MA iard Dissertation

Society & culture in Spanish market s’ regeneration

Jacinta Or tiz Silveira

29-09-2023

Submitted in par tial fulfilment of the MA in International Architectural Regeneration and Development

Oxford Brookes University, 2023 i

Abstract

In Spain, market regeneration project s have emerged as a strategy for revitalising traditional market s and promoting sustainable urban development (UN Habitat, 2022). These market s have played a significant role in the social and cultural life of cities for centuries (González, 2018). However, in recent decades, many market s have faced challenges such as declining foot traffic and competition from modern shopping centres (Fava et al, 2016). While the economic and urban development goals of market regeneration project s are well understood, less attention has been given to the social and cultural factors that contribute to their success. This research aims to fill this gap by exploring the influence of social and cultural factors on market regeneration project s in Spain. It examines the historical and cultural significance of traditional market s in Spain and their potential for contributing to urban regeneration. It identifies the key social and cultural factors that influence the success of market regeneration project s, and assesses four different case studies in different regions of Spain. The methodology for this research involved a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods: data collection through field work of the case studies; planning analysis through discourse analysis; and comparative analysis through regression analysis. Overall, the study has concluded that the accurate exploitation of the community’s needs, suggestions and recommendations has in all of the cases led to positive outcomes; and that the social and cultural values, such as the relationship between traders and client s is of a much greater impor tance than the building it self, since it is what distinguishes each par ticular market from any other.

Fig 1: Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023 Photograph by author (2023)

Fig. 2: Mercado de la Ribera: 1929. Source: Asociación de Comerciantes del Mercado de La Ribera (2021). Available at: https://mercadodelaribera.biz/historia/ (Accessed: August 2023)

Fig. 3: Mercado de la Ribera: 1983. Source: Asociación de Comerciantes del Mercado de La Ribera (2021). Available at: https://mercadodelaribera.biz/historia/ (Accessed: August 2023)

Fig. 4: Mercado de la Ribera: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig 5: Mercado de la Ribera: 2008 Source: Gezuraga, J (ND) Available at: https://bilbaozerbitzuak bilbao eus/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Bilbao-mercado-de-l a-Ribera pdf (Accessed August 2023)

Fig. 6: Mercado de la Esperanza: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig. 7: Mercado de la Esperanza: 1904. Source: El tomavistas de Santander (2013). Available at: https://eltomavistasdesantander.com/2013/09/12/la-plaza-de-la-esperanza-abrio-puer tas-con-ambiente-festivo-en-1904/ (Accessed: August 2023).

Fig. 8 & 9: Mercado de la Esperanza: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig. 10: Mercado de la Alcaicería plan: 14th century Plan by author (2023). Source: Sede Electrónica del Catastro (2023) Ministerio de Hacienda y Función Pública Available at: https://www1 sedecatastro gob es/Car tografia/mapa aspx?pest=urbana&from=OVCBu squeda&ZV=NO&ZR=NO&anyoZV=&tematicos=&anyotem=&RCCompleta=&via=ALCAI CERIA&tipoVia=CL&numero=&kilometro=&bloque=&escalera=&planta=&puer ta=&Desc Prov=GRANADA&prov=18&muni=900&DescMuni=GRANADA&TipUR=U&codvia=33&com Via=ALCAICERIA+(CALLE)&tc=U&del=18&mun=900

Fig. 11: Mercado de la Alcaicería plan: 1844-2023. Plan by author (2023). Source: Sede Electronica del Catastro (2023). Ministerio de Hacienda y Función Pública. Available at: https://www1.sedecatastro.gob.es/Car tografia/mapa.aspx?pest=urbana&from=OVCBu squeda&ZV=NO&ZR=NO&anyoZV=&tematicos=&anyotem=&RCCompleta=&via=ALCAI CERIA&tipoVia=CL&numero=&kilometro=&bloque=&escalera=&planta=&puer ta=&Desc Prov=GRANADA&prov=18&muni=900&DescMuni=GRANADA&TipUR=U&codvia=33&com Via=ALCAICERIA+(CALLE)&tc=U&del=18&mun=900

Fig 12: Mercado de la Alcaicería: 1905 Source: Granada Por el Mundo (ND) Available at: https://www granadaporelmundo com/la-alcaiceria/ (Accessed: September 2023)

Fig. 13 & 14: Mercado de la Alcaicería: 2023. Photographs by author (2023).

Fig. 15: Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 1883. Source: ABC de Sevilla (2021). Available at: https://sevilla.abc.es/sevilla/sevi-archivoabcsev-pasado-y-presente-mercado-lonja-ba rranco-sevilla-202102112141 noticia.html (Accessed: August 2023).

Fig. 16: Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig. 17: Mercado de la Ribera: 2023. Photograph by author (2023)

Fig 18 & 19: Mercado de la Ribera: 2023 Photographs by author (2023)

Fig 20 & 21: Mercado de la Esperanza: 2023 Photographs by author (2023)

Fig. 22 & 23: Mercado de la Esperanza: 2023. Photographs by author (2023).

Fig. 24 Mercado de la Esperanza: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig. 25, 26 & 27: Mercado de la Alcaicería: 2023. Photographs by author (2023).

Fig. 28, 29, 30 & 31: Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023. Photographs by author (2023).

Fig. 32: Spanish market’s regeneration assessment. Table by author (2023).

Fig 33: Cooking school - Mercado de la Ribera: 2023 Photograph by author (2023)

Fig 34: Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023 Photograph by author (2023) v

Fig. 35: Mercado de la Esperanza: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig. 36: Mercado de la Alcaicería: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig. 37: Mercado de la Esperanza: 1940 - 1960. Source: González (2004).

Fig. 38: View from river bank - Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig 39: Mercado de la Ribera: 2023 Photograph by author (2023)

Fig. 40: Division between gastronomy and fresh produce sector - Mercado de la Ribera: 2023 Photograph by author (2023).

Fig. 41: Mercado de la Alcaicería: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig. 42: Mercado de la Ribera: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig. 43: Mercado de la Esperanza: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig. 44 & 45: Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023. Photographs by author (2023).

Fig 46: Mercado de la Ribera: 2023 Photograph by author (2023)

To my mother.

Acknowledgement s

I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my research advisor, Prof. Marcel Vellinga, who guided and encouraged me in this endeavour of writing my disser tation. I also want to thank him and Prof. Aylin Orbasli for sharing their knowledge and exper tise with me over this past year.

Additionally, I want to give special thanks to the study par ticipant s, without whom I would not have been able to under take this research.

Last but not least, I am deeply indebted to my boyfriend, family and friends for their emotional suppor t and for believing in me in every step of the way.

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1 Introd uction

1.1 Research context

In Spain, traditional market s have played a significant role in the social and cultural life of cities for centuries (González, 2018). However, in recent decades, many market s have faced challenges such as declining foot traffic and competition from modern shopping centres (Fava et al, 2016). To address these challenges, market regeneration project s have emerged as a strategy for revitalising traditional market s and promoting sustainable urban development (UN Habitat, 2022). While the economic and urban development goals of market regeneration project s are well understood, less attention has been given to the social and cultural factors that contribute to their success.

Colantonio and Dixon (2009) recommend four steps to cover in order to achieve social and cultural sustainability when projecting urban regeneration development s. These are: 1- to integrate policies that encourage a ‘socially responsible’ investment path, together with ‘third sector metrics’, and authority-led ‘social monitoring indicators’; 2- to invest in profitable as well as up-to-date ‘data gathering proced ures and methodologies’; 3- to allocate social monitoring systems at the first stages of the project ( planning); and 4- to link the project with it s city’s wider development plans (Colantonio and Dixon, 2009). In addition, Orbasli (2020) agrees that there is an urgent need to include 1

newer and more adjustable ‘planning practices’ and methodologies, so that the consequences of rapid urbanisation which affect s ‘social, political and urban’ factors in cities nowadays, can be addressed. At the same time, she explains that ‘urban conser vation, regeneration, and architectural regeneration’ also have the need to adapt to this new urban situation.

Moreover, Sassi (2020) claims that one of the crucial focuses to achieve sustainable regeneration is to obtain an overall positive quality of life compared to what it used to be before even planning the project. And, because quality and longevity (essential also to achieve sustainability) depend on each other, urban development s need to provide ‘high quality, socially, culturally and economically’ in the long term. To do this, the first step to follow is to study and understand the socio-economic and natural context so as to develop solutions that have a good impact on it, especially the human dimension (Sassi, 2020). Also, she adds that in order to answer human needs, and to achieve a sustainable lifestyle, four steps should be followed: 1- design a structure so that it is ‘unpolluted, safe, accessible, child-friendly, aesthetic, and reflect s local culture and identities’; 2- address the user needs; 3- include the potential or already existing users in the development process; and 4- provide training and employment oppor tunities. Creativity, according to Mar tone and Sepe (2012), is a key aspect towards more useful strategies that allow to prod uce new 2

economies, accurate to today's world, that incorporate cultural capital (a way of expressing place identity) as well as other types of urban capitals. They claim that creativity is able to enhance lifestyle diversity through cultural exchange (Mar tone and Sepe, 2012; and Sepe, 2009). Overall, these authors mention key social and cultural drivers of sustainable development and urban regeneration that are summarised below and which I refer to in some of the following sections as the criteria with which I assessed and compared the case studies:

- Socially responsible policies;

- New data gathering proced ures and methodologies;

- Social monitoring in planning stages, to include users in these stages and address their needs, local culture and identities;

- Link project with city’s planned development;

- Enhance life quality, and provide training and employment oppor tunities; and

- Use of creativity to improve place identity expression. However, social and cultural factors’ role in market regeneration project s in Spain has not been thoroughly explored. This research aims to fill this gap by exploring the influence of social and cultural factors on market regeneration project s in Spain. It will examine the historical and cultural significance of 3

traditional market s in Spain and their potential for contributing to urban regeneration. It will identify the key social and cultural factors that influence the success of market regeneration project s, by analysing four different case studies: Bilbao’s ‘Mercado de la Ribera’; Santander ’s ‘Mercado de la Esperanza’; Granada’s ‘Alcaicería’; and Sevilla’s ‘Mercado Lonja del Barranco’. The selection of different regions of the country to study their market s is the factor that will ensure this study to be able to adopt a more generalised view of the possible scenarios one could be faced to when regenerating a Spanish market.

