INDIA NEWS
Mar 1-15, 2022 - Vol 2, Issue 16
SPECIAL FEATURE
Ten ways Ukraine crisis has impelled India’s intervention
By Swaran Singh
I
ndia has finally decided to become proactive in Ukraine crisis by first allowing Ukrainian Ambassador Dr Igor Plikha over 15 minutes of air time on national television this Thursday to make his appeal to both India’ leaders as also Indian people. This was followed same evening by prime minister Narendra Modi having a phone conversation with President Vladimir Putin and India’s foreign minister talking to his counterparts in all the neighbouring nations of Ukraine. What is it that has triggered this proactive engagement of India? While some of the issues will continue to unfold by the hour, one can begin by outlining the major ten drivers of this proactive engagement of Modi government. First and foremost Ukraine had lately come to be home for over 20,000 people of Indian original, mostly Indian citizens, and mostly students doing medicine. About 4,000 of them have existed since the crisis began and India has to keep being engaged with both Ukraine and Russia to ensure their safety and, in case conflict continues to escalate, ensure their safe return home. Second, and what has become most visible impact is how stock exchanges around the world including in India have tumbled leading to downwards evaluations of several major firms thereby majorly hitting investors and investor confidence. This has also raised deeper questions about globalisation and free market template that makes developing countries vulnerable to great power contestations. Third, and more specifically commodities like gold and oil — both major import commodities of India —have seen uptick in prices. Especially import price
of oil, which is least optional, has crossed $100 per gallon and is expected to reach as far as $130 a gallon. This will not only result in sharp rise in petrol prices in India but, with rise in cost of transportation, will have spill effect on all consumer items including essential consumables.
Fourth, will be ever increasing pressure on India’s foreign policy and its engagement with the conflict as such. Starting with the United States, then Russia and now Ukraine, every country has been increasingly pushing India to clarify its policy stance beyond just urging restraint on use of force, ensuring security of all and starting dialogue to resolve this crisis with enduring solutions. Each of these stakeholders wish India to endorse their position which seems impossible for India as it has historically desisted from being part of military blocs, which carries the cost of harming India’s strong bilateral relation with each of these powers. Fifth, continued escalation by Russia clearly implies that world will stay focused in Europe. This is already being described as Europe’s biggest crisis since World War II and at time of writing no prospects of its early termination or even de-escalation are in sight as yet. This continued military confrontation would clearly mean India’s defence procurements from Russia, including its S-400 missiles and AK203 rifles as also overall pace of joint Indo-Russian research, development and production in defence sector, will come under stress. Six, this continued focus on European theatre would also mean major powers getting distracted away from their recent preoccupation with the Indo-Pacific region and China, thereby making China freer in
pushing on with its wolf warrior diplomacy with its neighbours. With November China-ASEAN summit speech of President Xi Jinping finally endorsing concept of Indo-Pacific by endorsing ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific, it could further thicken ASEAN partnership with Beijing, something that had triggered thoughts on creating a Quadrilateral Security Dialogue of major regional powers that aim to restrain China’s uncontested expansion in this region.
Seven, this could also enhance other interesting templates of regional alignments. Just like China, Russia has been the other resident power of IndoPacific region that has stayed as an outlier in most Indo-Pacific narratives and initiatives. Ukraine crisis have clearly been pushing Russia further into China’s fold. The 4th February joint statement from Beijing between Presidents Xi and Putin had talked of no limits to their partnership and also endorsed each other’s position on Ukraine and Taiwan. Russia being India’s most time tested defence partner this clearly has implication for India. Eight, as an offshoot of growing bonhomie between China and Russia, Pakistan has emerged as major beneficiary as seen in prime minister Imran Khan choosing to visit Moscow in the midst of Ukraine crisis. Clearly he was cautioned both by his well wishers at home and his largest economic partner nations like the United States and other members of the European Union, and his team insisted on cancelling this visit at last minute. Since their defence cooperation agreement of 2016 and regular joint military exercises, especially now in the backdrop of American exit from Afghanistan, President Putin’s increasing indulgence with
Pakistan is again likely to keep India’s foreign policy pandits awake at night.
