New African, April 2017 by IC Publications

Exclusive Interview: Paul Kagame: Theory vs Reality AN IC PUBLICATION

Founded in 1966 • April 2017 • N°571

TRUMP

Is Africa in danger? Oasis in a bad neighbourhood How tiny Djibouti struck it big Journey into the heart of Africa Adventures of record setting Zimbabwean Waiting for your call, Boris UK-Africa: Fresh start or Empire 2.0?

• Euro Zone € 5.00 • UK £4.00 • USA $6.50 • Algeria DA 300 • Angola 1.000 Kwanza (AOA) • Australia A$ 7.50 • Bahrain BD 2.00 • Canada $6.50 • CFA Zone CFA 2.600 • Cyprus 4.00 • Denmark DKr 40 • Egypt E£ 30 • Ethiopia R 90 • Gambia Da 150 • Ghana GH¢ 12.00 • Indonesia R45,000 • Japan JPY 700 • Jamaica $680 • Jordan JD 3.500 • Kenya KShs 350 • Kuwait KD 1.500 • Lebanon LL 7500.00 • Malaysia RM 15.90 • Mauritius MR 150 • Morocco Dh 30 • Norway NOK 59 • Oman OR2.00 • Qatar QR 20 • Rwanda RWF 3000 • Saudi Arabia Rls 20 • Sierra Leone LE 20.000 • Singapore $7.50 • South Africa R40.00 (inc. tax) • Other Southern African Countries R 35.10 (excl. tax) • Sweden SKr 33 • Switzerland SFr 8.70 • Tanzania TShs 6.500 • Tunisia TD 5.000 • Turkey 10.00YTL • UAE Dh 20 • Uganda USh 10.700 • Zambia ZMK45

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CONTENTS

p. 12 TRUMP: A boon or a curse for Africa?

What will the Donald Trump administration mean for US-African relations, especially in the light of proposed massive cuts in aid? We present analyses by experts from the US and Africa. R eaders’ views

04 Your comments and letters

Editorial

07 A clear and true voice

A round & about

Cover story: trump/africa

20 26 28 30

A boon or a curse for A frica? Trump will be good for Africa Tillerson’s dilemma: business or diplomacy first? The paradox of US democracy

Native intelligence

08 Short and sweet 10 What is trending 12 Quote/unquote

32 Waiting for your call, Boris UK-Africa: A fresh start?

Baffour’s beefs

People of achievement

14 A great truth Ian Smith’s salute to African governance

39 Kwame Tapiwa Muzawazi Journey into the heart of Africa

The big interview

A frica and the world

16 Rwanda’s President Kagame On Trump, the AU and unity

52 Djibouti An oasis in the wilderness

Sport

57 Adieu to Africa’s Mister Football

A round africa

58 Nigeria A much-needed tonic

A rts & culture

60 Review: l’Afrique des Routes 64 Bookends

Back to the future

Faith and unity: An explosive mix Time to revisit Nigeria’s coat of arms

NewAfrican The bestselling pan-African magazine, founded in 1966. April 2017 ISSUE 571 www.newafricanmagazine.com

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Readers’ Views LET TERS & COMMENTS

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Do you follow us on Twitter? Have you LIKED us on Facebook? We would love you to. And because your comments and views are valued, we would like to share them with our broader audience by publishing them here in print. Tweet. Comment. Email. editorial@icpublications.com Africa and the Ottoman

I write to respond to Baffour Ankomah’s most informative report entitled: “Turkey and Africa pledge co-operation” (NA, December 2016). He serves up a lush undergrowth of President Erdogan’s use of African proverbs to underline his case. A typical example is the following: “We consider the continent as our priority. There is a nice African proverb that says that one day’s rain cannot get deep into the soil. We would like to remain friends forever.” A historical flashback into Ottoman Turkey’s record of prolonged colonial domination and exploitation of Egypt/Sudan, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco shows no legacy of friendship with those parts of Africa. In Egypt, this linkage ran from 1517 till Napoleon’s colonial invasion in 1789. Professor Bethwell Ogot edited volume V of UNESCO’s series on Africa’s history, which contains Turkey’s record in these countries. The following extract is the least condemnatory but still instructive: “In the 16th century the Maghrib experienced a serious crisis, the fundamental cause of which was its failure to adapt to the age of firearms, centralising monarchies and the treasures of America. The Ottomans provided the countries of the central and eastern Maghrib with a solution by setting up modern military and administrative systems there, capable of ensuring external defence and the minimum of order necessary for common survival. But, at the same time, they imposed an iron rule along with harsh exploitation of resources, which contributed to the stagnation

of the indigenous societies.” After 1583, Ottoman colonial rule reached Upper Egypt on its roll down into what became Sudan. Sir Samuel Baker, writings on the advance of Turkey’s troops and mercenaries into northern Uganda and the source of the River Nile, notes the massacres of populations that rose in self-defence. In the Gezira Plains in south-eastern Sudan, the combination of working farm labourers to total exhaustion, brutal whippings by work-gang police, and lack of food incited a nationalist revolt against Turkish domination. It was led by the “Mahdi”. The Turkish scorched-earth tradition of warfare would be employed by Nubian troops who were leading the Turkish advance towards the source of the Nile but were cut off by the revolution across Sudan. Hired by Frederick Lugard to wage war against Omukama Kabalega, ruler of Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom, they decimated human life, livestock and crops. Idi Amin, a descendant of these Nubian militias, carried forward that legacy into the terror regime he ran in Uganda (1971-78). Cameraman Mohammed Amin captured the horrendous bestialities carried out by Amin’s deadly State Research Bureau. Idi Amin’s death squads killed prisoners as the regime was collapsing and in flight. President Erdogan criticised “globalisation” as a new form of slavery. Africa should also critically review the Ottoman Turks’ legacy. Professor Okello Oculi Africa Vision 525 Initiative, Abuja, Nigeria, Apo, Zone D, Abuja, Nigeria (via website)

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From the Editor

Anver Versi

A clear and true voice

ur regular readers will be surprised to see the image of Parselelo Kantai replaced by my own mug on this page – so some explanation is in order. Kantai, who served as New African’s inspired and visionary editor for a while, has moved on to fresh pastures and it is my privilege to step into his shoes. Those of you who also read our sister publication African Business may recall reading my articles in that magazine where it had been my pleasure to serve as the Editor for many years. Interestingly, I began my IC career with New African and it is a matter of pride to me that a few decades later, I am returning to edit this wonderful magazine. I left IC Publications roughly two years ago to go on a "sabbatical" based back in Africa and also to plunge into the world of corporate communications. It has been a fascinating learning curve and gave me an invaluable insight into the power of good communications in shaping and controlling perceptions of not only organisations but of countries as well as individuals. In Africa we are beginning to catch up on this vital aspect.

Quality time in Africa

But perhaps even more fascinating was the opportunity to spend quality time in Ghana, Kenya and DRC – and to link up with African countries from there. I realised that during my years of living in Europe, I had forgotten just how warm, friendly and full of humour Africa can be. Of course life is hard for most – work is long and money is always short. But, everybody is busy, selling, buying, making, inventing. The markets are a cacophony of noise, bustle, colour and heaps and heaps of products. You can find most things here but you will not find despair. Whatever they may say about Africa – and sure, there are many issues that need ironing out – there is nowhere else on earth that you will find such wonderful basic humanity and the sheer exuberance of living. This is wealth that cannot be bought by money or made in a factory. And this is why I know that Africa will prevail and that this century is Africa’s century. Coming back to communications – Africa has changed

beyond all recognition. The mobile has unleashed a torrent, a tsunami of communications. Africans are not only plugged into each other at local level, they are plugged into the whole world. They follow all the news, all the commentary, all the opinion on virtually all matters from all corners of the world. Someone said that if you want to know the latest score in the English Premier League, ask a Ghanaian in Accra, who will give it to you even before it has happened!

Playing the game

This daily avalanche of information has completely changed the African media and its relationship to power. In the first place, media outlets (some clearly fake) have mushroomed and secondly, the mainstream press has lost all its fear of government. If anything, the media sometimes goes too far, publishing half-truths or rumour or slander as if they are fact. But equally, the governments (except in a few isolated and diminishing cases) have also lost their fear of the media; and politicians, including heads of state, are becoming expert at playing the game. To try and muzzle the press, as was and unfortunately still is the practice in some countries, is now considered an unforgivable admission of failure. The net result is that democracy, in the real sense, is beginning to thrive and you can see the effects of people power in the substantial improvements in public infrastructure and services. There is, of course, still a long way to go, but Africa is well and truly on the road. That said, some of our countries are in deep trouble – South Sudan for example – and need help and support. All our sectors, including agriculture, need to rapidly modernise, governance in many cases can be much better and the opportunities for our highly intelligent and inventive youth are still too few and far between. But the feeling I got from my travels is that now Africans, by and large, know with certainty that they have the means to solve their own problems and are ready to do so. As we have done over the past 50 years, New African will walk step by step with the great people of this continent and speak with a clear and true voice. NA april 2017 New African 7

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Around & About

Weight loss extraordinaire An Egyptian lady, Eman Ahmed Abd el Aty, aged 36, said to be the world’s heaviest woman, finally managed to leave her home for the first time in 25 years when she was admitted to an Indian hospital. Her large size necessitated a specially chartered flight to take her from Cairo to Mumbai’s Saifee Hospital in India. Her huge weight was said to be due to a glandular imbalance that means she retains fluids. At the time of her admission in February, she weighed over 500kg. The Hindustan Times reported that a liquid diet containing proteins and dietary fibre led her to lose 100kg over a one-month period and she is expected to lose a further 200kg in six months as a result of weight loss surgery and her present diet.

Hospital in Douala, Cameroon, has spoken out angrily against coffin and wreath vendors that have taken to setting up shop around his hospital. According to Njock, the vendors pose a “psychological threat” to patients at the hospital. “When patients see Mohammed takes the hospital surrounded by a top UN post coffins, hearses and wreaths, they are psychologically Nigeria’s former Minister disturbed and fear that they for Environment, Amina may die in the hospital. Mohammed, has officially Such traumatic conditions become the Deputy complicate the healing process Secretary-General of the of some patients. Hopelessness UN. Mohammed is only the not only psychologically affects second African woman to be appointed to the role of Deputy a patient’s mind, but affects the treatment process as well.” Secretary-General of the UN The undertaking services – the first being Tanzania’s also create congestion as coffin Asha-Rose Migiro (2007–12, and wreath vendors vie for under Ban Ki-moon). customers alongside hearses parked on the road leading to Are you trying to tell me the hospital. something? Is it bad taste, or people Professor Louis Richard Njock, simply following demand and supply principles…? the director of Laquintinie

Not dying is killing our business Meanwhile, in Accra, Ghana, coffin makers are saying they face hard times as the country’s low mortality rates, although good for the people, was hurting their profits as people were not buying their coffins. “Much as we are not praying for people to die, I must also confess that our livelihood is derived from the number of coffins we sell in the year”, Agyekum Darkwah Jnr, a coffin seller told the Ghana News Agency (GNA) at Korle-Bu hospital during an interview. “The market was not good last year as the nation recorded low deaths compared to previous years.”

Above: locals carrying a fisherman's coffin

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NIGERIA REDUCES IMPORT TARIFFS Nigeria's Minister of Finance, Kemi Adeosun, has announced the import adjustment list of 26 items that have been reduced from from 10 to five per cent. The import duties of a further 89 items were reviewed downwards to five per cent. However, the government has reinforced the ban placed on the importation of some items including refined vegetable oil, cocoa butter, and fruit juice in retail packs, Nigeria left the tariffs on 144 items unchanged.

Weddings – cheaper by the thousands?

New AUC Chair sworn in

Merc SA to roll out new high-spec models

Ghanaian scoops $200,000 jackpot

The Miracle Centre Church in Rubaga, Uganda was the scene of probably the largest mass wedding in Africa. Pastor Kayanja and his wife Jessica officiated as two hundred couples said “I do” and tied the knot(s). The theme of the ceremony was “77 Days of Glory” and it took place at the church’s gardens. All couples were allowed to come with a best man, matron and two relatives. There was a table and wedding cake for each couple and their party. The largest mass wedding in history is believed to have been performed by the Korean Reverend Sun Myung Moon in 2009, when 20,000 couples took their vows simultaneously. Another 20,000 joined in simultaneous ceremonies from the US, Brazil and Venezuela.

The new Chair of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat from Chad (centre right, above), was sworn into the post at a ceremony in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in mid-March.

Mercedes-Benz South Africa (MBSA) will add three new high-spec AMG models to its production line at the East London plant in the Eastern Cape. The new models are: AMG C 43 4MATIC, AMG C 63 and AMG C 63 S. The engines will all be imported. MBSA’s East London plant produced more than 110,000 vehicles (passenger and commercial vehicles) in 2016 with 90% of C-Class production exported to 80 markets worldwide. The company reported a 10.8% jump in 2016 revenue at R5.61bn ($440m).

Ghanaian Kwame Fosuhene of Kumasi has scooped the biggest sporting jackpot in Ghana’s history. Fosuhene placed a four cedis ($0.85) accumulator bet on multiple football matches and won more than $213,000. The betting was on results of the English Premier league as well the Spanish La Liga, the Italian Serie A, German Bundesliga and French Ligue 1. “I’m still dreaming. I can’t believe I have this prize … but I have won and right now I’m the happiest man on earth,” Ghana’s Daily Graphic newspaper reported Fosuhene as saying. He was scheduled to receive the money as a lump sum and said he would consult a financial planner to on how to invest the windfall. Our advice: Don’t gamble it away Fosuhene…oops!

New spark of life for ageing Kenya Senate building Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta officially opened the refurbished Senate chamber and the KSh8bn ($76.3m) new wing of Parliament Buildings. The ageing chamber was first built in 1952 and in bad need of modernisation and revamping. Kenyatta said he hoped the country’s senators would appreciate the more conducive environment to work in.

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TRENDS

A natural entrepreneur

PASTOR IS A TRUE DIAMOND

Félicité wins Fespaco Alain Gomis is the winner of the 25th Pan-African Film and Television Festival (Fespaco) top prize. He received the Yennega Stallion trophy from Burkina Faso’s President Roch Marc Christian Kaboré and Côte d’Ivoire’s President Alassane Ouattara at the Sports Palace in Ouagadougou in early March. Born in Paris, France in 1972, the director has roots in Guinea-Bissau and Senegal. His winning film is Félicité, the story of a Kinshasa nightclub singer, with Véro Tshanda Beya in the title role. Gomis is only the second director, after Souleymane Cissé, to win the Fespaco prize twice.

One of the world’s largest uncut diamonds (over 700 carats) was discovered in Sierra Leone by Pastor Emmanuel Momoh. The discovery made headlines around the world. It bears a striking similarity to the plot of a Hollywood blockbuster, Blood Diamond. Diamonds have fuelled considerable conflict and violence in many African countries, including Sierra Leone. This time around, the story seems headed for a happy ending. The Pastor turned the diamond over to the authorities, asking for proceeds from its sale (he is due 96% of the proceeds) to be used for the benefit of the local community. Last year, an 813-carat stone fetched $63m in London. This stone, as yet unnamed, will also be sold at auction in London.

Rwandan Cephas Nshimyumuremyi (below), a former school teacher, noticed that local people used wild plants for skin infections and to improve skin quality. He used his science background and his knowledge of local plants to produce herbal ointments in his garage. As a result of the popularity of his products, his company, Uburanga Products, now employs 12 workers and is worth a minimum $25,000.

An unlikely friendship It has emerged that an unlikely friendship has blossomed between the former Republican president, George W. Bush, and the former First Lady, Democrat Michelle Obama. They were together at the opening of the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture in September. “I’m kind of a needler, and she handles it pretty well,’’ Bush said on TV. “[The friendship] surprised everybody,” he said. “That’s what’s so weird about society today, [the surprise] that people on opposite sides of the political spectrum can actually like each one another.”

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QUOTE/UNQUOTE

"My religion is very simple. My religion is kindness."

DALAI LAMA SPIRITUAL LEADER

“There were immigrants who came here in the bottom of slave ships, worked even longer, even harder, for less.” BEN CARSON, US SECRETARY OF HOUSING

“My greatest pain in life is that I will never be able to see myself perform live.” KANYE WEST, MUSICIAN/RAPPER

“The best fate for Africa would be if the old colonial powers, or their citizens, scrambled once again in her direction; on the understanding that this time they will not be asked to feel guilty.” BORIS JOHNSON BRITISH FOREIGN SECRETARY

“It’s important to debunk the myths of Africa being this benighted continent civilised only when white people arrived. In fact, Africans had been creators of culture for thousands of years before. These were very intelligent, subtle and sophisticated people, with organised societies and great art.”

HENRY LOUIS GATES HARVARD ACADEMIC

“Trump lies all of the time and I think that is not an accident, there is a reason for that. He lies in order to undermine the foundations of American democracy. “Trump’s end goal is to end up as the leader of a nation which has moved in a significant degree toward authoritarianism.” SENATOR BERNIE SANDERS, DEMOCRAT PRESIDENTIAL ASPIRANT

“I’m trying to tell you that there’s a new wave on the continent. A new wave of openness and democratisation in which, since 2000, more than two-thirds of African countries have had multi-party democratic elections. Not all of them have been perfect, or will be, but the trend is very clear.” NGOZI OKONJO-IWEALA EX-FINANCE MINISTER, NIGERIA

“When I look at the system here and look at my position – not just as a basketball player, but when I look around me at the values of the people and the culture and compare them with the values of where I came from – I feel so blessed to be from Africa.” HAKEEM OLAJUWON US BASKETBALL STAR

“Let’s be very clear: Strong men – men who are truly role models – don’t need to put down women to make themselves feel powerful. People who are truly strong lift others up. People who are truly powerful bring others together.” MICHELLE OBAMA AMERICA'S FORMER FIRST LADY

“When I joined the ANC, I never thought I would be anything. In no way did I say, ‘One day I could be the President. I think I am good material for the Presidency.’ Not at all.”