1.2 Research question

Which role do social and cultural factors play in contributing to the holistic (achieving economic and urban development goals as well as social and cultural requirement s) and successful regeneration of traditional Spanish market s?

1.3 Aim

To identify the role of social and cultural factors in the success of market regeneration project s in Spain. 4

1.4 Research objective

The objective of this research is to examine the social and cultural significance of some par ticular market s in Spain and their potential for contributing to urban regeneration. Additionally, the research aims to analyse the relationship between economic and urban development goals and social and cultural factors. The research also seeks to evaluate the effectiveness of different strategies for promoting social and cultural factors in market regeneration project s, listed in the introd uction chapter. Finally, it aims to generate recommendations for more inclusive and sustainable strategies for market regeneration in Spain, and to identify best practices that can be applied to other urban regeneration context s.

1.5 Methodology

The methodology for this research involved a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods, which are described in this section:

1.5.1 Case studies: This involved selecting four case studies in four different cities in Spain for in-depth analysis of each project. The case studies involved a range of data collection methods, such as inter views with stakeholders and passers-by, site visit s, obser vation of social behaviour analysis, and document analysis. The comparison between the four case studies (which choice has been 5

explained in the following section ‘Choice of case studies’) played a crucial role in determining different approaches that might be successful according to each scenario.

Inter views were held mostly with shop owners/employees while they were working in the market. I made sure not to inter vene in any natural process of the person’s normal working day, so if the inter view was interrupted by a client, I would pause the inter view, only to continue it if the inter viewee or his/her client would want to make a comment regarding this third person joining; this happened varied times, when the first inter viewee would introd uce the client into the conversation, trying to prove a point mentioned before or introd ucing me to this client. After these kinds of introd uctions, I would have more freedom to also ask client s to give inter views, but not many of them responded positively; although all of them were kind and I made sure not to disturb the normal operation of the market (having the shop owners/employees’ ‘approval’). Some inter views were planned (having contacted the inter viewee beforehand), for example one with a cook that was responsible for one of the market s’ cooking school and because of temporary closure of this school, I would not have found him d uring the field work without asking for a meeting. Not all the inter views were held inside the market though, some of them were also held in the nearby urban area, when I would approach locals who were 6

passing-by or sitting in public spaces. Semi-structured inter view questions were used, given the differences not only between the inter viewees ( perspectives, positions, etc.), but also the nature of the market, it s history, it s regeneration process and it s cultural background. A total of 43 people were inter viewed, with sessions ranging from 15 minutes to 1 hour and 30 minutes.

Even though the inter views ended up being the most interesting source for the study’s result, the obser vation played a key par t. The first physical approach to every market was through obser vation, in all of the cases I arrived at the city at a time when the market s were closed, so the obser vation was mainly of the exterior. Once the market opened, I took a route through it, obser ving everything that was happening, from shop owners/employees doing their first activities, to the first client s wandering through the stalls and even suppliers delivering goods. From that first perspective, a note with time and place (see Appendix 5) was made describing the experience and interesting fact s, whether about the number of client s, the noisiness of the place, the pace in which people moved around, or the interior aspect of the market. As I stayed on average 5 days in each city, notes were made in varied times and days of the week, so as to be able to have a global understanding of the space (even though, always having to remind that the field work was made in mid-June/star t of July, which is a par ticular time for Spanish cities, especially 7

around tourist s). Obser vation was also crucial to choose when and who to inter view; although all the inter viewees were kind, they were working, so it was impor tant to approach them when there were not too many people around their stall ( preferably no-one) and when they were not (apparently, at least) doing a specific activity that would have needed to be interrupted by the inter view. Through a last obser vation, I was able to understand or prove some of the point s raised by the inter viewees, and even sometimes question them. Par ticularly, people’s attitudes was one of the most interesting things to see, being even able to distinguish between three main categories: shop owners/employees, local client s and tourist s only by looking at their movement s or the way they approached the stalls.

As a research tool, photographs were taken in each market, to have proof of some situations, the condition of the building (materialistically speaking), and to help the memory when noting down the experiences each day.

1.5.2 Discourse analysis: This involved analysing planning document s related to the four market regeneration project s selected as case studies, to identify the ways in which social and cultural factors are addressed in these document s. The search for these document s star ted online, referring to the library items I was able to find from each market. I par ticularly selected the ar ticles/papers and books that mentioned how the market s were planned in their first project, 8

which led me to find either photos or plans of the buildings from third sources.

Also, I selected some sources that were able to describe and analyse the regeneration process, why this happened, who was involved and why, and the immediate outcomes that these regeneration project s showed. Moreover, in the field work I was presented with a specific book in Santander ’s library that showed the big evolution of Mercado de la Esperanza in it s first 100 years; this led to me trying to find something similar from the other market s in their cities’ libraries with no success. However, plenty and sufficient information regarding planning was found, and is analysed in section 3.2 (Planning analysis).

1.5.3 Comparative analysis: This involved comparing the four different market regeneration project s in Spain from the case studies, to identify similarities and differences in the ways in which social and cultural factors are addressed and which role they play in these project s. Even though the inter views were semi-structured, most of the questions made helped me to follow the same path towards the answer of the research question. Fur thermore, the market s were compared by assessing them through the six strategies for promoting social and cultural factors in market regeneration project s that are listed above. With the tool of a simple table, I show which market met each of the criteria and then continues to describe each situation. 9

Although through the already existing theoretical works I had studied all of the market s, the result s were sometimes surprising, having very similar responses in market s which seemed to be very different and very different responses in market s that were either regenerated conceptually similar to the other one or perceived by many people as equals.

The data collected through these methods has been analysed using qualitative analysis techniques such as discourse analysis, which helps to undergo the collection of data and discerning which document s are interesting and especially helpful towards a global understanding of the bases of the issue being raised; identify cer tain common or dissimilar features about cultural and social life around the case studies; compare the different case studies result s/responses/experiences; put into context each market in the par ticular region of Spain it is located and the par ticular historical time it was constructed and/or regenerated in; and also to conclude on possible solutions or intentions that can be approached in future market regeneration plans in Spain (Byrne, 2018).

In addition, quantitative analysis techniques have been used, such as regression analysis, that has helped me to analyse the relationship between each case study and the different variables of regeneration approaches.

Assessing each market to all the strategies listed in the introd uction, I was able to find a pattern towards success or failure. In this par ticular scenario it is very helpful when understanding (with all the information gathered previously) the role cultural and social factors play in the success of market regeneration in Spain, and up to which degree these factors are responsible for the variation in the success or not of these project s, being able as well to identify par ticular factors that play a crucial role or a more remarkable one (Seale, 2018). The findings from this research have been used to generate recommendations for more inclusive and sustainable strategies for market regeneration in Spain.

1.6 Choice of case studies

First of all, the choice of Spain was made d ue to the fact that market s have had a long-lasting impor tance in Spanish civilizations since the first trade fairs occupied the street s of Spanish cities. In Spanish culture, food is crucial; handmade traditional food, organic prod uce and social gatherings around food have specially been prioritised. And traditional market s are the first link necessary for these experiences to continue happening, so the values and energy put in them through architectural regeneration are surely an absorbing source of study. Secondly, Spain was a more accessible choice (than other countries) d ue to my closeness to it s official language (native Spanish speaker)

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and in that sense with, undoubtedly, another impor tant aspect of it s culture, together with food.

To star t the selection of case studies, all Spanish market s which had been through some sor t of architectural regeneration or attempt to do so were listed, by looking in ar ticles, academic publications and the library, and then checking which of them were still open to the public (either through their own websites or through google maps). With this first condition (having thought of doing, attempted to do, or had an architectural regeneration), only old market s appear in this list; and all 22 of them are held in buildings which happen to be more than 81 and up to 200 years of history. In order to fulfil the objectives, a categorisation was made, distinguishing which market s offer fresh prod uce, gastronomy, ser vices/miscellaneous and/or touristic prod uct s/experiences. Most of the market s fall into various categories, but all of them have a very clear target in terms of clientele (tourist, local or a mixture of both). To be able to have a variety of sources, and different approaches, as well as diversified cultures/sellers and client s, four market s were chosen, having all four categories filled and with market s offering not only local experiences but also touristic ones.

