The Francis Richard Family: From French Nobility to Florida Pioneers

Chapter 5: The Patriot War of 1812 and its Aftermath

T

he anger and resentment shared by the band of Georgians who had attempted to seize control of Florida back in 1794 – 1795 had not subsided. In 1812, a larger group of men made a second attempt to seize Florida. This attempt, however, was bloodier and much more

destructive than the first as it involved not only a band of Georgian rebels or “patriots,” but also soldiers from the U.S. Army which were sent, contrary to US law, to destabilize the colony of Spanish East Florida.

In March 1812, the patriots came to Spanish East Florida...during the next 18 months, companies of patriots would rampage all over the province, from the St. Marys River to the Halifax and Indian Rivers, gathering supplies, raiding plantations, and penning up the settlers behind the trenches and redoubts of St. Augustine.1

The patriots gave the people of Spanish East Florida two options. …they could join the cause and enjoy protection of their property or they could resist, in which case they had to leave the province within three days, forfeiting all their lands and possessions…There was no such thing as neutrality, you had to join the invaders or leave the country.2 …new volunteers could apply for up to 500 acres of land as a reward for their service. This incentive coupled with threats of banishment and loss of property against those who opposed the patriots, helped swell the rebel ranks to between 400 and 600 men...

Faced by this multitude, William CRAIG, Reuben HOGANS, and other settlers along the St. Johns River dropped any pretense of resistance.

MCINTOSH appointed CRAIG military commander…every adult male in the north of the province was now either an adherent of the patriots or a captive.3 While many, if not most, of the RICHARDs’ neighbors and friends, including the CRAIG and HOGAN(S) families mentioned above, eventually decided to stay and side with the rebels, Francis I, and Francis II to a lesser extent, remained staunchly loyal to the Spanish. Being raised in a noble French family with a very long history of loyalty to their sovereigns undoubtedly had a strong influence on Francis I. Francis I’s father, in addition to being the pharmacist to the royal court of Lorraine, was also the Duke’s chamberlain. This “your sovereign - right or wrong” FRANÇOIS blood was still obviously coursing through his veins.

The Patriots were ruthless and wanton in the retribution they exacted on the property of those who had sided with the Spanish.

Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath …the province’s cattle—one of its richest resources—was being deliberately and maliciously slaughtered … Years later, one witness testified that “carcasses of slaughtered cattle were strewed upon the shore for miles.” By some estimates, as many as 10,000 head of cattle were either stolen away or killed and left to decompose…

Theft of livestock, however, was only the first in a litany of robberies and abuses that soon came to characterize the occupations… abandoned plantations and those of loyalists, were fair game as spoils of war. In the deserted plantation north of St. Augustine rebels broke into houses to haul away furniture, crockery, and cooking utensils.4 The “Patriots” knew very well where the loyalties of the RICHARD family lay. All three RICHARD plantations were ransacked, looted, and burned. The Patriots destroyed Rebecca’s plantation even though her brothers and father were on their side. After all, Rebecca had married a RICHARD and had converted to Catholicism to do it. Even though John B. had died the year before, Rebecca was still a RICHARD, and, despite the fact that it now belonged to her, she was running a RICHARD plantation.

Patriot War Claims Decades later, under the conditions of the Adams-Onís Treaty that ceded Florida to the United States in 1821, the United States agreed to pay for the losses incurred by inhabitants of Spanish East Florida. The government recognized that these residents suffered devastating losses due to the United States’ illegal participation in this undeclared war on the Spanish colony of Florida. Their claims totaled approximately $1.2 million.5 In order to determine the specific amount of money that would be awarded to specific individuals (or their heirs) for their losses, the government conducted extensive interviews with Florida residents who had lived through the war and who had knowledge of specific plantations.

Francis I, Francis II, and Rebecca each filed a claim for losses. The following excerpts were taken directly from these Patriot War Claims testimony. These testimonies provide biographical details of the RICHARDs, as well as detailed, first-person accounts of their plantations, other property and belongings, the crops they planted, their slaves, and the value of all of these at the time. In addition to these specific details, these testimonies also provide insight into some events of the war and the ways in which residents of Spanish East Florida were affected.

By the time Rebecca was reimbursed, she had remarried two more times and was, in 1842, Mrs. Rebecca READ. She was awarded $717 for her losses. The estate of Francis II was awarded $2,066, and the estate of Francis I was awarded $10,110. Though these awards might seem like relatively large sums of money, especially that of Francis I, the residents of Spanish East Florida lived through war. Their lives and livelihoods were utterly destroyed as they, literally, fled for their lives. The money they received from the U.S. government for the losses they sustained could never replace all that was lost.

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath Francis I certainly never recovered from his losses. Twenty two years after he had been devastated by the war, one of Francis I’s planter neighbors, John UPTEGROVE, still had not gotten back on his feet.

