“What we feared most, and still do, is a repeat of the Georgian scenario in Moldova”
INTERVIEW BY VAZHA
TAVBERIDZE
As Moldova emerges from one of the most consequential elections in its post-independence history, political and security analyst Andrei Curararu, co-founder of the Moldovan think tank WatchDog.md, spoke with Radio Free Europe’s Georgian Service about what was truly at stake. He lays out the high risks of a pro-Russian turn, the subtle— and not-so-subtle—ways the Kremlin still tries to influence Moldovan society, and why the outcome matters far beyond Moldova’s borders, from Brussels to Kyiv and even to Odesa. WHAT WAS AT STAKE IN THESE ELECTIONS? WHAT WOULD THE ALTERNATIVE SCENARIO HAVE BEEN IF THE OUTCOME HAD BEEN DIFFERENT? What was, and still is, at stake for Moldova is an open door towards the European Union, even with no objections from Hungary, unlike in Ukraine’s case.
In this week’s issue...
UNICEF and BTU Launch UPSHIFT Program to Empower Young Innovators in Georgia
Ukraine Latest: Longrange Strikes in the Offing for Ukraine
Linguistic Impact on Georgia’s Revolutionary Mood
A Leap from the Third to the First World: How? By What Means? Is it Possible?
Hi Tbilisi: Where Elegance Meets Pleasure
Georgia Launches Rehabilitation of Five Major Museums
Echoes over the Alazani: Telavi’s Festival Between Memory and Future
A ballot box. Image: BM
Moldovan President Maia Sandu. Photo by Daniel Mihailescu/AFP
UNICEF and BTU Launch UPSHIFT Program to Empower Young Innovators in Georgia
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
UNICEF, together with the Business and Technology University (BTU), has launched the UPSHIFT Social Innovation and Entrepreneurship Program in Georgia, to equip young people with the skills to design and implement solutions to community challenges.
The program targets youth aged 14–18 in Tbilisi, Batumi, Zugdidi and Akhaltsikhe, combining training, mentorship and project development based on a globally recognized design-thinking methodology. In its pilot phase, 80 participants, 20 in each city, will receive hands-on instruction in social innovation, entrepreneurship and children’s
rights.
Beyond direct beneficiaries, UPSHIFT will also train mentors and local facilitators through shadowing opportunities, ensuring the program’s sustainability.
Partnerships with Child Rights Centers in Batumi, Zugdidi and Akhaltsikhe State Universities will provide hubs for training and youth engagement, while workshops with NGOs, businesses, academia and government representatives will help build an enabling environment for youth-led initiatives.
“UPSHIFT is more than a program, it’s a movement that empowers young people to become active agents of change in their communities,” said Jesper Moller, UNICEF Representative in Georgia. Nino Enukidze, Rector of BTU, added that the initiative aligns with the university’s mission to help innovation and entrepreneurship among youth.
Tbilisi TV Tower Modernization Begins with $4m Investment
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
Mayor Kakha Kaladze announced that the long-discussed modernization of Tbilisi’s iconic TV tower is officially in progress after investor company KASS GROUP received a permit.
KASS GROUP, already known for its successful Tsalka Canyon development, has committed to investing at least $4 million in the tower’s modernization. In return, the company will manage the new infrastructure for 25 years. First proposed in 2018, the modernization project struggled to attract investors until KASS GROUP came forward in 2021.
The project aims to transform the Soviet-era structure into a major tourist
Georgia on Edge Ahead of Crucial Local Elections
BY TEAM GT
As Georgia counts down the final hours before its municipal elections on October 4, the stakes feel far higher than they would for a typical local vote. What’s normally a chance to elect mayors and city council members has become a high-pressure test of the country’s democratic health — and many are wondering whether Georgia’s political system can still earn the public’s trust. With no reliable polling data, observers are left to sketch out possible outcomes. One scenario sees the ruling Georgian Dream party sweeping local offices, particularly in areas where opposition parties are either boycotting, or too weak to mount a serious challenge. But others fear a more turbulent aftermath: if Georgian Dream claims a broad victory under controversial conditions, protests could erupt in cities like Tbilisi, Kutaisi, and Batumi. A third scenario, arguably no less damaging, imagines a legal deadlock, with disputed results in some municipalities dragging on and eroding confidence further.