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“If you are starving and young and in search of answers as to why your life is so difficult, fundamentalism can be alluring. We know this for a fact because former members of Boko Haram have admitted it: They offer impressionable young people money and the promise of food, while the group’s mentors twist their minds with fanaticism.” MUHAMMADU BUHARI PRESIDENT OF NIGERIA

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BAFFOUR’S BEEFS Baffour Ankomah

“A statesman thinks of the next generation, a politician thinks of the next election.” – Ian Smith, the last prime minister of Rhodesia

A great truth!

alk is cheap, but walking the talk is another matter altogether. Ian Smith, the last Prime Minister of Rhodesia, who once thumped his chest and asserted truculently that black majority rule would not happen in the hallowed lands of Rhodesia, not even in a thousand years, did not consider himself as a “statesman” even though he knew exactly what a statesman was. Rather, in his book The Great Betrayal, published in 1997, he points to Nelson Mandela as one, knowing that Good Old Nelson would not touch the land issue in South Africa, and with that the fate of the millions of landless Black South Africans would have been sealed for good. Clever cat, Mr Smith – and his people! But we are not fooled by such antics, not any more! As those of you who follow this column will know, I have been revisiting Smith’s book in these columns in the expectation that what he reveals about himself and the people he led will throw light on the present and lead to a better understanding of Zimbabwe – where I have now taken up residence. In the book, he passionately believes that he was betrayed by Britain and South Africa to give way

to black majority rule in Zimbabwe. But, in a typical case of myopism, he fails to see his own much greater betrayal of the millions of people (including the real owners of the land, the Blacks) over whom the country’s state apparatus ruled with an iron rod. He readily admits, without apparently seeing the irony of it, that after nearly 80 years of colonisation, the Africans they ruled over were still, in 1965, no more than “tribesmen…who had no education and were unable to read and write”, and as such “did not understand the meaning of the word ‘constitution’”, because they “had never exercised a vote in their lives”. Incredibly, he fails to see what had brought about this sorry state of affairs – like a father who has neglected to educate some of his children and then dismisses them for being uneducated!

Blind to the beam in his eye

He tries to paint the impression in his book that apartheid only existed in South Africa. He is scathing about it, saying: “A division within a unitary country based purely on race, declaring that white people were first-class citizens and blacks were second-class citizens, was unprincipled and totally indefen-

sible,” he wrote. “Not only would it be impossible to gain support for such a philosophy anywhere in the world, but most important of all, it would create bitterness and hatred among the great mass of the people – a blatant affront to them, based purely on race.” But what exactly did Ian Smith and the European-descended people who came to make their homes in Rhodesia do to the black people they met? Were they not turned into “second-class citizens” in their own land? Though Ian Smith claims so hard in his book that black Zimbabweans were not oppressed, and that he has abounding respect for black people, yet his words and actions prove the contrary. He enjoys the “high kill-rate” his soldiers inflicted on the African freedom fighters who fought against his government for their independence. He calls them “terrorists”. “We had mounted a number of successful attacks, the kill-rate was high and the security forces were revelling in taking the offensive,” he writes. But just listen to Smith praising colonialism: “The starry-eyed liberals [of Britain] were trying to atone for the guilt complex associated

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with their country’s past history. They have allowed themselves to be brainwashed by communist propaganda which besmirched colonialism as suppression and exploitation… “In reality colonialism was the spread of Western Christian civilisation, with its commitment to education, health, justice, and economic advancement, into areas which were truly ‘darkest Africa’. The people in these areas of sub-Saharan Africa had never seen a white man, had no written language, no medical facilities, and no currency, so barter was their only means of trade. For some unknown reason, they had never had contact with Western civilisation until, in some parts, as recently as 100 years

Ian Smith, who recognised that the indigenous African system of governance worked better than the Western democratic model

ago. “What makes this all the more surprising is that in northern Africa there had been some of the earliest civilisations, going back 4,000 years, pre-dating our modern Western civilisation. [Here, he was referring to the great black civilisations of Ancient Egypt, Nubia, etc.] But if one studies history, what is demarcated on modern maps as north Africa is truly western Arabia, with the people occupying those countries being of Arabian stock – their culture, traditions, history, language, religion and race are Arab.” In effect, Ian Smith denies that Ancient Egypt was black or built by black people, like most Western and Arab scholars shamelessly do today. In the very next paragraph after making that fantastic claim, Smith credits the “remarkable development and advancement of the people of sub-Saharan Africa today” to colonialism. “So I say to the people of Europe,” he writes, “that if their countries were involved in the colonisation of sub-Saharan Africa, they should hold their heads high, be proud of that historical association with forces that brought light to the Dark Continent, helping its peoples to emerge into modern civilisation.” Yet, astonishingly, he concedes that: “The metropolitan powers divided sub-Saharan Africa while sitting at their desks in London and the other capitals of Europe, drawing lines on a map, and certainly never taking the trouble to consult the local people on the ground.”

A great truth

And here Ian Smith begins to tell a great truth that most Westerners, and even most Africans, don’t want to acknowledge today. He writes: “At the level of the extended family, or kraal, the leader [of the traditional system he saw in Rhodesia, which also cuts across the continent] emerged naturally through acceptance by the family, and, as long as he enjoyed their respect and confidence, he was their representative and spokesman. “Whenever a problem arose which involved other kraals in their area, the kraal-heads held a joint

meeting. If the problem extended beyond their area of jurisdiction, they chose from their midst their representative, or headman, to convey their message to the chief, who was the leader of a much larger section of people. A chief usually ruled the people of between four or six headmen. “Most problems were solved at that level, but if not, the chief would take it to the next meeting of the Provincial Chiefs’ Council (there were 5 provinces). Finally, there was the National Chiefs’ Council. An analysis of the system points to many advantages. I know of no method which gives more honest and genuine representation, stemming from the ‘grassroots’ and ensuring that the people’s feelings are accurately submitted and explained [emphasis added].” Ian Smith continues: “The system is devoid of corruption, nepotism, intimidation, propaganda and brainwashing, all those evil and undesirable ingredients which play such an important part in modern government. Those of us who live in Sub-Saharan Africa, and understand the traditions and customs of the people, have no option other than to condemn the actions of the major free world countries: in their typical arrogant manner, they took it upon themselves to lay down preconditions to the grant of independence. “The countries concerned were compelled to abandon their tried and proven system, and replace it with the Western democratic system. Everywhere it has been implemented it has resulted in disaster and the complete antithesis of what was anticipated… It is easy, when you live ten thousand kilometres away, to prescribe solutions, knowing that if the whole thing blows up and goes sour, you do not have to live with the results.” You can only shout hallelujah to such a revelation! Interestingly enough, those who established this system of governance so supreme to anything Ian Smith knew were mere “tribesmen” who “had no education”! NA

We shall continue next month.

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THE BIG INTERVIEW Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame (pictured, right) is emerging as the de facto spokesperson for Africa with his clear vision of the continent’s strategic position in the world’s political and economic environment. In this period of great global uncertainty, Kagame’s analysis of the forces acting on and shaping Africa’s future provides a welcome and much-needed navigational chart. Questions by Omar Ben Yedder, Group Publisher of IC Publications.

New African: I would like to start by talking about what is happening in the world today. Recently in the US and in Europe, we have seen an increase in hate and scapegoating of minorities. The rise of the farright parties in Europe must have uncomfortable echoes for someone like yourself, who has seen what this line of politics can lead to. What is it leading to? President Paul Kagame: I wish I knew where we are headed to. But some of the things we are seeing today are not new. Many of us have been experiencing these prejudices and all kinds of injustices for a long time, but we were told it was always our fault as Africans, as Rwandese. We were told how to handle our affairs as if everything they, these “advanced” societies did back home was perfect and in order. Truth being what it is, some of us who take time to analyse the global situation could actually see this development coming. The so-called

liberal democracies assumed that everything was rosy in their garden. Instead, they came lecturing us and telling us we should be doing this or that. They assumed that whatever the textbook tells them about liberal democracy is actually how it works… that it has nothing to do with the feelings, the sentiments, the culture and history of the ordinary people. And now their people are saying: “No, wait a minute. You’ve been busy spreading your own thoughts across the world, you have forgotten about us. We chose you so that you address our problems, you are our leaders because we want our problems addressed. You’re not addressing our problems but you are convinced either we have no problems or that you have already addressed our problems!” Of course, people call it “populism”; but populism grows on a foundation composed of the needs, the desires and the choices of the people on the ground. In a

nutshell, they are saying: “You are using my money to go and sort out other people’s problems but you’re not addressing mine.” Are you worried about Trump diverting aid money to defence and that the US will be adopting a more protectionist stance? Or do you think there is nothing for us to fear? That has many sides to it in my view. Humanitarian aid is definitely very important as it addresses the immediate problem. That should always be there because it saves lives and I believe there will be no decrease in US humanitarian aid. What I am more worried about is whether aid, in its present form, is really doing its work. Is it to help develop our countries or is it a mechanism to shape the political landscape of the recipient nations to fit in with the needs of the donors, not our needs? The other important question is just how do recipient countries use the aid? If the aid goes to countries like ours to help us stand

PHOTO: KARISHMA MEHTA

PAUL KAGAME: WE MUST REALISE THAT PROGRESS LIES IN WORKING TOGETHER

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THE BIG INTERVIEW on our own feet eventually, it is a good thing. But if it increases dependency, then it cannot be good for us in Africa. Aid should also be given in the spirit of cooperation, where we work together to bring about a mutually agreeable outcome. It should not be prescriptive or dictatorial. If you want me to behave like you or believe in what you believe in, convince me through dialogue and conversation. But if you have this belief that I have to be like you and you have the right to dictate it to me, then the main outcome is going to be rejection. Somebody may even reject something entirely because of the manner in which it is presented. You know, Trump’s administration not paying much attention to Africa may be a good thing. It means that maybe those of us who are worried about aid need to step up and start thinking, not so much about what somebody is willing to come and do for them, but rather, what we can do for ourselves that we actually don’t do. For example, if you look at the levels of intra-African trade, business, investments and so on, they are very low. Compare them to intraregional trade and investment in other parts of the world. Why are the levels not bigger in Africa? It seems we are waiting for somebody to hand things over to us, like a gift. How can we say, these people need to keep doing things for us when we should be doing them for ourselves? So while we are hoping for the best from this administration to keep humanitarian aid going, we also wish for continuation of normal aid, but in a form that allows us to make changes to solve our problems. We would also appreciate less interference – we talk of freedoms but if you insist on managing people’s lives, you are managing their freedoms. We shouldn’t be depending on which US president comes and what he will do for us. What we should focus on is saying to them: “Guys, we are not trading with each other enough, and holding back billions of dollars that could be spread out far and wide and create more benefit all round.”

This is really what this turmoil is all about – even when you’re talking about trade or globalisation, which by the way has been a good thing in principle, the issue is undermined by people wanting to get things their way and not sharing. And that brings me to the question of governance. How do we govern? It all boils down to whether it is about fairness, about justice, about accountability, about accepting that it’s not always going to be you having your way on everything and leaving others to fend for themselves. I was at the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Rwanda and Tony Blair was there, a supporter of Rwanda. Over the years, you have formed a rapport and possibly even a friendship with the former UK Prime Minister. Do you feel he gets an unfair press? Tony Blair is a friend of Rwanda, he is my own friend and I appreciate his time and advice and all the things we do together. In fact, this relationship developed much earlier than just when he was out of government. It was there even when he was still prime minister. Although I wasn’t working directly with him at that time, Tony strongly and actively supported the Rwandan government development and reconciliation process. A very significant role was played by Clare Short [his Secretary of State for International Development], who was also very supportive at the right time, in the right way, and was enabled by the leadership of Tony Blair as prime minister to do so. We have had relationships with the UK starting even before that, going back to the Conservative Party, which was very significant. But given his place in British society and that he was a leader, there will always be those who appreciate what a leader has done and there will always be others who have a grudge with a leader for a different reason. I understand his difficulties in the UK and some very negative views about him which are attracting a lot of attention from the press, but I guess he knows how to deal with that himself.

President Kagame: “It is still a long journey for Rwanda, but we are beyond where I expected us to be, given all of the challenges that we have faced.”

As far as I am concerned, or Rwanda’s relationship is concerned, I can vouch that he can withstand any criticism on this score because he has not done anything wrong on his part. I would like to switch from global events to our continent. Is there the same appetite to take up panAfrican leadership, for example at the AU today, as there was back in 2003? You are talking of leaders the likes of Abdoulaye Wade, Obasanjo, Mbeki, Meles Zenawi, Bouteflika of Algeria, all of whom were driving matters of the continent in a positive direction. From the beginning of the AU, we had this group of people who took on this pan-African leadership role. The leadership has now turned to the AU Commission. But having

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PHOTO: KARISHMA MEHTA

“Aid should be given in a spirit of cooperation, where we work together to bring about a mutually agreeable outcome. It should not be prescriptive or dictatorial.” said that, I still think that the mood in Africa generally, as was reflected during the AU summit, is of wanting things to move in the right direction, to bring the changes that are required to transform the continent politically, economically, socially; to bring the African continent together and give it a voice in global affairs. The mood is there, the thinking is there but that leadership which you rightly alluded to, may not appear as vocal. There is a realisation that we need to do something. It is not enough to talk about the AU and Africa and being proud of everything but realising very little.

Interestingly, during the 27th AU Summit in Kigali, I had left the conference hall and when I returned, everybody said I should lead the AU finance reform process. Perhaps they were encouraged by what they saw in Rwanda. They probably thought: “If things are working here in this small place, maybe this person should be given the task!” [Laughs.] It is unacceptable that 98% of the organisation’s programmes are funded by external donors. Through this process leaders are emerging. Like Idriss Déby, who was behind this process, Alpha Condé from Guinea (the new AU chairman), who is also

reform-minded, Senegal’s Macky Sall, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, and so on. While we have seen strong movement when leaders come together – for example, when you took leadership to cut down the period of time it takes for goods to move within the East African Community – we also see a lack of political will in many instances, which acts as a roadblock to progress. And Africa needs its bigger countries, for lack of a better way to put it, to come together. I am talking more specifically about the Nigeria-South Africa axis. Roadblocks will always hold back progress – whether we are big or small we need to act together, there is no doubt. We can’t get to the point we want unless everybody realises that progress lies in working together. If you think you are big enough to stand alone, fine, but you cannot hide behind “working together” when it suits you and then go your own way when it doesn’t. There is no doubt that a few of us [African nations] are holding back the progress that we would otherwise make. Where is Rwanda today, especially in terms of where you would like it to be? I think I have been pleasantly surprised that we are where we are after such a short time given what happened in 1994. But I think we are not where we want to be yet; it is still a long journey, but we are beyond where I expected, given all of the challenges that we have faced. Do you agree that the private sector now needs to take over [from government] to ensure that continued fast economic growth. I would agree with that, absolutely, and in fact, the private sector is increasingly taking over but government still has to have a hand in some areas; even in developed countries, as in this country [the UK], government still plays an important part. Government is pulling out and the private sector is gradually taking charge. We will divest as quickly as possible but it is a process, not an event. NA April 2017 new african 19

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TRU Cover Story TRUMP

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UMP A boon or a curse for Africa?

little after two months since Donald Trump became President of the US and in theory at least, the most powerful person on earth, the world, including Africa, is still struggling to work out what will happen next and how decisions made in the White House will affect them. Nevertheless, as other regions are busy doing, Africa must also lose not time in analysing the Trump phenomenon and be prepared for what might ensue. Will the Trump administration spell danger for Africa’s economic growth and democratisation process? Will his “America First” policy jeopardise

African exports and will the growth of the hard right “hate lobby” in the US affect the lives of the over two million African migrants and students living there? Will his budget cut to foreign aid disrupt the current peacekeeping missions and lead to a renewal of violence? Or, as one of the contributors to this cover story argues, will Trump be a blessing for Africa? These are just some of the questions that Africa’s thought leaders are concerning themselves with. In this composite cover story, we look at various aspects of the Trump phenomenon to try and chart a course for Africa over the coming few months. april 2017 New African 21

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Cover Story TRUMP

Donald Trump takes pride in his deal-making skills. So far, he has made bad choices in terms of foreign policy and handed his critics a stick to beat him with. His budget proposals will hit Africa hard unless he can be persuaded to soften his stance through expert dealmaking from the African side. Analysis by New African Editor, Anver Versi.

Can Africa out-trump Trump?

t has been just over two months since Donald Trump entered the White House as president of the US but no one, neither in America nor the rest of the world, really knows what will happen next. It has certainly not been business as usual. Trump effectively put a spoke in the established, well-oiled American political carriage, particularly at the Washington-based Federal level, and sent the cart careening off the path, disgorging its contents, including a multitude of advisors, consultants, lobbyists and politicos, and scattering them all over the place. Has any political leader, anywhere entered office amid such a cacophony of invective as well as adulation as Trump has generated? Yet, despite all the din around him, he has gone his merry way, infuriating his enemies and delighting his supporters in equal measure. How Americans deal with Trump is their own business but we in Africa cannot afford to take a sanguine view and believe the tempest will not affect us profoundly. Love it or hate it, the US is economically, politically and culturally the most powerful nation on earth and ripples in that nation cause waves to wash on our shores. We cannot wish it away and must deal with whatever policies the Trump administration rolls out in our direction. The first step is to try and understand the Trump phenomenon and then work with, on and around that, to (using his own philosophy), get the best deal we can. To start with, we should remember that Trump’s default position is that of a ruthless businessman, not a career politician well versed in the art of making politically correct statements while doing the opposite. Trump calls it as he sees it. In his book The Art of the Deal, he states that all negotiations are based on power differentials. Which cards are you placing on the table and which are undisclosed in your hand – and, pardon the pun, can I trump it?