In 1835, 72 year old John UPTEGROVE testified that all his property had been destroyed during the invasion, and that he had been forced to join the rebels. “His residence has, since that time, been at different places in East Florida. He was entirely broken up during the invasion; and has since been without any permanent home.”6

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath Testimony from the Claim of Francis I 7 Claim for Losses: $12,540 Amount Awarded: $10,110 On whether the Invasion of the American Troops compelled Mr. Richard to abandon his plantation: (Rebecca Hart Richard Read) It was destroyed by the conduct and operations of the U.S. troops acting in concert with the patriots to conquer East Florida. The troops invaded, took possession of [Francis I’s] plantation, and compelled him to abandon it. He could not remain upon it. He was a violent opponent of the Revolutionists and he was obliged to join the party of Invaders or to run away or else submit to be a prisoner of war. That Richard lost his crop in 1812 by the invaders witness knows because in September of that year, she saw a large quantity of beef cattle turned into the field of cotton, corn, & potatoes.

These cattle were for the use of the army of the invaders and they were in the care of a man by the name of George Flora, a patriot and he was their keeper and tended them and issued them out to the army and they were required for subsistence. Flora was a high revolutionist very hostile to [Francis I] because he was as strong upon the other side – a strong advocate for the Spanish authority and bitter against the invaders. He could not remain on his place. They drove him off. The invaders were very hostile to him in consequence of the decided stand he took against their cause. He spoke freely and loudly too against them. He called them marauders and robbers, invaders of his country for the purposes of plunder. He could not remain in safety upon his plantation. They were nigh getting all his slaves from his when he fled which was in August 1812.

Mr. Richard was compelled to abandon his plantation because he refused to join their ranks.

They held the whole country between St. Augustine and St. Johns under an armed occupation and all those would not join and persevered in their loyalty to the crown of Spain were lawful prisoners of war.

Says that she was present when Mr. Richard left his place. He had to take his negroes off by stratagum.

The gun boats were lying off the place and troops and marines were on the place daily rummaging and plundering and destroying. Mr. Richard left in August 1812.

Witness says that she has heard the officers of the invaders declare the terms upon which alone the Spanish citizens of East Florida must be governed. She saw a paper or writing signed by Col. Smith containing the terms alone and peremptory. That they must either join the Patriots’ ranks, quit the country, or abandon their places and take shelter in St. Augustine. Witness says that this is notorious to all East Floridians that were witness of those times. It was the night of terror to East Florida. The US troops had a garrison or camp New Hope about 8 miles from Richard’s plantation.

(Isaiah D. Hart) Answers that Mr. Richard was obliged to abandon in consequence of the invasion….If he had remained it would probably have cost him his life. All the other planters in the vicinity of Richard’s place were reduced to the same necessity; and were obliged to abandon crops and plantation to pillage, plunder and destruction. These were generally lost and destroyed.

(John Egan) In December 1812, he [John Egan] came into the River St. Johns, Master of a small schooner called the Patsy? [Sally?] – that he remained in the country but four days – that as he was passing the Isabella place [Francis I’s plantation], he saw a large body of men, from 50 to 60 as he judged on the said Isabella place. That on his way down he met one Frank Collier, an acquaintance of his and that he told him that the US and Patriot troops were raising the devil on Richard’s Isabella place.

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath (John Jones) On August 8, 1812, Mr. Richard abandoned his plantation to the marauding invaders, and fled to Georgia, probably St. Marys.

On his Land, Crops, and their Destruction: (Rebecca) He planted a crop in 1812 on his plantation below Pottsburgh called Isabella...He was a firstrate planter and in every time of life so esteemed. He had an elegant place...under high improvements and the invaders destroyed, ruined him.

(John Jones) 130 acres of land under good fence. 110-120 under cultivation. He planted corn, cotton, berrué and potatoes. Does not recollect precisely how much cotton, but thinks he must have planted something like sixty acres. He planted from forty to fifty acres of corn, and in the middle of the rows he planted berrué all through the corn. Thinks he planted four or five acres of potatoes...His crop consisted of cotton, corn, sweet potatoes, and berrué...One hundred or more than one hundred bearing orange trees.

(Dr. James Hall) Mr. Richard was considered one of the best planters we had in Florida. Answers that he was upon said plantation in 1814, and found everything laid waste - fences and building mostly destroyed, and the plantation in a state of destruction. Witness has understood that such was the condition of the plantation, for a year or 18 months previously. The loss of the crop and the destruction of the plantation is imputable to no cause but the invasion of the province by the Troops of the United States.

(John Uptegrove) His crops were well cultivated. He was an excellent planter – one of the best in the country.

On his Plantation Buildings: (John Jones) Upon the plantation were two dwelling houses – a smoke house…kitchen…cotton houses…corn house…and six or seven negro houses…Besides fowl houses. I don’t know the value of the cotton house or the kitchen. The negro houses had each two rooms and a chimney, I think, and were worth I presume not less than fifty dollars each. The fences and the building and improvements were all destroyed with the exception of the two dwelling houses, and the smoke house.

