48 Spreading Enlightenment Through Calligraphy with Each Brush Stroke
50 Islamic Lenders Approve More Applicants than Mainstream Lenders
52 C ommunity Preparedness for Climate-Related Disasters
Addressing Infertility Through Islamic Bioethics
The Truth About Ultra-Processed Foods
57 Do Dates on Food Labels Matter?
59 Rumi Is Not Your Life Coach IN MEMORIAM 61 CM Naim
Alia Hogben
Task Forces Fail Equality Test
Many readers will be perusing this issue of Islamic Horizons before scores of Muslims and allies gather in Rosemont, Ill. for the Islamic Society of North America’s 62nd Annual Convention. It comes at a time when the state of the union is in turmoil. There is a whisper of disconnection, deep disillusionment, and profound division. A sense of shared civic purpose is fracturing under ideological fragmentation.
Rasheed Rabbi, referring to this idea, notes that amidst these drifts, Muslim Americans remain resilient. We have long lived through these fault lines. We have reconciled the questions of belonging, endured racialized surveillance, battled unfair travel bans and immigration barriers, and we have continually confronted walls — both literal and ideological. And of course, the relentless genocide in Gaza remains always on our minds, our hearts, and in our deepest conscience.
In July, the world marked the 30th anniversary of the Bosnian Genocide. This horror was followed by a mandated formula that ensured that Muslims do not have a state of their own and are cruelly forced to share political and cultural space with the very preparators of the bloodbath at Srebrenica, many of whom deny its very occurrence.
The future of Palestine looks even bleaker. And Gaza is not the only real estate being eyed by soulless developers as the remaining pockets of Palestinian territory in the West Bank also remain endangered.
The ethnic cleansing goes beyond communities of faith, as we see violence against Taybeh, one of last remaining Christian-majority villages in Palestine. Israeli greed for all of historic Palestine and its many resources clouds the conscience and knows no satiation, and thus, continues boundless.
The claim that colonialism has ended is an absolute smokescreen. The former colonized peoples are now obliged to
become unwilling “hosts” to the colonists’ military bases.
Writer Nawal Ali points out that when we speak of colonialism, we often focus on territory or the extraction of wealth and resources. But one of the most overlooked aspects of imperial domination is the forced enlistment and exploitation of colonized peoples in wars that were not of their making.
Luke Peterson, in his discussion on the BBC — the once storied news source — explains that state media institutions maintain narrow parameters of discourse to control the dissemination of information, preserve state power, and ultimately, to maintain the status quo. Institutions like the BBC establish themselves as merchants of bias, devoid of journalistic values, seemingly staffed by pen pushers who have traded in ethics for increasingly robust paychecks.
In his reflection on evangelical Christians’ embrace of war, Pastor Dennis P. Allan of Garden City Church in Pittsburgh, Penn., reminds readers that Christians who claim ultimate allegiance to Jesus (‘alayhi as salam) must realize that adherence to his life and teachings leave no room for zealous or uncritical support of the United States’ military, celebratory violence, or religiously justified militarism.
Rasheed Rabbi seeks to awaken Muslims to focus more on their children's Islamic upbringing, as much as value their worldly achievements. Our progeny should not only be bearers of our faith, but also bestow it upon their future generations.
In the high tide of Islamophobia in the West, we come across nauseating attacks on our faith when vacant churches are sold to Muslims to be converted into mosques. It should be beholden upon us to ensure that such misfortune never dwells any of our mosques. We have built them with more than mortar and clay; we have built them with our blood, soul, and tears, often battling Islamophobic neighbors, politicians, and administrators. ih
PUBLISHER
The Islamic Society of North America (ISNA)
PRESIDENT
Syed Imtiaz Ahmad
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
Basharat Saleem
EDITOR
Omer Bin Abdullah
ASSISTANT EDITOR
Bareerah Zafar
EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD
Iqbal Unus, Chair: M. Ahmadullah Siddiqi, Saba Ali, Rasheed Rabbi, Wafa Unus
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ISNA 2025 Annual Convention as Prophetic Resistance
BY RASHEED RABBI
It didn’t even take six months for the reckoning to arrive — not from critics or skeptics, but from the loyal base that once cheered the Trump administration and ushered him back into power. Some MAGA stalwarts and longtime supporters now feel betrayed by his broken promises: the closure of the Epstein investigation without transparency, mass firings of federal workers including decorated veterans, and controversial appointments that clash with the movement’s values. They feel deceived. Their voices of discontent are growing louder.
Globally, trust in the government has collapsed. Trump’s foreign policy — forced displacement in Gaza, escalation with Iran, and rifts with allies — inflames instability. At home, the consequences are raw. Republicans’ support for MAGA declined dramatically from 61% in March to 49% in June. Among independents, trust plummeted to 52%; for Democrats, it bottomed at 88%.
These numbers don’t reflect mere disappointment. They whisper disconnection. They hum with deep disillusionment. They thunder with division. Communal ties strain under polarization. Shared civic purpose fracture under ideological fragmentation. This loss of trust isn’t limited to partisan politics but cuts across race, geography, and generation.
Amidst these drifts, Muslim Americans remain resilient. We have long lived through these fault lines. We have reconciled the questions of belonging; endured racialized surveillance; battled unfair travel bans and immigration barriers; and continually confronted walls — both literal and ideological.
These generational cultural tensions mirror the broader national dilemma with justice and identity. Our enduring familiarity with these betrayals fortifies us from despair. Religion guides us with resolve — rooted in scripture, exemplified in the prophetic tradition. The Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) is committed to leveraging that virtue further to mobilize Muslim communities nationwide.
Rising to meet the urgency of 2025, ISNA responds with the annual convention themed “Renewing American Spirit: Prophetic Ideals in the Time of Crisis.” It’s not an event but a moral intervention for collective engagement. It is an active stance against complacency to recover the prophetic grammar of justice not as rhetorical flourish, but as a framework for moral reconstruction.
Justice must transcend words and manifest in action. The ISNA annual convention, unlike any typical conference, provides a proven platform rooted in communal commitment and sacred accountability for justice to take form. It welcomes every voice to articulate a public theology grounded in sacred duty.
This is not a retreat to cultural safety, but an assembly to renew ethical agency and live with integrity. Whether you bear the scar of personal, professional, political, or moral discontent, you will find a meaningful space to confront, not conceal. This convention isn’t about making the right choices, but reclaiming them, with clarity, conviction, and constant renewal.
Alongside integrity, ISNA champions integration. Its programming reflects an earnest commitment to inclusivity, welcoming every voice. While no single convention can resolve all issues, ISNA’s agenda engages the most pressing moral, civic, and spiritual concerns with
depth, compassion, and clarity.
12 main sessions anchor the weekend offering shared insights across generations, disciplines, and backgrounds. 18 parallel sessions dig deeper into focused topics: racial justice, equity, trauma, climate, leadership, and faith in action. Youth programming builds agency and relevance for tomorrow’s changemakers. The chaplains’ track launches early, with a full-day Thursday forum tailored to spiritual healing in crisis.
“Renewing the American Spirit” is not decorative; it is strategic. It reframes Muslim identity as ethical participation. It foregrounds Islam as a tradition of public witness and civic integrity. ISNA realizes this vision through three phased imperatives: reflect, reengage, and resolve. Each day of the Labor Day weekend is dedicated to one phase to guide collective contemplation, reconnection, and commitment.
A series of soul-searching sessions invite us to pause, breathe, and reorient with the timeless virtues of Islam appropriated for today’s crises. Each conversation offers a space to confront the spiritual tensions of modern life — from daily distractions to family struggles and global unrest — and to equip ourselves with purpose.
1 Cultivating Piety and Mindfulness in a Distracted World
Relentless noise — politics, media, work, and communal commitments — compete with our finite attention, undermining balance and weakening our connection to faith. This session equips participants to resist distraction, reclaim spiritual clarity, and act with principled resolve. Strategies focused on harnessing technology to uplift, turning social media feeds into channels of virtue, not vessels of manipulation.
2 Ethics, Engagement, and Empathy to Create a More Humane World
With over 110 active armed conflicts, the world groans under the weight of violence and injustice. Yet war and turmoil cannot stop us. Spirituality must transcend passive reflection and energize a vision of justice and compassion. This session explores pathways for moral clarity, collective action, and solidarity with oppressed communities.
3 Faith, Family & the Future: Navigating Chaos with Purpose In times of global instability, the family becomes both refuge and
crucible — a place where values are tested, hierarchies challenged, and power reshaped by empathy. This session draws prophetic ethics to balance strength and service, authority and humility, legacy and trust. The panelists demonstrate that leadership at home is not domination, but disciplined compassion.
4 Centennial Reflections on Malcolm X: A Legacy of Justice and Transformation - Marking 100 years since the birth and 60 years since the passing of Malcolm Little—later el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz — his life stands as a symbol of justice and transformation, echoing the sacred command: “O you who believe! Stand out firmly for justice...” (Qur’an 4:135). This session explores how Malcolm X’s journey, activism, and spiritual evolution continue to challenge and inspire individuals across faiths to stand boldly for truth and integrity."
This full day confronts the nation’s moral ruptures — racism, civic erosion, and collective numbness — and calls Muslims to reclaim ethical leadership. Grounded in prophetic conscience, Saturday’s sessions urge courage over comfort, integrity over indifference, and action over outrage.
4 A nchored in Prophetic Ideals: Confronting Racism and Other Spiritual Diseases
purpose shapes our ability to endure, envision our shared future, and advance with courage through current uncertainty.
9 Crucial Role of American Mosques: Shaping Tomorrow’s Legacy
Mosques in the U.S. have evolved from static worship spaces into strategic institutions to drive education, resilience, and social reform. This session urges reimagining mosques as frontline centers where leadership is cultivated, healing is prioritized, and legacy is built. In shaping tomorrow, the mosque must become a place where resolve meets action.
Rising to meet the urgency of 2025, ISNA responds with the annual convention themed “Renewing American Spirit: Prophetic Ideals in the Time of Crisis.” It’s not an event but a moral intervention for collective engagement. It’s an active stance against complacency to recover the prophetic grammar of justice not as rhetorical flourish, but as a framework for moral reconstruction.
Racism and ethnocentrism are spiritual violations that distort justice and erode trust. Drawing from Quranic revelation and prophetic examples, this session equips participants to identify root causes, challenge complicity, and reconnect faith with the lived realities of marginalized communities.
5 Making Sense of Human Suffering in this Turbulent and Violent World
As violence escalates and injustice endures, faith wavers. Doubt grows. The hereafter feels remote. Religion seems abstract. This session bridges theology and philosophy to ask hard questions: How does divine justice operate? Can suffering have meaning? It reframes pain through a moral lens, restoring purpose, depth, and direction.
6 Reclaiming America’s Vision of Justice & Civic Engagement
In chaotic times, thriving as a Muslim and an American means honoring dual trusts — upholding monotheism and justice while contributing to a nation that often challenges both. This session explores how faith can guide civic action amid polarization, prejudice, and “cancel culture.”
7 Building Inclusive Communities & Resilient Society
Although Muslim Americans are just 1 to 2% of the U.S. population, they represent a globally diverse and strategically positioned community. This distinct sociopolitical context entails additional responsibility to uphold solidarity. This session meets that imperative to organize, unify, and lead youth and women as central voices for inclusion.
8 Renewing the American Spirit: Prophetic Ideals for Challenging Times
America’s moral compass is adrift. Truth is distorted, justice diluted, and democratic norms eroded. This session examines the betrayal of foundational ideals and outlines a prophetic framework for justice, integrity, and renewal. It calls participants to reclaim the nation’s leadership and reengage with the nation’s soul.
SUNDAY: RESOLVE WITH PURPOSE TO ENDURE
Focusing on collective resilience, these sessions explore the connection between resolve and meaning. They invite us to mediate how
10 Vision of Islamic Education for Future Generations
Amid mounting educational crises and intensifying politicization, our classrooms face a reckoning. This session confronts the crisis in Islamic education and asks: Will we settle for rote instruction, or rise to cultivate character, clarity, and conviction? It explores how classrooms can become sanctuaries of spiritual depth and communal strength.
11 Message to Take Home
This closing session distills all key insights into a unified call to action. It challenges participants to leave with clarity, shared purpose, and focused resolve. The goal is to transform reflection into movement, strengthen common ground, and endure with conviction in service of a greater legacy.
Whether you’re a parent raising the next generation, an activist defending dignity, a scholar wrestling with truth, a student seeking direction, or a leader guiding change — this convention is your space. It doesn’t offer utopia or easy answers. It offers something more vital: clarity, courage, and collective resolve.
At a time when civic trust erodes, injustice accelerates, and our moral compass spins, ISNA’s gathering becomes a spiritual cornerstone. It’s a summon to realign with prophetic principles, elevate purposeful action, and restore spiritual fortitude.
We don’t gather to echo slogans. We gather to reclaim prophetic legacy, to confront betrayal with integrity, and to transform disillusionment into disciplined hope. What begins here moves outward — into families, campuses, neighborhoods, and institutions. It reshapes mindsets. It mobilizes action. It’s a commitment. Not a moment. A movement.
From betrayal to renewal, we rise — together. To prophetic ideals. To sacred responsibility. To each other. It starts now. With you. With all of us. ih
Rasheed Rabbi is a community, prison, and hospital chaplain at NOVA, Doctor of Ministry from Boston University, and MA in Religious Studies from Hartford International University. He is the founder of e-Dawah and Secretary of the Association of Muslim Scientists, Engineers and Technology Professionals.
Faizan Zaki, 13, from Allen, Tex. claimed victory at the 100th Scripps National Spelling Bee in Washington D.C. on May 29, edging out eight other finalists to take home more than $52,500, a large portion of which he plans to donate to charity.
Zaki, last year’s runner-up and a favorite going into the competition, triumphed after a tense and dramatic final round. The contest narrowed down to three finalists. All initially misspelled their words, forcing an additional sudden-death round. In the decisive moment, Zaki correctly spelled éclaircissement, a noun meaning “a clearing up of something obscure,” without asking any clarifying questions.
His parents, Zaki Anwar and Arshia J. Quadri, MD, overwhelmingly supported Faizan’s quest.
This year’s competition began with 243 young spellers aged 11 to 14 who advanced from local and regional bees across the United States.
The Scripps National Spelling Bee began in 1925 when the Louisville Courier-Journal invited other newspapers to host spelling bees and send their champions to Washington. The Bee has crowned 110 champions due to a number of ties in recent years, including an eight-way tie in 2019.
This May, New York City’s Metropolitan Museum of Art (the Met) announced they are returning three artifacts stolen from Iraq. This announcement came in partnership with the Manhattan District Attorney’s Antiquities Trafficking Unit which included these three Iraqi artifacts among the more than a 100 artifacts trafficked by a single, prolific arts dealer, Robin Symes, reported Katie Beason of the Arab American News
The works include a Sumerian vessel and two Babylonian ceramic sculptures depicting a male and a female head. According to a press release from The Met, the Cultural Property Initiative “initiated the repatriation of a third-millennium BCE Sumerian sculpture to the Republic of Iraq in 2024, after provenance research by Met scholars established that the work rightfully belongs to Iraq.”
The first of the artifacts is the vessel supported by two rams, a gypsum alabaster container for oil or perfume of Sumerian provenance, dating to 2600-2500 BCE, according to The Met. The second artifact is the ceramic bust of a female, dated between 2000-1600 BCE in Southern Mesopotamia. The head is hollow, sporting intricate plaits and a small smile. The final artifact is the head of a male figure, not unlike its female counterpart.
It boasts a similar provenance of 20001600 BCE in Southern Mesopotamia, though it should be noted all history provided by dealers about once trafficked artifacts should be deemed suspect as they may have wrong information or may supply mistruths to protect themselves from culpability.
This is the same playground where the boy had once played before he was stabbed to death in a 2023 hate crime. Photo © Council on AmericanIslamic Relations-Chicago.
On June 28, the city of Plainfield Township, Ill. unveiled a monument honoring Wadea al-Fayoume, a 6-year-old Palestinian American boy who was stabbed to death on Oct. 14, 2023 in what was ruled a hate crime, reported Emily Rosca of Patch The monument resides at Van Horn Woods
East Playground. Guests included Plainfield Mayor John Argoudelis.
Wadea was stabbed 26 times and his mother, Hanan Shaheen, was seriously injured in an attack that a Will County jury ruled was motivated by hatred against their Palestinian heritage. “This monument acts as a memorial to the beautiful life of Wadea, a statement against the anti-Palestinian and anti-Muslim hate that took his young life, and a testament that he will never be forgotten,” Ahmed Rehab, Executive Director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations Chicago, said in a statement.
Their landlord, 73-year-old Joseph Czuba, who was found guilty on all charges and was sentenced to a 53 year term, died in prison on July 24.
Cedar Rapids, Iowa-based Islamic Services of America (ISA) signed a Letter of Intent with Indonesia’s Halal Product Assurance Organizing Agency (BPJPH) on May 20. The agreement, formalized at the Indonesian Embassy in Washington, D.C., underscores ISA’s commitment to ensuring halal integrity and facilitating the export of U.S. Halal-certified beef and other products to Indonesia.
This partnership aims to enhance bilateral cooperation, ensuring that U.S. exports, particularly beef and consumer goods, comply with Indonesian and globally recognized halal standards. It also supports Indonesia’s food security initiatives and promotes transparent, accountable, and credible halal certification mechanisms.
This collaboration aligns with the U.S.’ “Farmers First” initiative to increase domestic job growth and expand infrastructure development while providing critical support through USDA grant and loan programs, particularly for small and midsize farms and businesses in rural and agricultural areas. “Halal industry development has contributed significantly to creating jobs in Indonesia, and we believe this halal collaboration could also extend its value and benefits to the American people and the U.S. economy,” said Dr. Haikal Hasan, head of BPJPH.
In today’s world, complex and intricate interactions exist between culture, religion, and identity that are not always appreciated or understood. Religious literacy is understanding the role religion plays in people’s lives and recognizing the importance of having tools to engage with religion.
This mindset inspired the foundation of the Center for Innovative Religious Education founded by Afeefa Syeed, who has worked for the past 30 years with nonprofits, government agencies, and international organizations to implement an understanding of cultural context and religious literacy in their programs and policies. She develops various curricula and training for educators and institutions to integrate a more spiritually grounded framing in their work.
The U.S. Department of Justice (DoJ) wrote to Community Capital Partners (CCP) on June 13 that it has closed a federal civil rights investigation into a planned community around East Plano Islamic Center (EPIC), one of the state’s largest mosques
Islam I c c I rcle of N orth a mer I ca (I c N a ) held I ts f I rst West Coast Convention in Santa Clara, Calif. on July 5 to 6 with the theme “Rooted in Faith: Rising to Transform.” The convention featured a host of distinguished speakers, a full slate of programming and events, and welcomed approximately 4,000 attendees.
Activities and educational segments included a women’s conference, youth events, young children’s programming, matrimonial services, dawah conference, vendor bazaar, and an entrepreneurship conference. Special events included a mother-daughter tea time and a ping pong tournament.
Speakers included Islamic scholars, imams, educators, academics, business, finance, and medical professionals, community leaders, youth mentors, and family and marriage experts.
Key sessions included “Rise Through Sacrifice: Turning Struggle Into Strength” hosted by Sharif El-Tobgui, who holds a doctorate in Islamic Studies from McGill University and “The Deep Foundation of Economic Discipline in Islamic Finance” presented by Khaled Elsyed. Additionally Sheik Abdool Rahman Khan, chairman of ICNA’s Shari’ah Council, delivered a sermon called “Everlasting Next Life: Consequences and Realities,” on making the best use of the limited time we have in this world for a lasting reward in the Hereafter.
Author and Director of Cornerstone Suzy Ismail, who holds a PhD in human services, addressed spiritual abuse at both the youth and women’s conference. “I spoke about the legacy of women in Islam and the power of positive transformation,” Ismail said. “The topic of spiritual abuse is one we need to call more attention to and address in a proactive, preventative way. It’s important to help empower women in understanding the legacy of strong Muslim women and how we can leverage that today in our diverse roles.”
Ismail said her presentation resonated with the women she addressed. “I had many young women. . . saying that they wished this was talked about more often, more openly, and that the brothers could also have these conversations,” she said.
Convention sponsors included Guidance Residential, a Houston-based mortgage lender specializing in Islamic finance; Helping Hand for Relief and Development; Amana Funds; Islamic Relief USA; Azzad Asset Management; Halal Fest; Council on American-Islamic Relations California; and Ameen Housing of California, among others. ih Contributed by Carissa Lamkahouan.
near Dallas, without filing any charges or lawsuits, Jim Vertuno of the Associated Press reported.
The DOJ opened the investigation after U.S. Sen. John Cornyn called for it, arguing that the development could discriminate against Christian and Jews.
The developers of the proposed EPIC City have complained they are being bullied by multiple federal and state investigations because they are Muslim.
“CCP has affirmed that all will be welcome in any future development,” the letter said. The group wrote that they plan to revise and develop marketing materials to reinforce that message.
The federal investigation had escalated pressure on the proposed EPIC City, which has faced steady criticism and multiple investigations. Republican Gov. Greg Abbott and other GOP state officials claimed the group is trying to create a community that excludes non-Muslims and would impose Islamic law on residents.
Dan Cogdell, an attorney for EPIC City, told AP that none of the investigations would be happening if the community was planned around a Christian church or Jewish temple.
“We welcome the dropping of this investigation and hope the DOJ’s actions send a clear message to the governor and other officials in Texas that they should similarly
drop their Islamophobic witch hunt targeting Muslims in that state,” said the Council on American-Islamic Relations Executive Director Nihad Awad.
American Muslims for Palestine (AMP) has released a new, data-driven report titled “The Carceral History of Occupied Palestine,” one of the most statistically comprehensive analyses to date of Israel’s incarceration practices in Palestine. Drawing on more than five decades of arrest records, military court data, demographic trends, aid appropriations, and prison statistics, the report provides an evidence-based account of how incarceration has functioned as a central pillar of Israel’s occupation
Since 1967, Israel has arrested about 1 million Palestinians, an average of 47 per day for 58 years. Israel has historically kept prison headcount near 6,000 at any given time, fluctuating during escalations, but reverting to the mean quickly. As of May, Israel held 10,068 Palestinians in confinement, but only 1,455 were sentenced while 3,190 await trial and 3,577 languish under administrative detention without charge. Meanwhile, administrative detention has exploded after Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza, jumping from 350 to 2,373 detainees per month — a seven-fold surge that now accounts for nearly one-third of all prisoners.
This carceral system is enforced with movement barriers and draconian laws. The West Bank now suffers from almost 900 checkpoints, gates, and roadblocks, up from 645 in 2023, paralyzing daily life. In the first half of 2024, the so-called Israeli Defense
In J uly, the I slam I c c enter of s outhern California unveiled a new, first-of-its-kind mural that captures themes of patience, endurance, and resilience and celebrates the many cultures that make up Los Angeles, journalist Yusra Farzan reported for LAist. This event comes a month after the Koreatown mosque was targeted with hate-motivated graffiti (Yusra Farzan. “First Mural of its Kind Unveiled at a Mosque in Koreatown. Here’s What Makes it Special.” July 22, 2025. LAist).
The mural, painted by artist Saj Issa, is named Sabr at Fajr. It depicts a cactus — called “sabbaar” in Arabic — in a broken pot in front of a crescent moon surrounded by four intricate jugs watering a desert. One stem of the cactus bears five fruits representing the five pillars of Islam. The symbol of a cactus is also a longstanding anchor for Chicano and Latin American culture. The broken pot represents the displacement of Native people while the jugs watering the desert symbolize the deep history of the different cultures in Los Angeles as well as
Forces (IDF) conducted 3,384 documented search-and-arrest operations across the West Bank. In April alone, Israeli forces conducted mass raids resulting in 530 arrests, including 60 children and 18 women, across cities, towns, and refugee camps in the West Bank. Meanwhile, in late 2024, the Israeli Knesset passed amendments to their existing laws legalizing collective punishment and permitting life sentences for children as young as 12.
Since 1948, the U.S. Congress has appropriated an inflation-adjusted $383.75 billion in aid, promising at least $3.8 billion in annual aid since 2016. It grantede Israel $14.1 billion in April to underwrite their genocide. Unlike other countries, money for Israel arrives as an immediate lump-sum, lets Israel earn interest, and flows through lightly scrutinized Direct Commercial Sales that speed up U.S. weapon approvals to their military, prison guards, and settlers.
Israel’s carceral system, its military courts, administrative detention, torture, deportations, and child imprisonment constitute a comprehensive and deliberate apparatus of domination. The system is sustained by U.S. money, weapons, and diplomatic cover.
The full report, available at https://www. ampalestine.org/, includes citations, meth-
the diversity of the Muslim community. The blue and green background represents the first light of day during Fajr.
The mural is visible from the center’s parking lot on Vermont Ave. What makes it even more special is that it’s the first mural to be featured at a mosque in the U.S., according to Salam Al-Marayati, president and co-founder of the Muslim Public Affairs Council.
“What this mural tells us, what this gathering here proves, is that even in this darkness, we are not alone,” said Dina Chehata, the civil rights managing attorney for the Los Angeles chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations. ih
odology sections, and access to the historical data collected for the report covering arrest rates, prison conditions, legislation, and U.S. aid.
The New Brunswick Islamic Center (NBIC), which has been a cornerstone of the Muslim community in Central New Jersey for decades, is currently under contract to purchase a 9-acre parcel of land located five minutes away (1.8 miles) from its current masjid.
From its humble beginnings on Remsen Ave. in New Brunswick, NBIC has grown into a vibrant masjid and community hub, offering daily prayers, Quran education, youth programs, social services, interfaith outreach, and the HUDA Food Pantry, which serves families in need from all backgrounds.
The new purchase will accommodate the increased number of attendees. On any given Friday, the masjid is filled wall-to-wall, overflowing into hallways and outside areas. The youth programs are expanding, the food pantry is serving more families than ever, and educational offerings need room to grow. NBIC needs to raise $4.5 million to complete the land acquisition. Those interested in donating can do so at https://bit. ly/3TUJmmR. ih
BY RASHEED RABBI
Duhr prayer had ended at northern Virginia’s ADAMS Center. The Imam announced a Janaza (funeral prayer). He reminded us of the verse, “We all came from God, and we will return to Him” — a reflection on our inevitable return, reckoning, and reunion (Quran 2:156) He also explained the etiquette of Janaza: silent supplication, no bowing, no prostration — just farewell in its purest form.