What’s making these elections especially tense is the backdrop of deep distrust. New election laws passed by Georgian Dream have made it harder for opposition parties to register, and have limited the role of election observers. Opposition groups also face tighter restrictions on funding. After last year’s heavily criticized parliamentary elec-
tions, which independent analysts say may have involved up to 175,000 manipulated votes, many Georgians are entering this vote already bracing for disappointment.
The mood on the ground reflects that anxiety.
Opposition figures, some in prison, are warning of a broken system. In an open letter to the UK’s Foreign Secretary, jailed leaders accused the Georgian government of aligning with Iran, hijacking state institutions, and weaponizing the media. They called on Britain to sanction top Georgian Dream officials. The letter underscores just how high the stakes have become, framing the election not just as a domestic affair, but part of a larger geopolitical tug-of-war over Georgia’s future.
The ruling party, meanwhile, is digging in. Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze has described the election as a battle to defend Georgia’s “order, dignity, and sovereignty,” and has warned that any attempts to stir unrest will be dealt with decisively. He and his party continue to invoke shadowy foreign influences, what they call the “Global War Party,” as a threat to national stability. In a move that caused outrage among critics, Georgian Dream even floated the idea of banning some opposition parties outright in the days leading up to the vote.
International voices aren’t staying silent. Western governments and organizations have issued strong warnings, urging Georgia to ensure transparency, fairness, and safety for observers. The Georgian President’s recent decision to pardon
two prominent opposition leaders — Mamuka Khazaradze and Badri Japaridze — was seen as an attempt to appease critics, but it did little to ease fears that the playing field is stacked.
On paper, 17 political parties registered to run in these elections. But after some failed to meet paperwork requirements and others withdrew in protest, only 12 parties remain. Eight major pro-European opposition parties, including the United National Movement (UNM) and European Georgia, are boycotting the vote entirely, calling it a sham designed to cement Georgian Dream’s control. Their absence has cast a long shadow over the election’s credibility.
Even among the opposition parties that chose to participate, internal fractures are showing. Several prominent members of groups like Lelo and For Georgia have stepped down in protest, accusing their own parties of legitimizing a flawed process.
This weekend, Georgia will learn whether October 4 marks a new chapter, or just deepens the country’s long-running political crisis. If the results are widely accepted, Georgian Dream could tighten its grip. But if allegations of manipulation or voter suppression surface, or if people take to the streets, the country may be heading into another season of unrest.
Either way, the outcome will be scrutinized not just by Georgians, but by the international community—especially Western allies who are watching to see whether they can, or should, recognize the results.
TI Georgia: The West Has Sanctioned Over 230 Representatives of Georgian Dream
BY TEAM GT
attraction, complete with a panoramic observation deck and a restaurant located 70 meters above the ground. As Kaladze stated, the concept was developed in consultation with the Historical Council to ensure that cultural heritage, architectural integrity and safety standards are fully ensured.
“This will be one of the important centers of attraction for Tbilisi residents and visitors,” Kaladze said, stressing the project’s potential to strengthen the capital’s tourism appeal.
Construction is expected to last about two years, with City Hall setting a final project deadline for March 2028. The municipality and the Ministry of Economy will provide additional support, including upgrades to surrounding infrastructure, a full repainting of the structure, renovation of the tower’s lighting system and transfer of technical equipment.
Transparency International Georgia reports that Western governments have imposed sanctions on more than 230 representatives of the ruling party Georgian Dream, with the identities of 141 individuals made public, while the rest face undisclosed visa and travel restrictions.
The organization says those sanctioned include billionaire founder of Georgian Dream Bidzina Ivanishvili and four members of his family, 52 high-ranking officials, 47 judges, 17 prosecutors, and 14 police officers.
“Democratic countries are sanctioning these individuals for brutally dispersing peaceful protesters, undermining democracy, halting Georgia’s Euro-integration process, advancing Russian interests, rigging elections, corruption, propaganda, and going against the will of the Georgian people,” Transparency International Georgia stated.
Since the spring of 2024, several coun-
tries have introduced anonymous visa restrictions against more than 200 Georgian officials. The United States has imposed visa bans on over 110 people, including members of Georgian Dream, parliamentarians, high-level government and municipal officials, law enforcement and security officers, business leaders, propagandists, and their family members. Germany has barred entry to 13 Georgians linked to violence against protesters, Latvia has banned 84, and Poland has blocked entry to eight law enforcement officials.
On January 27, 2025, the European Council suspended the visa-free regime for Georgian diplomatic and service passport holders. By June, Georgian Dream leaders confirmed that 11 EU member states had already enforced the suspension: Romania, Bulgaria, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, Belgium, and Italy, with the Czech Republic joining in September. Transparency International Georgia estimates the restrictions may affect at least 1,000 officials and their families, given the number of diplomatic and service passports issued.