(Isaiah D. Hart) He recollects there were, upon the place, two dwelling houses, a cotton house, smoke house, kitchen plastered with lime and sand; and a number of negro houses. Cannot recollect the precise number; but recollect they stood in two rows with a street running between them. The fence about the plantation was a good one. Witness recollects the fence very well, because he had frequently to cross it.

Witness is unable to form any correct estimate of the value of the cotton house. The kitchen was a good large house with two rooms in it, and a chimney. Cannot say what the kitchen was worth then, but thinks it would cost to build such an one in these times $300 or $400. Cannot tell what the negro houses were worth, but he has built some recently, that cost from $40 to $50 each. These are about as good as houses of the kind usually are, and as well as he recollects, Mr. Richard’s were.

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath (John Black) There were two dwelling houses, besides a cotton house, store house, smoke house, and as many as six or seven negro houses – the precise number not recollected. The cotton house alone must have been worth from $500-$600. The kitchen was worth from $250 to $300. It was a great deal of work to make such a house. Smoke house was worth as much as $150. Thinks the negro houses on an average were worth $100 each. Thinks the store house was worth $400 or $450. Thinks the fence was worth from $300-$400. These building and improvements were all burned with the following exception, to wit: The two dwelling houses and smoke house and witness thinks that one negro house was left. The crop was also destroyed. All the burning and destruction took place after the entry of Troops of the United States into the Province and during the Invasion.

(John Uptegrove) Answers that he had two dwelling houses, a cotton house, a corn house, smoke house, kitchen, and 8 or 10 negro houses – is not capable of estimating the value of these, but they were all good houses and quite valuable. He had upwards of 100 acres of land enclosed with a good fence.

All these improvements, except the two dwelling houses and smoke house, were destroyed. The cotton house was a framed building and quite substantial, an excellent building. Thinks there were two gins attached to it.. The kitchen was a good framed building with a store room in it. Believes that it was plastered inside and out. Cannot set any value upon it. The corn house was a good building for that purpose – standing high from the ground and underneath was a cellar. The negro houses were good comfortable houses, built of logs.

(Lewis Hogan) Two dwelling houses, from 6 to 10 negro houses, cotton house, corn house, store house, and kitchen. From the appearance, he judges that there were at least 150 acres of land at that plantation under fence. Cotton house had two floors – one above and one below – and sheds upon each side, and must have been worth not less than $800…Kitchen was a good one…worth nearly if not quite $300.

The negro houses were unusually good, and were worth not less than $50 each. Thinks the fence was worth between $300 and $400. The whole of this property, excepting the dwelling houses was destroyed.

(Rebecca Hart Richard Reade) Two dwelling houses, a cotton house, kitchen, store house, & smoke house and five new negro houses and four or five old ones. In the cotton house at the time of the invasion and when it was burnt it had at least 4000 lbs seed cotton. There were also four foot cotton gins attached to the house and burnt at the same time with the house (i.e.?) the cotton house. The cotton house itself without the gins or anything with it was worth at least $600. The kitchen was worth in witness’ judgement about $300. The new negro houses cost $600. They were new when they were destroyed. The smoke house was worth $150. The store house was worth $400. Almost all these building were new having been erected only the year preceding. This plantation to the number of at least 170 acres was fenced in with an excellent fence, worth in the judgement of the witness from $400 to $500. All these improvement with the exception of the two dwelling houses & smoke house were totally destroyed by burning in 1812, and during the invasion of the province by the troops of the United States.

The whole of said crops were destroyed and lost to Mr. Richard in 1812…

Asked why she remembers these things so clearly, Rebecca responded: That in witnessing the destruction of property it was natural to sympathise with those who were thus deprived of their property and possessions and in some measure to form some estimate of their value. Witness can give no better reason for remembering the particulars upon this subject. Claimant (Francis Richard Senior) was witnesses’ father-in-law and frequently the old gentleman would take her by the hand and lead her into 58

Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath the fields to witness his improvements and works or industry(?). The impressions made by those times will be a subject of melancholy retrospect so long as she lives.

On a Mulatto Boy Killed and Mr. Richard’s Horse Stolen (Hart) He knew the slave Pierre Louis owned by Mr. Richard. This negro was lost but witness does not know the particulars of it. He was not among Mr. Richard’s negroes in 1813, neither has witness ever since seen him with them and supposes that Mr. Richard never recovered him. Answers that Mr. Richard was not able to employ or plant with his hands in 1813 with any safety. The invasion put a stop to planting in 1813, and slaves remained a burden on their owners.

(Uptegrove) Answers that he lost a stud horse, a very valuable animal. Horse was prepped and sent with a Mulatto boy, owned by a Mr. Delany, express to the Patriot Camp near St. Augustine. The boy was shot and the horse was never recovered.

(Hogan) Answers that Mr. Richard Sr. had a stud horse in 1812, worth $200. How he was lost, he cannot say. But it was notoriously understood that this horse was taken, and his rider a mulatto boy, killed, while on his way from McQueen’s Mill to St. Augustine in 1812.