Before beginning the service, he invited the deceased’s immediate family to the front. A few stepped forward, but every eye searched for the deceased’s only son, Ahmed*.
That’s when I saw him — a young man in his mid-20s, tall, composed but shattered standing at the end of the musallah (prayer area). Unguarded hesitation, heartbreak, and shock etched on his face. His black suit and white shirt looked picture-perfect, like a funeral uniform borrowed from the TV screen. Holding a camera in one hand, he was recording his father’s Janaza without being part of it. Present, but unable to participate. The farewell, forgotten.
Family members called him forward, but he hesitated. Not out of defiance, but fear. Fear of doing it wrong. Fear of defiling his father’s final rite with a misstep. He stood frozen — childlike, unsure — while the prayer continued.
That moment, Ahmed’s lost face carved a silent thunderclap into my conscience. Our collective unpreparedness had been exposed. We raise our children to chase life but rarely teach them how to stand firm in our absence.
The vivid Quranic scene flashed before me: “When death approached Yaqub, he said to his children: What will you worship after me?” (2:133). Without worrying about wealth, legacy, or status, he spent last breath asking, “What will you worship after me?” His children responded confidently and concisely, “We will worship your God… the One God.” Yaqub’s (‘alayhi as salam) question echoes louder than any will, and his son’s response surpasses any farewell.
This wasn’t exclusively his dying concern. It’s ours. Ahmed’s hesitation was not his failure, it’s ours. It revealed a rupture in transmission, a gap not in Ahmed but in what we failed to pass down.
Any parent who has felt the weight of time knows what we pass on to our children is
more than a name, inheritance, or culture — it’s conviction, protection, and truth. And the “True guidance and the religion of truth, making it prevail over all others” (9:33) is “deen of Allah, al Islam” (3:19).
That moment, Ahmed’s lost face carved a silent thunderclap into my conscience. Our collective unpreparedness had been exposed. We raise our children to chase life but rarely teach them how to stand firm in our absence.
Deen is a comprehensive guidance for life too often narrowly translated as “religion” and reduced to five pillars and a checklist of halal and haram. In that reduction, we risk distorting its purpose and weakening its transmission. What remains is familiarity, not foundation, as happened with Ahmed. He was present but unprepared, standing on the precipice of a sacred space but unsure how to step into it.
Religion is vast, structured across three interlocked layers: Islam (practice), Iman (belief), and Ihsan (excellence). The five pillars embody our actions in the six articles of faith which should regulate our thoughts. They mandate the pursuit of excellence to imitate God’s presence forming, collectively, the living structure of the deen tree.
Though faith is deeply personal, this tri-layered tree structure is meant to grow beyond the self — a shade extending across generations. But it demands inward conviction and outward embodiment — continued until the final breath. And our sincerity in that holistic embrace shapes both our religious legacy and personal identity.
Too often, we transmit fragments. Numbers offer false comfort: Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world (Pew Research, 2025), or the 22,000 converts annually in the U.S., constituting nearly a quarter of the Muslim American population (ISPU, 2025). Yet beneath that jubilation lies the bleeding truth: nearly one in four Muslims raised in American households leave Islam.
That’s not abstract data — it is a collective soul slipping solely through our blind spots. Around 5% feel no pull toward religiosity, 7% feel Islamic teachings didn’t speak to them, 8% fail to find hope in God, 9% fail to connect to faith, 12% lose respect for organized Islam, 16% couldn’t delve into philosophical depth, and 14% couldn’t connect with their personal growth (Kirsten Lesage, Kelsey Jo Starr and William Miner, “Religious switching into and out of Islam,” March 26, 2025, Pew Research Center).
They aren’t just percentages but personal stories. Quiet withdrawals behind closed doors. These are homes where the deen tree has leaves, but no trunk, where rituals are performed on Friday, but the implications are forgotten by Saturday. Where parents cannot articulate its layered wholeness, and peers cannot connect faith tenets, Islam becomes habit without heart. Identity inherited, stripped of conviction.
Preventing this drift must be a central concern. Yet a troubling complacency lingers, especially among immigrant parents who constitute 35% of Muslims Americans. They compare children’s experiences against their own upbringing in Muslim-majority societies, where religion infused life through public norms, culture, and shared assumptions. They expect faith to trickle in. But that scaffolding is absent in the U.S.
Here, Muslims are marked as “unknowable and perpetually foreign” (Zareena Grewal, Islam Is a Foreign Country: American Muslims and the Global Crisis of Authority, 2013, NYU Press). Despite being law-abiding
citizens, they are still framed as perpetual outsiders. Media and political narratives portray them as threats —“external enemies” (Jocelyne Cesari, Why the West Fears Islam: An Exploration of Muslims in Liberal Democracies, 2013, Harvard University), “doubly foreign” (Khyati Y. Joshi, New Roots in America’s Sacred Ground — Religion, Race, and Ethnicity in Indian America, 2006, Rutgers University Press; France Winddance Twine and J. Warren, 2000. “Racial Ideologies and Racial Methodologies” in Racing Research, Researching Race: Methodological Dilemmas in Critical Race Studies, 2000, NYU Press). This hostile climate fosters a sense of “Homeland Insecurity,” saturating Muslim identity with alienation and suspicion.
Immigrant parents never had to endure this hostility in their countries of origin. They weren’t bullied for praying or belittled for wearing hijab. But their children navigate through constant questioning and alienation — a context where faith doesn’t flow automatically, where it must be built deliberately. If children carry unprecedented burdens, parents must shoulder new responsibilities. Building an Islamic environment is not optional — it’s a mandate for Muslim families in the West.
Such an environment plays out long before adolescence. Identity formation begins in childhood, and adolescence only amplifies the process. Marked by exploration and vulnerability, adolescents are too young to make informed decisions about their faith. They absorb behaviors and values from their surroundings, especially family and school — two institutions that must be nurtured with intent.
Yet many households are strained under the weight of modern life. Long work hours, endless commitments, and fragmented time erode spiritual presence. Deen becomes routine — performed but not felt. Parents enforce rituals without embodying the composure they offer. Prayer is commanded, obedience demanded, otherwise frustration is on display without modeling the peace that makes faith compelling.
However, the Prophet (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) never coerced prayer. He yearned for the solace promised in it, saying, “O Bilāl, call the Iqāmah for the prayer; give us comfort by it” (Sunan Abu Daoud - 4985). Not compulsion, but tenderness, spirit of warmth, and the calm refuge that prayer offers invite children to faith. The former repels, but the latter draws in children.
Children replicate what they observe. If prayer brings parents peace, children will seek it. If it brings frustration and anger, they will flee. Rituals alone don’t protect the heart — the fruits of faith do. When parents reflect calm, balance, and mercy, their devotion forms a bridge to reconnect those who lost trust in “organized faith”— not through words, but through lived conviction.
But that balance only exists in homes where practice is braided with belief — roping everything by the words of God, the Quran (3:103). Without it, rituals risk houses becoming “graves” that inflame rage of anger, and frustration of hellfire (Sahih Muslim Book 8, Hadith 28; Riyad as-Salihin 1018). Today, in many homes, the Quran has been reduced to mindless recitation for spiritual rewards, divorced from the daily battles we face.
However, God says, “certainly We set forth every kind of parable for mankind in this Quran” (18:54). All resolutions to our problems must be explored in the Divine text. Solutions may not come instantly, but the process of turning to the Quran with everyday inquiries builds a legacy of engagement for children to inherit. The Quran is a companion, not a distant book. When children inherit not just the practice but the pursuit, they learn that faith has a voice that speaks their language: one of confusion, struggle, purpose, and healing. No longer would those 8% despair (39:1).
That shift matters. When scripture becomes relatable, God feels near. Faith ceases to be abstract. Doubts meet their answers. The disconnected reengage, the unmotivated are drawn in, and the unheard feel seen. While personal reflection and scripture form the foundation, more is needed to reach those seeking philosophical depth and personal growth. Table 1 illustrates how each group may be anchored through the Quran to distinct dimensions of deen.
Islamic schools are stepping into this space by combining rigorous academics with Quranic studies, moral formation, and often memorization. But this comes at a cost. With limited funding and no state subsidies, many schools rely entirely on tuition. Yet parents are making the sacrifice, recognizing the stakes. This shift is promising but insufficient. It must be matched at home.
As enthusiasm for Islamic education grows, the urgency around building Islamic homes must grow with it. Islamic education outside the home can’t replace spiritual cultivation within it. A school can supplement, but it cannot substitute the environment of the home. If schools offer memorization of the Quran, the home must harvest “Quranization of memory” (William C. Chittick, The Qur’an in the Thought of Ibn ‘Arabi, 2022, Routledge).
Faith completes in the living room — not the classroom. Children need more than teachers and texts — they need to witness faith in action. They need to see what faith looks like, not in theory, but in stress, failure, joy, and sacrifice. Only then will the fragments be reassembled. Only then will Islam be passed down not just as ritual, but as legacy.
Ahmed will fade. But the children of Yaqub will continue to carry the name with meaning. ih
*Name has been changed for privacy.
Rasheed Rabbi is a community, prison, and hospital chaplain at NOVA, Doctor of Ministry from Boston University, and MA in Religious Studies from Hartford International University. He is the founder of e-Dawah and Secretary of the Association of Muslim Scientists, Engineers, and Technology Professionals.
BY MOMMINA TARAR
Muslims with special needs and their families are often sidelined and unable to participate at their local mosques. Inaccessibility has led many Muslims to feel invisible in their own communities — a place where they are meant to be seen and heard — for many mosques falter in taking action to accommodate members with disabilities. However, some leaders across the country are taking initiative to change how their mosque caters to those with special needs.
Abdul Rahman Bashir, the imam at The Islamic Association of Allen (IAA) in Texas, is one of the many leaders across the country hoping to provide a sense of relief and comfort for everyone who enters his mosque. In 2017, at the beginning stages of their journey as an inclusive mosque, the IAA held a Ramadan dinner catered toward Muslims with special needs and their families.
“As an imam and a parent, I’ve seen how easy it is for families — especially those navigating special needs — to feel invisible in our communities,” said Bashir. “One story that really stayed with me was about a brother who is now a close family friend. For months, he had been attending the masjid regularly, but no one ever approached him. Then one day, I simply sat next to him, made small talk, and welcomed him. That brief moment broke the ice and completely changed his experience of coming to the masjid.”
Events held by mosques are often organized according to what the leadership thinks would be best for children and their families. For example, the IAA also hosts an annual Hajj Simulation where participants can visually experience the rites of Hajj in an immersive and interactive way. “For families with special needs, we provided early access, designated calm areas, visual guides, and oneon-one volunteers,” Bashir said. “We decide on events by listening directly to families and working closely with MUHSEN [Muslims Understanding and Helping Special Education Needs] to identify needs and best practices.”
The IAA is still in its beginning stages of building a well-rounded community of helpers for special needs Muslims, but Bashir
said he hopes it will be a pillar of inclusivity in the community. The goal is to have trained volunteers that are equipped to serve Muslims with special needs. “For many, it’s the first time their child could comfortably participate in a religious activity or attend a Jummah prayer without fear of judgment. It lifts spiritual, emotional, and social burdens and brings back a sense of hope and belonging,” said Bashir. “We hope to expand our programming, create mentorship opportunities for neurodivergent youth, and increase accessibility in our adult religious classes.”
The Islamic Center of Passaic County (ICPC) in Paterson, New Jersey is another mosque that accommodates Muslims with special needs. It’s one of the state’s largest mosques and one of the only mosques in the nation with a team of volunteer health care professionals dedicated to Muslims with special needs. Their team consists of therapists, social workers, speech therapists, nurses, occupational therapists, and behavior therapists.
“In addition to weekend school, we have support groups for parents, field trips, and awareness workshops,” said Fatina Kheirallah, a social worker, child therapist, and the Director of Special Needs at ICPC. “We host awareness programs; we have a family iftar every Ramadan. We also have respite training for family members as well for those [who] like to work with disabled kids.”
Kheirallah, who joined ICPC in 2017, has been at the forefront of serving special needs Muslim communities with inclusive practices and more. Before joining ICPC, she was the head of the New Jersey chapter for MUHSEN. Drawing from her expertise, Kheirallah introduced several initiatives to better support the community. For example,
her team assists in finding the right education systems and therapeutic needs for students while making sure the mosque is well equipped for participants with disabilities by having an accessible entrance, handicap bathrooms, and a sign language interpreter for khutbahs.
ICPC also supports their caregivers by hosting dedicated programs and providing respite care. Through training opportunities for volunteers who wish to assist families, the mosque creates a network of support that allows caregivers to rest, relax, and recharge. For example, ICPC recently held a “Mothers’ Wellness Yoga” session led by Dr. Fareen Malik, a physical therapist, yoga instructor, and certified health coach from New York.
“It’s much needed for these families and they’re grateful to be part of a community that appreciates the blessings of special needs kids and adults,” Kheirallah said. “A masjid is for community members. Special needs is part of the community, part of the masjid.”
MUHSEN (which translates to “doer of good deeds” in Arabic) is an organization that gives a voice to Muslims with special needs and disabilities. MUHSEN was founded by Joohi Tahir and Imam Omar Sulieman, founding president of the Yaqeen Institute for Islamic Research. MUHSEN believes that all Muslims deserve to pray and worship in a place they feel safe and it is up to our community leaders to make that possible.
MUHSEN’s mosque certification allows places of worship to be more inclusive in their practices. By providing accommodations, support groups, Eid prayer support, and educational events, masjids are making a significant impact in the lives of the communities they serve.
“When the Prophet (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) frowned at the blind companion, Abdullah ibn Umm-Maktum (radi Allahu ‘anh), God corrected his behavior, revealing Quran 80:1-2 [‘He frowned and turned away, because there came to him the blind man’]. After that moment, he always made sure to make this companion feel important and valued. With this in mind, the masjid certification assists in the destigmatization of the congregation on special needs,” said Tahir.
MUHSEN has worked with ISNA and ICNA-MAS to provide accommodations at their conventions such as special needs care for children and adults, one-on-one assistance, wheelchair ushering, and American Sign Language interpretation.
The Islamic Center of Naperville in Illinois was the first mosque to get certified by MUHSEN. The center serves as an example of a community that took required action to make all members feel welcome. With MUHSEN’s help, they provided members with respite care at their community events and a MUHSEN weekend school class as part of their Al-Falah Weekend School curriculum catering to students with different learning needs.
What truly makes a mosque great is its ability to accommodate all its members with compassion. When people feel heard and respected, they’re more drawn to worship.
“The accommodations show individuals who need them that they are being cared for and heard and that helps to de-stigmatize the idea of being disabled,” said Tahir. “MUHSEN also builds community support, and families who share common challenges have opportunities to meet, and this encourages them to attend more community gatherings together. They feel less isolated and alone.”
What truly makes a mosque great is its ability to accommodate all its members with compassion. When people feel heard and respected, they’re more drawn to worship.
“Through aiding in bringing communities together and facilitating the approach that all deserve to feel and be welcomed, we are able to service the ummah at large,” Tahir said. “The reason that masjid certification matters is it brings compassion to a community and allows the removal of barriers on the Day of Judgement for us, as the hadith of the Prophet Muhammad [cited on the authority of Abu Hurayrah] mentions, ‘Whoever removes a worldly grief from a believer, Allah will remove from him one of the griefs of the Day of Resurrection. And whoever alleviates the need of a needy person, Allah will alleviate his needs in this world and the Hereafter’” (Hadith 36, 40 Hadith an-Nawawi).
The Islamic Association of Allen, The Islamic Center of Passaic County, and MUHSEN are only some of the many institutions that are making room for special needs community members. As Muslims, we are entrusted with the responsibility of supporting one another, especially those among us who need additional help in fulfilling their duties as Muslims. Muslims with special needs are one of the most important groups of believers. Despite their own personal obstacles, they preserve and maintain their faith. And it is our responsibility to help facilitate those changes in our mosques so that every believer can fully participate in worship.
“Because the masjid should be the first place people turn to… Supporting Muslims with special needs isn’t charity; it’s justice,” said Bashir. “It’s living the Sunnah. Every masjid should be a sanctuary for all, regardless of physical, intellectual, or sensory challenges. If we truly believe in rahmah [mercy], then inclusion must be intentional and proactive.” ih
Mommina Tarar is a freelance reporter who covers culture, faith, travel, and intersectional social/ racial justice.
BY NATASHA QURAISHI
On April 8, Washington State Gov. Bob Ferguson (D) signed a bill officially recognizing Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha as holidays in the state (SB 5106). Around 250 Muslims and supporters from across the state gathered at the Islamic Center of Tacoma’s (ICT) newly constructed center to celebrate a triumphant conclusion to months of persistent effort.
This milestone makes Washington the first state to officially recognize these two Muslim holidays, allowing state employees and public school students to request time off to observe. As of July 27, these holidays are recognized as part of Washington’s official observance of cultural holidays.
The passage of SB 5106 resulted from a coordinated effort by numerous individuals and organizations within Washington including Muslim Student’ Associations across the state, the Muslim Association of Puget Sound (MAPS), the Washington Education Association, a number of Islamic centers,
and the Washington for Peace and Justice initiative. It was first introduced by Yasmin Trudeau (D), Washington’s first Muslim senator, on Dec. 23, 2024. “My goal with this bill was to both ensure that Muslims living in Washington feel seen by their government, and that people unfamiliar with our community have an opportunity to learn about it and our community,” Trudeau told Islamic Horizons.
The bill was sponsored in the House by Rep. Osman Salahuddin (D), the state’s
first Muslim representative and youngest House member in Washington State history. He also introduced a companion House bill (HB 1434) to acknowledge both Eids, though Trudeau’s Senate bill ultimately became law. “Too often, Muslim students must choose between celebrating Eid or attending school events like graduation. Working adults struggle to take time off or attend Friday prayers due to a lack of accommodations. This isn’t just about holidays — it’s about visibility, equity, and respect,” Salahuddin said.
Muslims mobilized statewide to support the legislation through voting and providing testimony at legislative hearings. A public sign-in process revealed the bill had 704 supporters, 718 opponents, and 13 indicating other positions. According to the Council on American-Islamic Relations Washington (CAIR-WA), opposition to this bill may have stemmed from misconceptions that it would create a new paid state holiday when it actually designates Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha as legislatively recognized holidays. Through it all, SB 5106 unified community members who encouraged each other to participate in the democratic process.
The bill’s public hearing took place on Jan. 28 when 11 individuals testified in support.
Hossain Alamin, an ICT member and tech executive who helped lobby House representatives from the 27th district, emphasized the importance of community engagement. “If we want public policy change that helps our community, we need to be the agent of change, meaning run for political office or enable those agents of change,” Alamin said. “Policy makers don’t necessarily know or understand what different ethnic and religious communities’ issues are.”
CAIR-WA also played a crucial role in organizing lobbying efforts and community
If we want public policy change that helps our community, we need to be the agent of change, meaning run for political office or enable those agents of change,” Alamin said. “Policy makers don’t necessarily know or understand what different ethnic and religious communities’ issues are.”
advocacy. “It was heartening to see community advocacy make a difference, for our community to be seen and heard by our state elected officials,” said CAIR-WA Executive Director Imraan Siddiqi. “During a time when there is so much depressing news out there, this was a spot of hope for Muslims in Washington state.”
Supporters witnessed the bill pass the Senate (47:1) on Feb. 26, the same day the Senate adopted a Ramadan resolution (SR 8618) also introduced by Trudeau. SB 5106 passed the House (68:29) on March 31.
Signing SB 5106 at the ICT holds significance for the community; the previous center was destroyed in an arson attack in 2021, making the new building purchased in 2022 a testament to the community’s resilience. The ICT community, housed in the same district represented by Trudeau, continues fundraising for their new location, accepting donations at www.icoft.com.
The bill’s signing marks another historic first: the first time a governor has signed legislation outside the state Capitol in Olympia and in a house of worship. “We have witnessed history at our beloved Islamic Center of Tacoma,” said ICT President Nasser Al-Dobashi.
“With Gov. Bob Ferguson signing the bill recognizing Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha as official Washington State holidays, our community feels seen, respected, and honored. This is a moment of pride for every Muslim family, and a legacy for our children and grandchildren to cherish.”
Ferguson echoed the message of visibility, respect, and honor for the Muslim community. “I think it also gives the Washingtonians, like me, an opportunity to gain a greater understanding of our Muslim neighbors, their culture, and our religion,” he said at the signing.
The journey from advocacy to law is a testament to how change is possible when communities unite with purpose and perseverance and can serve as inspiration for Muslims in other states to pursue similar legislation. After all, every historic first begins with someone believing it’s possible. ih
BY NORA ZAKI
Illinois is home to over 2 million Latinos, predominantly of Mexican heritage. Of that 2 million, about 820,000 live in Chicago making Latinos the second largest ethnic group in the city as of 2020. With that comes a flourishing Latino Muslim community. The Ojalá (pronounced o-Hala) Foundation is stepping up to meet the growing needs of Chicago’s diverse Latino Muslim community.
On May 5, the foundation, co-founded by Alma Campos, Wilma Lopez, and Imam Christopher Abdulkareem Pavlicek, purchased a historic church in the Chicago area. It plans to convert the church into the first Latino-led mosque in the Midwest.
Before purchasing a space for a new mosque, the Ojalá Foundation offered programming in their homes, cars, and storage lockers. Now, it has a space that can effectively serve its community. “Our hope is to not only improve upon these existing projects but
to also create a place where people in the community can come and learn job skills and find educational opportunities they may have not previously considered,” said Pavlicek. He shared how the new brick-andmortar location will be repurposed into an Islamic center and mezquita (Spanish for “mosque”) and will include a large communal space and a kitchen.
Campos explained how unique this mezquita is in the community. “There is no other masjid space that has this focus or a convert-led board that has done something like this,” she said. “So many people are looking for this resource… to support the convert and Latino community in their areas. This is why the new mosque purchase is such an exciting and critical event for the community.”
Campos, a Chicago local, is a Mexican American Muslim who converted to Islam from a Catholic background over 20 years
ago. She and other women founded Latino Muslims of Chicago to ensure that Latino Muslim converts were being supported in their new identity as Muslims. In 2018, Campos and Pavlicek, with the support of other community members, merged Latino Muslims of Chicago and the Ojalá Foundation.
The word “Ojalá” means “God willing” in Spanish, similar to inshallah in Arabic. “The word itself is often traced back to the
neighborhood cleanups, back-to-school drives, and community barbecues, in addition to the Neighborly Deeds initiative through which they gather weekly to feed, clothe, and offer personal care to unhoused people in Chicago.
The organization also works on strengthening Latinos’ relationship with other Muslims. It emphasized the importance of recognizing the existence of Latino Muslims, and part of this recognition is creating a
Campos explained how unique this mezquita is in the community. “There is no other masjid space that has this focus or a convert-led board that has done something like this,” she said. “So many people are looking for this resource… to support the convert and Latino community in their areas. This is why the new mosque purchase is such an exciting and critical event for the community.”
Andalusian period of Spain and is used regularly in cases where a person is saying something in regard to hope,” said Pavlicek. “The word is very well accepted by Latinos across the United States.”
One of the Ojalá Foundation’s main features is offering convert care. This area is directed by community member Edgar Moreno, who is originally from Chihuahua, Mexico. His position as the lead convert care volunteer focuses on easing the transition of convert Muslims into their new lives. This is done through courses like Comprehensive Islam 101 and Arabic and fiqh courses which cover Islamic law and the tradition of jurisprudence in Islam. Moreno seeks to strengthen the community and spiritual bonds of Ojalá Foundation members.
“Part of this is formal education and part of it is rooted in the prophetic teachings,” said Moreno. There are weekly classes on the Fiqh of Worship taught in English and Supplications and Remembrances from the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) taught in Spanish.
Members organize and participate in
physical space where their identities are understood and represented. Campos emphasized the importance of Muslims building ties with the larger Latino community, and of course, of being kind to one’s neighbors regardless of their faith tradition.
“There is a diversity of Latinos, even though people often want to group us all together,” she reflected. She said when Latinos convert to Islam, there is usually a push to immediately adopt an Arabicsounding name and change one’s identity entirely. Campos’ children, for example, are Palestinian and Mexican. She always tells them that they are 100% Palestinian, 100% Mexican, and 100% American, and they can embrace those cultures so long as they do not contradict Islamic tenets.
Many Latino Muslims rely on Spanishlanguage materials to learn about Islam. Ojalá Foundation takes seriously the need for Spanish-language khutbahs and lectures. During the Eid al-Adha khutbah, for example, Moreno gave the khutbah in Spanish, translated it into English, and recited Qur’anic verses in Arabic.
At the Eid celebration, Latino food like tacos and empanadas were served alongside biryani and there were several piñatas for the children to hit. While most of the celebrants were Latino Muslims, Muslims from many ethnic backgrounds also felt welcomed and included in the celebration. Many of them also included mixed backgrounds such as Egyptian Mexican and Palestinian Mexican families.
Pavlicek shared the community that comes to Ojalá events is possibly the most diverse crowd that he has seen outside of Mecca and Medina. He said that the Ojalá Foundation community never realized just how many American-born Muslims from Arab and Asian communities were struggling to fit in with local communities often built for and with the immigrant population in mind. “While we are focused on and catering to the Latino Muslims of our immediate area and all those seeking us out online, we are catering to everyone,” Pavlicek said. “Chicago and the surrounding areas now have a roughly 30% Latino population with approximately 6 million total living in the surrounding states of Indiana, Wisconsin, Michigan, and Missouri.”
Campos and Pavlicek discussed further opportunities and challenges with the growing community and the purchase of the church-turned-masjid. For example, the Immigration Customs and Enforcement (ICE) raids impact the community along with the Trump administration’s policies on immigrants, documented and undocumented. Some members of Ojalá Foundation informed Pavlicek that due to fear, they would not be able to attend in-person events. Ojalá Foundation has been offering more online options to ensure that no one will be left out.