Power differential

Donald Trump on the presidential campaign trail. He infuriated his enemies and delighted his supporters in equal measure, just as he has in office

A businessman’s chief asset, he says, is to look at people square in the face and work out what they can bring to the table, if anything. He has no time for the niceties of diplomacy nor the labyrinths of ideology. If you have something to trade, let’s exchange. If you are bringing nothing but promises or idle threats, on your way. In any exchange, he says, it’s all about who holds the power. If you have power, use it, otherwise what is the point of having power? He has already dismissed most of the developing world as having nothing to contribute bar their natural resources. “Why didn’t we at least just take their oil?” he asks in exasperation at the US’s Middle East wars. When he talks about making America great again, he means wielding the big stick. When he talks about building walls with Mexico or engaging in a trade war with China, he is laying down his bargaining positions. When he tells big business to bring jobs back to the US, he is telling them that he is the boss, not they. He is well versed in the use and deployment of distraction, bluff and double bluff, threats and counterthreats, charm offensives, body language and gestures and being able to paint the big picture that others can believe in. These stratagems, he writes, are what made him such a formidable businessman and allowed him to get what he wanted. So far we have seen him deploy his full array of strategies not only to climb the greasy ladder to the White House but also to retain the loyalty, even love of his supporters, despite his systematically slashing away at their lifelines including health insurance, jobs and welfare.

Out of his comfort zone

But we have also seen him come badly unstuck as he and his team begin to realise that there is a vast difference between being the CEO of his

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Cover Story TRUMP

company where his word was law and being the US president where his word, or tweet not only has farreaching consequences but will be minutely dissected, analysed and thrown back into his teeth. As CEO of a vast business empire, he lived in his own bubble and his echo-chamber where reality could be what you wanted it to be and no one would disabuse you of the fact. In the harsh glare of the international spotlight, “alt-facts” will be called out for what they are and the drilling and probing will be relentless. Clearly, Trump is on very slippery ground once he is out of his comfort zone of bare-knuckle deal-making and onto the vastly more complex floor of international relations. His hastily announced “Muslim ban”, designed to appease the rabid hate lobby, has blown back into his face, providing his critics with a rallying cry and a principle which even strange bedfellows have found a common cause to unite around. The latest ban on “Muslim carry-on laptops” defies logic and again provides his critics with a stick to beat him with. His wish to “drain the Washington swamp” and fill his cabinet with hardened businesspeople who have little or no international experience has left US foreign policy aimless and dangerously drifting. Even Rex Tillerson, his Secretary of State has said that he did not want the job but only took it because his wife insisted on it. Will the former ExxonMobil chief be able to curb his natural business instincts to deal with the complicated minutiae of foreign affairs? (See page 22.)

Turning the tables?

What does all this mean for Africa? So far Trump has shown no signs that he even knows where Africa is (apart from the visa ban on Somalis and Sudanese) but his budget proposals could have a major impact on

Donald Trump’s election as US president shocked many. If his proposed budget cuts are approved by the US Congress, they will have major consequences for the continent

the continent. He wants to cut $10.9bn from the State Department, including the $2.8m to the African Development Foundation which provides grants of up to $250,000 to communities and small businesses in Africa. He wants to cut $2.6bn from the Environmental Protection Agency which means that African environmental organisations will face a severe cash crisis at a time when they need support most urgently. He has said the US will not contribute more than 25% to the UN’s peacekeeping costs, which will mean massive cuts to the stabilisation missions in DRC, Darfur, South Sudan and Central African Republic. He wants the annual grant of $100m to Kenya’s military changed to loans. These cuts, if approved by the US Congress in October, will mean swingeing cuts to the World Food Programme and other humanitarian organisations, just at a time when famine is once again stalking large areas of the Horn of Africa and parts of Eastern Africa. He wants to repeal the Dodd-Frank Act, which will free up international mining companies from any transparency over their dealings in Africa, with all the negative consequences this will usher in. While the Trump administration will not be able to tinker about too much with AGOA, he will be able to decide which countries can and cannot enjoy the benefits. On the face of it, the Trump administration will be bad for Africa. The only plus point is that he knows so little about the continent that the opportunity is there to try and fill in the blanks and using his own negotiating philosophy, make him a deal he cannot turn down. Question is, do we have the leadership with the skills to carry this out? NA

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US/Africa – key statistics

2% Only 2 per cent of American exports go to Africa

350,000 $697bn By 2015 AGOA had created 350,000 jobs for Africans on the continent

Africa has exported goods worth $697bn to the US under AGOA since 2000

2,06 0

Immigration

2.1m

New African immigrants to the US since 1970 (in thousands)

There were 2.1 million African immigrants living in the US in 2015 (Pew Research)

881

80 1970

36 4

Number of US embassies in Africa: 46

19 90

Countries with no US embassy: Algeria, Central African Republic, Comoros, Guinea-Bissau (has a virtual presence), Libya, São Tomé and Príncipe, Seychelles (virtual presence), Somalia (virtual presence)

20 0

198 0

20 0 0

2015

600 More than 600 US firms have invested in South Africa, contributing to an estimated 10% of GDP, and employing more than 100,000 South Africans

Value of US foreign aid to Africa: $7.54bn in 2015 (27.5% of US aid globally). US ODA for Africa amounted to 16% of all donors’ aid in 2013. n n n n n n

$146,201,001 - $3,100,000,000 $41,890,001 - $146,201,000 $6,961,001 - $41,890,000 $941,001 - $6,961,000 $10,000 - $941,000 No Funding

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Cover Story TRUMP

Contrary to the widespread assumption that Donald Trump’s presidency will spell disaster to the developing world, including Africa, Aubrey Hruby* argues that it may well be a blessing in disguise and that US-Africa relations may acquire an even greater importance under Trump than before.

Trump will be good for Africa D

onald Trump’s unpredictable approach to foreign policy has rattled Washington’s political establishment and allies alike. From the White House’s Euro-scepticism to a poorly rolled-out immigration order, the president has so far taken an improvisational approach to foreign policy. “For the first time in 70 years,” remarks Walter

Russell Mead, the James Clarke Chace Professor of Foreign Affairs and Humanities at Bard College, New York, “the American people have elected a President who disparages the policies, ideas, and institutions at the heart of postwar US foreign policy.” In the case of Africa, that might not be a bad thing. As the administration continues to shape its policies and appoint key officials, Africa policy may be one of

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the few beacons of hope in the near future. There’s cause for optimism because of the historical bipartisan nature of US-Africa policy and the skills and expertise of the administration’s recent diplomatic appointees. For those who care about the future of USAfrica relations, it is too early to preemptively dismiss and disengage from the Trump administration. Every American president over the past 30 years has launched a major programme for Africa. From Clinton’s trade-focused African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) to Bush’s health-focused President’s Emergency Program for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) and Obama’s Power Africa, the White House’s Africa policy has focused less on strategic narratives and more on flagship initiatives. There is no reason to think that the Trump administration will be any different. Although there is talk of dramatically reducing international development efforts under the Trump administration, this White House will no doubt create some kind of programme to call its own. The new administration, for example, could build on the US’s globally recognised expertise in finance by establishing a roundtable on financial inclusion to support the evolution of the financial ecosystem in African markets, from venture capital to risk intermediation. In contrast to the fevered partisanship of healthcare and immigration over the past few years, US-Africa policy is unique in its bipartisanship. Throughout the Clinton, Bush and Obama administrations, there has been remarkable continuity in both Congress and the White House on the US’s agenda in Africa. Congress not only passed the AGOA under President Clinton, but renewed it under both the Bush and Obama administrations. The 2015 renewal of AGOA was sponsored by nearly an equal number of Republicans and Democrats and passed nearly unanimously in the Senate. Similarly, initiatives like the President’s Emergency Program for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) and, more recently, Power Africa, have enjoyed support from across the political spectrum. At a time when many Congressional and presidential approval ratings are at a near all-time low, continued bipartisan Africa policy may bolster Americans’ confidence in institutions. Faced with a vocal and hostile Democratic minority in Congress, President Trump may use Africa as a linchpin in his nascent foreign policy. In the early days of the administration, a series of Africa-related questions from Trump’s transition team left many Africa experts questioning whether or not current programmes would be continued.

Experienced, respected officials

But the appointment of Rex Tillerson as US Secretary of State and Trump’s recent conversations with President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria and President Jacob Zuma of South Africa show that African countries still have a place in US global engagement.

As the former CEO of ExxonMobil, Tillerson has decades of experience navigating the complex politics of emerging markets. He, more than any other Secretary of State, has substantial first-hand knowledge of what it takes to do business in African markets. (See story on pp. 28-29.) Additionally, those being considered for the Assistant Secretary of State for Africa role, including Dr J. Peter Pham of the Atlantic Council, are noted Africa experts with distinguished careers in security, diplomacy and the private sector.

Instead of handwringing and disengaging, those who have an interest in robust US-Africa ties should get to work immediately. Moreover, Walter Kansteiner, former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs and current director for Africa at ExxonMobil, is a close advisor to Secretary Tillerson and is being considered for senior roles at the State Department. With these experienced, highly respected officials in key diplomatic positions, the State Department will likely develop robust relationships with African nations, whether or not President Trump takes a personal interest in the region.

Security lens on Africa

*Aubrey Hruby is co-founder of the Africa Expert Network. coauthor of “The Next Africa” (Macmillan, 2015), and a Visiting Fellow at the Atlantic Council.

As Lt.-Gen. H.R. McMaster takes the reins at the National Security Council, it is unknown how strong a role the National Security Council (NSC) will play vis-à-vis the State Department in shaping the administration’s Africa policy. Regardless, with so many generals in the administration, a security lens will be applied to the continent, with African operations playing a greater role in the fight against violent extremists. In the face of this uncertainty at the NSC, the companies, civil society groups and thought-leaders who care about deepening US engagement have a unique opportunity to leverage the historical bipartisan support of US-Africa relations. They can work with the State Department and Congress to shape the approach to the region while enjoying the flexibility of operating in a policy area in which the president has largely delegated authority to others. Instead of handwringing and disengaging, those who have an interest in robust US-Africa diplomatic and commercial ties should get to work immediately on developing new, innovative policies and programmes to present to Trump administration officials as they get appointed. There is no reason to sit on the sidelines out of an assumption of benign neglect or settle for the status quo. For those of us working on strengthening USAfrica relations, we can come together to help shape a strategic framework toward the continent, guided by American business expansion into emerging markets, broad security cooperation and bi- and multilateral collaboration. NA april 2017 New African 27

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Rex Tillerson, now a member of Donald Trump’s powerful cabinet as Secretary of State, will be one of the most influential people determining the shape of the world over the next four years. What will his priorities be in Africa, given the fact that as CEO of ExxonMobil, he was deeply involved in several important deals on the continent? Opinion by Otavio Veras*.

Tillerson’s dilemma: business or diplomacy first?

n the wake of controversial selections for Donald Trump’s cabinet, the spotlight turned to Rex Tillerson, his choice as Secretary of State, the highest diplomatic rank in the US government. Rex Tillerson is an experienced oil and gas industry executive. Having worked at ExxonMobil for 41 years, Tillerson rose to become its chairman and CEO by 2006. Tillerson’s work helped shape what became one of the largest companies in the world. To reach this size, ExxonMobil businesses expanded to inhospitable places in the search for oil. The company pioneered oil and gas exploration and production in countries with questionable human rights records, creating ties with corrupt governments. Royalties originating from ExxonMobil’s oil and gas production

became the main revenue source for some fragile states ruled by dictators. The power and influence ExxonMobil amassed around the globe during Rex Tillerson’s leadership make him a well-connected ambassador for the US. However, can the business executive suddenly morph into being an impartial diplomat, dealing with scores of live hot spots and needing to find the right balance? How much will his previous incarnation as ExxonMobil’s CEO influence his future conduct in Africa? Here is a brief recap.

Chad ExxonMobil has been involved in questionable businesses in two Sub-Saharan African nations:

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Cover Story TRUMP

Chad and Equatorial Guinea. In 2000, ExxonMobil spearheaded the construction of a $4.2bn, 1,070kmlong pipeline connecting landlocked Chad and its oil exploration facilities to Cameroon’s Atlantic port at Kribi. Chad is a poor and fragile country, governed by the strongman Idriss Déby since 1990. The project involved other oil and gas operators as investors. The World Bank was also part of the investors’ group and, although it financed only a small portion of the project, it gave a much-sought-after stamp of credibility to a venture that was seen as highly risky by private investors. Chad committed to spending a large portion of the oil royalties on infrastructure and development programmes. The deal involved the establishment of an oversight council that would assure the royalties were being used responsibly. The oil started flowing in 2003, but two years later, the oversight board found that a portion of the oil revenue was being wasted. Infrastructure projects were paid for, but not always completed, and there were issues such as school and hospital equipment being bought at inflated prices. Finally, by 2008, after several attempts to fix the situation, the World Bank quietly pulled out of the deal. Chad, with its bank accounts inflated with billions of dollars from royalties paid by ExxonMobil, easily repaid its $65.7m loan to the World Bank ahead of schedule, and was free to do whatever it wanted with the earnings coming from oil production. By the time Chad withdrew from the deal with the World Bank, the US embassy there was delivering total aid of no more than $10m per year. The royalties from oil tax that ExxonMobil was paying Idriss Déby’s regime were in excess of $500m a year. With these figures in mind, it is not difficult to understand which alliance would be more valuable from the Chad government’s point of view. ExxonMobil was more influential in that country than the most powerful nation in the world. Being CEO of ExxonMobil from 2006 onwards, Rex Tillerson was aware of how Chad was spending the oil royalties. A small and powerful elite was being enriched, while the rest of the population reaped little benefit.

Equatorial Guinea Equatorial Guinea is another example of ExxonMobil’s involvement in deals with governments that funnelled oil royalties into the pockets of a small and powerful elite. In 2004, a US Senate investigation found that since 1995, a series of payments from American corporations were being made into Equatorial Guinean accounts at the Riggs Bank controlled personally by President Teodoro Obiang and his close associates. ExxonMobil was among the companies involved in the scheme. The government held about $700m in cash and investment accounts at the Riggs Bank. The US Senate investigation exposed the extent of the connections between ExxonMobil and Obiang. Obiang and his family used the oil money to buy real estate in Malibu and Paris, as well as life-size statues of Michael Jackson. One of the president’s sons, Teodorin

Obiang, is accused of money laundering in France, while the authorities seized 11 luxury cars valued at about $2m and a $180m mansion in Paris. Although the funnelling of oil money into the Equatorial Guinea’s president’s pockets started before Rex Tillerson’s tenure at ExxonMobil, the practice continued well into his period as CEO of the oil giant.

*Otavio Veras is a Research Associate of the Nanyang Technological University and the Singapore Business Federation Centre for African Studies in Singapore.

American policies for Africa – what to expect Tillerson’s previous dealings with Africa aside, what can one expect from US foreign policy? It is most likely that initiatives started by George Bush and Barack Obama will continue. However, Obama’s $9.7bn Power Africa programme appears to have stalled. Until July 2015, only $131.5m had been provided. The project is facing delays and, with a Trump administration focused on “America First”, there is a good chance that it may end up getting cancelled altogether. Another policy that may experience some bumps over the next few years is the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). Oil accounted for 68% of US imports from AGOA beneficiary countries in 2014, while exports were only around 1% of total US imports. Although President Trump is not allowed to fully cancel this law, he can dictate which countries are eligible to participate in the agreement and, to some extent, which products are included on the trade benefit list. What was planned to become a stepping stone for bilateral trade agreements between the US and Sub-Saharan African countries, may fall short on this objective. The isolationist direction Trump is setting for America will very likely create tougher conditions for the African participants. Trump may try to instate a more balanced agreement, with reduced benefits for the trading partners. However, the most evident changes in the relationship between African countries and the US are likely to emerge around the democracy and security aspects of US foreign policy. The recent immigration ban on seven Muslim countries – three of them in Africa (Libya, Sudan and Somalia) – is a clear example of this change in focus. The war on terror seems to have gained new and more destructive proportions under the current Trump administration. It is likely that fewer philanthropic programmes will be started during Trump’s term. The steps Trump took in his first weeks in office show that under his leadership, America is marching towards isolationism, with a really short-term orientation on ramifications that will arise from this new position. Trump will cut down or try to postpone any welfare programme that does not clearly benefit the US at first, regardless of possible long-term gains for his country. The ties Tillerson has in Africa, through his previous role as ExxonMobil’s CEO, will always cast doubt on where his true interests lie: his country or the company he helped shape into a global empire? Tillerson is likely to be the least transparent Secretary of State of the modern US era. The track record of dealings between ExxonMobil and corrupt states make a strong case for this assumption. NA april 2017 New African 29

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Cover Story TRUMPSSY

Despite the lofty ideals of its Constitution, in practice, US democracy is a farce, argues Professor Steve Panford*. This, he says, explains why US foreign policy over the past 50 years has supported dictatorial and anti-democratic regimes around the world. He predicts it will get worse under Donald Trump.