These four case studies are located in three different regions of the country. The first one is Andalusia, an autonomous community in the southwest of 12

Spain, which is home to it s capital city Seville and another very well-known city Granada. In these two cities we can find ‘Lonja del Barranco’ market (Seville) and ‘Alcaicería’ market (Granada). This region’s inheritance is mostly Moorish, and is home to the mudejar style that has been widely expanded to Iberian Peninsula (Rodgers, 1999). The first market is one that has been defined as a ‘gourmet food market’ (Afonso, 2019), where a fish market used to operate at this Gustave Eiffel building from the 19th century (Galant, 2023). This market was inaugurated in 2014 exclusively to attract tourism (Or tega, 2018), which contrast s definitively with the second one. Alcaicería used to be the place for silk trade in the Mediaeval Arab period (Sanchez, 2013) and the one in Granada is the only one of the kind standing, offering a wide range of prod uct s from touristic souvenirs to traditional local craft s (Abdel, 2017). The second region is the Basque country, an autonomous community in the nor th of Spain, home to Bilbao, it s largest city that is also where ‘La Ribera’ market stands. This market is mainly for fresh food, especially fish and seafood, but has recently been renovated so as to meet with accessibility and fire requirement s, as well as offering the city a newer and updated version of it (Baza, 2012) with hopes to attract tourism clientele. The third and last region is Cantabria, an autonomous community in the nor thwest of Spain, home to Santander, it s capital, where Mercado de la Esperanza is located. This last market is the least tourist of all, 13

inaugurated in 1904 (Echevarría, 2014), with the only purpose being to sell fresh food while offering a great ser vice to the public and with almost no design modifications to the building (Cahill, 2013).

The choice of a variety of market s has been thoroughly thought of, so that I am able to gather information not only from different regions, but also from different kinds of market s, traders and client s; and with the objective to obtain very specific conclusions by comparing all the case studies. For travelling purposes, I visited the market s in the following order: Mercado de la Ribera, Mercado de la Esperanza, Alcaicería and Mercado Lonja del Barranco.

1.7 Significance

By evaluating the effectiveness of different strategies for promoting social and cultural factors in market regeneration project s (listed in the introd uction chapter), the research will generate recommendations for more inclusive and sustainable strategies for market regeneration in Spain. The findings from this research will contribute to a deeper understanding of the complexities of urban regeneration and inform more effective and inclusive strategies for promoting sustainable development and cultural heritage in urban areas. Moreover, the research will identify best practices that can be applied to other urban regeneration context s. Overall, this research has the potential to contribute to 14

the development of more vibrant, habitable, and sustainable market s in urban environment s in Spain and similar context s where these approaches could be applied.

2 Theoretical background

2.1 Regeneration in Spain

The differences between each society and the relationship with it s culture are essential to determine their roles in the various achievement s they have had in cities, architecturally speaking. Par ticularly, Spain is a country where history and inclinations vary hugely from region to region (Rodgers, 1999). Cultural heritage in Spain adds to a very impor tant feature of this country, it s language (which is one of the most spoken ones in the world); it also is a leader in politics and diplomacy in Europe as well as a referent regarding economy (Jordan, 2002). The fact that history and inclinations are different in each region of the country, also means that the architecture follows these differences, and this cannot be separated from each region’s society and culture (Rodgers, 1999)

The Spanish state law establishes the content of the right of ownership of land, including the d uty of conser vation in legal conditions, safety, health, accessibility and ornamentation (Sardiza, 2013) The limit of this d uty of 15

conser vation is related to the ruinous (Fernández, 2017) state of the building, which is defined by the regional laws (Sardiza, 2013). However, there is disparity in the definition of ruin in different autonomous communities (Sardiza, 2013). Architectural heritage is a valuable inheritance in Spain that has been passed to it s society with three main features: abundant, rich and ar tistic (Díaz, 2000). According to Díaz (2000), the obligation to preser ve it in it s integrity and without contamination in order to transmit it to the future, lies with the community that has inherited it. And the key to ensuring this transmission is sensitivity (Muñoz, 2020; Díaz, 2000), which requires study, analysis, knowledge, culture, technical skills and humility. Architectural regeneration involves immersing oneself in the "tunnel of time", reliving past experiences and understanding the vision of the original creators (Díaz, 2000).

To promote regeneration, an integrated approach encompassing social, economic and environmental aspect s is needed, as well as active community par ticipation in the decision-making process (Rubio del Val and Molina, 2010; Muñoz, 2020). It is also essential to consider retrofitting as an investment (Rodríguez, 2018) and not only as a maintenance expense, taking the oppor tunity to apply modern technologies and energy efficiency measures (Rubio del Val and Molina, 2010). As an architect and ‘lover ’ of historic cities all over the world, Fernández (2017) considers them to be exceptional cultural 16

expressions of each community or society. These historic cities bear witness to cultural evolution and stand out against the uniformity (Fernández, 2017) brought about by the economic and technological globalisation of the 21st century (Rodríguez, 2018). It is vital to keep our historic cities alive so that they remain a living expression of each community’s culture and root s (Fernández, 2017).

In summary, urban regeneration in Spain should aim to improve the quality of life of the inhabitant s and develop the local area of the community (Rubio del Val and Molina, 2010). Greater community involvement and par ticipation is needed, as well as better regulation of subsidies to avoid the expulsion of original resident s following improvement s. Ind ustrial redevelopment can also be valuable, and consideration should be given to it s unique character and the possibility of attracting the right audience (Rodríguez, 2018). Throughout the process, cultural sensitivity (Díaz, 2000), responsibility, quality, a holistic approach and up-to-date legislation (Muñoz, 2020) are fundamental to preser ving and revitalising Spain's historical and architectural heritage, in order to promote the protection of Spain’s cultural treasures for future generations (Díaz, 2000).

2.2 Market regeneration in Spain

Traditional market s in Spain vary in their prod uct selection, but one of them is the type most seen and most significant, which are the food market s. Food market s in Spain are traditional places where a wide variety of fresh prod uce such as fruit s, vegetables, meat s, fish, dairy prod uct s and other staple foods are sold (Or tega, 2018). These market s play a fundamental role in Spanish culture, as they offer fresh, quality prod uct s to consumers, as well as a space where social interaction and cultural exchange are encouraged (Hernandez, 2011; and Crespi, and Domínguez, 2016). They are often housed in historic buildings with impressive architecture and offer a unique shopping experience (Or tega, 2018; Cordero and Salinas, 2017; and García, 2017).

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Over the years, the market s have had to adapt to changing consumer shopping habit s and competition from supermarket s and online stores (Crespi and Domínguez, 2016). However, many of these market s remain popular because of their offer of fresh, local, high-quality prod uce. The Spanish and local government s often promote the preser vation and revitalization of them as par t of the preser vation of local culture and tradition (García, 2017). These market s also have a positive impact on the local economy by suppor ting local farmers, fishermen and other prod ucers such as traditional handcrafters. Spanish 18

market s continue to be an integral par t of it s society's daily life and culture (Or tega, 2018).

The architectural sustainable regeneration of market s in Spain is the key solution for preser ving these historic and traditional places, as well as adapting them to the changing needs of consumers and ind ustry. The new function that many of these market s adopt (to attract tourism) impact s it s traditional form of use, it affect s the staff members (which are usually owners of the business or related to them), the resident s and users (client s), as well as the surrounding places, even sometimes the whole city (Crespi and Domínguez, 2016). Over the years, there have been several effor t s to rehabilitate and modernise these market s while maintaining their essence and cultural value. Many food market s in Spain are old and emblematic buildings that require restoration and maintenance to preser ve their historical and architectural value. Par t of Spain’s cultural heritage is the gastronomy, so in this sense, market s that present the client s with local food options are par t of it in an intangible way (García, 2017).

Local authorities and government s as well as private investors in some cases have invested in regeneration project s to maintain the integrity of the structure while introd ucing functional improvement s like accessibility and fire prevention. Moreover, market regeneration often involves upgrading infrastructure and incorporating modern amenities, such as efficient 19

refrigeration systems, information technology to facilitate commerce and communication, and rest areas for visitors. In addition, in order to appeal to a variety of consumers, some market s have expanded their offerings beyond what they traditionally used to sell (Cordero and Salinas, 2017).

Nowadays, market s provide prod uct s in several areas: gourmet prod uct s, prepared food, handicraft s, and more. Regenerated market s even host event s sometimes, such as workshops and cultural activities to attract visitors and encourage community involvement (Or tega, 2018). This helps to revitalise the site and create a sense of community around it. In general, the regeneration of market s in Spain seeks to strike a balance between preser ving cultural heritage and adapting to modern needs. These effor t s not only benefit consumers and the local community, but also contribute to tourism, the economy and sustainability on a regional and national level. Many regenerated market s have become popular tourist destinations d ue to their unique architecture and authentic environment (Crespi and Domínguez, 2016). In this sense, tourism plays a significant role in the regeneration of market s in Spain, since the cultural tourism boom (Keller, 2006) affected these market s that have become the new touristic identity in their cities (Crespi and Domínguez, 2016). Tourist s bring attention to these market s, which can lead to an increase in their recognition and popularity both locally and internationally. This can contribute 20

to the preser vation of these places and their promotion as unique tourist destinations. Not only that, tourism can also be an additional source of income for market s and local traders (González, 2018). Visitors often buy fresh prod uce, prepared foods, and ar tisanal prod uct s, which benefit s the local economy and market vendors. Moreover, tourism provides a platform to showcase local culture and tradition to a wider audience. These market s are places where visitors can experience the authenticity and richness of Spanish gastronomic culture (Or tega, 2018), which promotes greater interest in cultural heritage (Crespi and Domínguez, 2016).