Many Chicago Muslims have been supporting the Ojalá Foundation’s work, strengthening the bonds of the ummah Campos said the community members are not competing with anyone. They want success for all the Muslims. “It’s all for the sake of Islam and for [God],” she said. “Al hamdu lillah, the sincerity of Ojalá Foundation is seen by other Muslim community members. We ask [God] to accept our actions and to remain together as an ummah.” ih
BY CARISSA LAMKAHOUAN
On a regular Saturday in 2020, all Hayyaan Merchant wanted was to drop a clothing donation at a local charity and get on with his weekend. Now, Merchant, a 28-year-old software consultant, is a regular volunteer at that same charity, Helping Hand for Relief and Development (HHRD), a Muslim-owned global humanitarian relief and development organization. A mainstay at HHRD’s Houston chapter, Merchant can often be found on weekends helping to collect, sort, organize, and pack clothing and other donations that are delivered all over the world.
“This started out with me just having free time. . . but now I feel like it’s the best way for me to do sadaqah [voluntary act of charity],” Merchant said.
On July 19, HHRD celebrated its 4th Annual Day of Service, an event that brings volunteers and donors from around the country to their local office to join the organization’s efforts and witness firsthand how it operates in its collection facilities.
Sobia Siddiqui, a content writer at HHRD in Houston, said this year’s event, which drew more than 50 volunteers as well as several local leaders and community partners, was “bigger and better than ever.”
“All our efforts to become a household name are coming to fruition,” she said. “We started off slow, but this year across the [regional offices] has been amazing. I heard [other offices] had balloons popping, cake cuttings and awards for volunteers. Even some local vendors were providing free food to keep us going.”
During 2024’s Day of Service, Houston HHRD, founded in 2005 and based in Michigan, welcomed volunteers and donors who joined Merchant and others as they worked to collect and organize the offerings into large containers, which were then shipped to several of HHRD’s partner countries such as Kenya, Jordan, Afghanistan, Morocco, Palestine, and others. Since its founding, the organization has contributed to 150 countries, sending nearly 2,000 containers to those in need.
The most valuable thing you can give in your life is your time,” Merchant said.
Siddiqui said this sentiment is what drives the Day of Service. The event is also aimed at celebrating and recognizing donors who make the mission possible.
“It’s an opportunity for us to take time out and give importance to volunteers and donors,” she said. “Seeing the work we do activates all the senses. They are able to see and touch and really understand that what we’re doing here is a necessity and that their donations are crucial. We want people to feel the impact of the good they’re doing, to experience it and understand that it’s hard work but that there is a payoff.”
During the Day of Service, participants took an active part in sorting, packing, and shipping hundreds of parcels and care packages to destinations all over the world, including Gaza. Partners for the event included the Islamic Circle of North America Houston, Medical Bridges, Sister Cities, and more.
“The Day of Service embodies the spirit of compassion and solidarity that is at the heart of our mission,” said Saad Ansari, regional manager at HHRD’s Houston office. “It’s a chance for everyone to contribute, no matter how big or small, to the well-being of those who need our help the most.”
Siddiqui said the 2025 event also was an opportunity for volunteers to meet Haaris Abbas, the Houston location’s new warehouse manager.
“Haaris is a tried-and-true volunteer and has been for several years,” she said. “He organized everything.”
Merchant said the Day of Service is an important way to connect donors to the work HHRD does and give them a deeper sense of how their charity helps others.
“If you’re just donating shirts, you don’t necessarily know who it’s going to,” he said. “[When you volunteer] at the facility and you’re packing the shirt and boxing it to be sent off, then you know who it’s going to, and you know you’re making an impact. When you see the donation all the way through, the donation has more blessings.”
While they worked, volunteers and donors munched on snacks, enjoyed refreshments, and had an opportunity to hear from civic and religious leaders. They also had the opportunity to engage with like-minded people all coming together for a good cause and to raise awareness for groups like HHRD and its purpose.
The participants who came out during the Houston event were a small part of the hundreds more across the country who took their routine donations one step further. They saw their offerings move through the process, starting from their own closet all the way to a shipping container and soon into the hands of someone who needs it, often thousands of miles away.
HHRD boasts 18 regional offices in states around the country including Arizona, Illinois, Massachusetts, and Georgia. It serves immediate relief and aims to support long-term sustainability
in communities suffering from conflict, poverty, and natural disasters regardless of religion, race, gender, ethnicity, and class, according to its website.
The organization’s programs target improvements to health care and nutrition, education, physical rehabilitation, shelters, help to orphans, and more. Ranked among the top 3% of non-governmental organizations in the United States, HHRD has had a perfect four-star rating from Charity Navigator for the last nine years and earned an A+ rating with the Better Business Bureau.
HHRD’s status as a top NGO is important to its continued success, but for Merchant and others who freely give their time and effort to the organization, seeing people, especially young students, come together for a common cause is a victory in itself.
“The most valuable thing you can give in your life is your time,” Merchant said.
He now views part of his role at HHRD Houston as one of outreach and encouragement, particularly when it comes to recruiting volunteers. By his estimation, more folks joining means the group can concentrate on getting ahead of the need before it becomes overwhelming.
“As it stands now, we’ve never had to say ‘no’ to a country [in need], but we want to improve to become proactive rather than reactive,” Merchant said.
For more information about Helping Hand for Relief and Development, visit their website at www1.hhrd.org, call 313279-5378, or email the organization at info@ hhrd.org. ih
and magazines locally and internationally including AboutIslam.net, The Houston Chronicle, Inventors Digest, Animal Wellness, and The Muslim Observer among others.
BY DENNIS P. ALLAN
Christian theologian and ethicist Stanley Hauerwas opened the preface to his book War and the American Difference (2011), published 10 years after the United States launched its so-called “War on Terror,” with an admission that he doesn’t remember a time when the country wasn’t at war. The reason was because “the United States has been involved in either open or clandestine warfare for 225 out the 243 years of its existence. Said another way, America can then be considered a nation of war” (Luke Peterson, The US Military in the Print News Media, 2024, Anthem Press).
In recent decades, many American Christians — especially those who identify as evangelicals — have become some of the most ardent public supporters of military intervention, war, and the use of state violence. Jack Graham, pastor of Prestonwood Baptist Church in Plano, Tex., one of the country’s largest evangelical churches, praised President Donald Trump’s decision to bomb nuclear sites in Iran. “He wants to bring peace, but peace comes through strength,” he said during a sermon. Graham’s view is not an anomaly — it reflects a prevalent posture among evangelical Christians that weds the use of military force with the pursuit of peace and the military, itself, as an instrument of divine justice.
This affinity for military strength is not anecdotal. In a 2025 study published in the journal Religions, political scientists James Guth and Brent Nelsen found that white evangelical Christians are consistently the most likely of all religious groups in the country to support the use of military force across a range of scenarios — from defending allies to securing oil supplies. This pattern persists even after accounting for demographic differences, suggesting that something deeper — perhaps theological — is at work.
At its core, evangelicalism is a theological movement centered on four key commitments. First is personal conversion — the belief that each person must make an individual decision to follow Jesus (‘alayhi as salam). Second is an uncompromising commitment to the Bible’s authority; evangelicals believe the Bible is inspired by God and is without error in its original form. Third is a focus on Jesus’ death on the cross (as Christians believe) and the belief that his death was a necessary sacrifice by which Jesus paid the penalty for human sin and made reconciliation with God possible. Lastly, evangelicals emphasize an active faith, the idea that faith in Jesus should lead to visible and tangible action in daily life, including working to shape culture and society according to their moral, ethical, and spiritual convictions.
In the 1960s, evangelical Christianity reached unprecedented social and cultural influence. Pastors like Billy Graham advised presidents, and church attendance hit historic highs. These developments reflected the country’s increasing embrace of a new civil religion deeply informed by evangelical convictions which resulted in the creation of a national motto — “In God We Trust” — and adding the language “one nation under God” to the Pledge of Allegiance. Yet, the social and political turbulence of the 1960s — marked
the Civil Rights Movement, the Vietnam War, the legalization of abortion, and shifted sexual norms — left many evangelicals feeling culturally threatened. In response, evangelicals began to prioritize political activism to reassert their dominance within American cultural life.
This increased political activism led evangelicals to align with conservative political ideology by supporting the Republican Party, its platform, and its leaders — namely Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, George W. Bush, and now Donald Trump. The result of this marriage between evangelicalism and conservatism was a theology that took on a more nationalist posture, absorbing, reflecting, and even celebrating American militarism. The country’s military endeavors were seen as divinely sanctioned, especially as it pertained to protecting the United States’ national interests or its citizens. As a result, the killing of any person deemed to be an enemy of the U.S. and, even, the murder of civilians, including children — while acknowledged as unfortunate — could be deemed morally necessary. It’s why some evangelical Christians, while staunch supporters of political policies that protect the lives of unborn children, are indifferent to the “collateral” deaths of Muslim children. Evangelicals’ embrace of militarism contrasts sharply with the deep ambivalence — and often outright discomfort — with which early Christian thinkers approached violence. Origen of Alexandria, one of the most influential Christian theologians of the third century, wrote, “We no longer take up ‘sword against nation,’ nor do we learn ‘war any more,’ having become sons of peace for the sake of Jesus, who is our leader… we do not go forth as soldiers with the emperor, even if he demands this of us.”
But by the late fourth century, Christianity had become the empire’s favored — and eventually official — religion. Christians were not only serving in the military, but leading armies, holding political office, and enforcing imperial decrees through state-sanctioned violence both against external enemies and internal dissenters. Some Christians embraced this new power with zeal, viewing it as a divine mandate to expand the Christian faith by force.
This reversal forced theologians like Augustine to confront a new moral reality: what does it mean to follow Jesus when fellow Christians wield power, command armies, and use imperial violence against Rome’s enemies? Augustine laid the groundwork for what would become Just War Theory as a moral and theological concession — an attempt to restrain violence within a church newly entangled with imperial power. For
Christians claim ultimate allegiance to Jesus. Adherence to His life and teachings leave no room for zealous or uncritical support of the United States’ military, celebratory violence, or religiously justified militarism.
Augustine, war, even if it could be justified, was a lamentable departure from the peace Jesus taught and embodied.
Author C.S. Lewis, writing during World War II, echoed Augustine’s moral restraint insisting that violence, while sometimes necessary, was always tragic and never to be glorified. In a talk he delivered to a pacifist society in Oxford University, Lewis remarked with understatement, “The main relevant fact admitted by all parties is that war is very disagreeable.” Christians, he believed, should approach war with moral gravity and reluctance, seeing it as a sorrowful reality in a broken world.
If the early church and its leading thinkers — like Origen — rejected violence outright, refusing to even serve in the Roman military, and if later Christian thinkers like Augustine and C.S. Lewis permitted war only as a last resort, calling it a tragic necessity rather than a cause for celebration, how then should Christians today — especially evangelical Christians — respond to the realities of militarism and the use of force?
In the Gospel of Matthew, one of four books in the Bible’s New Testament that chronicles Jesus’ life, ministry, and teachings is a sermon known as the Sermon on the Mount. It’s a sermon that many Christian scholars and theologians consider to be a political manifesto, of sorts. Specifically, it outlines the moral and ethical standards Jesus expected His followers to embrace in their daily lives. At the time Jesus delivers the Sermon on the Mount, the Romans were in charge. The crowd was likely eager to hear Jesus describe how
He’d raise up a military force, overthrow the Romans, and usher the Jewish people into a brave new world in which they ruled over the nations.
Instead, these are some of the first words Jesus’s audiences hears him speak, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called children of God” (Matthew 5:9). Jesus’ own brother, James, picks up this theme of peacemaking in a letter he penned in the mid-first century, writing, “Peacemakers who sow in peace reap a harvest of righteousness” (James 3:18) The implication for all Christians, including evangelical Christians, is clear: people who claim the name of Jesus must strive to reconcile all conflicts as humbly, lovingly, and peaceably as possible. While the Quran doesn’t mention James by name, some Islamic scholars and traditions acknowledge him as a significant figure, often equated with “James the Just” (Ya’qub al-Adil), a leader of the early Jerusalem church.
Later, in his sermon, Jesus speaks even more directly to the way His followers must be people of peace. “You have heard that it was said, ‘Love your neighbor and hate your enemy.’ But I tell you, love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you, that you may be children of your Father in heaven” (Matthew 5:43-45). The word translated as “love,” in the original Greek, means a self-giving, active, volitional kind of love that seeks the good and well-being of the other, even at personal cost. This is how Jesus expects His followers to love their “enemies.”
Jesus did not invite his followers to imitate Rome’s ethic of domination or state-sanctioned violence. He called them to embody a different way — one that fulfilled Isaiah’s and Micah’s prophetic vision. Jesus’ people are to be known by their peacemaking and their radical, enemy-embracing love. This ethic is intended to shape how Christians — including evangelicals — think about militarism and the use of state-sanctioned force.
Augustine and Lewis were right: war and military violence are tragic and lamentable departures from the peace Jesus taught, lived, and expected His followers to pursue. When Christians celebrate war, glorify military might, declare “peace through strength” as a divinely sanctioned strategy, or shrug their shoulders at the needless deaths of Muslim children, they no longer reflect the ethic of Jesus. Instead, they bear witness to a civil religion that prioritizes and upholds American power, not the sacrificial love of Jesus. ih
Dennis P. Allan is a pastor at Garden City Church in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. He studied theology at Trinity Evangelical Divinity School and is a fellow at the Center for Christianity and Public Life in Washington D.C.
BY LUKE PETERSON
State media institutions maintain narrow parameters of discourse to control the dissemination of information, preserve state power, and ultimately, to maintain the status quo. In the United States, for example, there are no communist columnists at The New York Times suggesting a wholesale redistribution of national wealth and an end to state corporatocracy. The powerful political and monied interests of the U.S. prevent such voices from finding a mainstream outlet, and therefore, they are suppressed or silenced altogether.
Like the U.S., the United Kingdom is also a corporatocracy manipulated by two powerful political parties both with a vested interest in maintaining state power and preserving the status quo. To fulfill this drive, the business and political elites rely on the British Broadcasting Company (BBC), a storied standard bearer of mainstream news information in the U.K. and the world for over a century. But when it comes to coverage of Israel and Palestine, this standard bearer assiduously champions the state of Israel and carries its violent, racist, apartheid message happily to its audiences. And since Israel’s 2023 slaughter of innocent Palestinians in Gaza, this evident bias from Britain’s best-known corporate media outlet has only become more pronounced.
In a wide-ranging study examining more than 35,000 pieces of news published since Israel’s systematic genocide against the Palestinians of Gaza began, the Muslim Council of Britain’s Centre for Media Monitoring (CFMM) identified a plethora of examples of both implicit and explicit bias by the national media conglomerate sustaining and/or qualifying an Israeli narrative of events in Palestine. For example, the CFMM, which monitors how British media reports on Islam and/or Muslims throughout the U.K., found that the BBC applied emotive, layered, and/or sensitive language to describe Israeli deaths during the Hamas action on Israelis on Oct. 7 much more commonly than they did when describing the killing of Palestinians by Israeli assault forces.
Additionally, Israeli deaths, only about 3.5% of the total deaths since Oct. 2023, have accounted for more than 33 times the amount of coverage in news items generated by the BBC during that period. The depth of language applied in describing dead Israelis versus the callous descriptions of murdered Palestinians coupled with the sheer volume of those descriptions of Israelis compared to the greater number of dead Palestinians indicates a systematic bias by the BBC. This points to their embrace of the Israeli state view that considers Palestinians to be less human and more as set pieces to be destroyed as necessary while forwarding the narrative of a wholly represented people, the Israelis (Oscar Rickett, “BBC coverage of Israel’s war on Gaza ‘systematically biased against Palestinians’,” June 17, 2025, Middle East Eye)
Audiences are left with a narrative that starts the political clock on Oct. 7, 2023 that represents Hamas as unrepentant and irrational killers and couches wholesale Israeli slaughter of Palestinians as an understandable military response rather than what it is: an attempt to complete the genocidal cleansing of Palestinians from historic Palestine.
The CFMM study says that Hamas-led assault on Israeli positions throughout Gaza and southern Israel is typically rehashed and emphasized within news narratives to condition Israeli murder of Palestinian civilians as a response to Hamas action. This partial narrative strategy was often accomplished by inserting a reminder to readers at the end of each piece that Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023 and caused 1,200 casualties. The effect is to leave the reader remembering Hamas/Palestinian aggression as the last or most relevant issue in the news coverage even if the piece in question focuses on an Israeli assault in a civilian area and the resulting innocent Palestinian deaths.
The context scarcely mentioned in the thousands of news reports and articles examined in the 2024 CFMM study was the actual fact of ongoing Israeli occupation in Palestine along with the 18-year long Israeli blockade of Gaza. This blockade rendered the 40-mileby-2-mile strip of land in effect an open-air prison for a subject Palestinian population of more than 2 million people. The preemptive war of 1967 has scarcely made it to BBC pages in their coverage of the Israeli genocide, nor were the abject conditions within the Gaza Strip regularly reported by BBC. In effect, this absence of historical context created a critical hole in the BBC coverage that encouraged readers and viewers to understand the Israeli assault on Gaza as a military response to an unprovoked attack. Gone from this reportage was Israeli military rule, the dispossession of Palestinian land, the Nakba of 1948, or any mention of the regular Israeli military assaults of 2008, 2009, 2010, or 2014 on the Gazans. According to the CFMM, “While Hamas-led attacks of Oct. 7 were referenced in at least 40% of the BBC’s online coverage, just 0.5% of articles mentioned Israel’s decades-long occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem” (Rickett, “BBC coverage of Israel’s war on Gaza,” June 17, 2025, Middle East Eye).
In effect, and over the course of a year of coverage of Israel’s genocidal campaign in Gaza, this narrative structure pushes news audiences to understand a woefully abbreviated timeline of events, one that leads to an
ahistorical picture of Israel’s long-running destruction of Palestine and the Palestinians. Instead, audiences are left with a narrative that starts the political clock on Oct.7, 2023, that represents Hamas as unrepentant and irrational killers and couches wholesale Israeli slaughter of Palestinians as an understandable military response rather than what it is: an attempt to complete the genocidal cleansing of Palestinians from historic Palestine.
The persistence of this unmitigated bias within the BBC routinely accepts Israel’s narrative of events while minimizing the value of Palestinian lives. In Nov. 2024, more than 100 BBC staffers signed and filed a letter to the company’s Director General, Tim Davie, and CEO Deborah Turness protesting the agency’s coverage’s ongoing partiality. They accused the BBC of abrogating its basic journalistic duties in the coverage of the carnage in Gaza, citing verifiable instances of the agency kowtowing to pressure from Israeli representatives in either the omission of facts or in their decontextualization.
The signatories charged the BBC for failing in each of the following essential journalistic endeavors, “reiterating that Israel does not give external journalists access to Gaza; making it clear when there is insufficient evidence to back up Israeli claims; making clear where Israel is the perpetrator in article headlines; including regular historical context predating Oct. 2023; and robustly challenging Israeli government and military representatives in all interviews”
(“Over 100 staff accuse BBC of bias in coverage of Israel’s war in Gaza,” Nov. 2, 2024, Al Jazeera News). They were joined by more than 200 additional signatories from the worlds of art and culture in contemporary Britain calling for a reexamination of BBC coverage of Palestine that stops short of providing hasbara for Israel, and that goes a substantial way towards representing Palestinians as fully human.
The letter was not the last public complaint against BBC’s partiality in its coverage of the slaughter in Palestine. In July, an additional 400 public figures wrote calling for BBC non-executive director Sir Robbie Gibb to step down from his role with the media company given his obvious conflicts of interest concerning coverage of Palestine and Israel. These signatories include 111 journalists in Britain as well as recognizable British personalities such as Miriam Margolyes, Alexei Sayle, and Mike Leigh.
The July 2025 letter challenged the BBC’s coverage of Israelis onslaught in Gaza as being “crippled by the fear of being perceived as critical of the Israeli government” as well as being altogether inconsistent with principles journalist integrity not to mention basic human decency in the coverage of Palestine’s now more than 55,000 victims of Israeli state terror (Tara Conan, “More than 400 media figures urge BBC board to remove Robbie Gibb over Gaza,” July 2 2025, The Guardian).
Together, these two public commentaries present a damning condemnation of Britain’s largest media conglomerate chastened into doing the bidding of an aggressive and expansionist state whose officials have publicly endorsed the ethnic cleansing of the Gaza Strip while indiscriminately bombing hospitals, schools, playgrounds, shelters, and most recently, food distribution centers all the in the abject name of state security.
Whether this prominent cry for meaningful change in BBC’s coverage of Palestine and Israel results in any significant shift in the documented biases of the British national news flagship company, though, remains to be seen. ih
Luke Peterson has a PhD in Middle Eastern Studies from Cambridge University. His latest book, The U.S. Military in the Print News Media: Service and Sacrifice in Discourse (Anthem Press, 2024), is available for purchase at most online book sellers.
BY LUKE PETERSON
Dozens of armed and violent Israeli settlers attacked the small but ancient village of Taybeh, Palestine in the occupied West Bank on June 26, setting fire to homes and business.
The settlers continued their rampage in the neighboring village of Kfar Malik where they killed three innocent Palestinians with Israeli military backing. During these attacks, Israeli military units prevented ambulances from reaching the injured and dying Palestinians, a common tactic employed by occupying forces in the West Bank. Reports indicate that five of the most violent offenders among the Israeli settler community were arrested at the scene as well, though they will likely be released without charge — another common practice given the hand-in-glove cooperation between ultra-violent settlers and their uniformed m ilitary backers (Judith Sudilovsky, “Israeli Settlers Attack Christian Village in West Bank Leaving 3 Dead and Homes Burned,” 26 June 2025, OSV News).
Since that fateful day, settler attacks in and around Taybeh have been incessant. Christian sites in particular have been targets of their uber-nationalistic violence in recent weeks. Both Christian archaeological sites throughout Palestine and churches themselves now clearly serve as targets to settler gangs who seek to destroy all reference to Christian heritage
in Palestine to fully Judaize the land. On July 9, the Church of St. George, Taybeh’s first church that dates back to the Byzantine Era, its cemetery, and surrounding buildings were set ablaze by violent settlers while nearby cropland was intentionally trampled by cattle owned and directed by settlers. This marked an attack on one of the oldest Christian sites in the country (“Israeli settlers attacks threaten the Christian village of Taybeh,” July 9, 2025, Agenzia Fides). Elsewhere in Palestine, Palestinian Christians are regularly harassed, beaten,
and spat upon by zealous settler youth. In Christian areas throughout the West Bank, the attacks have significantly increased both in terms of frequency and the levels of violence enacted by the illegal settlers (Lauren Izso, et. al. “Ultra-Orthodox Man Seen Spitting at Christian Priest in Jerusalem,” Feb. 4, 2024. CNN).
Taybeh means “goodly” or “salubrious” in English and is used in both formal and dialectical Arabic to mean either “tasty” or “suitable/agreeable” depending on the context of its use. According to one legend, the name was given to the land and its inhabitants by Salah al-Din Ayyubi (Saladin) who met with locals during his campaign to reclaim the Holy Land from marauding Crusaders in the 12th century. Salah al-Din and his commanders were so impressed with the villagers’ hospitality and congeniality that he named it Tayyibat al-Isim or “Goodly of Name” before traveling the remaining distance to Jerusalem. Taybeh is one of the about a dozen majority-Christian villages in the West Bank. Located in the hill-swept, rocky interior of Palestine, about 9 miles north of Jerusalem, Taybeh’s earliest settlement likely goes b ack much further than Salah al-Din Ayyubi. Some archaeological evidence also demonstrates that Taybeh may be the biblical town of Ofra, also known as Ephraim,
cited in both the Old and New Testaments. Crusading forces then expanded on that legacy by refurbishing the church and its buildings in the 12th century (“The Church of St. George - Al-Taybeh,” July 2025, Travel Palestine)
That Christian heritage has held fast — as it did elsewhere in Palestine — and today, it is said that all the roughly 1,500 inhabitants of the village are Christian. This cultural legacy has given rise to a unique economy within the village which features Palestine’s only brewery, an industrious business endeavor owned and operated by Nadim Khoury and his family. There, they produce several varieties of eponymously named beer and wine for consumption in the village and for export around the globe.
The spike in religiously motivated attacks by Israeli settler gangs is almost certainly the result of a sharp increase in racist, nationalist fervor sweeping through Israel since the Netanyahu government’s genocidal campaign against the Palestinians of Gaza. Since that brutal onslaught began in Oct. 2023, Israeli settlers across the 144 illegal towns, villages, or cities dotting the West Bank have committed more than 1,860 violent attacks against Palestinian civilians. During these attacks, some of the most violent settlers living on stolen Palestinian land killed at least 870 people including at least 177 children. In effect, this mayhem constitutes an ethnonationalist pogrom carried out against an indigenous and unarmed civilian population. In meeting their erstwhile neighbors with racism, contempt, and violence, this prolonged string of assaults is not at all unlike those that were carried out against the Jewish communities of Central and Eastern Europe by anti-Jewish nationalist forces during the final decades of the 19th century and into the 20th (“Mapping 1,800 Israeli settler attacks in the West Bank since October 2023.” Jan. 22, 2025, Al Jazeera News).
Today though, it is hyper-nationalistic, overzealous Israeli Jews who are brandishing torches and firearms to complete Israel’s ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians from their generational homeland, a process that began in earnest during the Nakba from 1947 to 1949. This targeted violence is in keeping with the far-right ideology of a substantial subset of the nearly 700,000 settlers living illegally in the Palestinian West Bank on land
agreed upon by the United Nations and the international community to be incorporated as the largest, contiguous geographic entity within a future Palestinian state.