Nine, Ukraine crisis have also meant that China is no longer the main and constant target of American trade and technology wars. This provides China with breathing space to recalibrate its strategies of constantly expanding its influence. Especially postpandemic China — that claimed 2.6 per cent positive growth compared to US economy shrinking by almost 5 per cent and its GDP crossing 100 trillion yuan figure ($16trillion) — feels especially emboldened and empowered to unfold its ‘new era’ with direct implications for India’s core interests. By now 14 rounds of Core Commanders talks and half a dozen other interministerial communications have not been able to resolve ChinaIndia border tensions of last two years. Finally, India also carries the burden of exceptions for being seen as world’s largest democracy, sixth largest economy, and major emerging nation and currently, for eighth time, non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, which has recently held two back to back sessions
to discuss Ukraine crisis. Here again, following its tradition India continues to avoid taking clear sides but has clearly come to stand with those victims of this military confrontation. Just like India is supplying humanitarian aid to Afghanistan without waiting for Taliban to come true on its well publicised benchmarks, India is trying for major powers to be awake to the sufferings being inflicted on people. This unique approach from a major power India could perhaps produce some positive outcome and also set an example for others to join India now and in similar future crisis situations. Prof Swaran Singh teaches at Jawaharlal Nehru University (New Delhi) and is president of Association of Asia Scholars (asiascholars.in)
Hijab is not about the freedom of choice
T
he row over hijab has been raging for over a month now. The fact that young women are protesting to assert their right to wear the hijab is interesting.
This is the 21st century and India's 75th year of Independence, so if young women who have grown up in a society that allows free flow of information and an active social media are seeking to go back in time, it is something that should disturb all. The controversy flared up when six students of a state government-run pre-university college in Udupi, who were wearing the hijab, were asked to leave the campus on January 1. The students addressed a press conference and the matter snowballed into a major issue. More Muslim students joined the protest, and to counter this, Hindu students started donning saffron scarves. Muslim students petitioned the Karnataka High
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Court on January 31, seeking the right to the wear hijab in classrooms under Articles 14, 19 and 25 of the Constitution.
The court heard the case for the first time on February 8 and in its interim order restrained all students from wearing the hijab, saffron shawls, scarves and religious flags inside the classrooms. It is pertinent to mention here that the principal of the Udipi college, Rudre Gowda has said: "The institution did not have any rule on wearing the hijab because no one wore it to the classroom in the last 35 years. The students who came with the demand had the backing of some outsiders." The hijab row may have political and religious connections. It may be a part of a strategy for those trying to create a wedge in the society or a sinister activity to corner the country on the international stage as was
evident after Pakistan and the Organisation of Islamic Countries latched on to it. The timing of the controversy is also being questioned as Assembly elections in five states are on, with the Uttar Pradesh polls being regarded as the most critical of the five. The timeline of the controversy does point to some planned activity behind the scenes. And the fallout is that the controversy is gradually becoming a 'my religion-your religion' issue. The bracketing of the issue as being sought by the protesting Muslim students can be detrimental to the cause of women and their security. It is this that the courts, the government and the civil society need to understand. Making girls wear the hijab and burqa in schools and colleges is an attempt to further deepen the narrative that 'women / girls have to be wrapped up' and that
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'covering' them up is for their own 'safety'. Does wrapping up prevent crimes against women? They don't. Crime statistics have repeatedly proven this.
patriarchy.
What is needed is the sensitisation of society so that the right and respectful treatment of women is ingrained in every young man. And to achieve this end, schools and colleges are the best places to make a start.
For millions of women across the country, the 'right to hijab' row is not about religious beliefs but is reflective of a deeper tussle within. It is about a conflict over whether to integrate or to stand out, whether to cover up or be attired as one wishes to be, and whether to wrap up every inch of the skin or just be decently dressed.
The uniform is a concept that brings a sense of equality, surpassing class, religious and social divisions. Any deviation in this is bound to create a sense of division in budding minds. Isn't it important to teach young people to respect the other gender? Now, if girls are wrapped up in the hijab, burqa or purdah, gender inequalities will only get deeper and reinforce the age-old belief that women are meek and need to be protected. For many, the hijab or burqa are symbols of
The fears are far too deeply embedded and the hijab controversy has in some way touched the raw nerve of women.
The conflict is between the freedom to express and the overwhelming sense of fear of being objectified by the other gender. It is about a tussle which has its roots in the thought that a woman's physiology is not about expressing it freely, but about 'sharam' (shame) and 'lehaaz' (manners).
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