(Hart) Mr. Richard did lose a stud horse. Knows the horse very well, because the horse was raised by witness’ father. The rider of this horse, a mulatto boy was killed in 1812, and the horse taken by those who killed him. The rider was, at the time he was killed, the bearer of dispatches to the American Camp, as witness has always understood. He was killed at the stockades near St. Augustine. The horse was never recovered by Mr. Richard. Witness thinks this horse must have been worth from $130 to $150.

On his Slaves (Rebecca) She knows further that Mr. Richard had upon his plantation in 1812 at the time of the invasion 25 hands or slaves – as much as 22 of these were taskable hands & their names were as follows, to wit: Lewis, Andrew, Lawrence, Aron, Dominick, Jack, Gill, Pierre Louis, Patrone, Margaret, Madaline, Catharine (or Michele), Francois, Harriett, Sally, Jane, Louisa, Affie, Agate, Clarissa, Sophy, Lucy, Tony, Nanny, Suky. These hands made the crops in 1812 – which were lost.

(Francis II) List of my Father’s slaves, viz: Louis, Andrew, Laurence, Azard, Dominique, Jack, Gill, Petronelle, Magdalaine, Marguerite, Melanie, Catherine, Francoise, Anriette, Sanitte (Samitte?), Jane, MaryLouise, Aphie, Agathe, Clarissa, Sophie, Sukey.

(Uptegrove) Answers that he does not recollect precisely the number, but there was more than twenty.

These were prime hands. Richard had not a bad negro among them. Cannot recollect their names.

(Hogan) Answers that he knew the slave Peter, or Pierre Louis, Mr. Richard Sr. owned him. This slave was worth at the lowest $450. This slave ran away and could not be pursued in consequences of the distributed state of the country. Many negro slaves adopted a notion and acted upon it, that during the revolution they had a right to leave their masters and ran away.

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath On Tools or Other Possessions (John Jones) The plantation was well furnished with tools, such as wagons, carts, ploughs, hoes, axes, cross cut saws, drawing knives, etc. – but the value of the whole he is unable to form any correct estate of – but they were quite valuable. These were left with the other things mentioned. The houses were furnished with furniture, but what it was worth, he cannot pretend to say. It was destroyed and lost.

Planters had not time frequently during the troubles of 1812 and 1813 when driven to abandon their plantations, to save furniture, tools, implements, or anything else.

(Rebecca) He had a waggon and harnesses. 4 ploughs that cost $5 each. At least 22 hoes besides ten grubbing hoes, 10 axes that cost $2 each. The grubbing hoes were worth…as much as $15. The waggon was worth at least $100 with the harness. He gave $150 for it. A chest of carpenter’s tools which when bought by him, just before the Revolution broke out, These cost $45. These were all lost. They were left upon the plantation it being impossible to take them away at the time of the abandonment.

On When and to Where he Fled (Rebecca) Thinks he did not leave until September – the latter part of it – crops were pretty well made, but not gathered. He could not have remained in safety any longer. He held on as long as he could. This was the case likewise with all the planters in the region of country about Mr. Richard’s place. None of them could remain in safety…Answers the he went to Georgia. He went there because it was the nearest point of safety. The expense of moving must have cost him as much as $500. He had to make a number of trips.

Other (Dr. James Hall) That Mr. Richard suffered great and serious losses and from which he never recovered is beyond a doubt – If there is an honest claim in the country, it is this.

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath Testimony from the Patriot War Claim of Francis II 8 Claim for Losses: $4,250 Amount Awarded: $2,066 What was slave labor worth by the month? What was the expense of feeding and clothing a slave per annum?

(Lewis Z. Hogans) Answers that it was worth immediately before the invasion from $15-20 per month per men slaves. For women as well as witness recollects, from $8-10. The expense of feeding and clothing a slave for the year was as much as $25.

On his Crops, Land, and their Destruction: (Hogans) He had as much as 35 acres of corn growing and 3 or 4 acres of sweet potatoes. He might reasonably have expected at least as 600 bushels of corn. Corn was then worth from $1.25 to $1.50 per bushel. Sometimes it might be purchased perhaps for $125 but very seldom. He might reasonably have expected 300 bushels of potatoes. Potatoes were worth at that time 50 cents per bushel. These crops witness is sure he lost by the invasion of the province by the American Troops which caused Mr. Richard to leave the country. Answers that he is quite sure he [Francis II] planted as many acres as stated in his answers‌Mr. Richard did not plant them until 1811. He planted very little that year, that being his first year. In 1809 and 1810, he planted largely at his father’s place.

(John Jones) Answers that he knew Francis Richard Junior in 1812. He lived on Pottsburgh Creek on the east side of St. Johns River at a place called Strawberry Hill. He was at that time an inhabitant of East Florida and an actual subject of Spain.

On his Plantation Buildings: (Hogans) There was a dwelling house, barn, kitchen, and stable and ..? as well as witness recollects. 2 or 3 negro houses of no great value. There was from 30-35 acres of land enclosed with a good and valuable fence. All these were destroyed excepting the dwelling house. I did not see them burned, but was on the place a short time after their destruction and there was every evidence of these ...Must have been worth ten or eleven hundred dollars.