The paradox of US democracy

he American Revolution of 1776 was supposed to usher in a new society based on the active participation of citizens in decisionmaking processes. But if one looked critically at the preamble to the American Constitution, it said all men are created equal. That was the red flag not seen by all. “Men” did not include women, blacks and other people of colour. Women were to get the vote in 1920 and blacks were counted as three-fifths of a white man for purposes of political apportionment. Thus this great movement in history that offered a break from feudal societies, dominated by kings and the high-born, was just a promise. Was the promise kept? As Dr. King opined, blacks were given a cheque with insufficient funds, meaning blacks were shortchanged. While some of us believed that the newfangled appearance of democracy would take roots and cover everybody, it never did. But the ruling elite promised the fiction of democracy which they did not practice at home and therefore could not be exported abroad. Some of us used to believe that because America was anchored in democratic principles, it would support democratic governments abroad. But a perusal of American foreign policy over the years indicates that because it did not practice real democracy at home, therefore it could not support democracy abroad. From the 1950s up to now, America has initiated and supported dictatorial regimes on four continents, because America’s national interests do not always coincide with democratic principles. Some American political scientists, like Jeane Kirkpatrick, make a distinction between two types of dictatorship: authoritarian regimes that are friendly and pro-West, for example Pinochet’s Chile, Mobutu’s Zaire; and unfriendly totalitarian regimes, for example Russia, China, Cuba. Lack of democracy at home explains why the US supported Franco in Spain, Salazar in Portugal, Samosa in Nicaragua, the Regime of the Colonels in Greece, the Shah of Iran, Suharto in Indonesia and various dictators of Brazil and Argentina.

An American voter in Dakota. But black votes are still diluted in some parts of the US, such as Ferguson, where there are only two black council members, in a city that is 80% black

From the 1950s on, the US supported the overthrow of Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana; it lent support to the French to suppress the independence struggle in Algeria; it conspired with Belgium to murder Patrice Lumumba of Congo; it supported UNITA in Angola and the apartheid regime in South Africa among other interventions in Africa. Elsewhere, America lent support to Bosch in the Dominican Republic, Batista in Cuba, Duvalier in Haiti and right-wing regimes all over four continents. The common thread of all these regimes was their strong opposition to democracy as well as state-sponsored brutality against their own populations.

Lukewarm attempt to incorporate blacks As stated earlier, the promise of democratic practices in America was not manifested in action. America’s revolution spoke of the equality of men, yet involved

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the practise of slavery and racism. Slavery was abolished by the 13th Amendment after the defeat of the South in the Civil War. Northern whites who had also invested in slavery as a valuable economic enterprise decided to reconcile with their Southern brethren. While an attempt was made to incorporate blacks in political and economic affairs, it was a half-hearted attempt. For one thing, the 40 acres, a mule and $10 package promised to blacks to settle them was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson. The Freedmen’s Bureau formed to help settle blacks was ineffective and eventually dismantled. The irony of the ex-slaves situation is articulated by Jim Downs in his book, Sick in Freedom. He suggests that when blacks were slaves they were valuable as factors of production. William Fogel and Stanley Engermann, in their book Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery also said the same. But once blacks became free, they were on their own. Freed blacks were not fed, clothed, medicated or housed. Hence, a fourth of four million blacks died from neglect. So what was freedom to blacks? Moreover, a critical analysis of the 13th Amendment indicates that there was a provision which said that any person who was a vagrant, homeless and unemployed could be conscripted by the state and forced to work for free. Some blacks who were a few years removed from slavery and had no visible means of support were forced back into slavery, as convict labour. Some blacks who were forced to work for white owners of land as tenant farmers, went into perpetual debt in the system of share cropping, a peonage system, which enslaved them forever. Then came Jim Crowism, institutionalised racism. With the support of Northern whites, the South began to enact laws based on state rights to exclude blacks from meaningful socio-economic life. The continuous existence of Jim Crowism in the south as well as pockets of the North testifies to black exclusion from the political and socioeconomic affairs of democratic America. In 1857 in the Dred Scott versus Sandford decision, the Supreme Court rejected the equality of freed slaves and whites. The court lent legal and moral validity to racism. In the famous Plessy versus Ferguson decision, American society became an apartheid of blacks and whites. Even though Brown versus Board of Education demolished legal racism, the Eisenhower presidency did not implement or enforce the law; it took the civil rights movement and laws of the 1960s to bring in palliative measures of equality.

Modern-day discrimination

In modern times, that is, from President Wilson’s resegregation of the federal service to President Nixon and President Reagan’s dog whistle politics, with appeal to the racial instincts of whites with references to “bucks with no jobs eating steak” and “welfare queens”, discrimination seem to be the order of the day. Most recently, blacks have experienced a disproportionate share of imprisonments – of the 2.2 million in federal jails, blacks constitute 40%. Police, judiciary and the criminal justice system have become

the new Jim Crow, helping to decimate at least black communities (as argued by Michelle Alexander). Moreover, at least 250 blacks are murdered by police every year in America. Even liberal President Clinton could not spare black communities terrible devastation with his criminal justice policies. In the political realm, through gerrymandering and new voting requirements in some states, on the pretext of controlling voter fraud, black votes are diluted. In the city of Ferguson, Missouri, with an 80% black population, only two of the nine council members are black, and the same can be said for Forsyth County in the state of Georgia. Recently the Supreme Court upheld its Citizens United ruling. That means there can be no limit to the amount of money invested in political campaigns. Thus the idea of democracy as a government of the people, by the people for the people, is replaced by a government of the rich, by the rich for the rich. Thus the American

The US Declaration of Independence said all men are created equal. But ‘men’ did not include women, blacks and other people of colour.

*Prof. Steve Panford (retired) is the former Chair, AfricanAmerican Studies Dept. and Director of Liberal Arts, City Tech, City University of New York.

government is controlled by the rich, who use their power to enact tax laws that favour the rich. The Supreme Court is also known for its anti-union stance and pro-business tendencies in its various rulings. Furthermore the media, which is controlled by the rich, continues to project negative stereotypes of blacks, the poor and women. Major colleges and universities are no longer bound by law to practise affirmative action. Recent revelations indicate that even though major universities were endowed with profits made from slavery, for example Georgetown University and Harvard in the latest revelation, black absence is visible in elite colleges. While the enrollment of black students in elite colleges has declined, the imprisonment of young black men has increased. Socio-economically, black wealth amounts to less than 20% of whites’. Blacks still experience “red-lining” by financial institutions (the practice of denying services, either directly or through selectively raising prices, to residents of certain areas based on the racial or ethnic composition of those areas). In the recent economic downturn, black homeowners lost homes more disproportionately than whites. By any measure, American society, based on equality and democratic principles, has not panned out. The pretences and the paradoxes continue to exist. Thus America’s claim to be the model democracy of a new society, based on including all people, is at best a farce. America favours the majority whites and the elite to the exclusion of others in a so-called just and equal society. The election of Trump as president by the majority of whites, the elite, the racist and misogynist is a logical conclusion to the farce of democracy and its pretences, paradoxes and failed promises. NA april 2017 New African 31

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Having voted to leave the EU, Britain now seems bent on forging fresh relations with the Commonwealth, particularly Africa. The question is, do they want a fresh start, with the people in focus, or Empire 2.0 as some officials have dubbed it.

NATIVE INTELLIGENCE Kalundi Serumaga

Waiting for your call, Boris

am going to have to get a new cellphone. I have a worn-out Blackberry, overworked and battered in the way only a journalist’s phone can be. It spends so much time trying to re-boot from a crash, that I renamed it BlackoutBerry. The reason I need a reliable phone is that I am expecting a call from the UK Prime Minister, Theresa May or failing that, her Minister for Foreign Affairs or Foreign Secretary if you prefer, Boris Johnson, at the very least. If you recall, before the major tsunami of the Trump election in the US, there had been what now seems a mid-sized earthquake when Britain decided, via an impossibly narrow referendum victory, to leave the safety, security and familiarity of the EU and strike out on its own. The “remainers” as those who voted against Brexit were dubbed, called the decision a “no-brainer” and most of the world, except predictably Trump, agreed with them, especially as the Brexiteers appeared to have been taken by surprise by their victory and did not seem to have a plan what to do next, except leave. Whatever the ramifications for the British, we were concerned how this major development would

affect us in Africa. Would the slump in the value of the pound decimate our exports and raise inflation back home? What would happen to the terms of trade, foreign aid, debt servicing, our financial institutions linked to the city of London, etc etc.

The silver lining

Was there a silver lining? I looked into the crystal ball and predicted, in these pages: “Britain’s new task of shedding the alleged legislative and fiscal comforts of belonging to the EU requires, first and foremost, that other sources of revenue through trade be created, or where already in existence, massively expanded, to take up the slack. This is where the former territories of the last phase of the Empire, quietly bumping along in a collective known as the Commonwealth, will find themselves in the spotlight.” I wrote that the logical strategic outcome of that momentous decision was going to be Britain trying to breathe new life into that voluntary global network of states known as the Commonwealth. It now seems that my prediction is on course to becoming fulfilled. Which is why I am expecting a call from the powers that be in the UK. Despite the standard, double-edged cynicism of some White-

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Now that Britain is leaving the EU, it needs new trading partners. Boris Johnson’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office is leading the charge to develop ties with Commonwealth countries

hall officials in Johnson’s ministry reportedly referring to this as “Empire 2.0”, the month of March saw the UK Trade Secretary Liam Fox convene a two-day “inaugural” Commonwealth Trade Ministers’ Meeting in London with representatives of 22 Commonwealth countries. The reasons are clear. Firstly, like a sulking and vindictive spouse, the EU policy leaders are not taking kindly to this divorce. It would appear that they have left leeway for their technocrats to make the separation process as costly and as tedious as possible for the UK, and for any dealings thereafter to be equally unpleasant. Secondly, like it or not, Britain’s imperial exertions of centuries past

have left an enormous cultural imprint on planet Earth and its peoples. Her language alone also functions as an official tool of commerce, diplomacy, and finance. No self-respecting imperialist would be expected to simply ignore the practical advantages of this historical positioning. Thirdly, the bulk of the world’s wealth, often in unprocessed form, is actually located in the territories formerly in the empire, which is why the empire came into existence in the first place. Since joining the EU, Britain had always had the policy complication of also needing to tend to the vast overseas holdings in real estate, banking and high finance, industry, agri-business and attendant logistical infrastructure that had been built up over a period of centuries. So, assuming that the mainly brown peoples of the Commonwealth are not also still offended by their earlier dumping, when Britain turned her diplomatic attention greatly to the EU from the later 1970s on, they and the white-settler states of Canada, New Zealand and Australia may be in need of polishing up their trade negotiation skills. For her part, Britain will have to be properly advised on how to tread very carefully if she wishes this to develop into much more than just a “rebound” relationship. This is why I need a new phone.

Tread with care

Will you [Mr Johnson] intend to construct relationships with the governments in place, and those running them, or will you try to deal directly with the actual native owners in each of these spaces?

When the phone call comes, my advice will be this: be mindful of whom you rebuild this relationship with. Will you intend to construct relationships with the governments in place, and those running them, or will you try to deal directly with the actual native owners in each of these spaces? In the average former colony, particularly an African one, there is growing turmoil over the question of resource ownership and rights to access and develop it. In general, the “developmental state” model has become the vision of choice among the incumbent rulers. Here, the emphasis is on rapid growth through aggressive trade, rapid infrastructure build-up

and industrialisation. Collateral concerns, such as environmental protection, community and indigenous interests and human rights, are seen as near-impediments. If Britain does choose to deal with the establishment governments as part of a decision to re-invest in the Commonwealth, we should not be surprised to see many a venal and dictatorial ruling clique positively welcome such partnerships as a way of further consolidating their grip on State House. In Uganda, the Commonwealth has a record of legitimising dubious election results going as far back as 1980, through the diplomatic and sometimes military smoothing over of the resultant political fallout. Even if the experience of Empire may have been forgotten, these more recent ones have not quite faded as yet. China, for example, continues to discover there are political, military and diplomatic consequences to global trade. Being a big player implies securing the global spaces in which the goods manufactured, mined and invested in are located, as well as the routes along which they are traded. This may mean being seen in public holding hands with dictators. This year has seen the idea of creating a British military presence to protect humanitarian aid routes, food stockpiles and the needy in South Sudan and in Somalia, at once being floated and denied by the British Overseas Development Minister, Priti Patel. With the “Empire 2.0” idea also on the table, how long could it be before these two initiatives become one? I won’t publish my phone number here. I am sure UK foreign intelligence (run again, by Johnson’s ministry) still has enough friends and assets embedded in Uganda’s intelligence to procure it. Just ask for the journalist banned from broadcasting, whose line – among very many others – is routinely snooped upon. The only real question is: will my BlackoutBerry have re-booted in time, assuming – in all likelihood – that I have not been able to afford a new one? NA

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he Tana Forum, one of Africa’s foremost think tanks on peace, security and development, will devote this year’s edition to one of the most crucial topics confronting us today, namely the governance of our continent’s natural resources. Along with various stakeholders, including political leaders and experts from various fields of study and work, we will attempt to find answers to the many critical issues that we must tackle to transform our economies, and to preserve and judicially exploit our natural resources to enable the people of Africa to live in a peaceful and sustainable environment. The strategic and comparative advantages that Africa holds in natural resources, including hydrocarbons, minerals of all kinds, and arable lands, must be managed to ensure that Africans have full ownership. The success of the Forum will depend on the capacity of African leaders to reflect on strategies that will find an answer to one of the most vexing paradoxes of our time: how can the people of a land so rich live in squalor? This question has been facing us for decades and will continue to haunt us for generations to come if we fail to find the right answers. This urgency makes this year’s Forum a most important one, especially at a time when our universe is threatened by resource scarcities that will eventually lead to a global hunt for everything that Africa possesses, both on and under its land. The Tana Forum fills a knowledgesharing gap among African leaders in politics, academia, the private sector and civil society. Tana 2017 will create an environment where we can share our ideas, find similarities across different activities and set up long-term strategies for the wellbeing of our people. Today, around the world, Africa is the last frontier of development; a land of hope, opportunities and possibilities where humanity can find new solutions without repeating the mistakes of the past. The knowledge base exists, what is missing are the linkages that can only come through dialogue. If Africans fail to share their experience and neglect to carry out research on the issues confronting them, peace, security and ultimately, human development will continue to evade us. We can and must strive to turn our natural wealth into palpable benefits for the people of Africa. This can only be possible if we meet in a setting such as the Tana Forum where our brightest minds will assemble and devise theories that will serve as guiding lights for our collective peace, security and development. A strong wind is currently blowing

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The Tana Forum 2017: Africa rising By Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Olusegun Obasanjo*

throughout the continent. A new governing process in almost every country on the continent – where leaders are now accountable to the people – is the surest guarantee for peace and security. Democratic governance is taking root in the continent and we must ensure that it is sustained and reaches into every part of every nation. This process can only be strengthened if we set a clear path to guide us. Just last year, world nations adopted a new development agenda at the United Nations called Agenda 2030, replacing the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which expired in 2015. Africa played a key

role in crafting that framework. Amongst the many universal goals of Agenda 2030 are a few of extreme importance to our continent: safe societies built on justice and fairness; national resource mobilisation to meet the needs of the people and break away from the exploitative dependency syndrome that has slowed our progress; and finally, partnership amongst nations and people. We invite everyone to participate in these issues, which lie at the very core of our livelihoods. The African Union (AU) Summit held in Addis Ababa in January was a harbinger of where the institution is headed. It is

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no longer a talking shop where long and sometimes inflammatory speeches prevail. Internal assessments have led to clarity of purpose, resulting in Agenda 2063, which sets forth the aspirations of the African people for a future they want. The Summit was swift in adopting important measures and devising solutions to fund its programmes and projects while standing as the clear voice for Africa on all issues related to peace, security and development. The Tana Forum will serve as a venue to discuss the practical and implementable solutions to our continental issues. The Tana Forum (from 22-23 April in Bahir Dar, Ethiopia) is the place for leaders to meet and devise solutions on Africa’s strategic and comparative advantages when it comes to natural resource governance. We look forward to witnessing participants make genuine efforts to build on our progress and craft a roadmap for sustainable peace, security and development on the continent. The authors: * Ellen Johnson Sirleaf (left), President of Liberia and Nobel Prize Laureate, will deliver the Keynote Speech at the Tana Forum in April 2017. * Olusegun Obasanjo (below), Chairman of the Board of the Tana Forum, is the former President of Nigeria.

Our universe is threatened by resource scarcities that will eventually lead to a global hunt for everything that Africa possesses.

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through the rigorous monitoring of supply chains.