However, while tourism can bring benefit s, it can also present challenges, such as the need to manage these new visitors, ensure the authenticity of the experience, and avoid gentrification that could alienate locals. Commercial gentrification is seen since the introd uction of gourmet market s, which is linked to satisfying the needs of a clientele that has an elevated ‘cultural and economic capital’ (Cordera and Salinas, 2017). Finding a balance between tourism and the needs of the local community is essential for this gentrification not to take place. As Hernandez (2011) explains: ‘The markets are the bridge between the old ways of vending with the new. In other words, if life used to be hyper-local, and now it is hyper-global, the markets have been able to retain or absorb the best from each perspective to create an astonishingly vibrant 21

market system. The markets are intent on staying relevant and convenient, and for that they must look beyond the borders of their city and country’.

2.3 Culture and society in architectural regeneration

The practice of architecture has largely been associated with society and culture because of it s undoubted relation to these concept s and because architecture and urbanism are a par t of every human being’s everyday life. Par ticularly, nowadays tourist s do not only look for experiences, but also, they want to feel as if they are par t of locals' everyday lives, with their customs and culture (Crespi and Domínguez, 2016); which is why this is so impor tant in the regeneration of Spanish market s, considering that these project s tend to have the objective of attracting tourism. But it is also impor tant, when relating to these concept s, to define them so as to have a clear star ting point (as there might be different point s of view). According to Cambridge Dictionary (2023), society means:

“a large group of people who live together in an organised way, making decisions about how to do things and sharing the work that needs to be done. All the people in a country, or in several similar countries, can be referred to as a society”. While, culture means:

“the way of life, especially the general customs and beliefs, of a particular group of people at a particular time”.

When looking for a more academic definition, and trying to unify these two concept s, the following aspect s have been considered. Most societies, as Jenks (1993) explains, have an intrinsic ‘social structure’ to which they are related. These social structures are present in every society, and have a special connection to their culture, linking every aspect of it and unifying their lives (Inglis, 2004). Jenks (1993), when analysing the ‘relation between culture and social structure’, is very clear that there needs to be a differentiation between the two and consideration of the various theories that have arisen from these concept s. One fact that many authors share in their thought s and result s is that culture (and everything that involves this concept) has an indefinite explanation (Williams, 1981; Jenks, 1993; Inglis, 2004; Highmore, 2016). And that is why it is so difficult but yet impor tant to define it (or at least try to).

Culture can be seen as a system which is able to maintain it self in a society without the need of other societies becoming involved or even if these do so, they would not affect the passing from generation to generation of this heritage that is only par t of that par ticular society (Redfield, 1956).

Our material world, the one that grows each day with human consumption, also needs culture and market s to develop. The triangle between these three (consumption, culture and market s) is the star ting point for ‘nations and peoples’ (having more, or less than another one) to discuss with each other, 23

adding to the long-lasting threatening issue between religions, races, classes and genders differences, which we can relate to in the case study of Mercado de la Alcaicería in Granada (Consumer Culture Theory Conference, 2007). The market s, categorised as ‘place’ in the consumer culture, are a materialistic social structure that organises the way in which users (society) behave and experience their environment (in this case, built) while consuming (Consumer Culture Theory Conference, 2007). Globalisation, in this context, comes as a turning point regarding culture; although with culture, globalisation cannot play a contrasting role, but more try to merge into what each culture already is and means, adding some changes (Inglis, 2004).

To differentiate culture from society, Highmore (2016) expresses that society is a collective entity comprising people and institutions. It exist s as a large, cohesive body with both unity and divisions arising from various forms of government, hierarchies, and social status. Within society, numerous institutional arrangement s such as ed ucation, work, family, and the military operate, ranging from highly structured and formal to spontaneous and informal. At the societal level, a wide range of human experiences occurs, including beliefs, emotions, distinctions, fears, and anxieties. This level is where the regeneration of Spanish market s needs to work on, in order to achieve holistic sustainable solutions. 24

3 Case studies

3.1 The chosen market s

In this section I describe each of the case studies and analyse what the findings were after doing the field work. First of all, I visited Mercado de la Ribera, which is located in Bilbao, the capital of the Basque country. The location of the market in the city is quite privileged; as we already discussed, market s used to occupy a very central place in the cities so as to be available for every citizen who did not have the oppor tunity to travel and get groceries from the local farmer ’s lands. Here, the market is located by the Ner vion River, which was very convenient for the suppliers that came by boat through it and delivered directly to the market, as it used to have big doors by the side that would permit it To the other side of the market is, of course, the old town, which is one of the most visited areas of the city by tourist s and which offers a great range of shops and restaurant s, as well as accommodation. This market was inaugurated in 1929, as a very functional and modern building that ser ved it s purpose and was built with reinforced concrete (fig. 2). Before the construction, the market already existed, it occupied more or less the same location, and the stalls were spread in the ‘Mayor ’ square, situated on the right

side of the river bank. This construction was very successful, offering not only comfor table and organised stalls for the staff members and owners but also hygienic conditions for the client s; it was considered the most complete Food Market by the Guiness Records in 1990, being the biggest one in terms of quantity of traders and stalls, as well as in covered area (10000 m2). However, the market had suffered from decay in the previous years, most impor tantly, in 1983, when Bizkaia’s ( province of Spain of which Bilbao is the capital) floodings hit it (fig. 3) which was the cause for the first restoration to take place. More structure was added and electricity and water supply were incorporated. The market continued to work normally for some years, until in 2008 a whole structural sur vey took place, where decay was found and that led to the full regeneration of the building. In 2012, the market as we know it today was inaugurated (fig. 4), with some major modifications.

One of these modifications was to leave more public space between the market and St. Anton’s church (fig. 5 & 6). This regeneration also meant a big change in the interior of the building; in the past, food was categorised and displayed separately in each storey of the building, whereas now, the categories of fresh food are all mixed in the two stories available and only occupy the back of the building; these provide with: fish and seafood, red meat, fruit s and vegetables, delicatessen, bird meat and eggs, dairy prod uct s, mushrooms and frozen prod uct s. The front side is occupied by gourmet shops and a restaurant which offer already prepared food and the chance for visitors to sit and have a meal enjoying the views to the river. This major change in function provided a new consumer category: tourism. Moreover, a cooking school was introd uced, with the hopes of attracting, not only tourist s but also locals, to learn how to 28

Fig 2 Mercado de la Ribera: 1929 Source: Asociación de Comerciantes del Mercado de La R bera (2021)

Fig 3 Mercado de la Ribera: 1983 Source: Asociación de Comerciantes del Mercado de La R bera (2021)

prepare local gastronomy. The last repor t made in 2020 showed that the number of people visiting the market in 2019 was 2.312.106.

The next mar

Santander, a

The location

nearby such as the city hall, the library and some banks. Moreover, many other marketing options can be found in the area, like flower and plant shops, and pedestrianised street s with clothes shops. This market was inaugurated in 1904, as a fresh food market (fig. 7); offering a great range of fresh fish and seafood, red meat, fruit s and vegetables, dairy prod uct s, and flowers on the out side of the building. The building has a rectangular floor plan occupying an area of 1998 m2 and consist s of two floors. The structure is metallic with Corinthian-style cast iron columns and capitals. With a regeneration that took place in 1941, the glazed windows had to be replaced since they had been broken d ue to a great fire that hit the city. The next restoration was made in 1977, when they replaced the roof and the iron structure of the windows was replaced for an aluminium one. In the meantime, the construction of an underground parking lot took place (2002), which affected the structure of the market and many other buildings in the surroundings, meaning that the structure had to be reinforced with big tensioner beams located at the ground floor; some of the residential buildings around the Esperanza square had to be evacuated for a while d uring the reinforcement s. Finally, the biggest regeneration project and the most integral one was the one that took place in 2017, having an already new roof (replaced in 2010), access to the exterior of the building was transformed, by introd ucing a new ramp that provides access 30

to the first floor directly from the street and lift s that make the building accessible for everyone. The market (fig. 8 & 9) continues to provide with the same prod uct s it did back in the day, although there have been some modern additions, such as the cafe that is located in the centre of the first floor and provides with local ‘pintxos’ (like tor tilla) and coffee; this is one of the strategies made to attract tourism into the market. One of the most interesting features of this market is that it continues to have the fresh fish and seafood stalls separated from the rest of the prod uct s, the former can only occupy the ground floor of the building and do not share it with any other category. In August 2020, the market was visited by 80.000 people, and continued to augment it s public towards February 2021 by 20.000 more, after decaying with the Covid-19 pandemic.