On his Slaves: (Francis II himself) The following are my own, viz: Moses, Sam (Ham?), Harry, London, Abraham, St. Johns, Augustine, Alap?, Jinny, Elizabeth, Teenah, Fetty (Tetty?).

(Hogans) Answers that he had as many as 12 hands. He recollects the names of the following to wit: St. John, Adam, Harry, Moses, Augustine, Jimmy, Alop?, London, Abram, Tinah, Elizabeth, and Tetty.

They were all excellent prime hands.

(Jones) Slaves could not be employed in 1812 and 1813. They were a burden to their owners throughout this region of country. If any tried to keep their negroes, he was to hide them frequently in swamps, to prevent their being stolen.

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath

On his Cattle: (Hogans) Answers that Mr. Richard had at that time at least 40 head of stock cattle. They were then worth $10 per head. He lost all of his cattle. Does not know of his saving one.

(Jones) Answers that that Mr. Richard had stock cattle at the time…but how many he cannot say. Stock cattle were worth about $12 per head. Cannot say definitively what became of Mr. Richard’s cattle but when he returned after the invasion, as well as witness recollects, the cattle had disappeared. Supposes they were taken by the US Troops. Their camp called “Camp New Hope” being situated only about 2 miles form Mr. Richard’s plantation.

On When and to Where he Fled (Rebecca) Answers that Mr. Richard left the country with his Father, Francis Richard Senior. She knows nothing positively of his losses – in particular. Witness supposes he must have lost all as he left the country or abandoned the country with his slaves, and before it was time to gather crops. He came to his father’s with his family & negroes and they all left together. He brought no furniture nor other property, but his negroes, his negroes had nothing but their blankets upon their heads. Supposes of course, he must have left everything and what he left. It is almost impossible that it should not have been lost.

In November 1813, Francis II wrote a letter from Crooked River, Georgia – north of St. Marys.

It’s possible that he kept his biracial family here in the countryside, away from the Patriot stronghold of St. Marys. Although Francis II was definitely not a supporter of the Patriot cause, he was forced to join their ranks for a short time in order to save himself. He said that he was compelled to join their forces.

“In 1812 and 1813 I was, part of the time in Florida, and part of the time in Georgia. By compulsion, I was a Patriot. I became a Patriot rather than submit to worse.” He was in the Patriot camp in the spring of 1812, but was out by July.9 While he was in Florida, he probably stayed at his house on Treasury Street in St. Augustine.

This is the house that he and Maria had received as a wedding gift from her parents. His “legitimate” son, young Juan Francisco, had been living here with the boy’s grandparents, the FERREIRAs.

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This map shows John B. Farrai as co-owner of two lots abutting Spanish Street. It should read John B. FERREIRA, the brother-in-law of Francis II.

Figure 21. Richard and Ferreira Property in St. Augustine. 1835

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath Testimony from the Patriot War Claim of Rebecca [HART RICHARD] READ 10 Claim for Losses: $817 Amount Awarded: $717 The recently widowed Rebecca RICHARD remained on her plantation with her four children and servant from March through July 1812. Her plantation was on the western bank of the St. Johns River. After her plantation was destroyed, she moved in to the second dwelling house on Francis I’s plantation on the eastern side of the river. Soon it became too dangerous to live on this plantation, and Francis I and Rebecca fled to Georgia, probably St. Marys, for their safety. Francis II had already moved his family (composed of his slave mistress and biracial children) and slaves to Georgia. Two months later, in November 1812, the tenacious Rebecca returned with her children and one servant to live on Francis I’s plantation. “Being a lone widow woman with a family of little children, she was permitted to remain although her situation was uncomfortable. She continued to live at the cotton place from that time forward during the turbulent times of 1812 relying upon her sex and providence for protection.”11 One morning a group of men, headed by Patriot Captain Aiken, approached the house. They told Rebecca that “they were going to burn the place; that they had come for that express purpose and that they would not leave the old rascal [Francis I] an inch of house or beast on the place. She begged them not to – “for if they set fire to the large dwelling house, they would, by so doing, burn her and her little children out of their house. That night they set fire to the out buildings, but did not fire the dwelling, as witness always supposed was in consequence of her petitions.”12 On her Plantation, Crops, Land, their Destruction and When and to Where She Fled (Francis II) Answers that there was a good sized house completely finished, that there was a good kitchen, corn house and good fences around the premises. These were also destroyed. That the value of the property was as follows: The dwelling house, say $350, the kitchen and corn house, say $170, and the fencing, say $30. The exact number of orange trees, hogs, and poultry I can’t state. The property was situated on the west side of the St. Johns River near the mouth of Trout Creek. It was all in her possession and she owned it… The property was all lost and destroyed, and the house burned whilst the US and Patriot army was in the country… Rebeca E. Reed was compelled in consequence of said troops to abandon her plantation and all her property.