INTERVIEW WITH: MICHELLE NDIAYE Africa Peace and Security Programme Director (IPSS–Addis Ababa University) and Head of the Tana Forum Secretariat Your focus this year is on governance and natural resources. What is the thinking behind the theme? Are you worried that governance is worsening across the continent? The nexus and discourse on natural resource governance and instability in some parts of Africa is not a new phenomenon. Whereas debates around the governance of natural resources have understandably been fixated on the extractive sector, the 6th Tana Forum will broaden the scope to include issues surrounding the governance of other natural resources, specifically: land, water, seas, and forests and biodiversity. One of the most important and contentious issues Africa currently faces in the natural resource sector is how to reverse the misfortunes of exploitation and “bring governance back” in ensuring that benefits accruing from the continent’s providential endowments create new opportunities and positive multiplier effects for both citizens and the state. The mere availability of resources in Africa tends to provide a fertile ground to trigger conflict instead of promoting sustainable development. In line with the prescriptions of the African Development Bank, the UN Economic Commission for Africa and other organisations, the Tana Forum will explore how African governments and institutions might better negotiate contracts, licences and concessions; encourage private sector investment; and work with external partners to certify and track mineral resources

Is it worrying that the scramble for natural resources is still a cause for instability, when most of the continent has been independent for 50 years? The continent has not remained the same since independence gains were first made 50 years ago. Emerging issues such as climate change and population growth are placing strains on our already limited resources, leading to more intensified conflict. Unfortunately, this reality is further worsened by weak or non-existent governance structures that tolerate impunity and the exploitation of natural resources by private companies and the political elites. If there is no justice in the exploitation of these resources, then conflict will remain persistent as communities continue to take matters into their own hands. We need strong working systems that adhere to democratic principles and eliminate corruption and collusion in order for African citizens to fully and equitably benefit from these endowments. This year’s Tana Forum aims to identify the main threats facing Africa’s natural resources and determine how better management and governance structures can be achieved. You organised a side event during the Munich Security Conference. What were your takeaways from the event and the Conference? The Tana Forum counts the Munich Security Conference as one of its institutional partners and as an example of how the Forum was originally conceptualised in 2012. Our partnership creates several opportunities for the Tana Forum. First, the possibility for the Tana Forum to showcase its work on a European platform. Second, the opportunity to meet and network with world leaders in order to expand our reach beyond the continent’s borders. This year, we organised a side event to discuss the global competition for natural resources with President Paul Kagame, former President Olusegun Obasanjo and other decision makers. Participants noted that weak governance, particularly in the lack of execution and implementation of laws, is a crucial factor in the outbreak of conflict. They also agreed that mobilisation of strong leaders, examination of best practices, more training in negotiation skills, and a clear framework at the continental level, are necessary to improving resource management in Africa .

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This yearâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Tana Forum (April 22-23) will focus on the thorny issue of how African countries can make the most of their abundant natural resources, which, in many instances, have not been beneficial to the majority of Africans. Desmond Davies looks at the problem of resource governance in Africa in an era of complicated global financial systems aimed at bypassing the payment of taxes and royalties.

Unravelling the resource curse

diamond from Sierra Leone has been in the news recently. A registered alluvial diamond miner in the diamondiferous Kono region of Sierra Leone extracted a 709 carats stone, believed to be the 13th-largest uncut diamond ever mined. The stone is to be auctioned and until then its value cannot be determined. But, experts have noted the private auction in London in February of an 813-carat stone that went for ÂŁ51 million. Sierra Leoneans, long hardened by the corrupt diamond sector in the country, took to social media to make cynical comments about the find. They wondered whether the big play the government has been making about it was aimed at covering up the normally non-transparent nature of the industry in Sierra Leone. For many Sierra Leoneans, the secretive nature Excavation work taking place at a diamond mining plant in eastern Sierra Leone. Opposite: raw diamonds being checked and graded.

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of the sector has allowed racketeers to prosper at the expense of the nation. Deals that had been negotiated were never open and it was left to conjecture when it came to totting up the figures from diamond sales. Successive governments have been accused of woefully failing to negotiate in the interests of the country, which has in the past produced two of the world’s top 10 largest and most famous rough diamonds. The first was the Woyle River Diamond, found in 1943 and weighing 770 carats (now the sixth largest in the world), and the Star of Sierra Leone, extracted in 1972 and weighing 968.9 carats (the third largest in the world). The new diamond find in Sierra Leone is coming just before the Tana High-Level Forum on Security in Africa, which takes place at Bahir Dar in Ethiopia on April 22 and 23. The theme of this year’s Forum – natural resource governance – is seen by the organisers as an opportunity for African stakeholders to question how much control they have over natural resources; how well they are managed; and whether Africans truly benefit from these resources. Former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, chairman of the Forum’s advisory board, has called on African governments to improve their negotiation skills when it comes to natural resource governance. He urged African communities to “stand up to the parties they are negotiating with” in order to avoid financial losses and inequitable terms and conditions when granting access to natural resources. “We are not where we should be on natural resource management. We are not where we should be,” Obasanjo said when asked to assess the state of resource governance on the continent. “We need to look at the issues holistically and also what needs to be done differently and how. We need to ensure that the proceeds from resources are well managed.” The Forum notes that the scale and diversity of the continent’s natural resource endowments reveal that it has 12 per cent of global oil reserves, 40 per cent of global gold deposits, and about two-thirds of the world’s most suitable land for farming and forests. But many of the big global companies that operate in Africa’s natural resource sector have not been transparent enough to allow the continent to greatly benefit from these natural assets. Indeed, according to an estimate by Oxfam, the mispricing of Africa’s natural resources has led to the continent losing some $50 billion each year, more than its combined foreign direct investment and overseas development aid. In addition, according to Oxfam, more than $18 billion

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a year is lost through resource-related conflicts in Africa, not including indirect costs. In the case of the exploitation of natural resources during conflicts in Africa, it appears that the beneficiaries have seldom been prosecuted. For instance, so-called blood diamonds were bought by diamond dealers in Antwerp and Amsterdam who, as experts, knew where the stones were coming from. So they knowingly became parties to the theft of diamonds belonging to the government and people of Sierra Leone. And they have not been made to compensate the victims. The same applied to oil merchants around the world who were buying tanker loads of crude oil from Nigeria that the late military dictator Sani Abacha used to allow his cronies to take out illegally from the country. One expert on African’s natural resources told New African: “To be honest, global companies involved in exploiting Africa’s natural resources thrive in times of conflict or the breakdown of law and order on the continent. The DRC is a case in point. In the ungoverned areas in the east of the country companies are exploiting coltan, which is used to make mobile phones, without paying anything to the government. Or if they do, there is no transparency involved.” Last month the US Senate used the Congressional Review Act to revoke a June 2016 Securities and Exchange Commission rule that called for transparency in payments made in the extractive industries. This followed a similar vote in the House of Representatives and the White House has indicated that President Donald Trump will sign the resolution into law. International organisations such as the Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI), a policy advice and advocacy group, have not taken kindly to this development. Daniel Kaufmann, president and CEO of the NRGI, said: “We are very disappointed that the rule implementing this trailblazing US law, which deters corruption and improves governance in the notoriously opaque natural resource sector, has been gutted. Following a campaign of misinformation by the American Petroleum Institute and backers such as ExxonMobil, Republican lawmakers have shown themselves to be pro-corruption and have demolished US leadership in this area.” The US law, passed in 2010 but only implemented last year after legal delays, was the first of its kind and has been replicated by 30 other countries, including Canada and many in Europe. The NRGI says that such laws have equipped citizens in resource-rich nations to fight corruption

and hold their own governments to account for the management of revenues from the sector. Investors with trillions of dollars under management also support these laws as a means to manage risk in the volatile commodities sector, according to the organisation. However, Kaufmann noted: “Despite this setback, the transparency train has left the station. Some of the dinosaurs of the

This year’s Forum gives stakeholders an opportunity to question how much control they have over African natural resources.

industry are still clinging to opacity but we are encouraged by company reporting through laws in other countries around the world and we will continue to press the US government to put effective transparency rules in place.” In 2017 it launched the Natural Resource Charter Benchmarking Framework: 170 questions that governments should be asking about natural resource governance. “With these questions, you can benchmark management of oil, gas and mineral resources in your country against best practices,” NRGI noted. “Covering the entire range of decisions a government must make to ensure that a country’s resources fuel development and benefit society, these questions are ideal to structure research, discussion and strategy.” Initiated in 2011 with Oxford Policy Management, the framework is the product of five years of testing in more than 15 country projects and users include the governments of Tanzania and Sierra Leone, coalitions of non-governmental actors in Nigeria and Myanmar, and political parties in Ghana. But will not the proliferation of stand-

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in association with

ards and initiatives in the natural resource sector compound the issue? The NRGI says it has made sure that the framework builds on what others have already achieved. “We have linked the framework to the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, World Bank and IMF indicators, the African Mining Vision and many more. The framework also complements the Resource Governance Index, an NRGI tool that compares governance across resource-rich countries,” it said. It expects the next edition this year to provide questions to help “drill deeper into challenges that the index identifies”. One area of natural resources exploitation that tends to be overlooked in favour of minerals is fisheries. With 35 coastal nations, Africa is worst hit by illegal unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing. West Africa alone, according to estimates, loses $1.3 billion a year due to IUU. In East

and Southern Africa, foreign factory ships are stripping countries not only of much needed revenue but also creating food insecurity. Now campaigners are hoping that the Agreement on Port State Measures to Prevent, Deter and Eliminate Illegal Unreported and Unregulated Fishing (PSMA), which came into effect in June last year, will halt this drain in the fisheries resources of African countries. Caroline Kende-Robb, Executive Director of the Africa Progress Panel, of which Kofi Annan, the former SecretaryGeneral of the UN is Chairman, welcomed the coming into operation of the PSMA. “Africa’s rich coastal waters have long been plundered by foreign fleets, fishing illegally,” she wrote in a blog on the Panel’s website. “Now global initiatives are gathering forces that aim to end such plunder – and protect the livelihoods of coastal communities.”

Indeed, the piracy off the coast of Somalia began as a well-intended initiative by local fishermen to protect the country’s coastal waters from rapacious foreign trawlers fishing illegally following Somalia’s descent into a failed state. Kende-Robb noted: “Illegal fishing is a theft from national resources. No less than non-renewable petroleum and metals, Africa’s renewable fishery resources are a potential source of wealth and opportunity. Governed wisely, they could support livelihoods, promote food security, generate export earnings and support vital ecological systems. Apart from draining the region of revenue, overfishing reduces fish stocks, lowers local catches and harms the marine environment. It destroys the communities, who lose opportunities to catch, process and trade fish.” The Tana Forum on natural resource governance is coming at the right time.

5 REASONS WHY YOU SHOULD KNOW ABOUT THE TANA FORUM

Frank, relevant and candid: The Tana Forum is at the forefront of initiating dialogue among the continent’s foremost policy makers and policy influencers on pressing peace and security challenges.

Immersive: We combine the worlds of academia and research with real world experiences. Each Forum is preceded by research on the theme of the year and on the state of peace and security in Africa, resulting in an action-oriented and policyrelevant discussion.

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Informal: Thought leaders from varying backgrounds and professions “gather under the baobab tree” (depicted in our logo) to talk to and with each other. The baobab is relevant to Tana through its symbolism of dialogue as it invites participants to sit down in a spirit of commonality and moral duty towards finding solutions in peace and security for the continent.

Location: The annual Forum takes place in Bahir Dar, Ethiopia, a relaxing town located

on the shores of Lake Tana, the source of the Blue Nile river.

Access: Both participants and interested viewers who want to follow the Forum’s discussions are only a click away – we provide live updates in French and English on our multiple desktop, mobile and tabletfriendly platforms, including our online app, website and social media pages. Visit www.tanaforum.org to sign up.

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PEOPLE OF ACHIEVEMENT

Nothing about Kwame Tapiwa Muzawazi (pictured, below) is ordinary – not even his name. He entered the Guinness Book of Records by delivering the longest lecture in history and then became the first black African to traverse the continent in a car. He is now working on a couple of book projects. Editor-at-Large, Baffour Ankomah, tells the story of a young man’s search for his African identity and some of the rude discoveries waiting for him on his journey.

Journey into the heart of Africa

Kwame Tapiwa Muzawazi’s series of extraordinary adventures perhaps started with his decision to study for his Masters in International Law neither in Africa nor the usual institutions in the US or Western Europe. He opted for the Jagiellonian in Krakow, the oldest university in Poland.

(He was actually born Errol Edgar Tapiwa Muzawazi in Zimbabwe. He changed his first name to Kwame in 2010 while in Ghana during his epic car journey.) Although it is said that there is no corner of the world where you will not find an African, quite often studying for something or other, Poland is still a stretch for most. Perhaps more to the point, very few Poles know anything about Africa beyond the customary wildlife and Tarzan movies. But Kwame converted this drawback into opportunity. He was free to fashion out his own identity and he did so with such panache that he became an unlikely celebrity. It also opened up a once-in-alifetime opportunity to drive across the continent and record

his impressions. But he first set his mark by doing something totally out of the box: he sought, in 2003 at the age of 19, to enter the Guinness Book of Records by delivering what was then the longest lecture in history – a marathon monologue on democracy

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that lasted 62 hours 30 minutes. He had broken the record set by an Indian and this sparked into motion a series of attacks and counter-attacks culminating in 2009. (See box opposite.) Kwame’s feats not only made him a celebrity in Poland, they aroused considerable interest in Africa (the “unknown continent” for most Eastern Europeans). Three months before the record-breaking event, Kwame had undertaken a gruesome educational trip in September 2009, driving across four African countries – Tanzania, Kenya, Rwanda and Ethiopia – to gather information for his university in Poland. No wonder, in the same year, the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education gave him the “2009 Best Foreign Student in Poland” award, out of 17,000 international students in Polish universities, for “work that helped the people of Europe better understand Africa”. His university, Jagiellonian, also gave him what amounted to a “Student Noble Peace Prize” for his work in cultural diplomacy and counteracting stereotypes of Africa.

The epic journey begins

But all that was in preparation for the big adventure to come. In 2010, at the age of 26, Kwame set out from Poland on his biggest adventure yet, a marathon educational tour across 21 African countries.

Kwame with his vehicle, Africanus II, in which he travelled from Poland to Morocco, and then around the continent. Left to right: Explaining the route of the trip to the Polish media; leaving Krakow, Poland; on the sand dunes of the Western Sahara; and on the bad roads of Gabon

He was forced to skip four on the planned route but eventually visited 17 countries over six months: Morocco, Western Sahara, Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, Gabon, Congo Brazzaville, DRC, Angola, Namibia, South Africa, and Zimbabwe – bringing his educational trips to a grand total of 21 countries (including the earlier four) in 7 months. No black African had ever done anything like this before him. The theme was: “In search of an authentic African voice”. The intention was to collect the opinions of Africans about their own continent – views, which, Kwame hoped, would begin positive changes that would transform the image of Africa in the world, and particularly in the Polish media. The expedition had three broad objectives: Getting to know the African cultures along the route, particularly the living conditions of the people and the level of education; gathering opinions on the level of development in Africa; and preparing a scientific publication using the material gathered on the trip to be distributed globally to all interested in African matters. A team from the Jagiellonian University was prepared to accompany Kwame on the trip. Unfortunately, bar one member of the team, photographer Andrzej Staron, they got cold feet one week before the trip, frightened by scary stories about Africa they were told

at a send-off party! They had fitted out a Nissan Patrol 4x4 for the trip. Kwame christened it Africanus II in honour of one of the earliest pan-Africanists, James Africanus Horton, whose path-breaking book, Vindication of the African Race, captured the imagination of the young Zimbabwean, who think the issues raised by the book are still relevant today. Thus, on 29 March 2010, after a raucous official departure ceremony in front of Jagiellonian University’s Collegium Novum building, Kwame and Andrzej, drove from Krakow in the south of Poland near the border with the Czech Republic, and put 4,000 km on the clock in one week, driving through four European countries – Germany, Belgium, France, and Spain – before boarding a ferry at the Spanish port city of Algeciras for Morocco, where the real trip began.

Into Africa proper

For Kwame, Africanus II was to become a bedroom, kitchen, office, car and everything else thrown into one, as he never stayed in hotels on the journey but in people’s homes when they kindly invited him to stay. (Andrzej Staron left the expedition in Senegal and returned home to Poland, leaving Kwame all alone to conquer his native continent.) But even before they arrived in Algeciras, Kwame’s battle with the atrocious African visa regime – which favours foreigners more than

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THE BATTLE OF THE LECTURES

that when “There is a general belief by land, one ngo planning to cross the Co d an undertaker, as must take a mechanic an be necessary.” one or both of them will Africans – had started. He kept a diary on the trip, and this is what he wrote on Day 14: “Morocco: I am an African, born in Africa, holding an African country’s passport, and my attempt to travel across the African continent through 21 countries, you will think is a criminal act due to the gruelling consular rigmaroles that I am forced to encounter as I try to get visas into most of these countries. “I am travelling with a Polish photographer, and much to my disappointment, I need more visas than he does, and in some instances, he does not even need a visa at all, where I do. Where the hell is African unity? “Last week, I got a visa to enter Morocco after three weeks of waiting.” Kwame returns to the visa issue again while in Mali: “Day 43: Monday 10 May 2010 – 50 years after independence, the black man is still second class on his own soil. One would think that for a black man travelling on African soil, life would be easier than for aliens from beyond the oceans. Not until you visit the Nigerian Embassy in Bamako, Mali. “Upon inquiry, the never-smiling visa officer informed me that visas for Zimbabweans could be collected only the next day. But my German friends had been informed that their visas were collectable in three hours. This kind of second-class treatment for blacks has repeated itself in different ways throughout the journey. “Africanus II is waiting to be cleared at the Senegal-Mali border. A

whole day of waiting!” The Nigerian visa issue might have left a sour taste in Kwame’s mouth, but it paled before what happened to him on his first day in the Malian capital, Bamako. He was looking for a motel to stay in and ended up in a cemetery. “Nothing in the books prepared me for that experience,” Kwame recounts. “When I entered Bamako, I arrived at a police checkpoint and asked for directions to a motel I wanted to stop over at for a day or two. The two policemen manning the checkpoint gave me someone in civilian clothes, to take me to the motel. “Against the policy of the trip, I allowed a stranger into the car. The motel was supposed to be a five-minute drive from the checkpoint, but the journey went on for 15 minutes or more as I followed the stranger’s directions. Soon we arrived at a cemetery and the Good Samaritan turned into a bad one. He drew a knife and demanded cash and other valuables from me. As I tried to stop him from putting the knife to my throat, he cut deep into my hand. I gave him what he wanted and he left, literally rushing into the cemetery.”