The third market I visited was Alcaicería, located in Granada, in the autonomous region of Andalusia. The par ticular location of the market offers an oppor tunity to go back and feel how in the past two religions used to share the same space (before the inquisition took place). Next to the market is now located the cathedral (completed in 1561) in the same place where the mosque used to be before the inquisition (that star ted in 1526 in Granada). This market is a ‘grand bazaar ’ where originally Arabs used to sell silk, spices and many other valuable goods brought from the east. It used to occupy a great walled area between Nueva square and Bib-Rambla square (fig. 10), but now it only occupies Alcaicería street (fig. 11) which is public and opened at any time, and from it comes it s name.

Fig 7 Mercado de la Esperanza: 1904 Source: E tomavistas de Santander (2013)

Fig. 8 & 9 Mercado de la Espe

very narrow to prevent overheating, and especially in the market they were made even narrower to prevent theft. As we know it today, the market was 33

rebuilt in 1844 (fig. 12), although the original one dated from the 14th century. Through the years the market has received several restoration works which show why it is in good condition (fig. 13 & 14) and is able to offer a very traditional, exotic and special experience, mostly to tourist s. Even though this market used to attract locals that demanded these exotic and very expensive prod uct s, nowadays it is the tourist s that mainly consume them. People can find not only the typical souvenirs, but also typical Arab craft s, such as inlay which is a typical craft form Granada, lamps, or painted handmade ceramics. One of the most interesting features of this market is that some of it s street s are named by a par ticular craft, since in the past crafters used to sit in the street s and sold their prod uct s while labouring, it must have been a great experience to be able to buy directly from who was making the traditional handmade pieces and to see it live. However, that tradition has not lived up to this day and all the craft s (even the ones made in Granada) come from a factory where these crafters work, so it might be a bit more difficult to relate to that hard work. Never theless, the market seems to have a good reputation between tourist s.

Last but not least, the Mercado Lonja del Barranco was the four th I visited It is located in Seville, the capital city of the autonomous region of Andalusia. It is located on the banks of the Guadalquivir River, and it is a place full of history and monumentality that was inaugurated in 1883 (fig 15) It is one of the few

remaining constructions of Seville's iron architecture, by Gustave Eiffel. In it s beginnings the main function of this space was to ser ve as a fresh fish market with a very convenient and strategic location in front of the river, from where the fish used to arrive, and next to the Triana bridge. However, the precarious hygienic conditions, among other reasons, caused the market to be transferred to another more appropriate place. After this removal, the building was abandoned, being used years later as exhibition halls, tourist information office and other periods of time in disuse; until 2014, when through private management began the project of a gastronomic market. That year the market as we know it today ‘Lonja del Barranco’ was inaugurated (fig. 16). It is a gourmet market with a completely remodelled interior, which has 20 food stalls of all kinds and culinary styles, along with it s terrace on the banks of the river, with common areas of tables and chairs, and prices well above average. The market does not provide fresh food as it used to and it s regeneration was specially projected to attract tourism. It s location in the historic centre in front of Triana overlooking the Guadalquivir, together with the architectural and historical richness of it s building, makes it an enclave of great tourist attraction for visitors and locals. Nonetheless, staff members claim that locals are a great percentage of the visitors, they come to the market to relax after work, have something to eat (‘pintxos’) and drinks with co-workers or friends and family.

Fig. 12 Mercado de la Alcaicería: 1905. Source: Granada Por el Mundo (ND)

F g 13 & 14 Mercado de la Alcaicería: 2023 Photographs by author (2023)

The other main characteristic clientele comes from tourist s from other regions of Spain, France, Great Britain and Germany.

3.2 Planning analysis

To be able to completely understand the regeneration processes of these market s, I needed to dig into which plans were made to address the issues the market s were undergoing. Also, the history of why the market s were regenerated is impor tant to this research, as it defines a goal to meet in order for it to be “successful” at least in theory. Moreover, the regeneration project s of these market s happened because of different reasons.

Mercado de la Ribera was regenerated because of a poor structure of the building, having initially to replace and reinforce the existing structure so that the building would not collapse. And as a consequence, or to take advantage of the works already being done, the city hall decided to under take a full-regeneration process that involved now a new reason: to attract tourist s into the market, with a gastronomy sector; added to the forever existing sector of fresh food prod uct s. Most of the building was left as it was, with the exception of the apse that faced San Antón church, which was demolished in order to give the city and the church some public space.

This decision was highly criticised by Bilbao’s heritage committee saying that this meant destruction of par t of the city’s cultural and architectural heritage. However, and although this opinion was also held by several locals (including 38

some of my inter viewees), the decision did not change, and now the building is not symmetrical as it used to be.

Although I was not able to find the old plan of Pedro de Ispizua (architect who designed the building inaugurated in 1929), I found which differences the new building has (being Emilio Puer tas the architect for the 2012 regeneration project) by gathering different written sources, ar ticles, news, social media comment s, old photographs and the information given by the inter viewees.

Because of the ruinous state of the building’s structure, the interior was almost completely destroyed and rebuilt in this regeneration. In the past, the two floors were free of any structure or fixed wall, providing the market with a much needed and hygienic cross ventilation; however, now the fresh food stalls are contained between walls that do not give the flexibility the market used to have. Moreover, the major effect the plan has had is in the ground floor, where the gastronomy sector occupies a big section ( 1500 m2) with it s own entrance and enclosed from the rest of the market, while connected to it.

On the other hand, Mercado de la Esperanza was regenerated in 2017 with the purpose of giving the market a more up-to-date design, without major changes but with accessible features: a long ramp from the pavement and two lift s in order to connect both floors through the inside (other wise having to use any of the four already existing stairs of the building). These decisions have been 39

quite softly accepted by the locals, who are happy not to have to use the stairs (since most of them are quite old, and in the second floor is located the most varied sector of the market).

Initially, this market was planned as one of the two most impor tant buildings of the Plan Extraordinario (meaning Extraordinary Plan: 1896) for the city of Santander, which intended to revitalise the old par t of the city. The market (1904), located in an area that was already developed as commercial with different facilities (and also next to the city hall), was designed as a large quadrangular space with a basilica-shaped ferro-vitreous structure set on a stone base that shelters what is now the fish market. On the upper level, an open floor plan is achieved, with almost no structural columns (Echevarría, 2015). Being a municipal market (as well as Mercado de la Ribera), it was commissioned by the Mayor to the architect s Ed uardo Reynals and Juan Moya; the plan was to give function and hygiene to the fresh food market, as well as having a modernist inspiration that is shown in the plant forms of the external typography or the flowers scattered throughout the structural element s.

The market continues to the date to be owned by the municipality, although some of the stalls are privately owned by the traders. The regeneration project (2017) was commissioned to the architect Domingo de la Lastra by the Mayor after a petition on behalf of the traders. As mentioned in the following section

this project was well received by the locals (client s) and also the traders who now have a new forklift that enables them to take their prod uct s directly to the upper floor from the providers’ vehicular access. The floor plan was almost maintained, except for the introd uction of the lift s in the interior and the ramp in the exterior.

A quite different situation happened with Mercado de la Alcaicería, it has passed through several generations, religions, government s (with a Nasrid origin and becoming Spanish), and was in the end hit by a great fire that completely destroyed it (1843). Therefore, the reason for rebuilding it (1844) was not decay, or adaptive reuse, it was the need for this market to be reborn. The planning of this project (by the architect s Salvador Amador, Juan Pugnaire, Baltasar Romero and José Contreras) meant that it no longer occupied the extensive land it did in the past (fig. 10) but it now occupied only par t of it (fig. 11).

It was designed in a neo-Arabic and romantic style, and it shows cer tain differences with respect to the original, such as plaster work arches on columns with cubic capitals, wooden latticework, sprouting windows, cornices with a lacework pattern, eaves suppor ted by car ved wooden fleshing and, in general, abundant decoration in the Arabic style (Abdel, 2017). However, some features have been maintained, such as the wooden shutters that function as doors for 41

the stalls, which give an interesting character to the market, not only when it is open but also when it is closed. These used to be painted in red ochre but are now in a dark brown. Different restoration works have taken place in this market but none of them have made any changes to the plan since 1844.

The case of Mercado Lonja del Barranco shows an entirely different approach in terms of planning. Conceived as a fish market, Lonja del Barranco was commissioned by Seville’s city hall to the metal workshops Por tilla, White y Cía, with a structural design by Gustave Eiffel and the construction management by the municipal architect José Sáenz López (inaugurating the building in 1883). The design, as with the other two food market s previously presented, offers an open floor plan, which allows good ventilation for the fish stalls. But the difference relies on the inception of the regeneration project for this market.

As a matter of fact, this market was used for a varied range of programs and activities since the fish market closed in 1970, it also had some periods of abandonment of which the last one was the cause for the regeneration project to arise. Regarding that there was nothing left to save except for the building, there were two options of programs that wanted to be developed in this market, one of them consisted in an ar t gallery, and the other one (the chosen one) was to develop a gourmet market with several stalls in the interior of the market. This project has the par ticularity of extending the plan to the exterior 42

of the building, with an open and roofed sector that overlooks the river and another open space to the left of the building that provides an exterior sitting and dining area. The plans of the building have not changed at all, since the original open floor plan gave full freedom to the designers in terms of positioning stalls, sitting areas, and ser vices. Moreover, the structure of the building was in great condition, not needing to replace any par t of it, and the ind ustrial design also offered the possibility of continuing in that line, and leaving all the installations on display.