(William Munroe) Mrs. Richard sustained serious losses in 1812. Her plantation was laid waste, and entirely ravaged and destroyed. Witness was Master’s Mate on board the Gun Boat 149 which belonged to the Flotilla, commanded by Com. Campbell of the US Navy. Witness passed up the St. John’s in a barge with 25 men, he commanding the party, on public service, in the year 1812. He thinks it was in the month of September. The weather was cool but he cannot speak positively to events, so long passed by.

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath As witness and his party went up the river, they landed at Mrs. Richard’s for the purpose of obtaining poultry or other fresh provisions; they found Mrs. Richard at home, and in possession of an apparently thriving and flourishing establishment. Her dwelling house of two stories, was worth from $400 to $500. Her kitchen and corn house, must have been worth $250. Her crops of corn and cotton, had they been permitted to come to maturity, would certainly have been worth $100. The fences were worth $35 or $40. They seemed to be in good repair. Witness knows not what quantity of provision Mrs. Richard had on hand, at that time. She must have had some, for witness saw on her plantation, both stock and poultry. There were 30 or 40 orange trees, all flourishing, and about one third bearing trees, but can not speak to their value. Witness saw several horned cattle on the plantation. There might have been 15 or 20. He can’t say whether they all belonged to Mrs. Richard or not. There were about as many hogs, and from 50 to 100 head of poultry. Witness remained at Mrs. Richard’s about 4 hours and purchased from her some poultry and a few eggs. Witness had been at Mrs. Richard’s about 18 months before. He always knew her to be a pretty good planter, and a thriving and industrious woman.

Eight days after the visit he has described, the witness returned on his voyage down the River, to Mrs. Richard’s plantation. The buildings and fences had disappeared. They had been destroyed by fire. The crop was entirely lost. The orange trees were destroyed by the axe and by fire. There was no vestige of property remaining. He saw no cattle. No hogs, not even a chicken. No human being now upon the place.

The destruction and devastation of Mrs. Richard’s plantation must have been occasioned by the Patriots. There was none else to have done it. The Patriots were in the neighbourhood, as witness went up the river, indeed one of them, a man by the name of Dye, came down to his barge and conversed with witness. Witness is certain there were no Indians or Spaniards in that part of the country when Mrs. Richard’s losses occurred. He can’t say if the Patriots and US Troops were then acting in concert. They probably were, but it was not made public, that they were so. When Mrs. Richard’s property was destroyed there were no US Troops in her neighbourhood, that witness knew of. Mrs. Richard lived at her own place at the time the witness is speaking of, and not with father-in-law, the elder Mr. Richard – where he lived witness knows not. It was the constant practice of the Patriots to plunder and destroy when opportunity allowed, wherever they went.

(Elizabeth Hart – Rebecca’s mother) The claimant, Mrs. Read, is my daughter. I am 81 years old and have resided in East Florida since 1801. I remember the loss and destruction of the claimant’s plantation on the St. Johns in 1812, or the first year of the War by the Patriots. In 1812, I lived a short distance below my daughter’s plantation on the river, perhaps a mile or two. Some time in 1812, Mrs. Read (then Mrs. Richard) left her place with her family, and went to Fernandina, and staid there a while, and the she moved back on to the St. Johns, on to a place owned by her father-in-law, Francis Richard, called Isabella, adjoining the plantation of George Atkinson and next above it on the east side of the river. She lived there for two or three years or more. I cannot say exactly when she moved there, but I remember, that she lived there at the time Atkinson’s place was burned. Her own place which had been previously destroyed was on the west side of the river nearly opposite to Atkinson’s.

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath

Land Rich, Cash Poor These were definitely very trying times for everyone in Spanish East Florida including the RICHARDs. Removed from their plantations, Florida planters had to provide food and shelter for their families and slaves with little to no income for two years. To help make ends meet, in May of 1813, Francis II borrowed $1630 from his friend John McQUEEN. He offered five slaves as collateral.13 The war ended with a bittersweet and short-lived victory for the Spanish in Florida. The economy of Spanish East Florida had been devastated leaving its inhabitants scattered and with little means to re-establish their plantations. Spain was weak, and the United States was growing stronger.

Eager to restart his life, in January 1815 Francis II showed up at the Spanish administrative office in Fernandina asking permission for him, his father, and neighboring planter Reuben HOGANS Sr. to return with their families and possessions to their old properties on the St. Johns River. Two weeks later, the governor granted them permission to return to their plantations on the condition that all the returning previous inhabitants check in with the Royal Administration, and let them know how many family members and slaves they had brought back.14 In addition to recovering from the losses of the war and starting up his plantation, Francis II also went back to managing McQUEEN’s shipyard plantation. What appears as almost a footnote in the historical record must surely have had larger repercussions at the time. In March 1815, Francis II was staying at McQueen’s plantation house while McQUEEN was away. Francis II accidentally burned down the house. McQUEEN lost all his furniture and other possessions in the fire. Francis II then moved in with his father at his plantation.15

The Sawmill While managing McQUEEN’s lumber shipyard, Francis II had gained extensive experience in the lumber industry, and saw firsthand how lucrative it could be. On May 11, 1817, Francis II petitioned the Spanish government 16,000 acres of land in order to build his own water-powered sawmill.16 He was granted the 16,000 acres, the customary amount for a sawmill, on the condition that he followed through with the construction of the mill. He would lose the land if he did not build it. He complied with the terms, and built the sawmill naming it Strawberry Mills. He also built a cotton gin and a grist mill for grinding corn.