Kwame began his Guinness Book of Records challenge in December 2003, when aged only 19, he held the Polish city of Wroclaw in suspense for three days and two nights with a lecture on different facets of democracy lasting 62 hours 30 minutes, only punctuated by 15-minute breaks every 8 hours. The lecture started on Friday 12 December 2003 and finished on Monday 15 December, with an audience of 250 people listening to him. Reporting the achievement, the Polish newspaper, Gazeta Wyborcza, said: “Almost, he didn’t eat, drank very little, and closed his eyes, not out of fatigue but determination.” Kwame beat the Indian, Maturu Phalguna Gupta, who had set the world’s longest marathon lecture record barely three months earlier after lecturing on computer fundamentals for 60 hours. But his record did not last. Another Indian, Narayanam Siva Sankar, beat it in 2004 with a lecture on fundamentals of Hindi grammar that lasted 72 hours nine minutes. This provoked Kwame to hit back in March 2005 with another marathon lecture on democracy lasting 88 hours four seconds. Set in Poland, that record was beaten again by yet another Indian, Professor Annaiah Ramesh of Mangalore University, who gave a 98-hour lecture on the molecular logic of life. BATTLE ROYAL But the battle royal between the lone African and the multiple Indians took a decisive turn in August 2006, when Kwame reclaimed his world record by embarking, this time in the city of his birth, Harare, on a lecture that lasted 102 hours and 24 minutes on democracy and other related issues. He started the lecture on Monday 28 August and finished on Saturday 2 September – raising money for a local Zimbabwe orphanage. “During the lecture,” as Zimbabwe’s leading newspaper, The Herald, reported, “Kwame was only allowed 15-minute breaks every eight hours to visit the toilet, eat a sandwich, or take a quick bath.” Fatigued from talking, the then 22-yearold student occasionally lapsed into unconsciousness, but supporters from all over the world following him on the Internet urged him on. Representatives of the Guinness World Records were on hand to monitor the lecture to make sure that it met their high standards for a world record. Having silenced the Indians in that emphatic way, Kwame, now 25, put daylight between him and them in December 2009, by beating his own world record with a lecture in Poland that lasted 121 hours, speaking on the role of the youth in African development. The citation from Guinness World Records simply said: “The longest lecture marathon lasted 121 hours and was achieved by Errol Muzawazi (Poland) who lectured on democracy at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland, from 9 to 14 December 2009.” In 2015, Kwame published the first edition of the Book of African Records as Africa’s answer to the Guinness Book of Records. Based on this work, the African Union is working with him to publish the first ever African Factbook, planned for release at the end of 2017 or at the latest by the first quarter of 2018.

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On Day 39 (Thursday 6 May 2010), Kwame was compelled to note in his diary the behaviour of the African policemen he had encountered on the way. He writes: “I have challenged everyone around to show me a policeman in Africa who will not extort a bribe. In the four countries we have covered so far – Morocco, Mauritania, Senegal, Mali – we have had to pay bribe after bribe at every police roadblock or else we are stuck. Usually this is every 200km on average. “In Morocco, the policemen ask for a ‘souvenir’ [a euphemism for a bribe] whilst in Senegal they shamelessly ask for it in diverse ways if all your paperwork is in order, such as accusing you of an offence called ‘ bad management of luggage’ (it happened to us!); or in the case of some German travellers we met in Mali, they had to pay a fine to the Malian police because their spare tyre was without pressure. One can write a book, which is sure to become a humour best seller, on reasons that African policemen give if they want something from you. There were only two countries where the police never asked for a bribe from me: Ghana and Nigeria.” Kwame, born in a city and never having experienced rural life in all his 26 years, found himself in the midst of villagers in northern Ghana who taught him how to plough a field using donkeys, and how to carry a pan of water balanced on his head like rural women do. “Day 53: Thursday 20 May 2010, Bolga [a small village, 30 km away

Left to right: Kwame inspects his car after being shot at by rebels near Brazzaville; being given medical attention by villagers in northern Ghana; among the canons left behind by the British at the Cape Coast Castle in Ghana; at the grave of the great pan-Africanist W. E. B. Du Bois in Accra, Ghana; and presenting a copy of The Book of African Records to Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe

from Bolgatanga, capital of Ghana’s Upper East Region]. Back to my roots. Am I the African who is not an African? Having been born in Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe, I spent 20 years without ever tasting rural life and then left for studies to Europe. Many other urban Africans like me, apart from the passports and ID cards they hold, are more Western than African. Let urban Africans challenge me on this one! “But having decided to travel across Africa ‘ in search of an authentic African voice’, my first rural point of study was the village of Bolga in north Ghana. Today is the day I went back to my roots, the day I lived my parents’ childhood, the day I lived the life of 70% of the African masses. “If today these villagers who exude the spirit of ubuntuism were to ask me to marry and stay here for good, would I agree? This and a thousand other questions run through my head as I try to save my soul by convincing myself that even without African rural experience, I am still a full African.”

Leading from the grave

Kwame had entered Ghana from Burkina Faso where he had gone to visit the grave of Burkina’s former revolutionary leader, Thomas Sankara: “Day 50: Burkina Faso, Monday 17 May 2010, Ouagadougou – Africa needs more Thomas Sankaras. The people of Burkina Faso love to love Thomas Sankara. Even from his humble grave, Sankara continues to guide his fellow countrymen towards

a path of progress and integrity. “As a leader of his country, he fought corruption with an uncommon, missionary zeal, rebranded his country and in all remained a man of modest tastes, the real ‘man of the people’. He is buried at an ordinary Joe’s cemetery with his fellow poor countrymen, and yes, there are more visitors to where Captain Thomas Sankara rests today than at many presidential palaces of sitting African leaders.” But in Togo, Kwame’s luck ran out. He spent a night in police cells, for trying to interview some Togolese youths. “Day 63: Sunday 30 May 2010, Lomé, Togo: Wanting to make friends can land you in jail. “The success of any such journey as mine must be measured on how many friends one makes along the way, not how many kilometres were covered – because it is through these friendships that you can penetrate and try to understand the background of your new friends. “As soon as I crossed from Ghana to the capital of Lomé, I met three Togolese young men, also interested in my travel as much as I was interested in making friends with them. We sat down around drinks and started discussing all matters African. “The army on patrol grew suspicious of our conversation, which was punctuated by long and loud laughs. I was handcuffed and taken to some military barracks where I spent the night in detention for ‘conducting research without government ‘ licence’ ! “And in this brutal way great

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rld does not “I discovered that the wo radoxically pa understand Africa, and – derstand t un enough – Africans do no Africa.” friendships were nipped in the bud. The long night in Togo turned into a lonesome philosophical deliberation. I wondered where this great continent will go. Because when I looked at it basically, I was detained for wanting to make friends with fellow Africans.” As he prepared to leave Gabon for Congo-Brazzaville and then into DRC, the prospect of navigating his way through the dense forests lying ahead of him was daunting. “Libreville, Gabon, Saturday 24 July 2010 (Day 118): Congo, I am coming! “There is a general belief that when planning to cross the Congos by land, one must take with them a mechanic and an undertaker as one or both of them will be necessary. Indeed, quite a number of overland expeditions across Africa have ended in or around the Congos, thanks to ruthless environmental and human factors. “Since I began this African tour, almost four months ago, there have been only two other groups I met with a similar dream of crossing Africa north-south. The first, two Germans in their late teens, had their trip nipped in the bud back in Nigeria after falling prey to armed gangsters. The second, two British adults, saw their dream shattered in DRC due to a major car breakdown as the roads were dreadful.” He writes: “Be that as it may, this is a path that awaits me in the coming few days. I have no choice but to fire-up Africanus II and hit the road. Alone. The question that remains for me is how to do it. Congo, open the way because I am coming. I am

coming not to stay beneath your soils, but to visit and leave. Amen.” He quickly understood why even seasoned drivers baulk at having to drive on some of the worse roads in the world. It took him three days to move from Pointe Noire, the second largest city, to Brazzaville, the capital – a distance of about 260 km. Worse was to come. Fifty kilometres out of Brazzaville, Kwame’s vehicle was shot at by rebels who disabled the tyres. “They wanted me to give them money – $500 in fact. I refused. I was angry.” Kwame was still haggling with the rebels when a Lebanese businessman arrived on the scene with a convoy of heavy trucks, loaded with goods for sale in Brazzaville. “He slapped me on the cheek like an angry father to a son, and told me to get on my way immediately,” Kwame recounts. “He gave the rebels $200 which they accepted and I was freed. “A few kilometres from the scene, the Lebanese stopped me and told me that those ‘ drunkards were real cannibals who would have not hesitated to feast on Zimbabwean meat’. In fact while I was haggling with them, they were roasting a monkey.” Kwame was lucky to have got away scot-free as in January 2010, rebels in Cabinda, not too far away from Brazzaville, had shot and killed three members of the Togolese national football team travelling in a bus to Angola for the African Cup of Nations? “I was just lucky that the Lebanese

businessman happened to come on the scene,” Kwame reminisces. “Maybe I wouldn’t be sitting here today telling you the story. He in fact slapped me and shouted at me: ‘What do you think you are doing? On this kind of journey, two-thirds of your budget goes to the police and to people like the rebels’.” Kwame went on to finish the journey, going through DRCongo, Angola, Namibia, South Africa, and ending up in his native Zimbabwe, to a hero’s welcome. He summed up the trip with the following diary entry: “One of the most fascinating things about Africa is the remarkable contrasts that formulate the image of the continent. It is the richest continent in the world, but the poorest people in the world are found there. This is also the oldest human society, yet the least developed. This is why I went on a journey across the African continent, to try to understand these simple yet intricate ‘wonders of Africa’. “It took me 174 days to hop from one place to another across 17 countries, meeting people, listening to them, becoming friends, and learning a great deal from them. During the tour, every three days I was in a different city, town or village and every 2 weeks in a different country. “All the adventures and experiences that I went through on this epic expedition do reduce themselves to two basic discoveries: that the world does not understand Africa and – paradoxically enough – Africans do not understand Africa.” NA april 2017 New African 43

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Sponsored Repor t

Today, the world is driven by the knowledge economy and the value of intellectual property (IP) has never been higher. But, while others have fully exploited and commercialised their IP, Africa is still playing catch-up and a great deal of confusion over this complex area still gets in the way. In this interview, Fernando dos Santos (pictured below), the Director General of the African Regional Intellectual Property Organisation (ARIPO), tells Baffour Ankomah why his organisation is so vital to the continentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s prosperity.

African prosperity hinges on intellectual property

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Q: Why is intellectual property relevant to African countries and their citizens? A: First of all, it is important to emphasise that intellectual property has always been here with us in Africa. It is not new to us. If we consider that mankind was born in Africa, it follows that this is the place where creativity, innovation, and knowledge were born. And it is this capacity of mankind to be creative and innovative that forms the basis of intellectual property (IP). But when IP was systematised much later, it did not take into account the specificities of African knowledge and its mechanisms of protection. So we are now trying to catch up. In fact, we are really behind. Today, IP has become so important because we are in a knowledge economy and the whole world revolves around knowledge, so we have to harness the African knowledge to develop our continent. To that end, there is a need for a balanced IP system. It has been echoed several times that the African continent is rich in natural resources, in culture, folklore, and traditional knowledge. But if we are that rich, why are we not developing? The simple answer is because we are not adding value to the wealth that is on the continent by using IP tools. So IP cannot be divorced from the future development of this continent. We know this is what is happening in Asia. They have put in place the necessary structures to harness their potential and we are beginning to see the astronomical growth emerging from the continent. So we have to see ourselves running the same race in which, in order to compete, we are required to use wisely the same tools but in a creative manner that gives us competitive and comparative advantages over those who have gone ahead and used IP tools to stay ahead. Can you break the IP tools down for the man in the street to understand? Maybe. Letâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s start from the beauty of our African beaches. A beach needs infrastructure, marketing, and branding. For a beach to have value and attract tourists, it needs to be branded. With regards to mineral resources, value addition is critical, to leverage on their potential. We cannot recognise diamonds in their raw form because they are just stones. Those stones need to be polished and branded before they are appreciated by the consumer for their quality and utility. So patenting, branding, and marketing are very important for leveraging our mineral resources. We also have unique products in agriculture such as food crops, cash crops and horticulture. Value can be added by using an IP tool called geographical indications, which help you to capitalise on the origin of a product and link that origin to a specific quality that can only be found when the product comes from a specific place. For example, champagne from a region of France. The same applies to traditional knowledge, including traditional medicines, folklore, handicrafts, etc., which if properly harnessed will bring much benefit to the continent. A vivid example is Nigerian movies today. They have become really famous. But one interesting thing that Nigerian filmmakers have done is to go back in time to recover the stories that we all know in Africa, which are not even unique to Nigeria.

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But the Nigerian filmmakers have added value to the stories by telling them in a completely different way and putting them on film. Now the stories are not just folklore, they have been turned into a consumable product whose copyright is held by the filmmakers who are earning from it because their rights are protected.

ARIPO has established a system for the registration of intellectual property rights and simplified it to make it accessible to all users.

If you were to explain to a layman in the street the work that ARIPO does, what would you say? I would say that we have been able to bring together a number of African countries to discuss and set a path and a vision for an IP system that enables innovators, creators, entrepreneurs, and Africans in general to derive maximum benefits from their endeavours. ARIPO has established a system for the registration of intellectual property rights and simplified it to make it accessible to all users. Also, ARIPO has been actively involved in creating awareness and building capacities on the continent about intellectual property at seminars, conferences, colloquia, and workshops. But most importantly, we have come up with a Masters degree programme on intellectual property that is serving the continent as a whole, not only ARIPO members. We started the Masters programme at the African University in Mutare, Zimbabwe. We provide scholarships and as a result we have trained 218 people from 25 countries across Africa who are contributing positively to the development of the IP systems in their respective countries by serving as officers in IP offices, as patents and trademark attorneys, and in teaching IP in the universities. We now have the possibility of expanding the Masters programme to other African universities. The next one will be at the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology in Kumasi, Ghana, and at the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. These are in the pipeline but we would like to see them happen all over the continent. ARIPO celebrated its 40th anniversary on 9 December 2016 when the new headquarters building was formally inaugurated. Tell us about some of ARIPOâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s achievements in the past 40 years? There have been great achievements in terms of harmonisation of laws, policies and strategies in IP, infrastructure development, capacity building, training, information sharing, and improvement and modernisation of the system for the administration of IP rights. ARIPO has positioned itself as an important platform to streamline IP laws, policies and strategies in its member states and in trying to define the IP tools, which serves them better. Specifically, with regard to the IP legal framework, ARIPO has been continuously empowered to incorporate an increasing number of mandates, namely industrial property, copyright, traditional knowledge and folklore and new varieties of plants. As a result, the institutional framework was enhanced from the initial Lusaka Agreement to the current four protocols that facilitate the administration of that increasing number of rights. With regard to the administration of those IP rights, capacity was developed not only to administer them at the ARIPO level but also to

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Sponsored Repor t support the member states to improve their capacity and in their quest to deliver quality services. The operationalisation of an ICT infrastructure allows currently, the registration of applications online. ARIPO is now in a position to receive applications online and all related services such as searches, payments, and follow-ups of the applications are all done online. The ICT infrastructure is now being linked to the member countries. We have the first two pilot countries – Mozambique and Zimbabwe – which are linked to our ICT infrastructure at the headquarters and soon that system will include all member states through a regional database. With those improvements, users can enjoy a more efficient and reliable mechanism of protection of their IP rights. As a result of that we have seen the number of applications of the different IP rights, especially patents and utility models, growing each year. You have also been strong in the area of capacity building, haven’t you? Yes, ARIPO has also made strides regarding capacity building. The organisation has been very active in training people to understand IP not only at the level of the Master’s Degree as illustrated previously, but also we have been able to organise a number of awareness-raising initiatives, including roving seminars. Just in the last three years we have visited 16 out of the 19 member states and that benefitted over 2,000 participants directly. Training initiatives organised by ARIPO in collaboration with other partners in the IP arena allowed more than 5,000 people from different countries to be trained. Member states have also benefitted from capacity building through study visits to ARIPO undertaken by their officers, examiners, and managers, and from technical assistance from ARIPO in their offices, especially with regard to the processing of ARIPO applications. In order to keep abreast with all those developments, we also streamlined our management systems, including our processes and organisational structures, financial, and human capital management. We have placed people in the right places and they are able to deliver more today because they are very well placed and they know where they are heading to. This was achieved through the Value and Growth Transformation Strategy that will guide our activities in the period 2016-2020. It is also part of that initiative that we have streamlined our vision and mission and we are implementing a very clear marketing strategy. The visible part of the strategy is the change of our logo into modern features and its protection all over the world. That has clearly enhanced the image of the organisation and displayed its dynamic character and capacity to adjust itself to the evolving world of innovation and creativity. Is there any priority area that you would like to address in the near future? Yes, there is. We would like to contribute in harnessing the innovation that is happening in Africa and turn it into valuable IP assets. One of the ways of doing so is engaging universities and research institutions and charting with them a clear vision on the use of IP to add value to their important work. We are working with some partners, including the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO), to develop model institutional IP policies that should provide clear guidance with regards to the use of