But the settler movement, an internal extension of the larger colonial edifice that is the state of Israel, was founded expressly for preventing a Palestinian state from ever coming to fruition. Launched after Israel’s war of aggression against Palestine and neighboring countries in June 1967, the
Israeli government until his incapacitation and slow death in 2014, Ariel Sharon. Sharon was often seen in Israel as the father of the settlement movement and long supported policies that bestowed the state’s favor on these renegades. In fact, in the early years of this illegal activity, Sharon was effusive in his praise for the land theft and violence being perpetrated by the settlers against Palestinians, famously saying, “Jews should live in and around every Arab population
Today though, it is hyper-nationalistic, overzealous Israeli Jews who are brandishing torches and firearms to complete Israel’s ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians from their generational homeland, a process that began in earnest during the Nakba from 1947 to 1949.
settler movement began establishing outposts and building sites around the West Bank after Israeli military rule was firmly established there around 1970. Though not “sanctioned” by the government of Israel at the time, many dedicated Zionists within the Israeli political and military establishment gave their tacit blessing to these makeshift villages as they were happy to use Jewish religious zealots (who had grown substantially in number since 1967) as a frontline, paramilitary occupation force situated among the indigenous Palestinians.
Beyond the aggressive approach of tacit approval though, some within Israel openly lauded the settlers. According to Israeli scholars and experts on this ultra-violent movement, “the process of the settlement of Jewish civilians in the territories in breach of the Geneva Convention… was gradual and systematic and was accomplished in ways that the Zionist movement had nurtured and sanctified from its inception” (Idith Zertal and Akiva Eldar. Lords of the Land: The War over Israel’s Settlements in the Occupied Territories, 1967-2007. [2007]. New York: Nation Books, 345).
There was perhaps no one in the Israeli political system more nurturing of this destructive movement than perennial war hawk, architect of the mass slaughter of civilians at Sabra and Shatila, and fixture in the
center... Jews should not leave a single place where they don’t live and have freedom of movement” (“In Quotes: Ariel Sharon,” Jan. 11, 2014. BBC News).
Despite this state-sanctioned, religious violence conducted by Israeli settlers, and despite carte blanche given to this corrosive, racist movement by the second Trump administration, Taybeh, by some measures the only completely Christian town in Palestine, perseveres. In a statement issued by a triumvirate of local priests (including a member of the brewery-owning Khoury family), the citizens of the town vowed to continue their “enduring spiritual and cultural legacy, preserved faithfully by the people of Taybeh across generations” (Kevin Clarke, “A Palestinian Christian community is the latest target of settler violence in the West Bank,” July 9, 2025, The American Magazine).
That is, if there is still a town left to preserve once the slaughter in Gaza and the violent spasms of Israel’s maniacal hilltop youth have finally run their course. ih
Luke Peterson has a PhD in Middle Eastern Studies from Cambridge University. His latest book, The U.S. Military in the Print News Media: Service and Sacrifice in Discourse (Anthem Press, 2024), is available for purchase at most online book sellers.
BY RAUDAH M. YUNUS
The ongoing Israeli genocide in Gaza has resulted in a staggering death toll exceeding 64,000 as of Feb. 2025 according to British medical journal, The Lancet (“Traumatic injury mortality in the Gaza Strip from Oct 7, 2023, to June 30, 2024: a capture–recapture analysis,” Volume 405, Issue 10477 p. 469477, Feb. 8, 2025). Most of the victims have been women and children. Additionally, hundreds of thousands remain buried under rubble or otherwise unaccounted for while Gaza’s infrastructure lies in ruin. Hospitals, schools, and homes have been obliterated and the local economy crippled, rendering Gaza completely uninhabitable.
Doctors Without Borders emergency coordinator Caroline Seguin, who visited Gaza with her team on Feb. 25, expressed her shock upon witnessing the horrifying condition there. “I’ve never seen anything like it in my life,” she said in an article for the organization. “Our Palestinian colleagues can no longer recognize their own neighborhoods. Some were in shock; others literally collapsed.”
In the United States, Muslim Americans, along with other peace-loving groups, are at the forefront of protests against this genocide. Nationwide rallies and demonstrations, including on college campuses, call for an immediate end to the violence and for the U.S. to cease military aid to Israel.
Since Oct. 7, 2023, the U.S. has enacted legislation providing at least $12.5 billion in direct military aid to Israel including $3.8 billion from a bill in March 2024 (consistent with the current Memorandum of Understanding) and $8.7 billion from a supplemental appropriations act in April 2024.
Analysts from Brown University estimate that during this period, Israel received $17.9 billion in U.S. military aid, factoring in additional expenditures by the U.S. Department of Defense to replenish the stock of weapons
Regardless of religious affiliation, opposing genocide and supporting the oppressed is a fundamental moral duty. Moreover, many Muslim Americans feel deeply unsettled that their taxes contribute to the funding of Israeli atrocities in Palestine.
The U.S. government’s unconditional support enables Israel’s continued human rights violations in Palestine. Without this financial and military backing, the scale of the genocide would not have been as catastrophic. Since taking office on Jan. 20, 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump has approved additional military sales to Israel worth $7.4 billion despite calls from opposition lawmakers to pause these transactions. The Pentagon also announced that the State Department has approved a $6.75 billion package for Israel that includes munitions, guidance kits, and fuses. For many Muslim Americans, these governmental actions have ignited feelings of despondency and betrayal. The Palestinian cause is not merely a distant political issue for them; it is deeply personal, religious, and humanitarian. Many see the struggle for Palestine as a central cause uniting the ummah, a community that transcends national or ethnic borders. To them, Palestine is a matter of ethics and morality. Regardless of religious affiliation, opposing genocide and supporting the oppressed is a fundamental moral duty. Moreover, many Muslim Americans feel deeply unsettled that their taxes contribute to the funding of Israeli atrocities in Palestine. Within my circle of friends, some argue that by residing in the U.S., participating in its sociopolitical processes, and/or by paying taxes to the U.S. government, they are inadvertently supporting these unjust policies. This frustration is further compounded by the ongoing Islamophobia and targeted discrimination which exacerbates the sense of alienation among Muslim Americans today.
supplied to Israel (“United States Spending on Israel’s Military Operations and Related U.S. Operations in the Region, October 7, 2023 — September 30, 2024.” Linda J. Bilmes, William D. Hartung, and Stephen Semler, Oct. 7, 2024, Watson Institute, Brown University).
As a result of this disillusion, many Muslim Americans have begun discussing (re)migration as a possible solution to their moral dilemma. Some are contemplating leaving the U.S. and relocating to Muslim-majority countries where they believe they would feel safer and more aligned with their values. Countries like Turkey, Qatar, and Malaysia are among
the top considered destinations for those seeking a new home. These nations offer political stability, economic prosperity, and a sense of morality that many Muslim Americans feel is becoming increasingly absent in the U.S.
The idea of relocating to a nation that is not complicit with the genocide in Gaza — and other forms of oppression beyond Palestine — while practicing their faith freely is an appealing prospect. Often, Muslim Americans share their yearning to hear the adhan (call to prayer) five times a day, to go to masjid without having to worry about their safety, and to buy halal food without the need for scrutinizing the food label.
But the primary motivation for those entertaining the idea of moving abroad is the desire to disentangle themselves from complicity in genocide. They argue that staying in the U.S. makes them indirectly responsible for the deaths and suffering of innocents. Others cite a broader concern: the perception that many values, systems, and worldviews embedded in American society are increasingly at odds with Islamic teachings. Some point to issues of safety and discrimination, claiming that the rising tide of Islamophobia makes it difficult to live as a Muslim in the country.
Some Muslim Americans and scholars have a different perspective on this dilemma. Some Muslims — including local scholars — have called upon their fellow brothers and sisters to truly embrace America as their home and consider it a collective duty to speak up. The notion is that we as Muslim Americans have an obligation to embrace these challenges, and engage with them, instead of looking away. Distancing ourselves from troubles neither resolves the root issues nor changes reality. As such, the decision to stay or leave should not be based on merely physical or psychological (in)convenience.
Additionally, this camp contends that Muslims should not view their situation in the U.S. as sheer predicament but rather as a “window of opportunity” to make a difference and, in turn, to gain divine rewards. Despite all its flaws, America offers freedoms and prospects that some Muslim-majority countries lack such as the freedom of speech and the freedom of assembly. These freedoms can be used to advocate for the Palestinian cause and push for systemic change. In this sense, staying in the U.S. allows Muslim Americans to utilize
their privileges to create a positive impact in Palestine and for other issues at both the local and global level.
No doubt, the freedom of speech in the U.S. has been greatly diminished since Oct. 2023 and remains in peril since the Trump administration took office. Pro-Palestinian advocates have been silenced, harassed, and/or arrested while legal avenues for activism continue to be stifled. Similarly, federal courts are succumbing to federal control, sending the entire judicial system in crisis. Nonetheless, these restrictions have come with some positives which Muslim Americans should collectively leverage.
For instance, many judges and lawyers are now pushing back against the current efforts to undermine the rule of law. The world’s most prestigious university, Harvard, has boldly defied orders to curb diversity initiatives on campus despite the risk of losing more than $2 billion of research funds (Robin LevinsonKing and Mike Wendling, “Harvard just stood up to Trump. How long can it last?” April 16, 2025, BBC News). Other universities have followed suit. Mahmoud Khalil, the student activist who famously led pro-Palestinian protests at Columbia University and was unlawfully arrested in March 2025, was recently released after 3 months in detention. These are signs of hope. Muslim Americans should not become bystanders but join the march alongside academic institutions and civil rights groups fighting to uphold independence, constitutional rights, and the freedom of expression everywhere in the United States.
Prophet Muhammad (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) is reported to have said that one’s reward is commensurate with the degree
of hardship (Bukhari, Muslim, Tirmidhi, and Ibn Majah). This reminds us that the reward from God is directly proportional to the difficulty one faces in worshipping Him or remaining true to His path. For instance, a woman living in Malaysia or Saudi Arabia who wears the hijab is unlikely to face resistance or criticism given the sociocultural and religious environment. In contrast, a Muslim woman in America who wears hijab may face numerous forms of backlash; she may be bullied at school, rejected by employers, or harassed on the streets. Needless to say, the latter grapples with a more distressing reality on a daily basis, and from multiple fronts. Nonetheless, those who remain steadfast in their faith, despite facing adversity and animosity, will be rewarded in ways that those in more comfortable environments cannot expect. This mindset should reframe how we view the challenges of living in the U.S. helping us see obstacles as an opportunity for performing good deeds and attaining spiritual growth. If Muslim Americans embrace this perspective, they will see their struggle not as a reason to walk away, but as a test of their faith and commitment.
Circumstance and life challenges vary, and no two individuals have the same psychological make-up, family upbringing, or level of resilience. Therefore, the difficulties they face may require distinct solutions. As such, while the arguments for and against migration stand on their own merit, it is imperative to avoid a onesize-fits-all approach and adopt a more nuanced perspective on a case-by-case basis. Perhaps instead of asking “Should I leave or stay?” one can rephrase the question to, “Which route brings me closer to God?” Whether one chooses to stay or leave, the most important consideration should be the intention behind the decision, and the logical consequences of that move.
Muslim Americans who contemplate migration must ask themselves: What is my purpose in staying or leaving? Is my decision rooted in faith, and will it contribute to ending oppression? Understandably, the answers will vary based on individual circumstances. But the ultimate guiding principle and question remains the same for all: Which path brings me closer to fulfilling my commitment as a Muslim and making a meaningful difference in this world? ih
Raudah M. Yunus is a researcher, writer and social activist, currently pursuing a postdoctoral fellowship in the United States. She is also a Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Institute in Oxford (UK).
BY SUFIA AZMAT
The Global Association of Islamic Schools (GAIS) and the World Islamic Baccalaureate (WIB) hosted gatherings in Istanbul and Madinah respectively where educators from around the world came together to discuss transformative visions for the future of Islamic education.
The GAIS is a platform that connects and empowers Islamic schools through networking, training, and collaboration. The GAIS strategic planning retreat and the WIB workshop marked a new chapter in global Islamic education guided by a strong belief that Muslim educators can shape the future.
What began as a network of volunteers in Dec. 2021 has grown into a global force uniting Islamic schools on five continents. After nearly a year of online meetings, the GAIS held its first in-person retreat in Istanbul in Oct. 2022 hosting over 80 delegates from 11 countries. The retreat included sessions dedicated to strategic planning, conference planning, and school visits. Since then, the GAIS hosted a conference in South Africa in Oct. 2023 which brought together 120 school leaders from 19 countries, and a conference in Malaysia in Oct. 2024 attended by 300 educators, scholars, and school leaders from 28 countries. The strategic planning retreat’s purpose was to review and align the GAIS mission with the needs of its growing membership.
The result was a six-part strategic framework focused on:
Leadership development and school governance
Teacher professional development
Networking and community building
A curated curriculum and resource hub
Research and thought leadership
Accreditation and standards
The GAIS envisions a world where Islamic schools positively impact their
communities by serving as beacons of excellence. Informed by stakeholder survey data and grounded in the realities of Islamic schooling around the world, the GAIS is committed to practical goals: hosting global and regional conferences, building partnerships, and showcasing training and curriculum resources that are Islamically and academically sound.
The retreat offered a much-needed space for reflection. How can Islamic schools continue to serve as beacons of excellence in a world increasingly shaped by competing values? How do we prepare our youth to thrive in this life while remaining anchored in their faith for the next? These and other pressing questions will be explored further
at the next GAIS Global Conference, scheduled for Oct. 2025 in Sri Lanka. The conference will feature keynote speeches from Mohamad Abdullah Am (Director of the Centre for Islamic Thought and Education) and Abdullah Sahin (expert on Muslim educational thought and pedagogical practice). More information about the conference can be found at https://gais. network/2025conference/.
GAIS board members, who gathered for a multi-day strategic retreat, included President Zaffar Ahmed from South Africa, Vice President Fahad Haroon and Treasurer Abid Siddiq Omerson from Pakistan, Secretary Sufia Azmat from the U.S., Zeynep Alp from Turkey, Bilal Buttar from Brunei,
Leila Shatara from the U.S., and Salatu Sule form Nigeria.
From April 18 to 20, over 40 educators, scholars, and thought leaders from 21 countries convened in Madinah for WIB’s inaugural design retreat. Educators, school leaders, scholars and business professionals engaged in visioning, design thinking, and collaborative strategy-building.
What emerged was not a single curriculum or rigid framework, but a bold ambition to create a globally recognized educational model that is Akhirah-centered, spiritually grounded, and intellectually forward-thinking. The Madinah workshop was led by Abdul Matheen (CEO of Project You and Co-Chair of the UNESCO SDG4) and Sayd Farook (CEO of Unity Grammar, an Islamic school in Australia) who originally shared their vision at the GAIS conference in Malaysia in Oct. 2024. Their session inspired many others who came together in Madinah to forge a path forward. As one attendee remarked, the initiative envisions a future where learners become “modern leaders who balance the rights of Allah and the rights of people.”
Thought provoking conversations in Madinah, within a five-minute walk to the Haram, allowed for prayer at the Prophet’s Mosque (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) and explored profound themes: how to address secularism’s imprint on education, how to integrate Arabic and Qur’anic knowledge into pedagogy, and how to cultivate resilience, authenticity, and Islamic intelligence in a rapidly shifting world. Experts presented global demographic, economic, and technology trends, urging participants to prepare for an era where young Muslims are not merely consumers of content, but creators of standards.
The WIB emerges from a profound recognition that Islamic education worldwide is facing a crisis. It is not just about inconsistent quality, but also about serious threats of secularization and a growing misalignment with the needs of Muslim youth. The Madinah workshop marks a unified commitment to remedy this challenge by bringing Muslim educators, researchers, leaders, and key stakeholders of Islamic education from all over the world together to actualize the holistic and transformative potential of Islamic education.
What began as a network of volunteers in Dec. 2021 has grown into a global force uniting Islamic schools on five continents. After nearly a year of online meetings, the GAIS held its first in-person retreat in Istanbul in Oct. 2022 hosting over 80 delegates from 11 countries.
By the end of the three-day workshop, a steering committee was formed, multiple working groups were launched, and a foundational shift began toward a model of education that does not replicate but reimagines, that does not imitate but inspires. Participants included Dr. Sayd Farook, Hediah Kadous (school leader from UAE), Majed Jarrar (Executive Director at Siraj Institute at the University of Ottawa), Sahar El Asad (policy expert and researcher at the University of Cambridge), Mansoor Shakil (CEO & Vice Chairman of Character Education Foundation), Abdul Matheen, and Sufia Azmat (Executive Director of the Council of Islamic Schools based in North America).
The spirit of both gatherings, inspired by the 1977 World Conference on Muslim Education in Mecca, was a return to sincerity (ikhlas), steadfastness (istiqama), and
excellence (ihsan). Whether rethinking epistemology in Madinah or designing action plans in Istanbul, both groups recognized that the future of Islamic education requires organizational strategy and spiritual vision. Together, they are part of a growing movement to create educational experiences that develop intellect, character, and a deep connection to the Creator. Participants in Madinah and the board members of GAIS recognize and appreciate the work being done in all corners of the world. It is their desire not to replicate but to elevate the efforts of organizations such as the Center for Islam in the Contemporary World, the Yaqeen Institute, and the Institute of Integrated Knowledge, among others.
As one participant remarked, “We’re not building a school. We’re building a civilization.” ih
BY SYED IMTIAZ AHMAD
God revealed the Quran to Prophet Muhammad ( salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) (6:19) to guide humankind towards rushd, the right conduct (72:2). We may use the terms human conduct and behavior interchangeably. Both relate to how we act in our affairs. Behavior is generally perceived as a broader term encompassing the way someone acts, while conduct often implies a more formal or ethical standard in our interpersonal, professional, or legal contexts. What we value relates to our ethical conduct. Values are the outcome of reason and understanding, and we should all participate in the fulfillment of universal human values.
God fashioned man and breathed into him His spirit (15:29). Among God’s many attributes are guiding wisdom, responsiveness to those seeking help, protection, forgiveness, provision, sight, justice, awareness, generosity, goodness, beneficence, and patience. Humankind, at birth, is endowed by the attributes of God for their own development and interpersonal relationships. It is a human’s responsibility to nourish those attributes for developing rightly guided conduct and behavior. Not nourishing or negating those attributes deforms us over time.
Psychologist Gregg Henriques, Ph.D., of James Madison University describes three laws of human behavior: investment, influence, and justification (The Three “Laws” of Human Behavior, Oct. 21, 2022, Psychology Today). Investment is effort put into learning from the environment and forming schemas that guide behavior. We may nourish our mind positively for rightly-guided conduct or malnourish it and face the consequences. Influence is how we impact each other, cooperate, and support one another for positive outcomes, or how we negate these aspects and instead listen to negative influences. Justification is how we rationalize our choices and continue to ascend positively or fall into an abyss.
The Quran states, “We have indeed
Even those with severe behavioral problems can cultivate the brain to positive behavior by examining their thoughts and emotions, the very training process that the Quran advises.
created man in the best of molds. Then do We abase him (to be) the lowest of the low. Except such as believe and do righteous deeds: For they shall have a reward unfailing” (95:4-6).
This verse implies humans are born with the capacity to cultivate the mind and to invest in good behavior. The Quran represents a comprehensive guide for developing gainful good behavior.
In his book, The Noble Life of the Prophet, Dr. Ali Muhammad al-Sallabi stated, “Man is made up of a soul, a body, and a mind; and as such, the Quran addresses man as a whole, as a complete entity” (Dar-us-Salam Publications, 2005). The Quran advises us to reflect on what we hear and see. This is what Henriques calls an investment.
The Quran says, “If there comes to you
a disobedient one with information, investigate, lest you harm a people out of ignorance and become, over what you have done, regretful” (49:6). The human mind combines the sounds and sights it receives, producing a consciousness that guides human behavior. As such, it is important that we process what we hear and see conscientiously. We can achieve this goal by infusing the sacred into the mundane.
While Muslims hold the Quran to be sacred, some may not reflect on the guidance and criteria that it provides for shaping human conduct. They read the Quran as an act of worship without infusing the sacred guidance, huda, and criterion, furqan, into mundane
affairs. This neglect of the Quran leads to the neglect of sound judgment and rightly-guided conduct (25:30; Sunan Tirmidhi, Hadith: 2913).
The Quran consists of stories, metaphors, and examples for guiding human conduct. It contains over 6,000 verses (ayahs), each a sign, symbol, or act intended to convey information or instructions. Each sign is a clue, gesture, hint, suggestion, warning, or assurance. The verses of the Quran often repeat many stories and examples.
According to psychologists, repetition plays a crucial role in shaping human behavior by influencing learning, memory, and persuasion. It strengthens neural connections, making information easier to recall and reinforce behaviors.
Stories play a crucial role in behavioural development by teaching about emotions, social skills, and expectations, ultimately helping them develop self-regulation and empathy. Stories can also foster imagination, language skills, and a sense of self while providing a safe space for exploring complex issues and learning from actions and resulting consequences.
Given that the Quran provides comprehensive guidance for shaping good behavior in all our affairs, one may wonder why so many lack good conduct. The answer lies in how we approach the Quran. All Muslims consider it a sacred source of knowledge and revere it accordingly. We read the verses of the Quran during the five daily prayers in addition to reading them and listening to their recitation. What is lacking is that we do not take time to reflect on the meaning of what we read or listen to. We treat reading and listening to the Quran as simply an act of worship without taking the time to assimilate the meaning of the text. These acts are counted as spiritual devotions, but they are disconnected from the spiritual meaning that should affect our behavior in every aspect of our life.
The Quran provides the reader with knowledge on human conduct and guides the reader to ways to assimilate that knowledge, showing interplay between culture and different ways to learn. It neither neglects nor omits anything (6:38). It is humans who treat the Quran with neglect (25:30).
What holds us back from fully benefiting from the Quran are tendencies that we develop such as arrogance, ghuroor, an attitude disregarding what we may hear or see, a delusionary self-confidence of never doing anything wrong. Humans have a tendency to allow our desires to run amuck (4:135), not engage in thoughtful behavior, and not self-examine our thoughts, and how we act.
Clinical psychologist Dr. Foojan Zeine said the human brain is like plastic, capable of profound change, a process known as neuroplasticity (Foojan Zeine, Nicole Jafari, Mohammad Nami, Kenneth Blum, “Awareness integration theory: A Psychological and genetic path to self-directed Neuroplasticity,” June 2024, Health Sciences Review, Vol. 11). Even those with severe behavioral problems can cultivate the brain to positive behavior by examining their thoughts and emotions, the very training process that the Quran advises.
The Quran tells us that the human soul is prone to evil that commands us to engage in actions thoughtlessly, nafs ammara (12:53). Embracing Quranic messages, though, will help us cultivate a spirit of questioning our thoughts and actions so that we can avoid undesired human conduct, nafs lawwama (75:2), on the pathway to nafs mutma’inna (89:27), a state where one feels uplifted with self-satisfaction and seeks satisfaction by uplifting those around us. ih
Syed Imtiaz Ahmad, Ph.D. is President of the Islamic Society of North America and Professor Emeritus at Eastern Michigan University.
BY SYED IMTIAZ AHMAD
The framework and practice of charity in Islam comes from the stories of the earliest Muslims. When someone visited their home, they offered food even though they often did not have enough for themselves. When someone needed clothes, they offered some of their own even though they did not have enough to clothe themselves. They avoided publicly declaring their acts of charity, saying, “We feed you for the sake of God alone, no reward do we desire from you, nor thanks” (Quran 76:9).
Prophet Muhammad (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) said, “There is a (compulsory) sadaqa (charity) to be given for every joint of the human body (as a sign of gratitude to God) every day the sun rises. To judge justly between two persons is regarded as sadaqa, and to help a man concerning his riding animal by helping him to ride it or by lifting his luggage on to it, is also regarded as sadaqa, and (saying) a good word is also sadaqa, and every step taken on one’s way to offer the compulsory prayer (in the mosque) is also sadaqa and to remove a harmful thing from the way is also sadaqa” (Sahih al-Bukhari 2989, Book 56, Hadith 198).
The Prophet also noted, “When a person dies, his deeds come to an end except for three: Sadaqah Jariyah (a continuous charity), knowledge which is beneficial, or a virtuous descendant who prays for him” (hadith from Abu Hurairah in Sahih Muslim; Riyad as-Salihin 1383; Book 12, Hadith 8).
A charitable person is someone who feels a sense of belonging and responsibility to others. Qualities of a charitable person include being generous, kind, and understanding as well as being aware of the various ways to aid those in need by donating money, time, or other resources. They are also often lenient and not judgmental.
While the benefits of charity at the receiving end are obvious, it is not the same situation for the giver. For the giver, the overarching benefit is to please God. But, since
He has power over all things in this world and the Hereafter, this implicit benefit is of far greater in value. Among the profound benefits of giving charity are the belief that the donor can be protected from various calamities and misfortunes, receive divine intervention in times of need, and promote mental and emotional well-being. Prophet Muhammad said, “There is a single day in which a servant wakes that two angels come down (from the Heavens). One of them
pity, and the provision of charity is a matter of social responsibility in Islam.
Zakat is obligatory for every Muslim as it is identified as one of the five pillars of Islam. Zakat existed in pre-Islamic period as well, although not described in precise details as in Islam. Zakat is aimed at balancing the distribution of wealth. All those with annual savings of over a certain amount are required to pay zakat. The minimum amount, named nisab, a wealth threshold, is determined by
The primary focus of charitable giving should be on the sincerity of the act and avoiding riya’ or showing off good deeds for the sake of praise or other gains. While there is no strict prohibition against publicizing charity, it is considered undesirable because it can undermine the true intention of the act.
says, ‘O’ Allah! Give to the one that spends a substitute (for what he has spent)’” (Sahīh al-Bukhārī 1442, Sahīh Muslim 1010). He also stated, “Charity extinguishes the sins like water extinguishes a fire” (cited on the authority of Ibn Majah, Sahih al-Bukhari).
And there are worldly benefits for charitable giving, too. Harvard University professor Dr. Arthur Brooks said people who give more charitably are 43% more likely to say they are “very happy” than non-givers, while non-givers are three and a half times more likely than givers to report they are “not happy at all” (“Handsome Is as Handsome Gives,” Nov. 25, 2013, The Wall Street Journal).
Clinical psychologist Dr. Megan Hays also says charitable giving has been shown to boost happiness, reduce stress, enhance self-esteem, and strengthen social connections. “Engaging in acts of generosity activates the brain’s reward system, fostering positive emotions and a sense of purpose,” she said (“How giving to others can boost mental and physical health,” Dec. 2, 2024, UAB News).