Overall, the planning for these four market s show different approaches regarding where each of them was situated when the regeneration project s arose. In section 3.4 I am going to make a more detailed comparison of each case study adding what was discovered d uring the field work.

3.3 Primary findings

Bilbao’s Mercado de la Ribera showed very interesting outcomes from the field work. Before visiting the market, desktop research ( publications and social media) presented it as a very successful market between tourist s, with options for everyone and as a place where local and touristic clientele merged. This market used to be a fresh food market, and one of the biggest in the region; as 43

it is next to the river, ships with merchandise used to deliver to the market and also an exterior trade fair that operated where there is now an esplanade. As a first approach, everything point s to the fact that this regeneration is what generated a boost from the incessant visit s of tourist s and this intense publicity that is made of it in many of the tourist sites. Another thing that could be a reason for this is that they have incorporated a cooking school that teaches traditional Basque cuisine, even though it actually was not in operation d uring the visit s and neither were any spontaneous comment s or allusions to it in the inter views cond ucted.

When visiting the place, the first thing that was noticeable is the fact that the most noisy and busy place was the gastronomy sector (fig. 17) is located (the newest par t of the market, totally directed to tourist s), and the sector where the food market is located (fig. 18 & 19) was almost empty, with space to walk through every single market stall, with the exception of one or two which had a long queue of locals waiting to buy especially fresh fish. In this scenario, it was easy to spot who were the tourist s, they were usually wandering through the market, not buying much (maybe some cheese, nut s or fruit) and with a slow pace, with their phones or cameras trying to capture the experience, most of them took their time to appreciate the stained-glass windows (which to many are the most attractive feature of the building). 44

When inter viewing one of the market’s employees (a manager of one of the gastronomy shops), there was a suggestion made towards not approving the regeneration of the building, referring to how architecturally wor thless the building is, and that it s previous state was so deteriorated (d ue to the use of 45

poor-quality materials) that the effor t to rehabilitate it was too great. He, being a local, mentioned the lack of interest of the people working in the market in it s rehabilitation, and this was reassured in the inter views held with these people. They showed, annoyed, that they did not want the attention of the tourist s, and even a cer tain discomfor t at the nuisance they pose on a daily basis, holding back local clientele who actually consume the goods they sell. It seems that there is a coherence between the locals’ opinions, who do not enjoy the company of the tourist s in the fresh food sector of the market. Another story is shown in the gastronomic sector, where tourist s are almost the only ones who frequent it and the locals who have visited criticise the excessive prices, claiming that the stalls take advantage of tourism and at the same time hold back locals from wanting to return.

A quite different experience was visiting Santander ’s Mercado de la Esperanza. It is very interesting, that although it is a market building, (inside only food is sold, par ticularly fresh food), out side it is set up as a fair of various prod uct s (fig. 20 & 21), such as clothes, jewellery, accessories, etc. (this is called the gypsy market, which is there three times a week, alternating with the outdoor fruit and vegetable market). There are also people selling plant s a few steps away; so, the outdoors is already inviting and creating the scene for the consumer.

Fig 18 & 19 Mercado de la Ribera: 2023 Photographs by author (2023)

The stalls inside are quite empty early in the morning. People come directly to buy what they need and leave. Everything is very neatly laid out and well lit. The general arrangement of the food is interesting. The ground floor is only for fresh fish (fig. 22). While the first floor has all the rest of the prod uct s, fruit s, vegetables, red meat, chicken, cheeses, charcuterie, etc. (fig. 23). According to the inter viewees, this is how the food used to be distributed in the past, to ensure hygiene and avoid cross contamination of food. The presence of tourist s is almost non-existent in the early morning, one could spot one or two, but as they enter, they leave through the next door almost without seeing the market.

According to the inter views held, the market works, it has it s clientele who go there regularly. But, not only the locals are par t of the movement, and the traders admit that tourism has helped it to move a little more and that people who may not be locals also come to buy there, learning about the fresh prod uce and the good treatment of the Cantabrian traders. In addition to this, the cookery school has also helped the trader to open up to new horizons, because in this way potential future customers are taught about the impor tance of the market, how to deal with it, and how to work with these prod uct s (taking into account that many traders claimed that younger generations are not that willing to go to the market, and that old generations are dying, which red uces the amount of clientele). In addition, the parent s of the children who go to the cookery school are also reached. It seems that the

F g 20 & 21 Mercado de la Esperanza: 2023. Photographs by author (2023).

Fig. 22 (left) & 23 (right) Mercado de la Esperanza: 2023 Photographs by author (2023).

external market does not add much to the internal market, nor does it take away from it. They are two different things, the traders are different and so are the client s, there is no competition. Regarding the latest regeneration taking place in this market (2017), a successful work was carried out to make the building accessible, while achieving a much more noticeable entrance from the out side, integrating the street through a ramp (fig. 24) that enters the first floor of the market.

However, some negative aspect s have been pointed out, the empty stalls create an uninviting feeling of neglect that does not invite one to pass through cer tain aisles, if one naturally walks through the market, which could affect the movement of people to cer tain sectors of the market. Even though some traders thought that this was a positive thing for their businesses, they soon 49

realised that an empty market makes for no client s and that the competition, and noise made by a full market makes for more client s and a prosperous business; that is why some of the traders are now trying to buy or rent any stall that is available, so that they can bring the market back to what it used to be, with a lot of movement and a lot of trade.

One impor tant change made in the last regeneration was the introd uction of a bar, where a local cook sells traditional Spanish food, and some tables have been displaced. This was possible by liberating a central space, where now tourist s come to enjoy the bar, stop and have ‘pintxos’, beer, coffee, just like locals also do. This bar has been mentioned by the traders as a successful introd uction, that not only invites people into the market, but also unifies the traders or shopkeepers, who are used to having their breakfast early in the morning together, while they chat lightly. This is similar to the Ribera, where the traders have their coffee in the gastrobars, but the setting is very different, and so is the link.

One of the most unique market s in Spain is Granada’s Alcaicería, where silk trading used to operate in the Nasrid period (from early 13th century till late XV century). This market used to occupy a large area, with around 150 shops. Nowadays, the market is a lot smaller since it was rebuilt in 1844 after a great 50

Fig. 24 Me hor (2023)

fire had destroyed it, but still remains to be attractive because of how different it is from everything else in the area (fig. 25 & 26).

Inter viewees have expressed that they feel as if being in Morocco, or to have travelled in time when walking through the narrow street s that comprise the

market. Not only did these street s ser ve to avoid high temperatures (much needed in this par t of the country), but also to prevent thieves from stealing goods. Some traders claim that the market is no longer what it used to be, that craft s that used to be hand-made in the street s are now being made in a factory or even brought from another country (which has no added value). They do what they can to maintain the value of the prod uct and to teach customers (mainly tourist s) about the handmade features of prod uct s that are specifically from Granada and are valuable in many ways. These traders seem to believe that the market is declining, and even though there are good effor t s to maintain it s unique architecture, the competition with fast and cheap tourist souvenirs’ business is very difficult for them. However, other traders seem to adapt to the new scenario, and are happy to have the oppor tunity to have their goods in one of the busiest areas in Granada; they even enhance the experience, by hanging clothes, textiles and attractive prod uct s in the street s, which makes for the experience being a lot more appealing. Even though there is this great difference between the traders' perspectives, tourist s do not seem to notice it and tourist guides are keen to recommend the market, not only for the experience but also because of the possibility of buying traditional prod uct s that have a lot of history and added value.

Fig 25 & 26 thor (2023)

Fig 27 Mercado de la Alcaicería: 2023 Photographs by author (2023)

Last but not le an example of maybe the mos a gourmet food market at an old

F g 23).

The regeneration of this market was mainly to attract tourist s, and so it does.

As it does not have a traditional distribution or concept, it does not either invite many locals, even though some do visit it after office hours. There is a great difference with the other three market s: the traders are not the owners nor have a familiar link with the owners of the stalls, some of them are locals and others are even immigrant s that work in peak seasons. Socially and culturally, this fact is key for this research; since the first three market s showed a strong attachment to the relationship between traders and client s, as a key factor for success. However, in Lonja del Barranco market, as client s and shopkeepers are

always varying, there needs to be something else to attract people other than familiarity, connection and knowing who the other person is. Features that have been mentioned in the inter views are the uniqueness of the building, and how well it has regenerated and decorated so it gives not only the sense that it has been standing there for a long time, but also shows a modern perspective (fig. 29, 30 & 31); it offers air conditioning inside (very refreshing when the temperatures out side are as high as 45°C ) and great views to the river out side. Customers can choose between five very different areas to sit and have their meals or drinks; with this variety the market makes sure to cover any customer ’s requirement s. To add to this diversity of dining environment, the food selection has all the traditional food from Spain together with a stall of Argentinian pastries as well as one with Japanese drinks.

Fig 29 & 30 Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023. Photographs by author (2023).

All four market s have had positive and negative outcomes with their regenerations. It is interesting to see how people react to these in opposite ways sometimes, some of them having a more open-minded attitude, some of them still wanting the place to look and work as it did in the past with no changes at all.

3.4 Comparison between case studies

To compare the case studies with each other, I generated a table based on the criteria listed in the Research Context section (1.1).