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I see ARIPO’s growth and enhanced role as fostering creativity and innovation for economic prosperity in Africa. It is a great responsibility that requires concerted and coordinated effort by all stakeholders. Top right: ARIPO’s Director General Fernando dos Santos (left) and his counterpart at OAPI, Dr Paulin Edou Edou, smile for the cameras after signing a 4-year Cooperation Agreement. Right: Some of the dignitaries at ARIPO’s 40th anniversary celebrations. (From left) Fernando dos Santos, ARIPO’s Director General; Axel M. Addy, Liberia’s Minister of Commerce and Industry and Vice Chairman of ARIPO’s Administrative Council; Anthony Bwembya, chairman of the ARIPO Administrative Council; Major General (Rtd) Kahinda Otaffire, Uganda’s Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs; Sindiso N. Ngwenya, Secretary General of COMESA; Samuel B. Tembenu, Malawi’s Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs; and Arrow Bockarie, Sierra Leone’s Deputy Attorney General and Minister of Justice

IP by universities and research institutions, the establishment of internal institutional frameworks that will push further the IP agenda within those institutions, a more systematic IP awareness creation mechanism, incentives for researchers, students and academic people, and a clear approach with regards to the protection of their innovations and creative works. A well-articulated institutional IP policy should become an efficient tool to empower universities when they negotiate their partnerships. It should generate earnings by facilitating the exploitation

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ARIPO and ARIPO will benefit a lot from South Africa’s membership. In 2006, ARIPO’s Administrative Council was convened in Cape Town with the idea of creating awareness in the country on the ARIPO system and sensitising policy makers on the benefits of ARIPO membership. ARIPO has also been invited several times by South African IP firms to demonstrate its operations with the view to facilitating its use. In fact South Africa is the biggest user of the ARIPO system although it is not a member yet. South African patent agents are the ones who drive the whole business that comes to ARIPO. It is therefore, my sincere hope that countries such as Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Mauritius, Nigeria, Seychelles, South Africa and others will consider joining ARIPO in the near future. Are you saying non-members can use the ARIPO system? Yes, non-members can use our system because they want to protect their rights within the ARIPO territory. For example, if an American inventor wants to protect his rights in the 19 member states of ARIPO, he uses the ARIPO system. When a South African inventor has any patent and wants to protect it in the 19 member states of ARIPO, he uses the ARIPO system. So the system is not devised exclusively for ARIPO nationals. However, the system creates full benefits for members as elaborated before.

and commercialisation of the IP endeavours, and ultimately it should stimulate innovation and creativity from within. One intriguing thing is that ARIPO’s headquarters is in Harare, and just across the Limpopo River is South Africa, which has staunchly refused, over 40 years, to join ARIPO. Why? To be honest with you, I believe South Africa is one of the countries that will benefit a lot from joining

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What does the future look like for ARIPO? We want to be a hub for empirical research studies to enable the organisation to develop evidence-based policies for the member states, rather than taking decisions based on perceptions and slogans. We also want to be a hub in terms of ICT infrastructure in the management of IP. The ICT infrastructure that we have recently put in place will undoubtedly enhance the registration system by providing a rapid processing of applications, reduction in the pendency period, and transparency of the system. It will also create an adequate platform for the establishment of regional databases to administer industrial property, copyright, traditional knowledge and folklore, and plant variety protection. We also want to be a hub for capacity building and awareness creation initiatives related to IP in our new state-of-the-art infrastructure and in the member states. Our Academy will be strengthened to expand its academic and professional development programmes, and the uptake of IP in research and development institutions as well as establish networks among IP stakeholders. We will continue to engage our cooperating partners and development partners, including Regional Economic Communities in Africa, with a view to developing concrete programmes for the enhancement of the IP systems and to mobilising resources to implement those programmes. Our main focus will be to promote innovation and creativity, use ICT to promote industrialisation and sustainable agricultural development, and intraAfrican trade by adding value to African products and services, as well as promote entrepreneurship by the effective use of IP tools. So I see ARIPO’s growth and enhanced role as fostering creativity and innovation for economic prosperity in Africa. It is a great responsibility that requires concerted and coordinated effort by all stakeholders. n

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AFRICA AND THE WORLD

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Not that long ago Djibouti was known for little more than French legionnaires’ disease, atrocious heat and a small ramshackle port. Nowadays, however, this tiny republic of only about 900, 000 people on the Horn of Africa coast has big plans, including turning its capital into the Dubai of Africa.

DJIBOUTI an oasis in the wilderness S

ince gaining independence from France in 1977, Djibouti has steadily carved out a regional role through its strategic and commercial relevance at the junction of Africa and the Middle East, and at the confluence of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, overlooking a passage of water used by 30% of the world’s shipping, transiting to and from the Suez Canal. Recently-acquired Chinese investment totalling $12bn is

funding the building of six new ports, two new airports, and what is being touted as the biggest and most dynamic free trade zone (FTZ) in Africa, potentially giving the capital, Djibouti City, an edge over its rivals. “About two million African customers travel to Dubai each year,” says Dawit Gebre-ab, a senior director with the Djibouti Ports and Free Zones Authority, responsible for overseeing the city’s commercial infrastructure

Djibouti’s position at the junction of Africa, the Middle East and the Indian Ocean is further bolstered by its increasing network of ports

development. “We know what is on their shopping lists, and they could be coming here instead.” Helping secure such ambitions is the fact that Djibouti is perceived as offering some of the most prime military real-estate in the world. Security is needed to both counter piracy threatening that key shipping lane (since peaking in 2011, when 151 vessels were attacked and 25 hijacked, piracy has steeply declined) and to shore up regional stability. One foreign april 2017 New African 53

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diplomat has referred to Djibouti as “an oasis in a bad neighbourhood”. Foreign military personnel stationed in Djibouti from the US, France, Germany, Netherlands, Spain and Japan number around 25,000, according to some estimates.

Strategic linchpin

In 2014, the US military agreed a 10-year extension to its presence (with an option to extend for another 10 years) centred on Camp Lemonnier, its African headquarters. US president Barack Obama described the camp as “extraordinarily important not only to our work throughout the Horn of Africa but throughout the region.” A similar perspective happens to be held by China. Having invested huge amounts in the rest of East Africa – especially in neighbouring Ethiopia, one of the world’s fastestgrowing economies – it wants to secure its interests and to be able to protect further investments throughout sub-Saharan Africa. Furthermore, ever thirsty for crude oil, China wants to shield its heavy dependence on imports from the Middle East, which pass from the Gulf of Aden into the Indian Ocean and then on to the South China Sea. In 2016 China finalised plans for a new base in Obock, a northern port a couple of hours by boat from Djibouti City across the Gulf of Tadjoura. About 10,000 Chinese personnel will occupy the base, once it is complete. But behind all the construction cranes, flashy hotels and military camps, there still exists a very different Djibouti. Every morning in the small town of Tadjoura, about 40km west of Obock along the coastline, local Djiboutians queue to collect their daily quota of baguettes – a scene repeated across the country. Djibouti’s former existence as colonial French Somaliland has left an indelible Gallic stamp. Along with Somali, Afar and Arabic, French remains one of the main languages used. A constant stream of bonsoirs greet the visitor during an evening wandering

Djibouti’s geopolitical importance rests in its strategic location. It is an ideal place to bunker fuel. around Djibouti City’s so-called European quarter and its focal point: Place du 27 Juin 1977, a large square of whitewashed buildings and Moorish arcades named for the date of independence. South of the quarter’s Frenchcolonial-inspired architecture and orderly avenues and boulevards, lies the dustier and more ramshackle African quarter. Here, befitting a crossroads nation, a heady meltingpot culture exists: cafés brewing coffee in the traditional Ethiopian style, Yemeni restaurants serving the specialty poisson Yemenite, and haggling at open-air markets in rapid-fire Somali, all add to the surprising melting pot within this small capital city.

Flipside of modernisation

Whether that lively cultural mix can withstand the brash new modernising development is a concern for some locals, proud of the country’s past and heterogeneous mix of traditions. “My fear is not about cultural change, because we need that as this is an ultra-conservative society,” says an elegant Djiboutian professional in her early thirties, her hair covered in the Muslim style, as the sun dips

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behind the original old port in the distance, “but more the effects on our customs, such as traditional clothing, food and decorations that symbolise our identity.” Others are more outspoken in their criticism of Djibouti’s current strategic and economic upswing – with growth chugging along at a healthy 6% a year, and likely to surpass 7% amid the construction boom. Some locals speak of a country run by a business-savvy leadership that has reaped profits from its superpower tenants. Having signed an initial 10-year lease for the base, China will pay $20m per year in rent. The US pays $60m a year to lease Camp Lemonnier. However, despite the wealth flowing into the small country, with its equally tiny population, poverty still persists. The challenge for the government is to challenge this inflow into wealthgenerating activities for its people. Dreams of a Dubai-type future don’t yet appear to have much relevance for most local Djiboutians, 42% of whom live in extreme poverty, while 48% of the labour force are unemployed, according to 2014 figures. This is hardly surprising. Djibouti’s main asset has been its port and its trading position as a half-way house linking the African hinterland to the Gulf. Traditionally, the people have lived off subsistence agriculture, animal husbandry, fishing and local retailing. Change will come if and when the export processing zones (EPZs) take off and the construction boom absorbs the unemployed.

Murkier waters

It would be naïve in the extreme to imagine that the country’s political structure would not reflect or be influenced by the wider geopolitical rivalries and intrigues around its strategically vital geographical position. In 2014, the same year that Barack Obama signed a 10-year military presence extension, the US State Department published a human-rights report on the country accusing the government of restrictions on free speech and

assembly; use of excessive force, including torture, as well as the harassment and detention of government critics. Some analysts say that is standard practice, bouquets on the one hand, brickbats on the other, in order to maintain control. What is disturbing has been the tilt towards Saudi Arabia. Critics say that while investments from that quarter have poured in, it has also been accompanied by Wahhabist ideology. Now, further down the line, the Islamists have reportedly grown strong and populous, infiltrating the regime, and posing a real problem for President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh. Main picture: Fuel bunkered at a coastal location. Inset, far left (top to bottom): Construction workers listening to their foreman; children playing in the waters around a ferry berthing point. Inset, left (top to bottom): Workers at the docks of Djibouti Port take respite in what shade they can find; Djibouti’s bustling street scene; food aid arriving in Ethiopia – wheat is offloaded from a docked ship at Djibouti Port

Beyond intrigues

Meanwhile, beyond the political intrigue, ships endlessly glide to and from the ports, where cranes offload containers to waiting trucks late into the night under arc lights. Djibouti’s location has always been its most precious resource – devoid of a single river or the likes of extractable minerals, it produces almost nothing. Nevertheless, for nearly 150 years it has attracted armies, mercenaries, smugglers, and traders: anyone and everyone concerned with the movement or control of merchandise. A Russian military base could be the next in the pipeline, although Djibouti did turn down a request from Iran’s military. Some commentators talk of Djibouti’s role in shaping a new world order as superpowers jostle for strategic realignment in a changing world. Meanwhile, a Chinese-built $4bn railway opened in January this year linking Djibouti to the Ethiopian interior – 90% of Ethiopia’s imports come through Djibouti – which could also eventually connect to other Chinese-built railways emerging across the African continent. Ethiopia’s PM Hailemariam Desalegn described the railway opening as “a historic moment” – a far cry from the assessment by the writer Evelyn Waugh, who in 1930 lamented the “intolerable desolation” of French Somaliland, “a country of dust and boulders, utterly devoid of any sign of life.” NA april 2017 New African 55

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Sport FOOTBALL

Issa Hayatou, who as president of the Confederation of African Football dominated the African soccer world for 29 years, finally leaves the field to the hitherto unknown Ahmad Ahmad of Madagascar. His big boots will be hard to fill. Anver Versi looks back on the highlights of the career of Africa’s Mr Football.

Adieu Africa’s Mr Football!

he Cameroonian Issa Hayatou became the first “truly sub-Saharan” leader of the pan-African organisation when he was elected in 1987. After 29 years, he was still prepared to continue before his marathon stint was brought to an end by Ahmad Ahmad from Madagascar last month. Hayatou had taken over an ossified organisation that seemed far more concerned with internal power and privilege politics than the development of African football. World soccer had moved on but continental football remained stagnant and focussed on North Africa. A change was desperately needed and Hayatou provided this. New African, which had begun campaigning on behalf of African soccer and players and carrying the message not only all over the continent but also into the centres of global soccer abroad, put its considerable influence and reach behind Hayatou. He deployed his own substantial diplomatic and leadership skills and his wide contacts to move African soccer swiftly and surely out of the ghetto it has been stuck in and onto the world stage. He increased the number of spots for African teams in the FIFA World Cup finals from two to five (six during the 2010 South African World Cup); he expanded the number of teams in the finals of the African Cup of Nations from eight to 16 teams; he expanded regional club competitions and oversaw the solid growth of youth and women’s football; under his leadership,

African soccer performances improved markedly, with Cameroon and Senegal reaching the quarter-finals of the 1990 and 2002 World Cups respectively, while Nigeria and Cameroon won Olympic gold medals in 1996 and 2000. He held the then FIFA president, Sepp Blatter to his pledge to bring the World Cup to Africa and worked with various organisations, including global sponsors and media, to deliver one of the best tournaments in FIFA’s history. He was an astute deal-maker, ensuring that billions of dollars flowed into the sport in Africa, and also worked with great global African stars such as George Weah, Samuel Eto’o, Didier Drogba, Yaya Touré and others to help them remain rooted to their African backgrounds and assist thousands of youths through their charitable foundations. The latter years were difficult for Issa Hayatou as FIFA was plunged into a series of scandals which led to the ousting of Blatter. Some of the mud churned up by this situation also stuck to the Cameroonian but, so far, no evidence has been brought

Issa Hayatou, the president of CAF for 29 years, was also acting president of FIFA in the wake of Sepp Blatter’s departure

forward to back up allegations by the BBC. Hayatou, as one of the most senior members, took over the leadership of the world body as acting president until the election in 2016 of the Swiss-Italian Gianni Infantino. Nevertheless, Hayatou’s defeat during the elections at CAF headquarters in Addis Ababa midMarch came as a shock. The victor, Ahmad Ahmad from Madagascar, is an unknown quantity. The 57-year-old served as both Sports and Fisheries Minister in his country but has only been in the CAF executive for the last four years. So how did the “coup” happen? Danny Jordaan, president of the South Africa Football Association (Safa) was quick to claim the credit. He said Hayatou’s downfall had been orchestrated during a Council of Southern Africa Football Associations (Cosafa) congress at Sun City in December. “Cosafa played a tremendous role in supporting the drive for change,” he said when he returned from Addis. “There was an agreement for change, and Morocco, Egypt and many other West African countries supported it. It was an African issue, not necessarily an Anglophone matter.” Indeed, Hayatou has been a colossal influence not only on African football but, many insist, the development of the global game. But perhaps it was time for him to go. Ahmad Ahmad will find that he is at the foot of a tall mountain; he will need all the support he can muster to scale it and reach the heights of his predecessor. NA april 2017 New African 57

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AROUND AFRICA NIGERIA

The last three years have been anni horribilis for the Nigeria economy – virtually everything that could have gone wrong, did. In the face of mounting social tension, Nigeria’s Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo released the anticipated economic recovery plan while President Muhammadu Buhari was receiving treatment abroad. Vinesh Parmar analyses the plan to see if it can do the trick and if the state can actually implement it.

c i n o t d e d e e n h c u Am

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he principal objectives of the Economic Recovery & Growth Plan (ERGP) are just as it says on the can – “recovery” first, then, hopefully “growth”. The Nigerian economy contracted by a disheartening 1.5% last year, the worst performance since the “bad old days” of 1991. The figures punctured a sense of optimism since a recalibration of the nation’s GDP showed it to be the biggest economy in Africa a few years ago. (South Africa is now back to its accustomed slot at the top of the African economic tree.) The recession, rising inflation, a fall in the value of the naira, declining oil and gas prices, Boko Haram continuing to thumb its nose at the authorities and a general feeling of simply drifting as President Muhammadu Buhari seemed to be becoming increasingly withdrawn, all added to the gloom. Over the past year, various trade organisations, workers’ unions, academics, the media and leading politicians have been calling for urgent action to stem the downward slide. There have been dire warnings that the social fabric has reached breaking point and a firm and decisive hand is required to steady the nation. Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo’s response has been the ERGP. The broadbrush strokes centre around increasing national productivity as an immediate target and jacking up diversification on a more sustained basis. The grand vision is to catapult growth by 7.8% by 2020, bringing 15m more people into work.

The fine details

The plan details an increase in output of Nigeria’s most important commodity, oil, from 1.6m barrels a day (bd) to 2.5m bd. The ambition of producing at capacity will rely on the proposed sale of pipelines in the Niger Delta and successful peace talks with rebels who have caused havoc in the region, bombing pipelines and sabotaging operations. Osinbajo, who has provided vigorous

leadership in Buhari’s absence, has been heading the pacification process. Central to the plan is not only an increase in the volume of oil produced, but refining too. Petroleum products account for 15% of imports, squeezing everdiminishing foreign reserves, and the government hopes to reduce this to 6% by 2018 by restoring debilitated refineries, which have suffered from under-investment. This seems like a necessary step for an industry where petrodollars make up 70% of state revenue and contribute to all but 5% of export earnings. But Nigeria has been down this road umpteen times and still the refineries remain incapacitated, leading to the perennial question: can this administration break the Gordian knot and finally allow logic and national interest to triumph over vested interests? The whole country is waiting to see. The collapse in the oil price beginning in 2014 has forced the government to restrict access to foreign currency for items not deemed essential. As such, the bi-product of inflationary pressures has increased consumer prices by 19%, with household utilities bearing the brunt of this. As the purse strings of ordinary folk are tightened and employment rates tail off, animosity towards the government is building. It could get worse, with electricity prices likely to rise further as Buhari considers removing state subsidies in order to attract investors and grow the vital power sector. Analysts say he is between the mill and the millstone. The current economic outlook, including tightening imports and inflation, has turned the spotlight seriously on food self-sufficiency. Community and political leaders want the government to go beyond the oft-repeated but meaningless mantra of food

self-sufficiency and actually do something about it.