The common terms used in the Quran for charity are zakat, sadaqah, and infaq. Almsgiving includes donating your time, and giving money, services, or resources to those who need it. All forms of charities are an act of pious benevolence and not an act of
grading the assets held. Not paying zakat is considered a sin and violation of Islamic jurisprudence. Paying zakat is considered an act of purifying your earnings by giving away what you have earned over the amount needed for your personal maintenance. The parable of those who spend their substance in the way of Allah is that of a grain of corn: it grows seven ears, and each ear has a hundred grains (Quran, 2:261).
Sadaqah refers to voluntary charity or righteous acts of giving. It is a form of worship that pleases God and is distinct from the obligatory charity, zakat. Sadaqah can involve monetary donations, acts of kindness, a warm shake of hands, or even a simple smile. Sadaqah is a righteous behavior, which shows sincerity of faith. It can be everything from an act of kindness to a monetary donation.
Infāq, another form of voluntary charitable giving, is defined as an act of spending simply to please God without asking for any favor in return.
Another Quranic lesson about charity stems a group of people visiting Prophet Muhammad and asking him what they should give to others. While they knew what God wanted them to give from what they had, they wanted to know how much they should donate. In reply, the Prophet was told by God to say al-afwa, whatever they could afford from the best part of what they owned.
This attitude allows the giver not to be too attached to his own material comforts, an altruism to prefer others to self. As the Quran states, “Make not your hand tied like misers to your neck nor stretched forth to its utmost reach so that you become blameworthy and destitute” (17:29). When asked about allocating their giving, the group was given examples of spending for parents, relatives, orphans, the poor, those in need, and any other good deed performed with your own money (2:215).
But Muslims are also encouraged to not disclose their acts of charity: “If you disclose acts of charity even so it is well but if you conceal them and make them reach those really in need, that is best for you” (2:215). In his comments on this Quranic verse, the well-known translator Abdullah Yusuf Ali said, “It is better to seek no publicity in charity. But if it is known there is no harm. If it is for public purposes, it must necessarily be known, and a pedantic show of concealment may itself be a fault. The harm of publicity lies in motives of ostentation. We can better reach the really deserving poor by quietly seeking for them. The spiritual benefit ensures our own souls, provided our motives are pure, and we are really seeking the good pleasure of Allah” (The Holy Qur’an: Text, Translation and Commentary).
The primary focus of charitable giving should be on the sincerity of the act and avoiding riyah or showing off good deeds for the sake of praise or other gains. While there is no strict prohibition against publicizing charity, it is considered undesirable because it can undermine the true intention of the act.
As such, Dr. Muzammil Siddiqi, former Chair of the Fiqh Council of North America, advised Muslims not to disclose the information of anyone receiving charity unless the charity is being given to a group. The purpose of charity should not be to show a person in difficulty, but rather to show the difficult situation so others are inspired to help.
Likewise, in Islam, someone who receives charity cannot be expected to give something back in return. If the donor asks for personal information, with or without a photo, for publicizing the charitable act, then the act of charity is nullified. ih
Syed Imtiaz Ahmad is the President of the Islamic Society of North America and Professor Emeritus at Eastern Michigan University.
BY NAWAL ALI
Every year on May 9, the streets of Bishkek fill with reverence and national pride as Kyrgyzstan joins other former Soviet countries in commemorating Victory Day, the day Nazi Germany surrendered to the Soviet Union in 1945. Music, flowers, and military pageantry set the tone across the capital. It is a day steeped in pride and national identity, but also, for the reflective observer, one that reveals something deeper: a story of forgotten people, colonial systems, and memory selectively preserved.
Although it is a date often associated with European history, witnessing the celebrations in Kyrgyzstan revealed how strongly this day resonates in Central Asia, and how much of the region’s sacrifice remains underrecognized.
Kyrgyz and non-Kyrgyz alike gathered early at Victory Square for speeches, wreath-laying ceremonies, and the “Immortal Regiment” march. Residents carried photos of their veteran ancestors, proudly displaying their family histories. Brass bands played wartime songs as people lined the eternal flame with red carnations. The memory of the war was alive, not just as a forgotten past, but as part of family identity. Even without carrying a portrait myself, as a non-Kyrgyz, standing in the crowd felt like an invitation to share in a story that transcends borders.
Beneath these gestures lies a meaningful and rarely acknowledged truth: that Muslims and other colonized people played a vital role in securing victory for Europe, only to be later written out of the history books.
When we speak of colonialism, we often focus on territory or the extraction of wealth and resources. But one of the most overlooked aspects of imperial domination is the forced enlistment and exploitation of colonized peoples in wars that were not of their making.
In World War II, over 3.5 million Muslims from Central Asia and the Caucasus region
fought for the Soviet Red Army. They came from Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan. Their reward for a job well done? Marginalization, suspicion, and historical erasure.
This experience was synonymous with the experience of North Africans who fought under the French flag. Moroccans, Algerians, and Tunisians sent to the frontlines to die in battles they didn’t start, for a “homeland” that didn’t — and still doesn’t — recognize them as equals..
Colonization is not just about borders. It’s about power over the lives of those who have no value to the conqueror. Victory Day is a haunting reminder of how empires wield that power by recruiting and sacrificing colonized men for wars that glorify only the colonizer.
And yet, the exclusion goes beyond war. Muslims are rarely acknowledged as contributors to the foundations of European civilization itself. In textbooks across the West, Europe’s scientific and philosophical development is portrayed as self-realized
— Newton without Ibn al-Haytham, algebra without Al-Jabr, The Golden Age without centuries of Muslim scholarship. Whether in math, science, or literature, Muslims are almost always cast as subjects rather than as central actors.
Despite their contributions to the defeat of Nazism, Central Asian Muslims are largely absent from global narratives of World War II. Museums in Western Europe and mainstream history books relate stories of American, British, and Soviet generals but not the Kazakh tank commander, the Uzbek infantryman, or the Tajik medic who pulled wounded comrades from burning fields in Belarus.
This erasure isn’t only limited to the West. It is also deeply rooted within the Muslim world itself. Most Muslim-majority countries, even those that sent troops to fight under Allied command, have erased the
memories of their contributions during WWII. We have been conditioned to believe that it was not our war, that it was a conflict between white empires, fought over European soil, and that we have nothing to commemorate in its aftermath. But the truth is, we did fight. Our grandfathers died in battlefields from France to Burma. We were there. We just weren’t told we had a stake in this historical memory.
In Central Asia, where Victory Day is still marked as a national holiday, the legacy of Soviet rule continues to shape the narrative.
the world, began shrinking dramatically after the Soviet Union shifted its main water supply for cotton farming. This decision caused the sea to lose over 90% of its water, leading to devastating ecological, economic, and health impacts for surrounding communities. The exposed seabed created toxic dust storms, damaging agriculture of the region and causing disease. Men and women labored under brutal conditions, not as celebrated patriots, but as slaves forced into service.
And still, behind the frontlines, there was quiet compassion that defied the cruelty of
When we speak of colonialism, we often focus on territory or the extraction of wealth and resources. But one of the most overlooked aspects of imperial domination is the forced enlistment and exploitation of colonized peoples in wars that were not of their making.
The story told is one of Soviet unity, of the Great Patriotic War (Europe’s Eastern Front in World War II), and of brave Red Army soldiers. What remains unspoken is that many of those soldiers were Central Asian Muslims who fought in a war that did not recognize their faith, culture, or sovereignty. Even today, in Kyrgyzstan, the historical narrative largely mirrors the Soviet lens.
And yet, there is quiet resistance in the way people remember. Families tell stories that are absent from textbooks. Elders share memorabilia that will only ever be viewed by their grandchildren. In these national rituals — flowers laid by the eternal flame, shared meals, the procession — there is an effort to reclaim a history of the Kyrgyz people that dominant narratives leave out.
Central Asia’s contribution in World War II wasn’t confined to the battlefield. As the Nazi advance swallowed whole Soviet cities, entire industries were uprooted and transferred to Central Asia. Factories producing weapons, tanks, and military supplies were relocated to cities like Tashkent and Almaty where local Muslim workers, many of them untrained, underfed, and overworked, kept production alive. Fields in Uzbekistan were pushed to produce impossible amounts of cotton to supply the Red Army, often at great human cost. The Aral Sea, once the fourth-largest inland lake in
the empire. When the Siege of Leningrad began and Soviet cities evacuated, thousands of Russian and Ukrainian children were sent to Central Asia for refuge. Despite their own hardships, Central Asian families opened their homes to these children, feeding, clothing, and raising them as their own. Some never returned to their original families. These acts of humanity are rarely acknowledged in Soviet mythology or Western narratives. But the truth is, while the empire took from them land, labor, and life, Central Asians embodied colonial resistance not with weapons, but with decency.
In a bitter twist of irony, the colonized extended more humanity to the colonizers than they themselves had ever received. It is not just battlefield heroism that was forgotten, but also the profound acts of dignity that challenged the logic of colonization itself.
The relationship between Russia and Central Asia is long and frayed. Kurmanjan Datka (d. 1907), a Kyrgyz tribal leader known as “The Queen,” tried to protect her people by cooperating with imperial powers. Under duress, she accepted the Russian annexation of Kyrgyz lands, only to see her people’s autonomy gradually stripped away. The Soviet Union may have industrialized the region, but it also silenced its languages, suppressed its religions, and centralized power
in the hands of white Russian Muscovites. Central Asians became both part of the empire and alien to it — never fully inside, never fully outside.
This sense of estrangement was especially evident during WWII. They were needed but never honored. Visible, but never remembered.
And the pattern repeats. Europe, which once drew upon Muslims to defeat fascism, now turns away from suffering in Palestine. As entire neighborhoods are leveled, schools and universities are pulverized, hospitals bombed, and civilian lives extinguished, many of the same European powers that once vowed “never again” now stand silently by.
We defended their ideals when it mattered most to them, but those ideals were never meant to be extended to us.
Victory Day in Kyrgyzstan is more than a holiday. It is a mirror that forces us to confront the way history is written and to evaluate who it includes and who it erases.
If the West is sincere in its commitment to the values it so loudly claims, then it must recognize this fact: colonized Muslim men bled for those values in forgotten trenches with no monuments and no parades
And if the Muslim world wants to claim its contributions, it must first recognize the extent to which it has internalized its own erasure. WWII is not just a Soviet or European story — it is ours, too. Our blood was shed. Our sacrifices were made. And our people were there.
History must stop being a story told only by the victors and start being a story that belongs to all who lived it. ih
Nawal Ali is a public health graduate from Chicago with a background in development. She is currently researching Islamic culture in Central Asia
BY FAISAL KUTTY
When Harvard University released over 500 pages of findings from its Presidential Task Force on Combating Antisemitism and Anti-Israeli Bias, and its Presidential Task Force on Combating AntiMuslim, Anti-Arab, and Anti-Palestinian Bias on April 29, it billed them as a comprehensive reckoning. But the reports reveal something else: an institutional double standard in how Harvard defines harm, assigns blame, and recommends reform.
According to Harvard’s own data, 92% of Muslim students reported feeling unsafe or marginalized on campus compared to 74% of Jewish students. That’s a staggering disparity, and yet, it is the task force on antisemitism that received greater institutional power, attention, and deference. The university recommended sweeping reforms to hiring, admissions, and faculty oversight including presidentially appointed disciplinary panels, audits of course content, and an embrace of the controversial International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism. This definition has been justifiably criticized for deliberately and falsely conflating criticism of Israel with antisemitism. Many of these proposals mirror demands explicit from the Trump administration itself. It urges Harvard to ban masks at protests, punish professors who cancel class for student demonstrations, and conduct “viewpoint diversity” audits of academic programming. The anti-Muslim bias task force, on the other hand, explicitly states it was not authorized to investigate specific programming or extracurricular events.
political expression. 13 seniors were barred from graduating this spring for their activism. The Islamophobia task force rightly noted that this level of discipline is “unprecedented” and has had a chilling effect on free speech at the university.
When protesters opposing Israeli policies wear masks to protect their identities — many after being doxxed or fired — they are met with calls for surveillance and policing. When professors speak out against Israeli state violence, the antisemitism report suggests they should face “lasting consequences.” Meanwhile, faculty who shut down debate and impose pro-Israel orthodoxy — like Harvard Hillel’s temporary suspension of its own Jewish student group for criticizing Gaza’s destruction — are held up as defenders of Jewish safety.
The imbalance is not just bureaucratic, it’s ideological. The antisemitism report reads as though it was written to placate donors and deflect federal scrutiny while the report on antiMuslim bias appears designed to avoid controversy altogether. This is especially evident in how the reports treat pro-Palestine activism.
The imbalance is not just bureaucratic; it’s ideological. The antisemitism report reads as though it was written to placate donors and deflect federal scrutiny while the report on anti-Muslim bias appears designed to avoid controversy altogether. This is especially evident in how the reports treat pro-Palestine activism.
The antisemitism task force portrays this form of hate as a tangible threat — “raucous, aggressive, and inflammatory” — that disrupts campus life for Jewish students. But it ignores how Harvard has punished pro-Palestine speech far more harshly than any other
In fact, the antisemitism task force goes so far as to include in its list of concerns the academic work of dissenting Jewish scholars. Atalia Omer, a Jewish Israeli professor who taught in Harvard’s Religion, Conflict, and Peace Initiative, found her program targeted in the report (“I’m an Israeli professor. Why is my work in Harvard’s antisemitism report?” May 9, 2025. The Guardian). Her sin? Exposing students to Mizrahi and Ethiopian Jewish voices, Palestinian artists, and anti-Zionist theologians. The report dismisses this as “non-mainstream” and ideologically suspect, reinforcing the idea that there is only one acceptable way to be Jewish on campus.
This reframing of what is acceptable when it comes to Jewish identity as a pro-Israel litmus test is, itself, both antisemitic and dangerous. It erases the long tradition of Jewish dissent, flattens complex debates into loyalty tests, and infantilizes students as victims of manipulation rather than agents of conscience.
Equally disturbing is the university’s embrace of the IHRA definition of antisemitism. By contrast, alternative definitions such as the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism and the Nexus Task Force’s Campus Guide, which offer more nuanced frameworks, are absent from the antisemitism task force’s citations despite being mentioned in events censured in the report.
The result is an official narrative that pathologizes political dissent and frames solidarity with Palestinians as inherently suspect. The same protests that Muslim, Arab, and many Jewish students say are acts of conscience are depicted as threats to campus order and Jewish safety. If Harvard were serious about equity, it would have ensured that both reports had the same investigative powers and were judged by the same standards. Instead, it granted one task force the authority to scrutinize departments, courses and partnerships with foreign universities while the other was told to steer clear of specifics.
Moreover, Harvard has committed to expanding Jewish and Israeli studies and partnering with Israeli institutions but has not made similar commitments to Palestinian studies or institutions, despite recommendations to do so.
What’s most galling is that all of this is happening under the pretense of protecting marginalized communities. But when a majority of Muslim students feel unsafe — and their concerns are met with less urgency, less institutional backing, and fewer concrete reforms — it’s clear that not all fears are treated equally.
Harvard may claim to be promoting pluralism, but pluralism cannot mean privileging one community’s pain while minimizing another’s. True inclusion requires consistency. That means protecting the academic freedom of anti-Zionist Jews and Palestinian advocates just as vigorously as we protect Jewish students from hate. It means distinguishing between protest and prejudice, between critique of a state and hate against a people.
The real danger is not student activism. It’s a university that rebrands censorship as safety, compliance as equity, and silence as pluralism.
If we want campuses where all students — Jewish, Muslim, Palestinian, Israeli, and beyond — can feel safe and heard, we must reject frameworks that punish political speech under the guise of protection. We must also refuse to let any administration, including Harvard’s or Trump’s, weaponize identity to divide and control.
The test Harvard faces is not one of antisemitism or Islamophobia alone. It is a test of integrity. And so far, it is clearly failing. ih
professor, and regular contributor to The Toronto Star and Newsweek. You can follow him on X @faisalkutty.
BY FAISAL KUTTY
The Canadian government’s newly unveiled Strong Borders Act — formally titled Bill C-2 — is marketed as a bold, necessary step to protect Canadians from organized crime, fentanyl trafficking, and abuse of the asylum system. But beneath the veneer of border security lies a dangerous truth: this sweeping legislation is more about the ruling Liberal Party appeasing Donald Trump than defending Canadian values.
Public Safety Minister Gary Anandasangaree admitted as much. At a press conference announcing the bill, he acknowledged that it addresses “irritants for
the U.S.” and was designed with “elements that will strengthen the relationship” with the Trump administration (Peter Zimonjic, “Liberals introduce bill proposing sweeping border security powers.” June 3, 2025. CBC News). Among those “irritants” were American complaints about the flow of asylum seekers and drugs across the northern border — complaints that have formed the basis for Trump’s punitive tariffs on Canadian steel, aluminum, and other goods. But instead of pushing back against these distortions, Ottawa has capitulated. The Strong Borders Act is a 21st-century Trojan horse, a bill that claims to protect
Canadians while hollowing out core principles of justice, privacy, and international obligation.
The bill would make asylum seekers ineligible to have their claims referred to the Immigration and Refugee Board if they apply more than a year after arriving in Canada — a provision that applies even to international students and temporary visa holders. Those crossing at unofficial land borders, meanwhile, have just 14 days to apply for asylum or risk ineligibility.
These restrictions aren’t just harsh; they directly contradict Canada’s obligations under the 1951 Refugee Convention which prohibits penalizing asylum seekers based on how or when they enter a country. While claimants barred under these timelines can still apply for a pre-removal risk assessment, this is a far more limited process that lacks the full protection of an official refugee hearing.
The legislation’s defenders argue these provisions are necessary to stop so-called “asylum gaming” by temporary residents, but there’s little evidence to support the claim that late-stage asylum seekers are abusing
the system. In fact, many such claimants are survivors of trauma, unaware of their rights, or face practical barriers like lack of legal representation. Punishing them with automatic ineligibility is both cruel and counterproductive.
Beyond asylum restrictions, the Strong Borders Act dramatically expands federal agencies’ surveillance and enforcement powers by amending a host of laws including the Customs Act, Criminal Code, Canadian Security Intelligence Service Act,
administration’s racist ideology. Since Trump’s return to office, the U.S. has weaponized economic tools to demand tighter Canadian border controls. Ottawa has responded not with principled diplomacy, but with capitulation. “This will allow law and border enforcement agencies to take swift action to ensure strict federal oversight over any legitimate use of these chemicals,” the Canadian government said in a news release (“Government of Canada strengthens border security,” June 3, 2025. Government of Canada).
The Strong Borders Act is a 21st-century Trojan horse, a bill that claims to protect Canadians while hollowing out core principles of justice, privacy, and international obligation.
and Canada Post Corporation Act. Among its most troubling provisions is the authorization for police to search mail — including domestic correspondence — without a warrant so long as it is permitted under statute.
The bill also compels electronic service providers to assist law enforcement and intelligence agencies by intercepting private communications. Additionally, it mandates that port operators and warehouse managers provide the Canada Border Services Agency with access to conduct export inspections, a requirement that previously applied only to imports. Perhaps most alarmingly, the legislation grants the government broad power to cancel or suspend immigration documents on the grounds of “public interest,” a vague and discretionary standard with little oversight, raising serious concerns about transparency and potential abuse.
All of this, we are told, is in the name of national security. But history has shown what happens when governments are handed broad discretionary powers in the name of security — from the racial profiling of Muslims post-9/11 to the internment of Japanese Canadians during World War II.
The bill does not include meaningful independent oversight or transparency mechanisms for how these expansive powers will be used. Nor does it guarantee legal recourse for those wrongfully targeted.
One of the most alarming aspects of this bill is how openly it is tied to the American
But most of the fentanyl entering North America is trafficked through legal commercial supply chains and ports, not in the backpacks of desperate refugees. Using fentanyl as justification to deny asylum or increase surveillance of marginalized communities misdirects attention and resources from where they are most needed.
This is not about keeping Canadians safe. It’s about sending a political signal to the Trump’s White House that Canada is cracking down, regardless of the collateral damage.
Canadians should be deeply concerned by the scale and tone of the Strong Borders Act. It marks a sharp turn away from the inclusive, rights-based immigration system we have long championed. It casts asylum seekers and immigrants as threats rather than potential contributors. It expands police and intelligence powers with little restraint. And it does all this to solicit favor with a foreign leader whose policies and rhetoric run directly counter to Canadian values.
Border integrity is important. But so is fairness. So is the rule of law. So is Canada’s identity as a nation that protects the vulnerable and upholds human rights. Canada must not allow Trump’s paranoia — or its government’s political expedience — to define who Canadians are. ih
BY TARIQ AHMED
The May 2025 military crisis between India and Pakistan was not just another flare-up along the 460-mile-long Line of Control that was agreed in 1949; it was a global wake-up call. For the first time in years, the world watched as two nuclear-armed neighbors engaged in high-intensity strikes, missile exchanges, and aerial bombardment yet somehow avoided crossing the nuclear threshold, a feat that could have had catastrophic global implications. But let us not mistake the current shaky restraint or de-escalation for anything like a long-term resolution.
At the heart of this confrontation lies the unresolved Kashmir dispute, a festering, regional wound that has fueled bloody conflict for over seven decades. During the recent hostilities, dozens were killed and hundreds injured — mostly civilians, including children — and millions worth of property was destroyed. Pakistan’s measured military response to India’s miscalculated move, while tactically effective, underscored the terrifying reality: rapid escalation can occur with minimal notice, and miscalculation remains alarmingly likely. If this were to happen again, the death and destruction are likely to be far greater with fighting lasting for a far longer period.
According to a Doctors Without Borders field team, over 300 people — half of them children — were injured by shrapnel and collapsed homes in just 48 hours during the May 2025 airstrikes.
The truth is evident: Kashmir remains the focal point of tension in South Asia. The situation resembles a powder keg that could explode at any moment. And the next conflict might not necessitate a formal declaration of war. It could be triggered by a lone gunman, an accidental missile launch, or a false flag operation. It is no longer a question of if, but when.
Although U.S. diplomatic intervention halted the immediate escalation, the underlying drivers of conflict remain unaddressed. India’s ongoing occupation of Kashmir, its
reluctance to engage meaningfully with Pakistan, and its insistence on bilateral dialogue while simultaneously pursuing unilateral integration of Kashmir are some fundamental issues that could lead to a crisis. These actions, including the 2019 revocation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution — which gave special status to Jammu and Kashmir — and subsequent demographic and administrative changes, have deepened local resentment and raised international concerns regarding the potential for more deadly long-term consequences.
What makes this moment even more dangerous is the worsening environmental aspect of the conflict: the weaponization of water. India’s control over the upstream rivers in the Indus Basin — essential lifelines for millions in both countries — has become a tool for coercive
It is essential for any genuine peace process to include the voices of the Kashmiri people. For far too long, they have been overlooked despite being the central stakeholders in this long-running political dispute.
strategic leverage. As climate change accelerates glacial retreat and alters monsoon patterns, the potential for water-related confrontations intensifies. India’s disregard for the Indus Water Treaty, brokered by the World Bank and signed in 1960, along with its unilateral and unauthorized dam construction and water diversions threatens to exacerbate an already fraught regional relationship. In this context, water insecurity is not just a humanitarian crisis; it has become a geopolitical flashpoint. The possibility of water wars in South Asia is no longer hypothetical — they are happening in real time.
A prolonged conflict over Kashmir would be devastating for everyone involved. Both countries could face significant opportunity costs, shifting valuable resources away from crucial areas like education, health care, infrastructure, and climate resilience towards military efforts. For Pakistan, struggling with economic challenges, and for India, aiming for a prominent role on the global stage, this focus on conflict could hinder long-term growth and progress. Lessons from recent global events highlight that warfare often brings widespread and prolonged destruction without demonstrating any clear winners on any side of the conflict. For those reasons, we must abandon armed confrontation and instead envision a future where collaboration leads to prosperity, stability, and a brighter tomorrow for both nations and their people.
To move away from a challenging situation, it is essential for both countries to fully commit to structured and sustained diplomacy. Reviving bilateral talks and backchannel communications, like those that helped ameliorate ceasefire violations in the early 2000s, is a promising step forward. The international community has a crucial role in this process, shifting from merely mediating crises to fostering constructive and ongoing dialogue. Engaging neutral participants like Norway, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), and certain United Nations bodies is vital, especially considering past initiatives such as the Simla Agreement of 1972 and the Lahore Declaration of 2004, which faced challenges due to issues of trust and political will. Considering the complexities of the Kashmir dispute and the serious risks of a major confrontation — particularly involving nuclear weapons — a renewed commitment to dialogue with impartial facilitators is imperative.
It is essential for any genuine peace process to include the voices of the Kashmiri people. For far too long, they have been overlooked despite being the central stakeholders in this long-running political dispute . To shape a meaningful future roadmap, civil society leaders, youth activists, and representatives from both sides of the Line of Control must be involved. Their participation would not only legitimize the process but also humanize what has often been reduced to a mere territorial or ideological conflict.
History teaches that frozen conflicts do not stay frozen forever. All forms of illegal occupation, including that of Kashmir, must come to an end. The current calm is precarious, maintained through repression and fear. The next crisis could be more deadly, more rapid, and more difficult to contain than any clash that has come before. The world, already stretched thin by competing conflicts, crises, and emergencies, cannot afford to have another open wound in South Asia.
If lasting peace is to be achieved, it must be pursued through diplomacy, mutual restraint, and a sincere effort to address not only the symptoms but also the core grievances of the Kashmir dispute. This is not just a regional imperative; it is a global one. The time to act is now, before the next spark ignites a fire that engulfs us all. ih
Hindu nationalism, also known as Hindutva, is a transnational far-right political ideology grounded in Hindu supremacy. In India, Hindu nationalists advocate a strict form of ethnonationalism that reimagines the secular Indian republic as an exclusively Hindu nation and seeks to relegate religious minorities — especially Muslims — to an inferior status. Hindu nationalism is distinct from Hinduism, notwithstanding Hindutva proponents’ erroneous claims of representing all Hindus.