After Florida became a US territory in 1821, a commission was set up to validate the Spanish land claims made by the inhabitants. The commission originally denied Francis II’s claim to the 16,000 acre sawmill site. He appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1834, Chief Justice John MARSHALL wrote the opinion that validated Francis II’s claim to this 16,000 acre tract writing, “The mill was commenced in 1818, was in full operation in 1820, and has been kept up ever since.”17 66

Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath Just as the rebels who fought in the Patriot War were promised land for their efforts during the war, the Spanish government later offered 25 acres of land per family member of any man who had fought against the Georgian/American rebels. In November, 1817 Francis II petitioned and was granted 250 acres of land that were due to him, his wife, 2 children, and 6 slaves since he had “joined up with a militia from St. Augustine in September, 1814 as they marched to Fernandina to dislodge the insurgents who had taken possession of the town.”18 The tract of land he received for this service was known as Laurel Colorado or Red Bay Hammock in English.

Two months later, in January 1818, he entered a request for more land. This time, he petitioned 1,025 acres of land due to the increased size of his “family.”19 His petition specifically stated that he had “acquired by purchase” 29 more slaves. Since his father had died, without a will, sometime during the two previous months, Francis I had probably “sold” his son the 29 slaves for a nominal fee. The value of 29 slaves at this time was approximately $20,000. This land grant was located in today’s Putnam County and included a small island in Lake George called Hog Island and the land on the cove directly across from it. Francis II held this land for 17 years before selling it for $1,500.20

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath

Figure 22. Map of Hog Island, Lake George grant of 1,025 acres to Francis II

More Bad Blood: The HART and RICHARD Families Like the DELLs, the HARTs were another familiar that would not get along with the RICHARDs despite, or maybe even because of, the marriage of the young elopers, Rebecca HART and John B. RICHARD. There were stark differences between the families’ values and beliefs. The HARTs had been Patriots while the RICHARDs were on the Loyalist side of the Patriot War. The HARTs were Protestant; the RICHARDs, Catholic. The HARTs probably never forgave the RICHARDs for causing Rebecca to convert to Catholicism. But the most divisive issue between the two families was probably their fundamentally different views on slavery and race relations. William HART was one of the men 68

Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath who testified that slave Dominick didn’t have any cuts or bruises the days after DELL had savagely attacked him. The following refers to William HART Sr.: The proximity of armed runaway slaves, the nature of slavery in Florida, and the social position of free blacks likely shocked William HART…He probably was wary, if not disdainful, of the more easygoing nature and institutions of the Spanish culture.21 William Sr.’s son, Isaiah HART, might have had a change of heart later in life as he freed three of his slaves through the provisions of his will in 1861. But at this point in history, the HARTs were advocates of the two caste, American system of slavery. Though he went on to be considered and respected as the founder of Jacksonville, Isaiah D. HART had a questionable past.

William's son, Isaiah David HART, had emerged from the war as a hardened veteran of conflict. His prospects were few, though, and he lived for several years with his parents on the St. Marys River...At first, his principal opportunity lay in raiding for slaves and cattle. From camps below the St Mary River robber bands operated freely and supplied by friends in St. Marys (Georgia), they plundered East Florida plantations. White, mulatto, black - no one was secure. Negroes were saleable in Georgia. Isaiah and his friends could not pass up such rewards.22

The Case of Jacob The following events offer another clear illustration of the differing views on race relations in Spanish East Florida and the pivotal role they played in defining a person’s loyalties. In 1819, Isaiah’s father, William HART Sr., was also implicated in selling free blacks as slaves.23 “Old HART” stood accused of stealing blacks and of having bought a free black boy, named Jacob, from Joseph Andrews.

Though it turns out that William’s son, Daniel, had “acquired” the boy, Old HART’s hands weren’t entirely clean.

William HENDRICKS, a planter, testified that HART had the boy, fourteen or fifteen years old, handcuffed, and that the two were on their way to Georgia where HART was going to sell the boy. On seeing this, HENDRICKS notified Francis II of the situation. Jacob must have escaped because Bernardo SEGUI testified that he ran into Jacob on the road. When asked where he was going, Jacob answered that he was fleeing Daniel HART. He said that Mr. Andrews had sold him to Daniel HART even though he had protested that he was free; not a slave. Jacob said that he had worked on Mr. ANDREW’s plantation for two years, but that he left because he was paid so poorly.

That same day, SEGUI came upon Francis II who said that he knew Jacob was not a slave.