No to cosmetic tinkering

Opposite: Gridlock – a metaphor for Nigeria’s current economic situation? Left: VicePresident Yemi Osinbajo

The 2015 food import bill, for a largely agricultural country, was a staggering $6.5bn. The price of rice shot up by 60%. The Central Bank set aside $201m to support smallholder farmers by supplying fertiliser and equipment through the Anchor’s Borrower Programme. Areas where this scheme was piloted saw a 20% increase in rice production. But critics say this is merely cosmetic tinkering and are demanding a deeper reform of domestic agriculture. Like his predecessors before him, Buhari has been banging the drum of “diversification” and “human capital investment” without tangible efforts to show for it. Nigeria’s non-oil economy grew by 6.2% a year between 2010 and 2015 but since the former military general assumed office, this figure has been in decline and the sector contracted 0.2% last year. Manufacturing adds just a solitary percentage point to total GDP and with an expected population boom, training and education of people should feature higher on the agenda. Of more concern to some analysts has been the silence on exchange rate policy. The tame devaluation of the naira in February left investors startled, feeling it was not bold enough to attract money back into the economy. A market-determined approach may leave the naira in limbo for a while, losing value and hurting Nigerians’ pockets. But John Ashbourne of Capital Economics sees this as a positive: “For a government that has previously described FX liberalisation as a scheme to kill the naira, this is a huge step forward.” The ERGP is viewed as an important marker in the build-up to the 2019 elections. The state of the economy is both a challenge as well as an opportunity, concentrating minds on the pressing issue of recovery. The plan itself is sound, as other similar plans before it. What will make a difference is the ability to implement it. Can Buhari and his team deliver where others have failed? NA april 2017 New African 59

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Arts REVIEW

A new exhibition at the Quay Branli Museum in Paris shows that contrary to accepted notions in the West, the history of Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s extensive connections with the rest of the world goes deep into antiquity, easily predating the age of writing. Stephen Williams reports.

African roots deep as time

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he Musée du quai Branly is showing a spectacular exhibition, l’Afrique des Routes, that seeks to provide an “understanding” of Africa, using more than 300 exhibits to provide a historical narrative of the continent’s connections to the rest of the world. It is a bold and ambitious project. On balance, it succeeds in its objective – even if there are some questionable approaches taken by the curators, Gaelle Beaujean and Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch. For example, is it really necessary to observe that Africa is a continent with a history that predates writing and prior to European incursions? Whoever claimed that it did not? But nitpicking aside, the exhibition categorically states: “This history is the oldest in the world. Specialists today agree that the origins of the human species can be located in sub-Saharan Africa.” It goes on to say that contrary to the accepted notion, Africa has always been an open continent. This is of course the logical conclusion that many “experts” have lost sight of. If the human race began in subSaharan Africa, then clearly, it was the migratory routes, and the means employed to traverse them, that populated the rest of the world. The visitor is taken on an almost chronological journey, as the exhibition charts the terrestrial, fluvial and maritime routes that have allowed Africans to connect and migrate both within and without the continent. To traverse long distances by river, the canoe was developed well

Opposite: The exhibition’s emblem. Bottom left: A fragment of Nok stauette dating from 920–40 BC. This page: A 16thcentury Dogon horseman statue

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Arts REVIEW

over 6,000 years ago, but l’Afrique des Routes chooses to highlight the use of the horse, which facilitated the caravan trade routes between the southern Sahara and Europe, as pivotal. The horse, which had migrated south into Africa when a land bridge existed between Arabia and Africa, was eventually replaced about 3,000 years ago by the dromedary, which could survive with little water and carry heavy loads over long distances. But as many objects displayed at Quai Branly indicate, they remained a prestige means of transport in the area between the arid tropical zones and the humid equatorial regions. Routes traversing forests, along rivers and around Africa’s coastline, whether on foot, horseback, camels or in canoes, began to be developed. Even predating Carthage, established in 814 BC, the Nok civilisation of northern Nigeria, which extended in an arc of 500km, demonstrated that agriculture and metal work were practised between 1000 BC and 6 AD alongside the natural communication routes – the Niger River, the Benue River and Lake Chad. Similarly, in East Africa, between 730 BC and 656 BC, the Nubians held great sway – and later, from the 1st to 6th century AD, Aksum was the seat of power that dominated active trade with the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. Later, but still predating the

disastrous European incursions, great trade hubs developed at Djennné (Mali); Timbuctou (Mali); Great Zimbabwe; Benin City (Nigeria); Loango (Congo); Monomutapa (Zimbabwe); and Kong (Côte d’Ivoire).

European arrival

As the Europeans began to arrive, trading posts sprang up around the coast of Africa, belonging to the Portuguese, the Dutch, German, French and British. These acted as nodes of commerce that attracted trade in all manner of goods both from, and destined for, Africa’s interior. L’Afrique des Routes illustrates Africa’s diverse trade, with objects and images that illustrate how salt, beads, ivory, copper, gold, currencies, ceramics, textiles as well as pharmacopoeia and spices

Above: A 15th-century European map of the known world, after Egyptian geographer Ptolomy. Below: Mask of a winged horse, mid20th century, in the Baga style from Guinea

changed hands. Yet the exchange that Africa participated in also included an embrace of foreign monotheistic faiths – Christianity, Islam, Judaism et al. Often, these faith systems were subtly combined with indigenous beliefs, such as the Christian Catholic saints with the Voudon gods of West Africa. Finally, the exhibition provides a summary of the movement of African people, dating back millions of years, and how the continent interacted with Arabs, Persians, Indians and Chinese. It also only touches on the appalling European slave trade that began in the early 16th century, and existed for more than 250 years. Disappointingly, it treats the European industrial slavery operations as almost an incidental “detail of history”. The obscenity of slavery was replaced with the humiliation of colonialism, taking us to the modern era of independence and the challenges of contemporary Africa. This exhibition, in an era of the far-right, with a thinly veiled racist political climate in Europe (and the US), is a timely reminder that Africa remains the cradle of mankind and the crucible of human civilisation. NA l’Afrique des Routes continues at musée du quai Branly-Jacques Chirac in central Paris until mid-November 2117.

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BY: DIKGANG MOSENEKE ZAR350 PICADOR AFRICA (SA) ISBN: 978-1-77614-001-5

EDITED BY BALGHIS BADRI AND AILI MARI TRIPP £19.99 ZED BOOKS ISBN: 978-1- 7836090-8-6

he book is about a story (Ousmane Sembene’s seminal film and novel, Xala), about a time (the aftermath of Senegalese independence), and about a place (Dakar, the capital of Senegal). It is also about the collaboration between an artist and an anthropologist, reacting in their different mediums to the story, time and place, and to what the other made of them. So opens a unique account in a genre of its own devising that will engage readers interested in Ousmane Sembene as a writer and film director, in Senegal, in African film, in West Africa, or in books designed to be desirable objects in their own right. The two creators are Richard Fardon, a social anthropologist who has researched and written about West Africa, and Sènga la Rouge. He teaches at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, while she is a Paris-based artist. Her wide interests include carnets de voyage (travel tickets) – a notebook the artist created “drawing wherever colour vibrates: on the edge of roads and in cafes, bazaars, in the most banal objects as in the most majestic temples, in crowds as in the landscape of a body. “But I also want to draw where humanity is slack and say about the suffering of the Congolese in the war, the poverty of street children in Vanarasi, the isolation of Egyptian women. So, modestly but without concession, to report what I see, what I learn.” Sènga la Rouge’s illustrations lead each chapter of the book.

outh African lawyer and activist, Dikgang Moseneke, pays homage to the many people and places that have helped to define and shape him. In tracing his ancestry, the influence of both maternal and paternal sides of his family is evident in the values they instilled in their children – the importance of family, the value of hard work and education, an uncompromising moral code, compassion for those less fortunate and unflinching refusal to accept an unjust political regime or acknowledge its oppressive laws. As a young activist in the Pan Africanist Congress, at the tender age of 15, Moseneke was arrested, detained and, in 1963, sentenced to 10 years on Robben Island for participating in anti-apartheid activities. Physical incarceration, harsh conditions and inhumane treatment could not imprison the political prisoners’ minds, however, and for many the Island became a school not only in politics but an opportunity for dedicated study, formal and informal. It set the young Moseneke on a path towards a law degree that would provide the bedrock for a long and fruitful legal career and see him serve his country in the highest court. My Own Liberator (with an introduction by Thabo Mbeke) charts Moseneke’s rise as one of the country’s top legal minds, who not only helped to draft the interim constitution, but for 15 years, acted as a guardian of that constitution for all South Africans, helping to make it a living document for the country and its people.

hroughout Africa, growing numbers of women are coming together and making their voices heard, mobilising around causes ranging from democracy and land rights to campaigns against domestic violence. In Tanzania and Tunisia, women have made major gains in their struggle for equal political rights, and in Sierra Leone and Liberia women have been at the forefront of efforts to promote peace and reconciliation. While some of these movements have been influenced by international feminism and external donors, increasingly it is African women who are shaping the global struggle for women’s rights. Bringing together African authors who themselves are part of the activist groups, this collection represents the only comprehensive and up-to-date overview of women’s movements in contemporary Africa. Drawing on case studies and fresh empirical material from across the continent, the authors challenge the prevailing assumption that notions of women’s rights have trickled down from the global North to the South, showing instead that these movements have been shaped by, above all, the unique experiences and concerns of the local women involved. This book is an indispensable overview of women’s activism and political struggles in contemporary Africa, and the ways in which the continent’s women are shaping the struggle for women’s rights internationally.

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THINKING FREEDOM IN AFRICA

S TAY W I T H M E

T H E D AY EN D S L I K E A N Y D AY

BY: MICHAEL NEOCOSMOS ZAR500 WITS UNI (SA) ISBN: 978-1-86814-866-0

BY: AYOBAMI ADEBAYO £14.99 CANONGATE ISBN: 978-1-78211-959-3

BY TIMOTHY OGENE £9.99 HOLLAND HOUSE ISBN: 978-1-910688-29-8

hinking Freedom in Africa is one of the 2017 Frantz Fanon Outstanding Book Award winners, awarded by the Caribbean Philosophical Association. It is a genuine political treatise, breaking the idols of European exceptionalism and presumed universality, Michael Neocosmos argues that all human beings think and that liberation is a political matter of which thinking is a fundamental element of action. He takes us through an extraordinary journey of more than a thousand years of reflection; from the Afro-Arabic world of Ibn Kaldun to the Haitian revolutionary one of Zamba Boukman Dutty; and the European ones of Karl Marx and Antonio Gramsci to the anti-colonial struggles, in which Mao Zedong, Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral, and Steve Bantu Biko loom large; to recent reflections from Alain Badiou, Sylvain Lazarus, and Ernest Wamba-dia-Wamba. Previous ways of conceiving the universal emancipation of humanity have ended in failure. Marxism, anticolonial nationalism and neo-liberalism all understand the achievement of universal emancipation through a form of state politics. Neo-liberalism and anti-colonial nationalism have also both assumed that freedom is realisable through the state. Thinking Freedom in Africa conceives emancipatory politics beginning from the axiom that “people think” – the idea that anyone is capable of engaging in a collective thought-practice.

ejide is hoping for a miracle, for a child. It is all her husband wants, all her mother-in-law wants, and she has tried everything - arduous pilgrimages, medical consultations, dances with prophets, appeals to God. But when her in-laws insist upon a new wife, it is too much for Yejide to bear. It will lead to jealousy, betrayal and despair. Stay with Me has been longlisted for the Bailey’s Women’s Prize for Fiction. Ayobami Adebayo’s stories have appeared in a number of magazines and anthologies, and one was highly commended in the 2009 Commonwealth Short Story Competition. She holds BA and MA degrees in Literature in English from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife. She also has an MA in Creative Writing from the University of East Anglia where she was awarded an international bursary for creative writing. Ayobami has been the recipient of fellowships and residencies from Ledig House, Hedgebrook, Threads, Ebedi Hills and Ox-Bow. She was born in Lagos, Nigeria. Set against the social and political turbulence of 1980s Nigeria, Stay With Me sings with the voices, colours, joys and fears of its surroundings. Adebayo weaves a devastating story of the fragility of married love, the undoing of family, the wretchedness of grief and the allconsuming bonds of motherhood. It is a tale about our desperate attempts to save ourselves and those we love from heartbreak.

am, a young Nigerian whose father only speaks to the children once he has drunk enough alcohol and whose mother will not accept that Sam is different from his siblings, is formed by the people he meets, the gay young man he cannot rescue from his tormentors, the girl whose rapist escapes when the women of the block march to mete out justice to him; and Pa Suku, a strange figure who opens Sam’s eyes to books and music, poetry and jazz. Then Sam goes to college and confronts his own sexuality, his lack of belonging. This book is the lyrical, challenging account of the multiple lives of a young Nigerian who refuses to accept that he has been shaped by the traumas of his past. Timothy Ogene was born in Oyigbo, outside Port Harcourt in southern Nigeria. He is the sixth of seven children raised in a tworoom tenement block. Since leaving Nigeria he has lived in Liberia, Germany, the US and the UK. His poems and short stories have appeared in a number of notable publications including Numero Cinq, Tincture Journal, One Throne Magazine, Poetry Quarterly, Tahoma Literary Review, The Missing Slate, Stirring, Kin Poetry Journal, Blue Rock Review and other places. His first collection of poetry, Descent and other Poems, appeared last summer from Deerbrook Editions. He holds a degree in English and History from St Edwards University, a Masters in World Literatures in English from Oxford University, and is working on a Masters in Creative Writing at the University of East Anglia.

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The 50th anniversary of the Biafran civil war has opened up fresh discussions over the relevance of the motto on Nigeria’s national coat of arms and therefore its sense of direction.

BACK TO THE FUTURE Onyekachi Wambu

Faith and unity – an explosive mix?

ational mottos or slogans reflect the dreams and aspirations of nations, as well as their fears and preoccupations. As Nigeria focuses on the 50th anniversary of the start of the Biafran civil war, it is appropriate that we take a critical look at its motto to see if it is still relevant in today’s turbulent times. Unity and Faith, Nigeria’s national slogan emblazoned on its official Coat of Arms at independence in 1960, encapsulated the country’s early obsessions and fear about its own territorial fragility. Other countries have adopted the ‘Unity’ phrase but usually aligned with strength, in the context of staying together. The Haitian coat of arms, with the motto “Unity Makes Strength”, captures this sense. Given the series of peoples’ wars engaged in to abolish slavery and achieve independence from the French in 1804, it’s not surprising to see why Haitians valorise this combination as part of their national identity. In the Nigerian case, the combination of Unity with Faith is strange. Faith in what? The future? God? In global surveys, the country, with its Christian and Muslim split, always scores highly as one of the most religious in the world. Perhaps Faith reflects this deep sense of God awe,

but why then combine it with unity? Or is it simply a blind faith in unity itself, without question? One is tempted to say that this is the case. During the Biafran war for instance, the mantra of the Nigerian leader, General Yakubu Gowon, was: “To keep Nigeria one is a task that must be done”. Beyond blind faith that perhaps the Creator itself had put this country together so nobody should break it asunder, there didn’t seem to be any real reason provided as to why this task must be done. However, this reading would be too simplistic. The country itself, beyond blind faith, has been having a parallel conversation, which as in Biafra, has sometimes been violent, about what “unity” means. Indeed in 1979, the country added the words “Peace and Progress” to the “Unity and Faith” motto. Like other global entities having the same conversation, such as the UK and the EU, the issues turn around two arguments about unity, peace and progress. The first

Unity and Faith, Nigeria’s slogan at independence, encapsulated its early obsessions and fear about its territorial fragility.

assumes a basic acceptance of the state itself and the argument is simply about the distribution of competencies and control of resources between different parts of the state – from a centralised state to a highly decentralised one. This is the basic argument that the UK has been having with the EU as part of its ongoing Brexit; and which the Scots in turn are having with the rest of the UK. Both the UK and the Scots accept the broad liberal order, but their “nationalism”, whether English or Scottish, can be interpreted as simply a desire to return all competencies and retain “control” for an assumed greater progress.

Sense of nationalism

A similar sense of “nationalism” lay behind the Biafran war, when the Igbo and other minorities in the Eastern part of Nigeria, argued initially at the Aburi peace talks for an acceptance of the basic Nigerian state order, but also a looser confederal system, to return more competence and control to the federating units. When the deal agreed at Aburi was rejected in 1967, independence was declared by Biafra, and bloody conflict ensued. The war did lead Nigeria to embark on the creation of additional states (from 12 to 36 over 50 years) to deal with the issues of decentralisation, peace and progress within a basic unity. However the decentralisation has in fact not worked as the country’s major resource – oil – and the security apparatus that protects those who control the oil, is still massively centrally dictated, producing inequalities, corruption, inefficiencies and lack of progress that have led to insurgencies in the Niger Delta and new calls for Biafra. The second unity argument is even more intractable as it assumes that the basic ideological order of the state is itself in contention. For instance, underlying the Boko Haram insurgency is the demand for a Muslim state and the imposition of Sharia. Faith literally looms large again, potentially destroying Unity, Peace and Progress. Is is time to rethink the national motto? NA

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