In the United States, Hindutva proponents seek to silence the voices of Indian Americans and others who disagree with their ideology, promote harmful policies favorable to India’s Hindu nationalist political parties, and control knowledge about South Asia’s diverse, multireligious history. In so doing, Hindutva advocates undermine American pluralism and spread hate against Muslims, Sikhs and other minority groups within American society.
Hindutva is not Hinduism, both in terms of genre and its impact on American politics and society. Whereas the religion of Hinduism contributes to American pluralism and religious diversity, the political ideology of Hindu nationalism works against these core American values by perpetuating supremacist ideas and discriminatory conduct, especially against non-Hindu South Asians.
U.S.-based Hindu nationalists follow their Indian counterparts in trying to collapse the identities of Hindus and Indians, denying agency to Muslim, Sikh, Christian, and other non-Hindu Indians. The goal is to make Hindus the only legitimate spokespeople for Indian culture, reducing India’s multi-sourced, multireligious, and diverse set of cultures to Hinduism alone and whitewashing the far-right ideology of Hindutva. This ethnonationalist agenda poses significant threats to American social and political life by disenfranchising non-Hindu Indian Americans and allowing Hindutva to flourish unchecked on U.S. soil.
India-based groups have exported their ideology, structures, and tactics to various countries, including some U.S.-based groups that serve as branches of their India-based Hindutva counterparts. As a result, American Hindu nationalists regularly attack religious and caste minorities within the South Asian American diaspora — including Muslims, Sikhs, Dalits, and Christians — seeking to undermine their views and influence.
American Hindu nationalists often use coercive strategies including harassment and threats of violence to insert their anti-Muslim and broader anti-pluralism viewpoints into American primary and secondary school curricula as well as higher education programming (E.g., Purnima Bose, “Hindutva Abroad: The California
Textbook Controversy,” The Global South 2, no. 1 (2008): 11–34; Aria Thaker, “The Latest Skirmish in California’s Textbooks War Reveals the Mounting Influence of Hindutva in the United States,” Caravan, Feb. 6, 2018). Upper-caste dominance with South Asian American communities stems from U.S. immigration laws that privilege skilled migrants who tend to be upper-caste owing to caste biases in India (Badrinathan et al, “Social Realities of Indian Americans” (caste in the Indian American diaspora).). As a result, Dalits and lower castes have often found their experiences undervalued within the South Asian American community (Maari ZwickMaitreyi, Thenmozhi Soundararajan, and Natasha Dar, “Caste in the United States,” Equality Labs, 2018, University Task Force on Caste Discrimination, “Caste-Based Discrimination in U.S. Higher Education and at Rutgers,” Aug. 2024).
U.S. based Hindutva groups implement their ideological goals in the following ways:
❶ Promote political Hinduism.
❷ Spread anti-Muslim sentiments.
❸ Attack North American-based scholars and compromise academic freedom.
❹ Try to collapse the identities of Indians and Hindus.
❺ Oppose civil rights for the caste-oppressed.
❻ Support Hindutva agenda items set by India-based groups (including the BJP).
❼ Deflect criticism of themselves and other Hindutva groups.
❽ Secure influence with and access to American politicians.
Hindu nationalists have capitalized on anti-Muslim public discourse arising from the Global War on Terror to obtain greater acceptance of their ethnonationalist agenda. By couching their rhetoric within the mainstream narrative that Muslims worldwide are presumptively terrorists and violent, Hindutva organizations join the chorus of other Islamophobic right-wing groups.
The various strands of Hindutva in the United States, thus, further two objectives:
❶ othering Muslims as suspicious outsiders and
❷ stymying academic freedom.
Hindu nationalists advance parallel arguments that accord with or, in some cases, mimic other American far-right groups. For example, white Christian nationalists in America advocate the “Great Replacement Theory,” wherein immigrants of color are said to be overtaking white Americans and thereby destroying (Eurocentric) American culture (Rohit Chopra, “Online Hindutva as a global rightwing counterpublic,” The Immanent Frame, Oct. 12, 2022). In the Hindu nationalist version, Muslims (currently 14% of the Indian population) are falsely imagined to be on track to replacing Hindus (currently 80% of the Indian population), resulting in the spread of propaganda that the presence of Muslims threatens (Hindu) Indian culture (Pranay Somayajula, “From Buffalo to India, the Right’s Demographic Paranoia Fuels Deadly Violence,” Jacobin, June 1, 2022).
These ethnonationalist theories contain dangerous majoritarian assumptions about who defines national identity. More broadly, U.S.-based Hindu nationalists “mimic white supremacy culture” by their claims of majoritarian victimhood without evidence (Feminist Critical Hindu Studies Collective (Shreena Gandhi, Harshita Mruthinti Kamath, Sailaja Krishnamurti, Shana Sippy), “Hindu Fragility and the Politics of Mimicry in North America,” The Immanent Frame special forum on Hindutva and the shared scripts of the global far-right, Nov. 2, 2022). When American Hindu nationalists are criticized as ethnonationalists, they incorrectly describe criticism of India as “antiHindu,” modeling Zionist arguments that Israel cannot be criticized without antisemetic sentiments (Azad Essa, Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance Between India and Israel (London: Pluto Press, 2023); Aparna Gopalan, “The Hindu Nationalists Using the Pro-Israel Playbook,” Jewish Currents, June 28, 2023).
Oct. 18, 2024). Such violations of international and domestic law prompted law enforcement to take more seriously cases of Hindutvainspired threats in the U.S. (E.g., U.S. Department of Justice, “Texas Man Charged with Federal Hate Crime for Making Threats Against Employees of Sikh Organization,” Press Release, June 5, 2024).
Hindu nationalists consider schools a battleground for controlling information about Hinduism, Hindutva, and India. As a result, U.S.-based Hindutva groups have engaged in repeated campaigns of propaganda and intimidation aimed at American schools, universities, and individual scholars. U.S.-based Hindu nationalists attempt to whitewash South Asian history in school textbooks in the U.S. and often viciously malign academics who seek to highlight India’s history of pluralism. Hindutva groups target scholars with doxxing, swatting, violent threats, heckling, blacklists, and defamatory online petitions (South Asia Scholar Activist Collective, “Timeline of Specific Incidents of Hindutva Harassment
In the United States, Hindutva proponents seek to silence the voices of Indian Americans and others who disagree with their ideology, promote harmful policies favorable to India’s Hindu nationalist political parties, and control knowledge about South Asia’s diverse, multireligious history. In so doing, Hindutva advocates undermine American pluralism and spread hate against Muslims, Sikhs and other minority groups within American society.
Public and government attention to Hindutva increased in 2023 when transnational murder schemes targeting U.S. and Canadian citizens were orchestrated by Hindu nationalists affiliated with the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and his government (Kanishka Singh, US charges ex-Indian intelligence official in foiled Sikh separatist murder plot, Reuters,
of Academics in North America,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 90, no. 4 (2022): 788–94; Vinayak Chaturvedi, “Annoy the Alt-Right in the U.S. today, and you could get ‘swatted,’” The Hindu, Nov. 07, 2020).
Hindu nationalist groups target faculty or college courses that they view as unsympathetic to the cause of glorified, Hindutvafriendly depictions of Hinduism and South Asian history. The rise of Dalit Studies in the U.S. in the past 20 years, for instance, has attracted Hindutva-inspired harassment of scholars investigating the critical histories of caste in the subcontinent (E.g., see several mentions in South Asia Scholar Activist Collective, “Timeline of Specific Incidents of Hindutva Harassment of Academics in North America.”). Also common are defamatory Islamophobic claims that a Muslim scholar is a “jihadist.” They go even further to demand that the Indian government withhold visas or imprison scholars upon arrival and file bad-faith lawsuits in both India and the U.S.(South Asia Scholar Activist Collective, “Timeline of Specific Incidents of Hindutva Harassment of Academics in North America.”).
The social harms arising from Hindutva are extensive — impacting groups beyond the Muslim Americans, college students, and professors — and work against key American values of inclusion and diversity.
The following recommendations aim to prevent Hindutva-inspired groups from threatening the equality, safety, and lives of their minoritized targets in the U.S.
❶ Law enforcement, politicians, and civil society groups should cease partnerships with U.S.based Hindu nationalist groups.
❷ Federal authorities should ensure that U.S. groups that act as proxies of India’s Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its affiliate organizations register under the Foreign Agents Registration Act.
❸ U.S.-based Hindu nationalist groups, particularly those registered as charities, must be fully transparent about their financial links abroad, including material support originating overseas, financial resources directed overseas, and ties to foreign governments.
❹ The U.S. government should impose sanctions on or refuse entry into the United States to persons who facilitate or provide material support for anti-minority violence in India.
❺ University administrations should educate themselves about the threats caused by Hindutvainspired discrimination in the United States and protect professors, staff, and students within their universities from caste-based and religion-based discrimination.
Rutgers hosted an analysis session on June 16 on its report, Hindutva in America: A Threat to Equality and Religious Pluralism, which was co-sponsored with Hindus for Human Rights (HHR), Sikh American Legal Defense and Education Fund (SALDEF), and the Indian American Muslim Council. It was addressed by Safa Ahmed, associate director of media and communications for the IAMC, Joyt Singh, SALDEF, Parray Somayajul, HHR, Dheepa Sundaram, assistant professor of Hindu studies at the University of Denver, and Sahar Aziz, Distinguished Professor of Law, Chancellor’s Social Justice Scholar, and Middle East and Legal Studies Scholar at Rutgers University Law School.
Read the full report Hindutva in America: A Threat to Equality and Religious Pluralism published by the Rutgers Center for Security, Race and Rights (CSRR). ih
Support the work of CSRR at https://give.rutgersfoundation. org/csrr-support/20046.html.
BY TARIQ AHMED
India’s long-standing portrayal as a “beacon of democracy” warrants a critical reassessment. Beneath this facade lies a troubling reality; systemic repression, political exclusion, and restrictions on free expression reveal profound disparities between India’s professed principles and lived realities. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, these contradictions have become even more pronounced as Hindu majoritarianism has reshaped state priorities and accelerated the erosion of democratic norms.
Modi’s assertive Hindu nationalist stance has fostered heightened domestic intolerance and exposed the fragility of India’s secular identity. Hindutva — a political ideology encompassing the cultural justification of Hindu nationalism and the belief in establishing Hindu hegemony within India — now underpins state policy, cultivating an atmosphere of exclusion that targets the country’s Muslims, Christians, and other minorities. This ideological shift is not confined to domestic politics; it increasingly shapes India’s foreign policy as well. Domestic politics, underpinned by Hindutva ideology, has reshaped the state’s priorities, fostering an atmosphere of exclusion. India’s foreign policy increasingly aligns with this assertive Hindu nationalist and revisionist vision, mirroring its internal extremist religious trajectory.
The democratic crisis is most evident in the illegally occupied regions of Jammu and Kashmir. Repression in the region spans several decades and is rooted in militarization, colonization, political exclusion, and the suppression of dissent. The Aug. 2019 revocation of Article 370 — a constitutional provision that was enacted in Oct. 1949, granting special autonomous status to the occupied state — is an imposition without consultation under military lockdown, a communications blackout, and a significant escalation. Since then, repression has intensified in the form of mass detentions, arbitrary arrests, and widespread surveillance. These restrictive measures have come with randomized internet shutdowns the misuse of draconian laws like the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, enacted in 1967, and the Public Safety Act to criminalize dissent. Journalists, activists, and political leaders have been relentlessly targeted while militarized control has become the norm. Instead of fostering the much sought-after integration, these measures have deepened disaffection and resentment. India frames Kashmir’s UN-recognized self-determination movement as terrorism, dismissing decades of international calls for a plebiscite (which India signed in 1948). This narrative serves to obscure the Kashmiris’ legitimate aspirations and entrench India’s occupation.
India’s foreign policy exhibits an opportunistic approach that seeks to balance diverse geopolitical interests while asserting national ambitions. Strategic cooperation with Israel coexists with ties to Iran; defense relations with the U.S. are maintained alongside discounted oil imports from Russia. Despite tensions with China, India continues to import billions in Chinese goods. This inconsistency reflects a lack of strategic coherence and undermines India’s credibility as a reliable global partner. Ironically, India accuses others of sponsoring terrorism while simultaneously facing mounting evidence of its domestic repression and covert operations aimed at terrorizing political activists abroad. This dual approach allows India to exploit both sides of the global counterterrorism narrative to serve its own interests.
Concerns about India’s conduct beyond its borders have grown sharply in recent years. In 2023, Canada raised concerns about “credible allegations” suggesting that Indian agents were involved in the killing of a Canadian citizen of Indian origin — a vocal critic of the Indian government — on Canadian soil.
In 2024, Czech authorities extradited an Indian operative, Nikhil Gupta, to the U.S. for his alleged involvement in a murder-for-hire plot orchestrated by an Indian government employee. Investigative reports, including from Disinfo Lab Europe, have exposed Indianlinked networks engaged in disinformation campaigns targeting critics, particularly around Pakistan, Kashmir, and Sikh activism.
A Guardian report published in April 2024 revealed that Indian intelligence officials corroborated a meticulously orchestrated campaign of political assassinations within Pakistan, despite the country’s persistent portrayal as a victim of terrorism. These actions contradict India’s moral claims and expose a growing gap between its global ambitions and its conduct.
Recently, India’s persistent claim of being a victim of terrorism has yielded diminishing returns; the narrative has lost traction. During its recent standoff with Pakistan, no country publicly supported India — a stark contrast to previous episodes of conflict . Even longtime allies expressed unease. The Five Eyes alliance (U.S., U.K., Canada, Australia, New Zealand) voiced growing concern over India’s authoritarian drift. When Canada accused India of involvement in the murder of a Canadian citizen, India’s retaliatory expulsion of diplomats triggered widespread criticism. Allies were clearly uncomfortable with India’s attempts to suppress accountability and stall investigations.
India’s strained relations with its neighbors further underscore its isolation. The suspension of the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty — mediated by the World Bank to use water available in the Indus River and its tributaries — with Pakistan raises fears of water conflicts. In Bangladesh, perceptions of India have shifted from benevolent partner to hegemonic power, prompting Dhaka to engage with China, Japan, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
Sri Lanka remains wary of Indian influence due to past interference in the Tamil conflict which lasted 26 years, leading Colombo to deepen ties with Beijing. “India Out” protests in the Maldives
reflect regional concerns over India’s expanding military footprint. Nepal, once closely aligned with India, is now strengthening ties with China to assert its autonomy.
These shifts challenge India’s traditional assumptions of dominance and expose its failure to build trust through mutual respect.
India’s self-serving and contradictory postures may yield tactical gains, but they raise serious questions about its credibility. As it seeks global leadership, capability alone is insufficient. Credibility matters just as much. Pragmatism must not devolve into opportunism; flexibility must not mask duplicity. If India wishes to be taken
India’s foreign policy exhibits an opportunistic approach that seeks to balance diverse geopolitical interests while asserting national ambitions. Strategic cooperation with Israel coexists with ties to Iran; defense relations with the U.S. are maintained alongside discounted oil imports from Russia. Despite tensions with China, India continues to import billions in Chinese goods.
seriously on the world stage, it must choose between posturing and principle. With growing polarization, weakened civil liberties, and opaque diplomacy, India risks a diminished standing in global forums and among emerging powers.
India’s duplicity — evident in its balancing act between Israel and Iran, Russia and the West, and its hegemonic designs in South Asia — reveals a foreign policy driven more by opportunism than principle. Combined with its Hindutva turn, refusal to resolve the long-simmering Kashmir dispute, and erosion of civil liberties, India contradicts its image as a rising secular democracy. While Western powers have long operated with similar contradictions, often without consequence, India, as an emerging global player, faces a pivotal choice: persist in this duplicity and risk deepening alienation, or pursue a meaningful course correction to rebuild trust at home and abroad. In today’s interconnected world, sustainable influence demands more than Modi’s boastful rhetoric; it requires accountability. India’s recent foreign policy setbacks — from strained neighborhood ties to rising international criticism — offer ample evidence of the cost of its current trajectory. ih
Tariq Ahmed is an independent writer.
BY FAISAL KUTTY
On July 11, 1995, in the so-called UN “safe zone” of Srebrenica, more than 8,000 Bosniak Muslim men and boys were systematically executed by Bosnian Serb forces while the world watched. Today, 30 years later, survivors still bury fragments of their loved ones. “Just a few bones” is all many families have to show after decades of grief, forensic searches, and international inaction.
The Srebrenica genocide stands as Europe’s worst atrocity since the Holocaust. It was legally recognized as genocide by both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice. Yet, denial persists, justice remains incomplete, and the lessons of Srebrenica remain tragically unheeded — most starkly visible in Gaza today.
Srebrenica was not a surprise. It was the culmination of a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing during the Bosnian War (1992–95), which followed the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The town had been declared a UN-protected “safe area” in 1993 following a Serb shelling attack that killed dozens of children. But when Bosnian Serb forces under General Ratko Mladić entered the enclave
on July 11, 1995, the promise of protection proved hollow.
Dutch UN peacekeepers stood by as men and boys were separated from their families and taken away. Over several days, they were executed and buried in mass graves. To cover up the crimes, bulldozers were used to scatter remains across multiple sites. “30 years of search and we are burying a bone,” said Mirzeta Karic, as she placed her father’s coffin — wrapped in green cloth in accordance with Islamic tradition — into the ground.
The horror of Srebrenica was not a failure of intelligence — it was a failure of resolve. European and international leaders knew what was unfolding. The international community had already seen the playbook:
ethnic cleansing, mass displacement, and mass graves. Yet, the UN lacked the mandate and muscle to stop the killings. And after blood soaked the soil, the excuses poured in of not having enough troops, the situation was too complex, and it was too late.
President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen admitted as much in her July 2025 statement. “We acknowledge our past and recognize our responsibility for failing to prevent and stop the genocide,” she said. “We will never allow history to be rewritten” (“The 30th anniversary of Srebrenica genocide, EU high officials pay their respect in Potočari.” July 11, 2025. European Western Balkans, The Centre for Contemporary Politics.).
The Dayton Accords of Nov. 1995 ended the war but institutionalized ethnic divisions. Bosnia and Herzegovina was split into two entities: the Bosniak-Croat Federation and the Serb-dominated Republika Srpska. To this day, leaders in Republika Srpska deny that a genocide took place despite international court rulings. “People get tired of proving the truth that’s been proven so many times,” said Selma Alispahić, a survivor, actress, and also who is lead actress in a Sarajevo play about the massacre. “The story of the hatred and spinning of facts serves only the criminals who profited from the war.”
For many survivors, the trauma is generational. Mirela Osmanović, born after the genocide, lives with its legacy. Two of her brothers were killed at Srebrenica. “My parents forbade themselves any joy while their sons lay scattered across mass graves — as if every smile would be betrayal, as if happiness might mean forgetting,” she told UN News.
The phrase “never again” was coined after the Holocaust and repeated after Rwanda. It was inscribed onto the memorials of Srebrenica. But today, as bombs fall on civilians in Gaza and “safe zones” are bombed minutes after being declared, we must ask: have we learned anything?
The legacy of Srebrenica demands that we commemorate honestly. Euphemisms like “tragedy” or “mass killing” only dilute the horror of what occurred. We must name it plainly: it was genocide. Anything less is complicity in denial. And any denial, wherever it appears, must be confronted. Revisionism is not reconciliation — it is sabotage.
Holding power to account is imperative. International institutions failed the
The Srebrenica genocide stands as Europe’s worst atrocity since the Holocaust. It was legally recognized as genocide by both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice. Yet, denial persists, justice remains incomplete, and the lessons of Srebrenica remain tragically unheeded — most starkly visible in Gaza today.
Bosniaks in 1995 just as they are failing Palestinians today. If these structures are to have any meaning, they must be reformed to act swiftly and decisively — not merely to mourn afterward.
Solidarity is essential. The memory of Srebrenica imposes a moral duty on us to resist all forms of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and state-sanctioned violence — whether in Bosnia, Gaza, Xinjiang, or elsewhere. Silence, as the Mothers of Srebrenica remind us, is betrayal.
And finally, we must center the voices of survivors and the bereaved. Only by listening to their testimony can we rebuild trust, heal collective trauma, and create policies grounded in justice. As Munira Subašić, president of the Association Movement of Mothers of Srebrenica and Zepa Enclaves, whose son and 21 family members were murdered, said, “When you kill a mother’s child, you have killed a part of her” (“Subasic’s Speech Draws Loud Applause: We Raised Our Children Not To Hate, Learn From Us!”, July 9, 2025, Sarajevo Times).
Srebrenica is not just Bosnia’s wound — it is the world’s. And as the graves continue to open and the dead continue to be buried, the question remains: will we honor the dead by changing the living? Or will “never again” remain a hollow chant, drowned out by the sounds of the next massacre?
If we forget Srebrenica, we pave the way for Gaza. If we forget the bones, we forfeit our soul.
Let us remember not only what was done — but what was not.
BY NAJIA SHUAIB
In the world of Islamic calligraphy, where every line is a testament to devotion, dedication, and precision, New York-based calligrapher Elinor Aishah Holland plays her part to strengthen the connection between faith and artistic expression. For Holland, spiritual text is enough for the mind and the heart. “It supports the faith, and the faith supports the practice,” she said. In an exclusive interview with Islamic Horizons, Holland offered a glimpse into her inspiring path by revealing the intricacies of her craft.
Holland’s journey into Islamic calligraphy began with a deeply personal quest for meaning. As a young person, she yearned for meaning in her life, and among many different paths of spirituality, she heard about Sufism. This interest took her to Istanbul, a city where calligraphy is woven into the very fabric of its architecture and culture. “I went to Istanbul and saw calligraphy everywhere,” she said. An inherently artistic soul, she was drawn to it immediately. Unaware of the formal training opportunities available at the time, she immersed herself in Latin script calligraphy.
It wasn’t until later that she learned of Mohamed Zakariya, the first American to receive the honor of ijazah — a certificate of
[Calligraphy] supports the faith, and the faith supports the practice.
expertise and permission to teach calligraphy — from Istanbul’s Research Center for Islamic Art, History, and Culture in 2013. Zakariya is also the artist behind the “Eid Greetings” issue of U.S. postage stamps. Holland, who has an undergraduate degree in religious studies from Temple University, said connecting with him was a fortunate opportunity.
“I heard about him through friends, and called directory assistance for his phone number,” she recalled. “I called him and asked if he would take me as a student.” Under Zakariya’s instructive guidance, she earned
an ijazah in Thuluth and Naskh scripts. “He is beyond inspiring! His influence extends far beyond calligraphy, encompassing woodwork, metalwork, illumination, and translation,” Holland said. She admires her mentor’s “open and wide” outlook, emphasizing, “He is a scholar as much as a calligrapher.”
Since starting her mentorship, Holland’s goals were rooted in continuous practice and sharing her knowledge. Now, teaching has become a cherished part of her artistic journey, a role she enjoys “immensely.” And while she grew up in the West, her love for Islamic artistic expression never faltered. “I never saw myself as [being] from a different background than other Islamic traditional artists,” she said.
Holland’s creative process is like a poetic revelation that approaches her in a deliberate manner. It all begins with a piece of writing whose meaning resonates with her and
compels her to write it. The initial phase involves “playing with the wording with ink with no expectation of anything that would be a final piece.” This exploratory stage transitions into a meticulous compositional process, often in pencil. “One might rearrange the words many, many times before being happy with a final composition or placement of letters and words,” she said. Once a rough composition is established, she meticulously copies it onto well-prepared paper multiple times until she is satisfied with the final piece.
Calligraphic pieces are often embellished with different design techniques around them. The designs may vary from Illumination (Arabesque designs) to Marbling, Geometric patterns, Chainwork, or making gold lines around the calligraphy. But Holland also conducted another intriguing experiment, incorporating Latin script with Arabic, forming a fusion of her initial and latter calligraphic studies.
Holland believes Islamic art holds immense power in fostering understanding and unity. “When people see Islamic calligraphy, they see the softness and beauty in Islamic culture and the souls of Muslims,” she said. “[This] more feminine aspect of all Islamic cultures is not always emphasized, but when people learn of the mesmerizing beauty of calligraphy and other Islamic arts, it has a direct effect.” To promote Islamic art in North America, she advocates for education and cultural awareness.
She said while highlighting the profound spiritual impact of calligraphy, “This type of art allows the viewer to have a glimpse of the infinite beauty of God’s creation.” She realized this through a meaningful experience about 20 years ago when she delivered a keynote lecture at an international calligraphers’ conference primarily attended by Latin script calligraphers.
“A young woman spoke to me about having not wanted to attend that evening because she didn’t like ‘those people’ [referring to Muslims],” she recounted, saying the lecture transformed the woman’s perspective. “She was thrilled by the lecture and amazed and surprised to come to know that there is a rich calligraphic tradition
amongst Muslims.” A convert herself, that single moment made all of Holland’s years of practice worthwhile.
“In my quest for truth and meaning as a young person, God chose Islam as my path,” she said.
The intertwining of her faith and artistic practice is a profound aspect of Holland’s life. Her initial attraction to calligraphy was visceral, a response that came from within. She found the practice inherently soothing to her soul. The progression to writing Quranic and other spiritual texts became deeply satisfying. “It supports the faith, and the faith supports the practice,” she said, underscoring the central theme of her artistic journey, spirituality.
As artistic tools evolve and become digitized, Holland’s work remains rooted in tradition. “I know nothing about the new devices. I am content with the old ones,” she said. While she believes that calligraphy has a potential place in contemporary art, she humbly acknowledges that she hasn’t yet “been able to envision it.”
Holland was, however, optimistic about the future of Islamic calligraphy as a burgeoning art form in North America. “Islamic calligraphy is an essential part of Islamic culture and heritage everywhere and needs to be and is being developed in North America,” she said.
For aspiring young artists, Holland offers invaluable advice: “Patience is the first skill to be developed in calligraphy.”
Beyond patience, a genuine love for the effort is essential, as the art demands practice and patience. “It is not for everyone, nor should it be.” However, she promises a unique reward: “Know that if you pursue this art, you will be enriched in a way that is unlike many other pursuits. Practice and time are required, but if it speaks to you, those things become easy.”