55

Ribera Esperanza Alcaicería Lonja del Barranco

Socia ly responsible policies

New data gathering proced ures and methodologies

Socia monitoring in planning stages, to include users in these stages and address their needs, loca culture and identities

Link project with city’s planned development

Enhance life quality, and provide training and emp oyment oppor tunities

Use of creativity to improve place identity expression

F g 32 Spanish market’s regeneration assessment Tab e by author (2023).

Socially responsible policies refer to project s that involve for example the

par tnership of public and private sectors (PPPs), adequate funding and integration, attractive images and branding for future investment s and resident s, focus on infrastructure, ser vices and minimising displacement effect s (Colantonio and Dixon, 2009).

Star ting with Mercado de la Ribera, the authorities responsible for the project did not take this measure. Even though there was a search for a socially attractive platform, by including a cooking school in the market, it was not adver tised properly and the branding was not accurate enough. Moreover, displacement effect s on the area were not minimised in any way, and the touristic sector has been encouraged to over take the area. 56

Fig 31 Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

F g 33 Cooking scho aph by author (2023).

Mercado de la Esperanza, on the other hand, had a more grad ual regeneration process, there has been protection of the local proper ty by capping the letting/buying prices. In addition, the investment attracted by the market regeneration to the area has led to more socially responsible investment plans without taking over the local businesses already available. The focus on infrastructure and ser vices in this regeneration is very clear, it involves unifying the footpath with the interior of the market.

The project of Mercado de la Alcaicería was designed by the authorities to give funding and integrate the community again (having lost this space d ue to the great fire). Additionally, the image of the market brings back to life what used to be common in the past in Granada (two religions living together in the same 57

place). New investors are encouraged to come to the area and build around this cultural borough, without locals having to move out.

Mercado Lonja del Barranco is the only one that has a project that is private, and although (as the other three) it is not a PPP, the developers made sure not to affect in a bad way the society around the building. As a matter of fact, the focus on tourism was specially thought of so that it did not affect the other traders in the area, who were already focused on local client s. Besides, the branding and marketing of the market promotes investment for a more prosperous future.

New data gathering proced ures and methodologies refers to specifically measuring sustainability in terms of society, not environment. In this sense, the 58

Fig. 34 Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023 Photograph by author (2023)

aim would be to be able to monitor what happens to the community in a specific place that has been changed or not (Colantonio and Dixon, 2009).

This measure has not been applied in any of the case studies but could still be of use in all of them, to measure what is happening in the present and what could happen in the future that affect s positively or negatively to the societies and cultures involved with each market.

The third strategy is focused on including the users in the planning stage, also here is when methodologies should adapt to the rapid urbanisation (Orbasli, 2020), by addressing their needs and reflecting local culture and identities (Sassi, 2020).

Only de la Esperanza market meet s this strategy. This project provided time and place for the community, resident s, client s and traders to have a say in the 59

planning. They were involved in some of the decisions taken, were they technical or trivial (such as deciding at what time of the year was better to change the market’s roof ).

To link the project with the city’s planned development means to think of the wider picture when planning for the specific building, so that the development of the city as a whole follows a cohesive path towards sustainable regeneration (Colantonio and Dixon, 2009).

Mercado de la Ribera’s project met this measure since it provided not only with a regeneration of a very impor tant building of the city, but also carried out a modification that meant giving back to the city and to the neighbour church (older and par t of the city’s heritage), a much-needed public space and distance between both buildings.

Mercado de la Esperanza’s regeneration also met this strategy, by repairing only the much-needed damaged sectors of the building and focusing on making the building accessible to everyone. Moreover, before this regeneration took place, the authorities had to deal with structural issues resulting from the underground car park construction; so, care was taken no to damage even more the structure of the building or the neighbouring ones.

Mercado de la Alcaiceria’s project was a rebuild of an already existing area, but it did give impor tance to what was planned for the city; the project did not

Fig 35 Mercad p g p y author (2023)

take as much area as it used to do (since lot s of the stalls were not working any more). Also, it filled an empty space that was the centre of the city with one of the most crucial programmes for any city a market

F g 36 Merc thor (2023).

Mercado Lonja del Barranco’s regeneration links with the development plans for the city since it reuses a heritage building (one of a kind in Spain) and introd uces a necessary programme in this sector of the city to attract tourism, without competing with the other businesses in the area, but benefiting them.

To enhance life quality, and provide training and employment oppor tunities means that the project does not lower the quality of life that the users or resident s already have, but rather improves it; by for example teaching the local people to a cer tain ability or giving them job oppor tunities (Sassi, 2020). 61

All of the case studies met this strategy, especially since they are all market s, but also because all of them gave more job oppor tunities than there were possible in the past, introd ucing new stalls. In the case of Mercado de la Alcaicería, there were fewer stalls but the traders who were in business and had lost their proper ties were able to recover their source of income. Also, in two of the case studies (Ribera and Esperanza), there even was the introd uction of a cook school where client s and children are welcome to learn about local cuisine, providing with knowledge of the benefit s of buying in the local market s. All of these case studies enhance the quality of life in different ways. Last but not least, the use of creativity to improve place identity expression refers to project s that are able to improve diversity by introd ucing cultural exchange in a creative way (Mar tone and Sepe, 2012; and Sepe, 2009).

Again, all of the case studies meet the strategy, d ue to all being responsible for enhancing the identity of the environment they are located in. Being these market s all looked for by tourist s in some way (as well as locals), it has been crucial for the developers to provide them with the true identity of the place, as if they were locals.

Overall, one of the market s is the one that meet s more criteria, however in the following chapter the result s ( positive or negative) of applying these strategies

62

in the different market s are discussed, according to the information gathered through the inter views held.

4 Analysis

4.1 Factors that led to success

After inter viewing 10 informant s (on average) of each market, and with the information gathered through obser vation, some factors have been identified that brought them closer to success.

To star t with, the inclusion of the community’s/users’ opinions has had a major positive impact especially in one of these development s: Mercado de la Esperanza. Here, the inter viewees claim to have been valued as an impor tant asset for the future of the market.

For instance, many of them mentioned the 100th anniversary of the market (held in 2004) as an event where all of the traders were invited, as well as some of the most regular and long-lasting client s. This event was organised by the authorities in order to express the value this market adds to the city and the result s were all positive. Even though this was not attached to any regeneration project, they prepared a book with old pictures and history about the market throughout all these years and gave one copy to each of the traders, in return

positive social and cultural factor, since it has promoted locals to stay in the area, and has attracted new investors that enhance and incorporate new features to the market s.

To give an example, in Lonja del Barranco market they managed to plan a development that would not affect the dynamics of the nearby market

‘Mercado de Triana’, but at the same time could focus on providing the infrastructure and ser vices needed by the locals. Now, the market is highly valued by the locals, since it is a modern space that provides comfor table and public spaces to e the integration of tourism with locals with local prod uct s and gastronomy as

The enhancement of life quality is another factor that has led to success in all of the case studies. The introd uction of new job oppor tunities or the improvement of the already existing ones, has helped build an even stronger community between the traders, which provides a nicer environment for all the client s. In all of the case studies, this factor has been mentioned as positive by the inter viewees, who at the same time claim that local workforce is the best

way to regenerate such market s, since the knowledge is already embedded in the culture of each person, and so it can be easily transferred to new client s, passersby or visitors.

By doing this, they avoid losing identity and forgetting cer tain traditions while at the same time helping the broader community to learn more about it s culture. One clear example of this is Mercado de la Esperanza, where the cooking school for local kids provides gastronomy knowledge to the newer generations and introd uces them to the traditional ways of cooking and buying fresh prod uce. It also provides a link with the future generation of client s and the traders, and not only teaches them to cook but also the impor tance of the market and why all of these prod uct s sold there are of more value than the ones one would find in the supermarket or the shopping mall.

Fig. 38 View from river bank - Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

Fig 39 Mercado de la Ribera: 2023. Photograph by author (2023).

4.2 Factors that led to failure

Fur thermore, factors that kept them from success have been recognized, by analysing the same sources mentioned above. Some of these factors are the antithesis of the ones that led to success, or in some cases are the same ones that have not been developed in the same way, resulting in drawbacks.

The first one I would like to mention is the lack of cultural exchange found even though they have applied creativity to improve place identity expression. For example, in Mercado de la Ribera, although they introd uced gastronomy bars, they did not manage to interconnect this sector with the traditional market one, and therefore made the space feel divided; leaving no room for benefit from the interrelation of opposite interest s such as tourism and local activities. This also means that if you find either of the two publics in the "wrong" sector, they feel out of place or like a toad from another well. Moreover, there is no cultural exchange between the two audiences, neither exploitation of the rich possibilities that this kind of exchange could bring.

Moreover, in M eeds were not consulted when in planning stages. Successive market regeneration project s have failed to retain locals, and now only tourist s frequent the market. The traders say that they have had no say in the changes, and although economically it works, humanly there is little link between the customer and the trader. And the cultural or identity exchange is only on an architectural level, but not on a social one.

To add to this factor, the introd uction of tourist s or out siders to the market s without previous information and lack of ed ucation about what happens inside them, causes disturbance to the already existing client s without the new ones being appreciative of what is sold in the market and therefore not acquiring anything (this has been mentioned specially in Mercado de la Esperanza and 68

Fig. 40 Division betw 2023. Photograph by

Mercado de la Ribera; but also in Mercado de la Alcaicería, arguing that the traders have changed their prod uct s to fulfil the tourist s needs and not the locals).