SEGUI asked Francis II to bring the boy to Francis II’s place, and to look after him until the matter 69

Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath could be resolved. SEGUI then went to see Daniel HART who lived in his father’s house. Daniel wasn’t at home, but his father said that Jacob was the property of his son, Daniel. He said that he knew that the boy was a free black, but that his son, Daniel, had acquired him from Andrews so that he, William Sr., could teach him the trade of saddle making. Jacob did not have the same understanding.

Francis II, in testifying to the character and conduct of the HARTs said that Old HART was very hard-working and always had been since coming to the province, but that his sons, Isaiah and Daniel were reputed to be complicit in stealing and, according to the news from St. Marys, had a bad reputation.

The 63 year-old “Old HART” was ordered to be held at St. Mark Fortress until a decision could be made in the case. At some point during his incarceration he was transferred to the hospital. Rebecca, a widow at this time, wrote the Administration begging that she be allowed to care for her elderly father in her own home; that in his delicate situation, he needed the loving, attentive care that only a daughter could provide. She promised to bring him to court to testify just as soon as he was able. Old HART was released into Rebecca’s care.

Deaths of the Patriarch and Matriarch Francis I died in St. Marys, Georgia sometime between October 1st and November 5th, 1817.24 He did not leave a will. Francis II was named administrator of the estate. In an 1829 lawsuit against the RICHARDs, John Charles declared that all the land granted to Francis I amounted to 816 acres (476 acres in Branchester, 230 Park Plantation, and 110 near St. Isabel Point), and that that was all he owned when he died.25 Francis I had considerable debt, however, at his death. In 1826, Francis II received court permission to sell the real estate necessary to pay for his father’s debts. All three tracts were sold at auction to Gabriel W. PERSALL. After satisfying the debts, the remaining balance of Francis I’s estate was $378.97.26 In 1821, the year in which Spain ceded Florida to the United States, the RICHARD family matriarch, Genevieve “Honorine,” died – most likely in Camden County, Georgia. It’s possible that she died of Yellow Fever as there was an epidemic in St. Augustine that killed many people they year she died. She named her son, John Charles, executor of her estate. In her will, she passed on 28 slaves to her children and grandchildren.27 Like most women of her time, Honorine did not leave behind an extensive historical record of her life, but her pioneer spirit and strength laid the foundation for many future generations of Floridians. Six generations and almost two hundred years later, RICHARD descendants are still naming their daughters in honor of Genevieve “Honorine” BIANNE FRANÇOIS dit RICHARD, matriarch of the FRANÇOIS family line in the Americas.

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Chapter 5: The Patriot War and its Aftermath

1

Cusick, James. The Other War of 1812: The Patriot War and the American Invasion of Spanish East Florida, p.

104.

2

Cusick, James. The Other War of 1812: The Patriot War and the American Invasion of Spanish East Florida, p.

109.

3

Cusick, James. The Other War of 1812: The Patriot War and the American Invasion of Spanish East Florida, p.

141.

4

Cusick, James. The Other War of 1812: The Patriot War and the American Invasion of Spanish East Florida, pp.

195-6.

5

Cusick, James. The Other War of 1812: The Patriot War and the American Invasion of Spanish East Florida, p.

8.

6

Patriot War Claims. #83,129, Francis Richard Sr.

7

Patriot War Claims. #83,129, Francis Richard Sr.

8

Patriot War Claims. #81,651, Francis Richard Jr.

9

Patriot War Claims. #83,831, Rebecca E. Read. Testimony of Francis Richard Jr., p. 11.

10

Patriot War Claims. #83,831. Rebecca E. Read.

11

Patriot War Claims. #83,129, Francis Richard Sr. Testimony of Rebecca Read, p. 48.

12

Patriot War Claims. #81,651, Francis Richard Jr. Testimony of Rebecca Read, p. 61.

13

Camden County, Georgia, Deed Book I, p. 82, May 22, 1813.

14

East Florida Papers. Governor Gil to Jose Pacot. Reel 65, Section 34. February 6, 1815.

15

East Florida Papers. Thomas Llorente to Governor. Reel 57, Section 32. March 16, 1815.

16

Florida Department of State. Spanish Land Grants. File of Francis Richard Jr.

17

Decisions of the United States Supreme Court. January Term, 1834, United States v Richard.

18

Florida Department of State. Spanish Land Grants. File of Francis Richard Jr.

19

Florida Department of State. Spanish Land Grants. File of Francis Richard Jr.

20

St. Johns County, Florida, Deed Book M, pp. 49-50. June 1, 1835.

21

Brown, Canter Jr., p. 11.

22

Brown, Canter Jr., p. 13.

23

East Florida Papers. Prosecution of William Hart for illegal purchase of free Black Jacobo from Jose Andreu.

Reel 127, Section 65, #1819-4. July 22, 1819.

24

Patriot War Claims. #83,129, Francis Richard Sr. Testimony of John Uptegrove, p. 22.

25

Circuit Court Papers of St. Johns County, Florida. Clark & Brown v. Francis Richard and Others. St. Johns County Probate Records. 1829.

26

Ibid.

27

Camden County, Georgia, Will Books. Last Will and Testament of Genevieve Bianne Richard, December 21, 1820.

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