving and insulting Palestinians.
Furthermore, Abdulhadi (2019) mentions photos of an Israeli female soldier posing with blindfolded Palestinian male prisoners, showing the latter’s incapability and dehumanization. The implications of this shift are indeed significant. It sheds light on the activities of Israel, which normalizes and justifies gendered and sexualized violence against Palestinians, portraying these activities as an inevitable consequence of their resistance. Despite the fact that social media have shed light on incidents of violence against Palestinian men, articles, news and media still maintain that mainstream discourse to some extent and continue to marginalize and ignore their experiences as victims.
Figure 1: Israeli Woman Soldier Posing with Blind-Folded Palestinian Prisoners
Figure 2: Israeli Army Arresting Palestinian Civilians and Forcimg them to Take off their Clothes
The following post, taken from the social media platform Instagram, provides examples of Palestinian men acting with compassion, bringing joy to children, and comforting others amid tragedy, thus countering the dehumanizing stereotypes:
The next time the media tells you Muslim men are terrorists, I want you to remember Motaz Aziza, the journalist who cradles babies in between helping families pull their loved ones out of the rubble. I want you to remember the men dressed up as Mickey Mouse in Gaza going around putting smiles on children’s faces. I want you to remember the doctors of Gaza who perform surgeries nonstop yet still pray over their patients and comfort them through catastrophic losses. I want you to remember the imam at my masjid who delivered his khutbah while holding his baby girl in his arms. You see, genocide is easy when you dehumanize people. For decades now, the media have told us Muslim men are savages, terrorists, wife beaters, and everything in between. I want you to challenge this trope the next time you see it in the media. Let these photos serve as a reminder. (Khan, 2023)
Policy Review and Recommendations
The discussed literature demonstrates the need for more actions to be implemented to maintain the shift in Palestinian men’s representation between traditional and social media. As a result, a number of policy recommendations may be proposed to address the research question. For instance, Abdulhadi (2019) did not provide policy suggestions directly. However, the author argued that a broad-based grassroots movement, which uses collective action from the local level to implement change at the international level, that refuses to prioritize one kind of justice over another, would be required to reverse the tide of racist and colonial violence perpetrated by settler-colonial nations, such as the United States and Israel. Hence, collective action is a crucial factor to push and implement a policy. There are no explicit policies in the literature to address this problem in any way.
Figure 3: Palestinian Man: Mickey Mouse
Figure 4: Palestinian Man: Doctor
Moving forward, social media are trying to shift the narrative as a primary source of information and allowing for people to seek new perspectives about pre-existing ideologies, such as the image of the men of the Orient, succeeding in this mission at times (Maharani, 2024). Focus should be drawn to these digital platforms when looking for ways to promote this change in perception. One way to achieve this goal is by:
• Monitoring these digital social networks by making use of newly emerging artificial intelligence tools and employing specialists to objectively analyze and publicly make available the necessary social contents. This method will not only allow a meticulous control of discriminatory content in regard to sensitive topics, such as the perception of certain gender groups in Oriental societies, but will also offer a correct and factual image of the targeted protagonists.
• Establishing cultural sensitivity and raising awareness about unconscious bias at the heart of major tech companies, which are in charge of sharing social media content, through engaging workshops and interactive discussions about this topic to guide misunderstood ideologies in the right direction and allow space for more realistic views. Moreover, the bounds of this social consciousness could be extended further than companies to more fundamental social institutions, as follows.
• Schools and universities could be a major hub for instilling social awareness about cultural and gender discrimination as they shape students’ ideas and equip them with necessary critical thinking skills for them to become effective pillars of the generations to come and help identify biased depictions of Palestinian men in media coverage to pressure Israel into ending the genocide.
• Public areas such as exhibitions, open mic events, and parks could also be useful spaces to spread the targeted messages and to increase media literacy related to cultural sympathy and social sensibility to a sizeable audience, including different age groups and social categories. On another note, a few policies that have the potential to diminish bias and discrimination in traditional media outlets may include:
• Establishing media monitoring mechanisms under the United Nation (UN) or other international organizations to track and document instances of biased, dehumanizing or inflammatory media coverage of Palestinians. This data can then be used to engage with offending outlets and push for more balanced reporting. Additionally, a fine ought to be imposed on anyone who disobeys these regulations.
• Diversification of narratives can be implemented to promote a broader range of viewpoints and voices in media coverage to challenge the stereotypical representations of Palestinian men as perpetrators of violence. This method may include boosting local Palestinian journalists to be more confident and outgoing to present a more balanced picture of the conflict,
which leads to international pressure on Israel to comply with Human Rights protocols by the UN.
• UN bodies should regularly highlight positive human stories and achievements of ordinary Palestinian men through their media channels to counter violent stereotypes. The key is using the moral authority and soft power of the UN and Human Rights framework to incentivize more ethical media practices without infringing on protected free speech principles.
Although Mikdashi said in the interview, as cited in Jamal (2024, para. 27), that “the gendering of the Palestinian genocide will mean Palestinian men will most likely not have their stories heard, their pain will go unrecognized, and their torture will be categorized as routine practice.” However, if the human world works together, there is hope for every individual, every group, and every Palestinian man. Through grassroots action, policy changes, education, public awareness campaigns, media monitoring, and narrative diversification, dehumanizing stereotypes of Palestinian men may be transformed. Social media may amplify authentic Palestinian voices. Schools may teach cultural sensitivity and critical thinking skills. International bodies may incentivize ethical media practices without impinging on free speech. Over time, nuanced representations may hopefully replace reductive stereotypes, reclaiming Palestinian humanity, which could pave the way for a more just future.
Conclusion
In sum, this paper’s literature review has demonstrated that traditional Western media outlets have long perpetuated dehumanizing stereotypes and Islamophobic narratives when portraying Palestinian men, depicting them as violent, dangerous perpetrators, to justify oppression against them. However, the rise of social media has allowed for alternative narratives to emerge that challenge these reductive stereotypes and highlight the humanity, resilience, and dignity of Palestinian men in the face of adversity. By amplifying authentic Palestinian voices, social media have started shifting perceptions, though barriers still remain. Moving forward, the policy recommendations outlined – such as media monitoring mechanisms, narrative diversification, cultural awareness training, and use of the UN’s moral voice – could help accelerate this positive shift. With concerted efforts across grassroots activism, educational initiatives, policy changes and public awareness campaigns, portrayals of Palestinian men could evolve from violent stereotypes to nuanced representations of their lived experiences as victims and survivors. Reclaiming Palestinian humanity through ethical storytelling is not only a matter of justice, but a crucial step toward resolving the long-standing conflict through mutual understanding, empathy and respect for human rights on all sides. Though challenges lie ahead, the foundations for changing hearts and minds have been laid by the powerful testimonies now circulating on social media.
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