The last factor men the authorities, and without any policies preventing this, the local craft s that used to be par t of the Alcaicería are no longer available there and it has been mentioned as a shame by the inter viewees who remember how interesting and captivating it was to see local crafters working in the street s and directly selling their prod uct s.

Finally, the gentrification of the areas around the market s has shown a negative effect on them, since the local client s who live near them are fewer and decrease each year that goes by. 69

4.3 Additional factors

Some other factors equally play a par t in the success or not of the regeneration of Spanish market s, the ones that I mention in this section are not so much about society and culture, but rather architecture.

First of all, the material preser vation of the forms and spaces of the building as it was designed in the past was a very positive factor in all of the market s. To give an example, even though the interior of Mercado de la Ribera was completely rebuilt, the exterior was conser ved and restored to it s original, which was a measure welcomed by locals. Together with the architectural conser vation, comes the respect for spaces that were designed to function in some way, as in Mercado de la Esperanza the fish stalls are all in the ground floor of the building, separating them from the rest of the prod uct s to continue with this hygienical market design from the 20th century. Traders and locals have expressed their positive views on this, claiming that something that has worked perfectly in the past should not be changed without a good reason to do so.

Fig. 41 (2023)

Moreover, the use of open stalls has been mentioned by the inter viewees and obser ved by the researcher as a feature that promotes communication and reinforces the relationships between traders, who are very used to this kind of structure (very different for example with a modern shopping mall). This not only benefit s the traders themselves but also the client s who visit the market and join their conversation, or either enjoy this joyful experience. This factor has been mentioned by every single inter viewee in Mercado de la Esperanza, the fact that they know who they are buying from, they know their families and have grown together is crucial for them continuing to come to the market. In addition, the introd uction of new, modern and attractive stalls has given a new life and a new excuse for people to visit the market. For example, in Mercado de la Esperanza, the cafe/bar is visited throughout the day by

everyone who enters the market, in the morning traders come to have their breakfast and d uring the day locals or tourist s enjoy ‘pintxos’ here. Added to this feature is the attractive exterior and branding that captivates the eye of the passers-by, for example in Mercado Lonja del Barranco, the exterior invites you to discover what is on the inside and the location plays a very impor tant role (having access from the street, where many buses full of tourist s stop, and from the river bank, where lot s of people go through each day).

Fig. 42 Mercado de la Ribera: 2023 Photograph by author (2023)

Fig. 43 Mercado de la Esperanza: 2023 Photograph by author (2023)

Another factor that has brought these kinds of market s closer to success is the implementation of accessibility element s such as escalators, ramps and lift s that can be seen in all of the case studies (considering that Mercado de la Alcaicería only needs some ramps to enter the stalls as it all sit s in the same ground floor and is accessed through the street s).

Modernisation was a factor mentioned by several inter viewees as a reason at times positive and at times negative regarding the development of Spanish market s. On one hand, some would claim that modernisation was responsible for bringing new client s and different audiences that would broaden the scope and therefore provide a fresher view of them which was positive. On the other hand, a lot of inter viewees (specially traders of the market s) maintained that modernisation was the reason for the decaying of traditional market s, because of the rapid expansion of supermarket s and shopping malls that provide the same prod uct s but with less quality and everything in the same place. It seems that these kinds of modern market s ed ucate younger generations to buy fast, with not much contact with the seller, from someone they do not

Fig. 44 & 45 Mercado Lonja del Barranco: 2023 Photographs by author (2023).

Fig. 46 Mercado de la Ribera: 2023 Photograph by author (2023)

know, and being able to get everything they need no matter what (they even have free parking availability). This kind of competition has changed the way in which people see the buying experience and most of the ones who still value the traditional forms seem to be quite disappointed.

5 Conclusion

This research has introd uced the concept that social and cultural factors of architectural regeneration can play a crucial role in the success of project s that aim to develop traditional Spanish market s.

Throughout this disser tation, I have analysed four very different and at the same time traditional market s in Spain that carry crucial features of heritage valuable not only for Spanish communities but also for the whole world. These case studies have shown that their cultural and social values in some cases even overcome the architectural features. As a matter of fact, it has been claimed in some inter views that the building does not even play an impor tant role, and that the locals do not find the building attractive However, the social and cultural values, such as the relationship between traders and client s is of a much greater impor tance, since it is what distinguishes each par ticular market from any other Not only traders have mentioned this, but also client s They are 75

attracted to visit the market every day because of the relationship they have built over the years, and the link they find between the traders’ families and their own.

Moreover, the fact that these traders are mostly locals is a factor that adds to the authenticity and trustwor thiness of the prod uct s they are selling. Client s who visit the market s are sure they are not going to be scammed, and so they value the quality of the prod uct s because of the trust the traders have earned throughout the years that have passed by.

Even in Lonja del Barranco, where the traders are new, the selection of local employees is valued by the client s, claiming that it adds a special characteristic, knowing that the person behind the stall knows about the prod uct s being sold and that knowledge is as valuable as the attractive exterior image of the iron structure that constitutes the market building. With this scenario, I can relate to who has decided to regenerate each of these buildings, recognizing the cultural values that must not be lost and that are the core of each of these communities. Even though architectural regeneration is most of the time regarded as merely architectural repairs or changes, it involves a much greater number of factors such as making sure that the local resident s, communities and existing cultural identities are not lost, and always

trying to preser ve or enhance them. Never theless, not all of the result s came out as expected.

In the last two chapters, assessment and analysis has shown how some measures that could be positive and lead to successful holistic outcomes, can sometimes work but also fail when not applied correctly. This comes to show how architectural regeneration is not a discipline that one can succeed at by only ticking boxes of measures or features. Linked to the definition of culture and society, it is very difficult to identify a structured method that could be applied to any Spanish market.

However, some measures described in chapter 4 are responsible for leaning the project towards success by guiding the developers. Most of these measures are very much associated with the strategies mentioned in section 3.4, that aim to bring closer the relationship of the developers with the community and the environment in which the building is set. The accurate exploitation of the community’s needs, suggestions and recommendations has in all of the cases led to positive outcomes. Of course, it is not easy to go back in some cases where huge mistakes have been committed, but there is still the chance to get better and try to revitalise the market s that have not been regenerated to the benefit of the last longing local traders and client s. 77

In this research, modernisation has arisen as a detrimental factor to Spanish traditional market s. The introd uction of modern market s (supermarket s and shopping malls) has revolutionised younger generations and has taught them how easy, quickly and conveniently one can buy anything one want s in the same place. Quality, eco-friendly, unprocessed and fresh prod uce is no longer valued as it used to be. Younger generations do not see the point in going to a traditional market to buy, since they have a supermarket where they can park and buy whatever they want; they do not even understand why a person would spend time talking to their trader about family affairs. And this is why most of the traders in the Spanish market s reviewed, excluding the ones more focused on tourism, are hopeless and feel that these market s will disappear sooner than later. Never theless, some measures applied to the regeneration of the case studies are currently showing positive result s and younger generations of traders have a more hopeful perspective, even some of them continue to expand their families’ businesses. Tourism has been mentioned in all of the case studies, sometimes showing a positive perspective, sometimes a negative and sometimes both. As a matter of fact, tourism has shown to be of great use when making the most out of it while at the same time enhancing the traditional methods of marketing. Together

with tourism goes the effor t to ed ucate and introd uce these market s to young children, who would then create a domino effect and revitalise these market s. In conclusion, the regeneration of Spanish market s is not a simple task to under take and it is cer tainly true that ignoring cultural and social factors can be one of the worst strategies, since these are the factors that to the day sustain the market s that are still successful even continuing with old traditional methods like weighing prod uce with a three-generation old scale. It is understandable that developers want to introd uce tourism into these buildings, since it might be a measure that solves an economic problem in the shor t term and it is not that I would not recommend it.

However, the measures that introd uce tourism into a very local and traditional lifestyle activity should have a very careful nature, in which tourism is ed ucated before visiting the place, it is introd uced by local and knowledgeable people and does not take most of the space available in the market. Moreover, the traders and client s should also be aware of the positive outcomes of bringing people into the market, and should be encouraged to treat them the way they treat their long-lasting local client s, in order to make for a homogeneous environment where everyone appreciates the joy of traditional marketing. Together with this last point goes the fact that the introd uction of tourism 79

should not be made through segregation, the mixture of programmes and people has shown to be successful and advantageous for everyone. Moreover, the changes made to the building it self should not substitute anything that is working properly or that gives character to the building without threatening it s lifetime. Changes should be focused on evolution in terms of accessibility, fire protection, and structural integrity; but not on replacing par t s that are in good shape for newer ones that only bring ‘modernity’ to a place that is supposed to be old and one of it s main attractive IS it s antique condition and centuries lasting materials. Overall, the strategies listed in the introd uction of this disser tation and to which the case studies have been assessed in section 3.4, have shown to be very useful when regenerating a traditional Spanish market. However, and as mentioned before, all of the outcomes need to be thoroughly examined and thought through before the planning stages and it is crucial that after the regeneration has been done, the developers continue to monitor the result s and listen to the users’ needs and recommendations.

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