Looking ahead, Holland will continue to dedicate herself to teaching. She will be teaching at Zaytuna College this summer and offers continual classes on Zoom every Saturday alongside numerous workshops at various institutions. Students interested in learning from her can reach out via email, text, or phone. She expresses a heartfelt desire to promote Islamic art appreciation more broadly. And while she cherishes working with young people at Zaytuna College, she aspires to develop an Islamic Art program accessible to everyone. “I teach as much as I can and accept anyone interested,” she said. Holland’s life and work are a powerful illustration of how the rigorous discipline of traditional art can merge seamlessly with the spiritual. Through her exquisite calligraphy, teaching, and advocacy, she not only preserves an ancient art form but also builds bridges of understanding, proving that the beauty of Islamic art truly has the power to open eyes and hearts. ih
BY MOHAMED ABDALLAH
In communities around the coun -
try, there has been a quiet shift in America’s housing landscape; Muslim families are exploring Islamic home financing, a path that allows them to pursue homeownership while staying true to their faith. These alternative mortgages, grounded in Shariah principles, offer faith-conscious consumers a way to buy homes without the burden of interest payments, a practice Islam directly discourages in pursuit of fairness and ethics.
While this path is gaining traction, questions remain: how do these loans perform compared to conventional ones? Are they even visible in national mortgage data?
As part of my doctoral work in the Causal Analytics program at The University of Texas at Dallas, I conducted a research project using public Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) data from 2018 to 2023. The goal was simple: assess how applicants for Shariah-compliant mortgages compare to conventional ones in approval likelihood.
Through verified Legal Entity Identifiers (LEIs), I identified 286 loan applications tied to Islamic finance providers such as University Islamic Financial (UIF), Guidance Residential, and Devon Bank. Using Propensity Score Matching, I paired these applicants with traditional applicants with similar incomes, loan amounts, and other key features.
The findings were surprising. Islamic finance lenders approved 91.1% of applicants, compared to 81.8% among their matched conventional peers. Islamic lenders showed a much greater inclination to approve applications within comparable financial profiles.
But just as striking was what the data did not show. Out of over 17 million mortgage applications nationwide, researchers identified only 286 as Islamic finance. That’s less than two-hundredths of 1% in total.
This lack of representation raises pressing questions:
A re Islamic mortgage lenders under-reporting or miscoding their loans?
Is there a structural blind spot in how federal datasets categorize faith-based financing?
Or are these financial tools still operating at the margins, unrecognized by conventional systems?
A deeper analysis is imperative to better understanding how Islamic and conventional mortgages compare not just in default rates or costs, but in how they serve families trying to build a future. By deepening our understanding, we aim not just to contribute to academic dialogue, but to unlock financial tools that serve more people — and do so with greater justice.
This isn’t about blame. It’s about appreciating how far we’ve come and asking, with sincerity, how we keep moving forward together
to support ethical paths to homeownership. Organizations like UIF, Guidance Residential, and Devon Bank have done important work in bringing faith-conscious home financing to life in the U.S. Their efforts deserve appreciation, and their experience should guide us as we continue building a system that works better for everyone. They have developed models, educated communities, and paved the way for recognition. The gaps we see in national data are not failures — they are signals that we still have important work to do.
Academic research supports this momentum. Scholars like Chapra (2008), Siddiqi (2006), and El-Gamal (2007) helped define ethical frameworks for Islamic financial tools. Industry-focused studies by Mollah et al. (2017) and Iqbal & Llewellyn (2002) have explored risk management and design efficiency in Shariah-compliant systems. This body of work underpins the legitimacy and innovation of Islamic finance.
Our broader review of more than 250 academic and industry articles published
between 2002 and today found that mortgage-specific research within Islamic finance remains underrepresented, particularly in U.S. contexts. Even fewer studies have empirically attempted to analyze these alternatives using nationwide datasets like HMDA. The lack of data-driven studies reveals just how new — and necessary — this line of inquiry still is. While Islamic finance has sparked global discussions for decades, mortgages in the American context remain one of its least examined frontiers.
In addition to my academic interest in applying modern causal inference tools to analyze Shariah-compliant mortgage structures, this work is part of a relatively under-researched segment in empirical finance. Its core contribution — reframing faith-based lending through a data-centric lens — aims to bridge the gap between ethical finance and mainstream asset pricing literature. This alignment can enhance legitimacy while supporting policies that foster financial access.
Whether Islamic finance continues to grow will depend on consumer demand and how institutions, policymakers, and researchers respond. For that to happen, these efforts must become visible to believers, regulators, financial researchers, and industry partners.
Still, the responsibility doesn’t fall on regulators or academics alone. The Islamic finance community plays a critical role as well. Lenders, researchers, and advocates
must work together to improve how data is reported, how products are categorized, and how collaborations are built. When this happens, consumers benefit not just through better protection and smarter design, but also through growing confidence in financial tools that reflect their values. This visibility must also serve professionals beyond the policy and regulatory circles. Marketers, product designers, nonprofit leaders, and local community advocates all have a stake
businesses daily. I understand firsthand the importance of ethical and accessible financial tools, especially for underserved communities.
Faith-conscious products should not live in the shadows. When we lead with clarity and commitment, these financial tools can finally join the broader conversation about inclusion and access — where they’ve always belonged.
Future phases of this research will explore
By deepening our understanding [of Islamic mortgage practices], we aim not just to contribute to academic dialogue, but to unlock financial tools that serve more people — and do so with greater justice.
in improving how Islamic finance is represented and understood. A broader ecosystem approach — linking data, design, outreach, and education — can elevate Islamic finance into mainstream discourse and practice.
This research is not about rhetoric or religious advocacy but about data-driven insights. As a doctoral student and founder of Bookkeeper Pro, I work with small
additional dimensions: Are default rates different? Do Shariah-compliant mortgages offer cost benefits? What are the barriers to wider adoption? The answers will require institutional cooperation, broader data, and policy attention. As the conversation grows, so too can the shared benefit for researchers, providers, and families seeking ethical pathways to homeownership. ih
BY ISNA GREEN INITIATIVE TEAM
The first day of summer on June 20 arrived with a relentless heat wave, quickly shattering temperature records across 30 states. America sweltered, with millions enduring scorching conditions that felt dangerously surreal for early summer. According to FOX Weather, a dome of high pressure had settled over the Great Plains, unleashing temperatures so severe that over 200 million Americans were projected to face extreme heat, potentially breaking heat records that had stood firm for centuries (Steven Yablonski, “Century-old temperature records tumble as heat dome bakes millions in Northeast,” June 23, 2025, Fox Weather).
Meanwhile, central Alaska found itself under a heat advisory for the first time. Known historically as a land dominated by ice and subzero temperatures, Alaska’s recent weather shift is symbolic of a world spiraling deeper into climate chaos (Mark Thiessen, “The National Weather Service issues Alaska’s first ever heat advisory,” June 13, 2025, AP News). Scientists pointed out that temperatures in Alaska are now rising two to three times faster than the global average — a sobering reminder of humanity’s accelerating impact on the planet’s climate.
Across the Atlantic, Europe is grappling with its own climate reckoning. The continent experienced troublingly high temperatures
early summer, pushing Spain and England to record their hottest June since weather documentation began. Heat records once deemed extraordinary have now become alarmingly commonplace.
Yet, nature was far from finished. In the early hours of July 4, Texas awoke to a nightmare. In just 45 minutes, torrential thunderstorms sent the Guadalupe River surging to a height of 26 feet, triggering a catastrophic flash flood described as a once-in-a-thousand-years event. The devastating waters swept away homes, cars, and more than 120 lives including young schoolgirls whose camping trip turned into a disaster. “These kinds of record-shattering rain (caused by slow-moving torrential thunderstorms) are precisely [what’s] increasing the fastest in warming climates,” UCLA climate scientist Daniel Swain wrote in a post on X.This summer’s extreme weather serves as a powerful wake-up call: the climate emergency isn’t a distant threat; it’s here and reshaping lives now.
Climate-related disasters have almost doubled compared to the previous 20 years. Warmer temperatures are resulting in more powerful storms, droughts, forest fires, flash floods, intense rainstorms, and rising sea levels with significantly increased intensity.
With surface temperatures rising, climate experts predict greater potential for extreme weather events. According to the National Centers for Environmental Information, extreme weather events
have risen to an average of 13.8 annually in the past five years. This is more than double the average of 6.6 annual events over the past four decades. Among the many weather and climate-related disasters to affect the U.S. in 2024 are hurricanes Helene, Milton, Beryl, and Central as well as the southern and southeast tornado outbreak on May 6 to 9 that caused loss of life, extraordinary structural damage, and profound financial loss.
Given the alarming increase in climate-related disasters, mosques, Islamic centers, and community members must prepare effective response strategies.
The Islamic principles of tawakkul (trust in God) along with appropriate actions that include pre-planning should be our guides.
“And when you have decided, then trust in God” (Quran 3:159).
“Surely, God will not change the condition of a people, before the people themselves change what is in them” (13:11).
The Prophet (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) would often remind people of the lessons to be learned from previous incidents and the importance of applying those to future situations. He advised, “Tie your camel and trust in God” (Tirmidhī 2517) emphasizing the importance of planning according to the situation.
To be prepared, the most important priority is knowing the climate-related risks in your area, being aware of indirect factors such as your local government emergency preparedness plans that might affect your area.
❶ Risk Assessment
Identify the most likely climate-related hazards in your area, such as floods, wildfires, hurricanes, droughts, or extreme heat.
Consider how these hazards might impact your facilities and the needs of community members, especially people with disabilities, the elderly, and children.
❷ Developing a Disaster
Following the Islamic principle of shura (collective decision making), form a team to create a written plan, potentially including representation from different segments of the community.
The plan should include steps for:
Gathering essential supplies (water, food, first aid).
Alternate electric source in case of long-term power outages.
Establishing communication procedures.
Identifying safe locations within or outside the mosque or Islamic Center building for sheltering.
Having copies of important documents off-site or digitized.
Reviewing insurance policies.
Knowing how to turn off utilities.
❸ Implement and Maintain the Plan
C onduct practice drills and exercises to test the plan’s effectiveness.
Review and update the plan as needed.
Educate members on the plan and encourage them to take preparedness actions at home as well.
❹ Build Community Partnerships
Connect with local emergency management agencies and disaster response organizations.
Partner with other area mosques and Islamic centers and community groups to share resources and coordinate efforts.
❺ Integrate Climate Action
It may be advisable to go further by incorporating climate action into the plans.
This may also involve:
Reducing own environmental footprint through energy efficiency measures and considering installing solar panels.
Promoting sustainable practices among community members.
Advocating for climate friendly policies.
Even the areas not vulnerable to climate-related risks are prone to sudden extreme weather events that can cause unexpected damages
The best way to prepare is by creating a basic emergency supply kit that includes but is not limited to:
Water for drinking and sanitation
Several days’ worth of non-perishable food
Battery-powered or hand-crank radio and/or weather radio.
Flashlights
First aid kit
Extra batteries
Dust mask (to help filter contaminated air)
Plastic sheeting, scissors, and duct tape (to shelter in place)
Moist towelettes, garbage bags, and plastic ties (for personal sanitation)
Wrench or pliers (to turn off utilities)
Manual can opener
Cell phone with chargers and backup battery
Additionally, prepare a communications plan with your family in case you are separated. For detailed information about what to do in case of a disaster, visit ready.gov. Here are further steps you can take.
① Make sure your home insurance covers natural disasters. Coverage varies by state and scenario, and you may need separate natural disaster insurance. For example, hurricane damage is covered (with some limits) under basic home insurance policies in most states. But flood insurance coverage and earthquake coverage are not part of a standard home insurance policy. Getting coverage for these climate disasters requires separate policies or endorsements.
② Fortify your home against climate-related risks.
③ Be prepared to file natural disaster insurance claims. Before and after pictures help speed the claims process. This evidence gives insurance adjusters an idea of what was lost.
④ Add your insurance provider’s contact information and your policy number to your phone.
The above suggestions are a guide and may not have covered all the possible precautions. They depend upon the geographical location, community, and type of home. However, with the impact of climate change, all of us have a responsibility to be prepared against disasters with the hope and prayers for safety.
“And do not throw yourselves into destruction with your own hands” (2:195).
The ISNA Green Initiative Team promotes environmental sustainability and provides educational material to Muslims. Let us all do our part to fulfill our responsibility of being the trustees of this earth as ordained by God. Let us all remember that Earth is heating up even in the places we least expect, and heat kills more Americans than flooding, hurricanes, and tornadoes. ih
The ISNA Green Initiative Team is made up of Huda Alkaff, Saffet Catovic, Uzma Mirza, and S. Masroor Shah (chair).
BY HUMA MANJRA, AASIM I. PADELA
In Islam, the family unit is the cornerstone of a stable society, with Quranic verses (49:13, 42:49-50, 58:2) and Prophetic traditions emphasizing the responsibilities of family life. For example, in the Hadith, marriage is described as half of one’s religion and mothers are afforded immense honor, with paradise described as lying beneath their feet (Al-Nasa’i, Hadith 3230; Muslim, Hadith 3104). Thus, for many Muslims, the journey to parenthood is not only a natural aspiration but an emotional pursuit of Islamic values. Nonetheless, Islamic teachings acknowledge that not everyone will be granted children as part of God’s divine wisdom.
Infertility, biomedically defined as the inability to achieve pregnancy despite regular unprotected intercourse, is a global health issue. It affects roughly 18% of couples globally (“1 in 6 people globally are affected by infertility.” World Health Organization. Apr. 4, 2023) and 15% of couples in the U.S. (A.I., Padela, K. Klima, & R. Duivenbode. The New Bioethics: A Multidisciplinary Journal of Biotechnology and the Body. 2020. pp. 17–37). While reported rates in North African and Middle Eastern
regions are relatively low — 2.1% and 3.1% respectively — data among Muslims in the West remain sparse (M.N., Mascarenhas, S.R. Flaxman, T. Boerma, S. Vanderpoel, & G.A., Stevens. PLoS medicine. 2012). Yet, the lack of research and community dialogue does not diminish the deeply personal and challenging experiences that Muslim couples face.
Infertility, which affects both men and women, can provoke emotional distress, isolation, and existential questions regarding one’s worth and purpose. However, Quranic verses emphasize that infertility is neither a personal failure nor divine punishment but rather a manifestation of God’s will as Al-Khāliq (The Creator). The Quran states,
“To God alone belongs the kingdom of the heavens and the earth. He creates whatever He wills. He blesses whoever He wills with daughters and… sons… and leaves whoever He wills infertile” (42:49-50).
While modern medicine pathologizes infertility, framing it solely as a medical condition requiring biomedical intervention, Islam reminds us that it is ultimately a matter of qadr (divine decree). In a Hadith narrated by Abu Dawud, Prophet Mohammed (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) said, “Verily, God sent down the disease and the cure, and for every disease He made a cure. Seek treatment, but do not seek treatment by the unlawful” (Sunan Abu Dawud, Hadith 3874).
Infertility is a condition decreed by God, and it may also be alleviated by His will. Therefore, seeking medical treatment is permissible so long as it remains within the bounds of Islamic guidelines. However, such treatment is not obligatory, and impermissible methods must be avoided. More importantly, perhaps, is the call to turn towards God for relief and guidance for all things are possible by His will. One should not neglect sincere dua and adopting patience as these behaviors attract God’s attention. Indeed, Prophet Zakariyya’s (alayhi as salam) recourse to childlessness was prayer.
Muslim couples may address infertility through social means like fostering (kafala) or biomedical options such as In Vitro Fertilization (IVF) and Intrauterine Insemination (IUI). IVF involves fertilizing an egg with sperm outside the body then implanting the embryo into the uterus (M.A. Al-Bar & H. Chamsi-Pasha (2015). Contemporary Bioethics: Islamic perspective.). IUI involves placing sperm directly into the uterus near ovulation (Mayo Clinic Staff [2023]. Intrauterine insemination (IUI)). Sunni jurist councils permit these procedures only within a valid Islamic marriage, using the couple’s sperm and egg. Sperm or egg donation is considered impermissible (M.A. Al-Bar & H. Chamsi-Pasha (2015). Contemporary bioethics: Islamic perspective).
While modern medicine pathologizes infertility, framing it solely as a medical condition requiring biomedical intervention, Islam reminds us that it is ultimately a matter of qadr (divine decree).
This stems from Islam’s emphasis on protecting nasl (progeny) and nasab (lineage), both of which are among the essential objectives of the Maqasid al-Shari’ah, the overarching principles that guide Islamic law (A.I., Padela, K. Klima, & R. Duivenbode [2020]. The New Bioethics: A Multidisciplinary Journal of Biotechnology and the Body, pp. 17–37).
Moreover, legal precedents based on scriptural sources — such as the child is accorded to the bedspread (Sahih al-Bukhari, Hadith 6817) indicating that fatherhood is attributed to licit marriages, and “None can be their mothers except those who gave them birth” (Quran 58:2 ) — reject third-party involvement. Ensuring clear biological parentage safeguards family structure and inheritance rights in accordance with Islamic values.
Gestational surrogacy, where an embryo from the couple is implanted in another woman due to medical need, is similarly impermissible in Sunni Islam as it introduces a distinction between the biological mother and the gestational (rearing) mother. This confuses lineage, violating the imperative of hifz al-nasl (A.I., Padela, K. Klima, & R. Duivenbode [2020]. The New Bioethics: A Multidisciplinary Journal of Biotechnology and the Body, pp. 17–37). Additionally, the Quran states, “Their mothers are none but those who gave birth to them” highlighting that motherhood is attributed to the one who carries and gives birth to the child (58:2). Juridical rulings from Shia authorities vary as they do not generalize the notion of motherhood based on this verse, and have different legal precedents they draw upon related to licit marriages and genetic lineage; so called “third party” involvement may be permitted in some cases.
Advancements in reproductive technology offer hope amid infertility, but for Muslims, they call for reflection and decision-making rooted in Islam. These tools are blessings from God when used in a halal way but must be paired with tawakkul, trust in God. The ability or inability to conceive does not diminish one’s value as a beloved servant in His sight. Rather, infertility may be a test that strengthens belief through reliance on Him and the thoughtful integration of Islamic bioethical principles in health care decision-making. ih
BY KELLY IZDIHAR CROSBY
Most popular and celebrated foods tend to be the most processed. And while they are fun to eat once in a while, overconsumption can have negative long-term impacts on our health.
Most foods can be classified into four categories:
Unprocessed or minimally processed processed ingredients (processed culinary ingredients) processed ultra-processed
Unprocessed or minimally processed foods include fruits, vegetables, legumes, nuts, whole grains, fish, milk, and meat. They are sometimes referred to as “whole foods” as they are left in their natural and unaltered states without any added ingredients. Because they are less exposed to processing methods, these fruits and vegetables are packed with vitamins, fibers, and minerals. Other unprocessed meats like chicken, beef, and lamb are excellent sources of protein and iron. These are
recommended for “clean eating” given that they are consumed in close to their raw states. These foods may also be frozen, refrigerated, filtered, or vacuum-sealed to preserve them for consumption.
Processed ingredients, or processed culinary ingredients, are slightly altered from their natural states. This group includes butter, sugar, oil, honey, and salt. These ingredients have been dried, pressed, or milled for easier use in cooking. Processed foods have been changed from their initial, natural forms and contain processed ingredients. For example, bread is made from wheat flour, water, salt, and yeast. Other examples include canned fruits and vegetables, cheese, deli meats, and other food options that were made with salt, oil, or sugar. These ingredients are added to increase the foods’ shelf life and enhance their flavors.
Ultra-processed foods have undergone intense manufacturing processes and contain little to no whole food ingredients. These foods are not hard to spot as they usually come in fancy bright packaging in our grocery stores. And while these
foods taste good and are fun to eat, they lack nutritional value due to over-processing; they have added sugars, high levels of sodium, unhealthy fats, and preservatives. They also contain synthetic ingredients such as high fructose corn syrup, hydrogenated oils, emulsifiers, and flavoring agents. Some examples include prepackaged meals, breakfast cereals, cakes, chips, soft drinks, and sweetened beverages.
Some processed foods can be part of a
knew about ultra-processed foods.” Nov. 8, 2024. The American Medical Association).
Recent studies have shown that eating too many ultra processed foods is linked to negative life outcomes such as a higher risk of death from cardiovascular illness (heart attack or stroke), obesity, type 2 diabetes, insomnia, anxiety, and depression. In the same article, Devries stated, “Ultraprocessed foods are better at preserving shelf life than human life.”
For Muslims, there is always a concern about whether what they eat is halal, but they should also consider if it’s healthy or tayyib (good, pure, or ethical). Ultra-processed foods can complicate this process. Where is the food dye derived from? Are the emulsifiers from animal or vegan sources? Thankfully, there are food companies that sell frozen halal products and fast food, but as with everything, moderation is the key.
healthy diet, especially as they constitute a large portion of our food options. According to the National Library of Medicine, “Ultraprocessed foods already make up more than half of the total dietary energy consumed in high-income countries such as the USA, Canada, and the U.K., and between one-fifth and one-third of total dietary energy in middle-income countries such as Brazil, Mexico, and Chile” (Monteiro CA, et al. “Ultraprocessed foods: what they are and how to identify them.” Public Heath Nutrition.” April 22 2019. (5):936-941).
But it’s the combination of sugar, salt, and fat that makes ultra-processed foods so tasty and addictive. The combination of sugar, salt, and fat make ultra-processed foods tasty and lengthens shelf life. They also tend to have more calories and can lead to more calorie consumption. In an article for the American Medical Association, Dr. Stephen Devries said, “Ultra-processed foods are clever manipulations of mostly unhealthy ingredients titrated to appeal to common cravings…For example, our bodies are naturally drawn by evolution to the sweetness of fruit because of its associated nutritional value” (Sara Berg. “What doctors wish patients
Though ultra-processed foods are high in calories, they are low in satiety which can lead consumers to eat more food and ultimately gain weight. The high sodium and trans fats found in instant noodles and microwaveable meals can lead to hypertension and cardiovascular disease. Type 2 diabetes is tied to ultra-processed foods having excess sugar and unhealthy fats. The lack of fiber content also disrupts gut health and digestion.
The concern around ultra processed foods has been growing for decades, leading some political leaders to act. Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the United States Secretary for Health and Human Services, has called for sweeping changes to the regulatory standards for the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). On Jan. 15, the FDA revoked the use of FD&C Red No. 3, a petroleum-based food dye, due to health activists’ pressure and concerns about links to cancer. To address concerns over obesity, Kennedy has suggested removing ultra-processed foods from school cafeterias and restricting their purchase on social welfare programs. He has also advanced efforts to get rid of other synthetic food dyes and
the restricting the use of pesticides and certain seed oils.
So, is it time to say farewell to your favorite ice cream, potato chips, or chocolate cake? Not necessarily. A more balanced approach is to indulge in your favorite treats sparingly. Increase your whole food or minimally processed food intake. Fill your kitchen with fruits, vegetables, and lean proteins. Prepare and cook most of your meals at home with fresh, unprocessed ingredients. The more you eat at home, the more control you have over what ingredients go into your meals.
Remember that some processed foods and culinary ingredients are healthier than others. Canned goods are great but check the fat, salt, and sugar content. Choose canned fruits stored in water or natural juice. If you love cereal, look for cereals with added fiber. Choose whole grain or whole wheat bread, try low fat milk, or milk and juices with added vitamin D and calcium. While it may be a challenge, increasing our nutrient-dense food intake while only occasionally indulging in a treat should lead to a healthy diet and as a result, a happier life. ih
Kelly Izdihar Crosby is an artist and freelance writer in Atlanta, Georgia. You can discover her work and writings at www.kellycrosbyart.com.
BY MOHAMMAD ABDULLAH
Almost every packaged food product includes a date label such as “Best if Used-By,” “UseBy,” “Sell-By,” or “Expires On.” But what do these dates really mean? Are they required? Who determines these dates? Are they about food quality or safety? How long is food safe to eat after the listed date? To bring clarity to the meaning of date-based labels, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) have come up with standardized phrases to use on packaged foods. It is now up to Congress to approve them.
Date-based labels are guidelines for retailers and consumers to help them decide when food is at its peak quality. However, many retailers and consumers may not realize this and may unnecessarily dispose of the product. According to the USDA, after the printed date passes, depending on the product and its intended use, the quality of perishable products may deteriorate but could still be safe if handled properly.
A new study from MITRE Corp. and
Gallup showed that misunderstanding the meanings of date-based food labels was the leading cause of food loss in the United States. Additionally, a 2025 survey found that date-based labeling led 88% of consumers to occasionally discard food nearing the expiration or best by date (Sara Ribakove. “Date labels and food waste: Here’s what to know.” Center for Science in the Public Interest. Feb 28, 2025). This is also a waste of the resources that go into producing food which includes 80 million acres of cropland, 20% of freshwater use, and enormous amounts of fuel, fertilizers, and pesticides.
To help reduce food waste, we must first understand food labels There are two main types when it comes to dating food: “open dating” which uses a calendar date, and “closed dating” which uses a code system.
Open dates tell consumers how long the product will be at its best quality. They are found on meat, poultry, eggs, and dairy products. There are no uniform descriptions, and a wide variety of phrases are in use in
this dating system. Examples of commonly used phrases in open dates include:
“Best if Used By/Before” — indicates when a product will be of the best quality. It is not a safety date.
“Use-By” — is the last date recommended for the use of the product while at peak quality. It is not a safety date (except for when used on infant formula).
“Sell-By” — this date tells the store how long to display the product for sale for inventory management. It is not a safety date.
“Freeze-By” — indicates when a product should be frozen to maintain peak quality. It is not a safety date.
“Expiration” — indicates the last date the food is considered safe to eat. At this date the risk of foodborne illness increases, especially in foods frequently linked to listeria such as unpasteurized milk, soft cheeses, dairy products, deli meats, hot dogs, readyto-eat meats, pre-cut fruits and salads, and certain types of seafood. These foods can be contaminated with listeria during production, handling, or storage. (“Listeria Outbreaks.” The Center for Disease Control. May 17, 2025).
According to food scientist Bryan Quoc Le, expiration dates largely depend on the type of food and its chemical composition. Some foods may start to spoil but are not necessarily unsafe to eat whereas other foods breed pathogens that can be risky to consume. This is especially true for animal-based products like meat and dairy (Cory Fernandez. “How Accurate Are Food Expiration Dates? Experts Weigh In.” NBC News. Feb 19, 2025).
According to the USDA’s Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS), while you should generally aim to consume food within the recommended timeframe, many foods are safe to consume after their expiration date if they are handled and stored properly. The best way to determine if a food is going bad is not by the expiration date but by an organoleptic examination using sight, smell, taste, and touch to assess food quality and safety. If you are unsure about a food’s safety, it is best to err on the side of caution and discard it.
“Closed or coded dates” are a series of letters and/or numbers that indicate the product’s manufacturing or packaging date. Manufacturers use this code for their internal tracking and inventory management, not for informing consumers about safety or quality. They typically appear on
shelf-stable products such as cans and boxes of food. A closed date might be something like “123123” on a can of soup potentially indicating that the product was packed on Dec. 31, 2023. It enables manufacturers to rotate their stock and locate their products in the event of a product recall.
Egg cartons primarily use a Julian date system to indicate the date they were packed. This is a three-digit code that represents the consecutive day of the year starting with Jan. 1 as 001 and ending with Dec. 31 as 365. Some cartons may also include a “Sell by” date indicating when the eggs should be sold by, not necessarily when they should be consumed. Numbers starting with a “P” identify the processing facility where they were packed.
Food manufacturers consider a variety of factors when determining the “quality dates” on food products such as “Best if Used By” or “Use-By” dates. They consider food characteristics such as ingredients and composition, the type of packaging used, storage conditions, and time and temperature during distribution. They often conduct stability studies to assess the quality of their products over time under various conditions. Based on these tests, manufacturers can establish a date that indicates when the food product will be of its best quality. Smaller companies may ask food safety experts for advice on the date to list on their product (Londa Nwadike. “How do food manufacturers pick those dates on their product packaging — and what do they mean?” The Conversation. June 26, 2016).
According to Roni Neff, director of the food system sustainability & public health program at the John Hopkins Center for a Livable Future, “It is not time that makes most foods unsafe — it is that they become contaminated with bacteria such as from raw meat or poultry, and are not kept cold enough or cooked thoroughly” (Caitlin Dow, PhD ,“What Do the Date Labels on Food Actually Mean?” Center for Science in the Public Interest. Feb. 27, 2020).
Myths such as the idea that food is unsafe to eat after the date printed on the label can lead to additional food waste. As well, current labeling practices are inconsistent across states and manufacturers. For example, 41
states and the District of Columbia require some foods to date labels, and 20 states regulate the sale of foods past certain label dates, further complicating the situation for both consumers and retailers. To make matters worse, consumers may lack sufficient knowledge about food storage practices and their effect on food quality and safety. Finally, labels may be poorly printed or difficult to read, adding to the confusion and waste.
WHAT
Since the Food Date Labeling Act (FDLA) and California’s AB 660 are not yet in effect, consumers can still be proactive in reducing food waste and making informed decisions about food safety by taking the following steps: Learn the difference between “Best if Used By” and “Use By” dates. “Best if Used By” indicates quality, not necessarily safety. This means that food may still be safe to eat after this date. “Use By” or “UB” is often,
Date-based labels are guidelines for retailers and consumers to help them decide when food is at its peak quality. However, many retailers and consumers may not realize this and may unnecessarily dispose of the product. According to the USDA, after the printed date passes, depending on the product and its intended use, the quality of perishable products may deteriorate but could still be safe if handled properly.
Currently, there is no federal mandate for specific date labeling phrases except for infant formula. To reduce confusion and mitigate food waste, the FDA and USDA have taken a multifaceted approach encompassing individual habits, business practices, and policy change. Both agencies sought input from the food industry and the public on how date-based labels are used and how they are interpreted. They also welcomed public comments through March 5, 2025. Currently, they are considering a uniform compliance date for new labeling regulations (“USDA-FDA Seek Information About Food Date Labeling.” Dec. 3, 2024. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration).
A proposed Food Date Labeling Act (FDLA) aiming to create uniform phrases for quality and safety has been referred to the House Committee on Agriculture but has not yet been signed into law. If passed, this bill would require food manufacturers to use the phrases such as “BEST if Used By/ Before” or “BB” for quality dates, and “USE By” or “UB” for discard dates. Moreover, California’s 2024 Assembly Bill 660 banned the use of “Sell By” dates and required “Best if Used By” for quality and “Use By” for safety on foods manufactured after July 1, 2026. These efforts aim to create a more consistent and easily understandable labeling system.
but not always, used to indicate a discard date, meaning the food should not be consumed after this date due to the potential safety risks.
While phrases like “Best if Used By” and “Use By” are commonly used, they are not regulated at the present time by federal law and are primarily intended to indicate peak quality, not food safety. So, always check the product for signs of spoilage, due to naturally occurring spoilage bacteria, regardless of the date, prior to its consumption. Food spoilage can occur much faster if food is not stored or handled properly. If a food has developed spoilage characteristics, it should not be eaten.
B e aware that some states may have their own regulations on food dating. Support businesses and initiatives that are already voluntarily using standardized labels.
Check the “Use By” dates to avoid buying food that would need to be used quickly. When storing food, put new items to the back, and older items to the front. As food reaches its use-by date make sure to eat it, cook it, or freeze it to avoid unnecessary waste. ih
BY YAHIA LABABIDI
To meet Rumi in the West today is often to confront a familiar name that conceals a stranger. The mystic who once swayed, Quran in hand and Shams in heart, has given way to a much-diluted caricature: one who offers easy wisdom for yoga classes, coffee mugs, and scrolling feeds. This Rumi urges us to “dance like no one’s watching” or “follow our bliss”— an innocuous wisdom-dispenser stripped of his faith, hollowed out to fit modern Western tastes.
Yet those who seek real depth, especially the young longing beyond distraction, should know that this version is but a mirage.
Jalāl ad-Dīn Muhammad Rūmī (1207 –73) was a scholar of law, a theologian, and a Sufi master. His life and verse arose from within the full breadth of Islamic tradition: the Quran, Hadith, and the rich metaphysical world of Sufism. His Masnavi, sometimes called “the Quran in Persian (Farsi),” is not a collection of pithy sayings but a sustained, profound teaching. His notion of love is not the ego’s indulgence, but the self’s dissolution before the Divine.
In Western popularization, Rumi has been recast for other needs. Coleman Barks, the most famous “translator,” never read Persian and offers versions lifted and reshaped into American vernacular free verse. The explicit references to God, to the Prophet (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam), to Islamic cosmology are all stripped away. What remains is a beautiful but a hollow poetic shadow.
For instance, Barks’ translation reads, “I belong to no religion. My religion is love. Every heart is my temple.”
The correct quote, however, from Rumi incorporates religion to his work, not its abandonment: “I am the servant of the Quran as long as I have life. I am the dust on the path of Muhammad, the Chosen one. If anyone quotes anything except this from my sayings, I am quit of him and outraged by these words” (Quatrain 1330).
This loss in translation is no trivial matter. To sever Rumi from Islam is to sever his vision from its roots. It perpetuates a familiar assumption: that sacredness must shed its religion to be embraced, that mysticism must be neutral to be universal. The consequence is erasure: a voice of Islam recast to speak another tongue.
And what does this mean for young Muslims? For those seeking an expansive, living faith, this hollow Rumi offers no reflection, only a muted aesthetic, an empty echo. The true Rumi lived steeped in Quranic revelation, bound by love of the Prophet and practiced in the disciplines of remembrance (dhikr). To erase these is not simply misreading but rather condoning a subtle message: that to be accepted, one must hide one’s Muslimness.
Thankfully, scholars have labored to bring Rumi back to full voice. Jawid Mojaddedi — chair of the Department of Religion as Director of the Center for Middle Eastern Studies at Rutgers University, Ibrahim Gamard — who was a licensed psychologist in California (Ph.D. in Psychology, ‘86) until his retirement in 2018, and Fatemeh Keshavarz, Ph.D., also a poet in Persian and English, is the Roshan Chair of Persian Studies and Director of the Roshan Institute for Persian Studies at the University of Maryland, among others, offer translations that preserve the devotional core of his work. Mojaddedi’s Masnavi for Oxford World’s Classics is especially vital — clear, rigorous, faithful. He
insists that Rumi cannot be understood outside Islam. In Mojaddedi’s introduction, he emphasized, “The Masnavi is not simply a collection of stories and sayings, but a carefully structured teaching aimed at guiding the reader towards spiritual realization and ethical conduct” (Masnavi, Oxford World’s Classics, 2004, p. xvii).
Through Mojaddedi’s work, the poetry regains its inner power . The familiar images — moth and flame, reed, and reed-bed — breathe with
The Islamic Mary: Maryam Through the Centuries Younus Y. Mirza
2025. Pp. 177. PB $35.00 Kindle: $32.00 Fortress Press, Minneapolis, Minn.
To sever Rumi from Islam is to sever his vision from its roots. It perpetuates a familiar assumption: that sacredness must shed its religion to be embraced, that mysticism must be neutral to be universal. The consequence is erasure: a
voice of Islam recast to speak another tongue.
Mary ( ‘alayhi as salam ), the mother of Jesus ( ‘alayhi as salam), has been historically revered throughout the Islamic tradition. This began already in the Quran, in which she is called by the name “Maryam.” Author Younus Y. Mirza examines the varied appearances of Maryam in different Islamic cultural and theological contexts. The chapters in this history extend from Maryam’s scriptural mentions in the Quran and the biography of the Prophet Muhammad (salla Allahu ‘alayhi as salam), her appearances in medieval debates regarding prophecy, citations of her virtuous model in Sufi discussions of piety, presentations in art and film, and through to her role in modern interfaith relations.
“Younus Y. Mirza’s The Islamic Mary is an outstanding book that will be welcomed by Muslims and Christians alike,” said John L. Esposito, Distinguished University Professor Emeritus and founding director of the Prince Alwaleed bin Talal Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding, Georgetown University.
The Divine Names: A Mystical Theology of the Names of God in the Qur’an
‘Afīf al-Dīn al-Tilimsānī (Author), Yousef Casewit (Translator) 2025. Pp. 656. HB $24.29. PB $17.00. Kindle $9.99
NYU Abu Dhabi
their original intensity. The love expressed is not vague yearning but the soul’s homesickness for the Source. This is not an invitation to self-affirmation, but rather stands as a call to self-transcendence.
Rumi’s verses pulse with Quranic essence. The Masnavi opens, “Listen to the reed, how it tells a tale, complaining of separations.” This is a reverberation of the Quranic “Indeed, we belong to God, and to Him we shall return” (2:156). Mojaddedi emphasizes that this lament is not sentimental but a summons to spiritual attentiveness grounded in metaphysics. Elsewhere, Rumi writes of the Quran as a bride, revealed in measure to the seeker’s longing and effort (William C. Chittick, The Sufi Path of Love, p. 164, 1964, SUNY Press). Revelation, for him, unfolds through sincerity and striving. Repeatedly, Rumi holds Prophet Muhammad as exemplar and mirror of divine attributes. In Book Three of The Masnavi, Mojaddedi translates Rumi’s praise of the Prophet:
“He is the mirror and face of God’s light, The world’s candle and God’s proof to sight” (lines 7-10, Oxford World Classics, 2008, p. 3).
This is the heart of Rumi’s path. The Prophet’s life is the living blueprint, the measure of human perfection. Without this, the poems flatten. With it, they blaze anew.
Rumi did not write to soothe the ego but instead to dismantle it. His images scorch: the reed torn from its reed-bed; the moth drawn to the flame of love. These are not metaphors for comfort but portals for transformation. To read him truly is to risk unmaking oneself.
To obscure this is more than a literary error. It is subtle violence.
Why, then, is the full Rumi so uncomfortable? Perhaps because it demands more than passive appreciation. It calls us to prayer, to accountability, to surrender. Easier, perhaps, to admire a mystic stripped of his faith, easier to quote him without the summons to spiritual struggle, easier to romanticize an East reduced to mood instead of meaning.
But true understanding asks us for more — reverence rather than projection, authenticity rather than appropriation.
Let us meet Rumi where he stood: as Muslim mystic, lover of the Quran, disciple of the Prophet, poet of the unseen. Let us approach him with humility, awe, and a longing that burns.
To do less is to read not only a mistranslation of words but a mistranslation of spirit. ih
Yahia Lababidi is the author of 12 books, exploring themes of spirituality and cultural identity, including Palestine Wail, What Remains To Be Said, and upcoming articles in Salmagundi & Liberties Journal
New York University Press, N.Y.
The Divine Names: A Mystical Theology of the Names of God in the Qur’an is a philosophically sophisticated commentary on the names of God. Penned by the seventh to 13th-century North African scholar and Sufi poet al-Tilimsānī, the volume expounds upon the 146 names of God that appear in the Quran. In his treatment of each divine name, al-Tilimsānī synthesizes and compares the views of three influential earlier authors: al-Bayhaqī, al-Ghazālī, and Ibn Barrajān. In this book, Al-Tilimsānī merges mysticism and philosophy, combining the tenets of Akbarī Sufism with the technical language of Aristotelian, Neoplatonic, and Avicennan philosophy. His overarching concern is not to examine the names as correspondences between God and creation, but to demonstrate how the names overlap at every level of cosmic existence. The Divine Names shows how a broad range of competing theological and philosophical interpretations can all contain elements of the truth.
The Requirements of the Sufi Path: A Defense of the Mystical Tradition
Ibn Khaldūn (Author), Carolyn Baugh (Translator) 2024. Pp. 210. PB. $15.00
NYU Abu Dhabi
New York University Press, N.Y.
Renowned North African historian and jurist Ibn Khaldūn applies his analytical powers to Sufism which he deems a bona fide form of Islamic piety. He is widely known for his groundbreaking work as a sociologist and historian, in particular for the Muqaddimah, the introduction to his massive universal history. In this volume, he writes from the perspective of an Islamic jurist and legal scholar, characterizing Sufism and the stages along the Sufi path and takes up the question of the need for a guide along that path. In doing so, he relies on the works of influential Sufi scholars including al-Qushayrī, al-Ghazālī, and Ibn al-Khatīb. Even as Ibn Khaldūn warns of the extremes to which some Sufis go, his work is essentially a legal opinion, a fatwa, asserting the inherent validity of the Sufi path.
The work incorporates the wisdom of three of Sufism’s greatest voices as well as his own insights, acquired through his intellectual encounters with Sufism and his broad legal expertise. All this he brings to bear on the debate over Sufi practices in a remarkable work of synthesis and analysis.
Genocide in Gaza: Voices of Global Conscience
Ahmet Davutoglu and Richard Falk (eds.)
2025. Pp. 480. PB. $32.95 Kindle: $23.00
Clarity Press, Atlanta, Ga.
These substantial essays give an overview of the extraordinary damage wrought by Israel’s genocide in Gaza during a time when neither governments nor international institutions are demonstrating the will or capability to act in accord with the rule of law. They further demonstrate what can and should be done to protect Palestinian rights and construct a future that empowers Palestinians rather than victimize them.
With scholarly imagination and political insight, Falk and Davutoğu have assembled a remarkable collection of writings.
Erasing Palestine: Free Speech and Palestinian Freedom
Rebecca Ruth Gould Verso Books, Brooklyn, N.Y. 2023. Pp. 176. PB $19.95, Kindle $9.99
In Erasing Palestine: Free Speech and Palestinian Freedom, Rebecca Ruth Gould discusses how the redefinition of antisemitism has functioned as a tactic to undermine Palestine solidarity. The widespread adoption of the highly controversial International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism and the internalization of its norms has set in motion a simplistic definitional logic for dealing with social problems that has impoverished discussions of racism and prejudice more generally, across Britain and beyond. It has encouraged a focus on words over substance. Gould explains how this has happened with a focus on internal politics within Britain over the course of the past several years. To do so, it tells a much longer story, about the history of antisemitism since the beginning of the 20th century. This book is also about Palestine, a narration of the erasure of the violence against the Palestinian people, and a story about free speech, and why it matters to Palestinian freedom.
Palestine Hijacked: How Zionism Forged an Apartheid State from River to Sea 2022
Thomas Suárez 2022. Pp. 470. PB $19.05 Olive Branch Press, Northampton, Mass.
The Israel-Palestine
“conflict” is typically understood to be a clash between two ethnic groups — Arabs and Jews — living in the same land. Author Thomas Suárez goes farther than these preconceptions and their supporting “narratives” to expose something starkly different: The violent take-over of Palestine by a European racial-nationalist settler movement, Zionism, using terror to assert by force a claim to the land that has no legal or moral basis.
He could have titled the book as “How terror was used by Zionist militias to transform Palestine into an apartheid settler state.”
Extensively offering from original source documents, many revealed here for the first time, Suárez interweaves secret intelligence reports, newly-declassified military and diplomatic correspondence, and the terrorists’ own records boasting of their successes. His revealing account details a litany of Zionist terrorism against anyone in their way — the indigenous Palestinians, the British who had helped establish Zionism, and Jews who opposed the Zionist agenda.
Far from being isolated atrocities by rogue groups, the use of terror was deliberate and sustained, carried out or supported by the same leaders who then established and led the Israeli state. We are still living this history: The book proves that Israel’s regime of Apartheid against the Palestinians and the continued expropriation of their country are not the result of complex historical circumstances, but the intended, singular goal of Zionism since its beginning. ih
Choudhri Mohammed Naim, known as CM Naim, a scholar of Urdu language and literature and professor emeritus at the University of Chicago died July 9 in Chicago.
Naim’s love for Urdu literature was evident in the nearly 60 years he dedicated to painstakingly restore the language he feared was falling out of favor for good in the subcontinent.
Naim was the founding editor of both Annual of Urdu Studies and Mahfil (now Journal of South Asian Literature), as well as the author of the definitive textbook for Urdu pedagogy in English.
Naim was born in Barabanki to a prosperous land-owning family in Uttar Pradesh, India and studied at Lucknow University, Deccan College in Pune, India, and the University of California, Berkeley. In 1961, he joined the faculty of the Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations at the University of Chicago which he chaired from 1985 to 1991. Additionally, Naim was a national fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, in 2009, and a visiting professor at the Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, in 2003. He retired in 2001.
Naim’s extensive bibliography comprises a large collection of research publications, translations, and articles. His notable 1989 essay ”Two Days in Palestine” for the New York monthly magazine The Message International (now known as In the Eye of the Intifada, A Muslim’s Journey to the Land of Oppression) still resonates today, over three-and-a-half decades after it was written.
Among Naim’s most memorable work is his article on Hasrat Mohani titled ”The Maulana who Loved Krishna,” published in Economic & Political Weekly in 2013, as well as his biographies of Mir Taqi Mir and Mirza Ghalib. He was also editor of Iqbal, Jinnah and Pakistan: The Vision and the Reality
The Indian Express extolled that Naim’s unique approach towards making Urdu approachable to everyone left an indelible mark on the global literary landscape. “There was so much knowledge, understanding and research, but also it was so accessible,” said Indian classical singer Vidya Rao who was also commissioning editor for Urdu Crime Fiction,1890-1950: An Informal History (2023). “He was not writing for just a small group of people. He was reaching out to people who may not be scholars.”
Like so many others who had enjoyed a professional relationship with Naim, Rao fondly recalled the impact of his efforts to ensure the Urdu language remained entrenched within the hearts and minds of those who call it their mother tongue. “His work was not just on literary studies, but actually on the Urdu language, its history and the cultural world, which is very important because otherwise we tend to see a language as separate from the lived life of the people,” Rao stressed.
The Indian Express also quoted Khalid Alvi, Naim’s close friend and former professor at Zakir Husain Delhi College, who agreed with Rao’s fond memories of the late Urdu scholar “He was someone who would write about people and things that one would otherwise overlook,” Alvi said. “He was the person who brought people like Munshi Tirath Ram Ferozpuri and Mirza Fida Ali Khanjar Lakhnawi — who had written early detective fiction in Urdu — to the forefront.”
Noting that Naim’s expertise was not limited to merely allowing other writers to shine, Alvi added, “He also wrote about Zafar Omar, a senior police officer officer who took to writing after tragically losing a limb in a hunting accident” (Trisha Mukherjee, Eminent Urdu scholar CM Naim dies at 89; Rakhshanda Jalil, Go gently into the night, CM Naim Sahab, July 11, 2025).
However, Naim’s contributions were not limited to the subcontinent; his legacy includes his wealth of influence left behind in the global West for those whose heritage includes the Urdu language. “He had a multinational personality. He didn’t teach literature, but language because he knew that language was the foundation,” noted fellow Urdu scholar Khalid Jawed, who met Naim at the University of Virginia and Princeton University. “He had of course written, translated, and edited several classical Urdu texts, but his contribution can be felt deeply in the way he shaped three generations of Urduspeaking people in the U.S.”
With his endeavors and passion for preserving the Urdu language, Naim entrenched himself in the hearts and minds of those he encountered throughout his professional life. Professor, historian, and author Esmat Elhalaby summed it up best with the tribute he left to the late scholar on X: “Peace to the great CM Naim (1936-2025). When I started studying Urdu, I started reading everything he ever wrote and haven’t stopped.”
He is survived by his son, TJ, daughter, Farah, and by his granddaughter, Anna. ih
Alia Hogben
(1937 – 2025)
Alia Hogben, a trailblazing Muslim social worker who championed the welfare of women and children for over half a century in Canada and abroad, passed away July 16.
As an early member of the Canadian Council of Muslim Women (CCMW), and later as its executive director, she advocated for an inclusive, egalitarian vision of Islam. She received many accolades for her tireless work, including being named one of Canada’s 50 most powerful people by Maclean’s Magazine in 2014.
She was born Alia Abdul Rauf in Rangoon, Myanmar, then under British rule. She was one of ten children raised by her mother, Maqsood Jehan Begum Meer, and her father, Mohammed Abdul Rauf, Ph.D., an Oxford-educated lawyer.
Life was upended when Japan invaded Myanmar (then Burma) during World War II. The family lost everything and fled to Hogben’s mother’s birthplace of Allahabad, India. There, her father immersed himself in the Indian nationalist movement.
Hogben moved to Ottawa at age 17 when her father was appointed India’s High Commissioner in Canada. By then, she was a world traveler who had experienced a diversity of cultures, peoples, and beliefs, as well as the devastation of war. Along the way, she developed a deep love for reading and knowledge which she attributed to her father.
Famously, master photographer Yousuf Karsh spotted her in Ottawa’s diplomatic circles. Impressed by her beauty, Karsh asked her father’s permission to photograph her. He initially declined but eventually relented. Hogben’s portrait was published in the Aug. 1958 issue of Maclean’s alongside those of Ingrid Bergman, Princess Grace of Monaco, and Joan Crawford.
Hogben, who initially thought of following in her father’s footsteps to embark on a law career, was drawn by an urge to help others and instead pursued social work. During her studies towards a B.A. at Carleton University, Hogben developed a friendship with fellow student William Murray Hogben. The two wanted to marry, but her parents disapproved for he was neither Indian nor Muslim. Murray, who had
no previous knowledge of Islam, converted to the religion after studying it further.
Still, Alia’s father was unconvinced and sent her away to Myanmar and India for a year to discourage the young couple. During her absence, Murray leaned further into the faith while establishing financial stability. Eventually, Alia’s parents approved, and they got married in Brussels 1959. During their 66 years of marriage, they grew together through deepening their understanding of the faith.
Soon after getting married, they moved to Toronto and immersed themselves in the small but growing Muslim community composed primarily of Albanians, Bosnians, and international students. Murray became the secretary of the Muslim Society of Toronto while Alia taught Sunday Islamic school. They arranged lectures, community events, and informal counselling while working, studying, and raising three children.
Hogben stayed true to her roots and continued to wear the traditional sari when looking for work in Toronto during the 1960s. In fact, her resplendent saris became her trademark for decades, until she later switched to the more comfortable, yet elegant, shalwar kameez.
She and her husband had the opportunity to meet Malcolm X when he was in Toronto for a Front-Page Challenge taping. At their invitation, he spoke at a community event, before which she prepared a sumptuous meal at their home. Malcolm X, who had just broken from the Nation of Islam, confided in the Hogbens about his worries, knowing he had a target on his back. Aliya soothingly reassured him.
Aliya earned a Master’s in Social Work from the University of Toronto and spent
a good part of the next 35 years immersed in her field serving as a program supervisor with the Ontario Ministry of Community and Social Services. She wasn’t shy to address taboo subjects such as domestic violence, forced marriages, and polygamy.
After retiring from the Ontario government, Alia Hogben became the executive director of the Canadian Council of Muslim Women (CCMW) in 2002, holding the position until 2018. It was during this era that she made her mark on Canadian society, improving the lives of so many with her fiercely principled insistence on the humane, egalitarian, and inclusive teachings of Islam. She fought for these values in opposition to the 2003 proposal by the Islamic Institute of Civil Justice to establish faith-based arbitration tribunals in Ontario to settle disputes over divorce, inheritance, and custody.
Hogben spearheaded many policies geared toward the betterment of Muslim women’s lives through education and research. At the same time, she and her husband opened their expansive farm near Gananoque, Ontario which also served as an oasis for dialogue, brainstorming, and hospitality. She was known to welcome guests from near and far into a safe space for critical inquiry.
From 2007 to 2008, she was invited by Foreign Affairs to speak on the role of Muslim women in Canadian society and Canadian values of diversity in Damascus, Amman, Beirut, and Rome. Her accolades soon mounted and included honorary doctorates from Queen’s University in 2011 and the University of Toronto in 2022. In 2012, she was appointed to the Order of Canada for her use of persistence and reason to contribute “to a broader understanding of women and Islam, in Canada and abroad.” She also wrote a number of articles for books and a monthly column on women, Islam and other issues for The Kingston Whig-Standard. Her legacy lives on in the institutions and policies she championed.
Hogben is survived by her husband Murray, children — Noor (John Henson) and Omar (Wendy Fu) — and by her grandchildren, Bibijehan, Shakoor, and Isra Henson, and by Reza Hogben.
She was predeceased by five of her siblings, Qudsia, Saleem, Naseem, Raheem and Ameen, as well as her beloved daughter Ameera in 2015. ih
Source: Sheema Khan, Special to The Globe and Mail