In addition, the European Parliament on February 13, 2025, adopted a resolution refusing to recognize the Georgian Dream government, calling for an end to repression, fresh elections, and asset freezes against Ivanishvili, his family, senior party officials, business associates, and propagandists. In total, the resolution named 31 individuals for targeted sanctions. Western pressure has continued through 2025. In September, the United Kingdom sanctioned former chief prosecutor Otar Partskhaladze and businessman Levan Vasadze for supporting Russia’s war in Ukraine. The Czech Republic imposed financial sanctions on five officials accused of involvement in repressions, including Deputy Interior Minister Aleksandre Darakhvelidze, judges Koba Chagunava, Nino Galustashvili, Mikhail Jinjolia, and prosecutor Lasha Kotrikadze. Transparency International Georgia emphasizes that Western governments are maintaining and expanding sanction measures in response to what they describe as Georgian Dream’s authoritarian turn and its distancing from democratic values.
Election banner of Tbilisi Mayor Kakha Kaladze displayed at a metro station. Photo by Gigi Kobakhidze/Civil.ge
Photo: California Management Review.
Photo: Georgian Travel Guide.
Ukraine Latest: Long-range Strikes in the Offing for Ukraine
COMPILED BY ANA DUMBADZE
The war in Ukraine has entered yet another tense chapter, with developments on both the battlefield and in international diplomacy underscoring the conflict’s growing complexity. In Washington, President Donald Trump’s administration has signaled an unprecedented willingness to allow Ukraine to conduct long-range strikes deep into Russian territory, while in Europe, leaders are stepping up military support in an effort to prevent Kyiv from losing further ground. Meanwhile, Moscow has intensified its own attacks and launched its largest conscription drive in nearly a decade, reinforcing Vladimir Putin’s message that Russia is committed to what he calls a “righteous battle.”
This week, retired General Keith Kellogg, the US Special Envoy for Ukraine, confirmed that Trump has authorized Kyiv to use American-supplied weapons for deep strikes inside Russia. Speaking to Fox News, Kellogg was unequivocal: “If we read what he has said, and also what Vice President Vance and Secretary Rubio have said, the answer is yes. Use the ability to hit deep. There are no such things as sanctuaries.” He recalled that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky had personally asked Trump for cruise missiles with ranges of up to 2,500 kilometers during their recent meeting, although no final decision has been made on supplying Tomahawk missiles. The prospect of Kyiv gaining the abil-
ity to hit strategic Russian sites far from the frontlines has provoked alarm in Moscow, where officials warn that such moves would represent direct American involvement in the war. Kremlin figures have hinted that US personnel could become targets if they are found to be assisting with targeting or launch operations. Analysts note that authorizing Tomahawks would mark a significant escalation, far beyond the use of shorterrange ATACMS missiles, which Washington only permitted against Russian territory in late 2024. The internal debate within the US administration reflects a broader divide between Trump’s aggressive stance and Pentagon caution, with reports suggesting that Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has frequently blocked Ukrainian attempts to expand long-range operations despite presidential approval.
On the battlefield, Russia has continued to press its advantage, capturing the Donetsk settlement of Sieversk Malyi and expanding control over the nearby villages of Shandryholove and Zarichne.
Video released by Russia’s defense ministry showed troops raising their flag as they advanced through residential areas, underscoring Moscow’s determination to inch westward in the Donbas. These gains come as Ukrainian officials acknowledge mounting losses. As reported by the General Staff in Kyiv, Russian combat deaths have now surpassed 1.1 million since the start of the war, with nearly a thousand soldiers reported killed in the past 24 hours alone.
The toll on civilians also remains devastating. In Ukraine’s northern Sumy region, a Russian drone strike destroyed a family home in the village of Cherne-
chchyna, killing a couple and their two young sons. Regional governor Oleh Hryhorov described the deaths as “a terrible and irreparable loss,” while officials in Kyiv reiterated calls for stronger Western air defense support.
For Moscow, the war is both military and ideological. In a speech marking the third anniversary of Russia’s annexation of Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk, and Zaporizhzhia regions, President Putin vowed to prevail. “Together we are defending our love for the motherland and the unity of our historical destiny,” he said, portraying the conflict as an existential struggle against Ukraine and its “Satanic” Western allies. At the same time, the Kremlin launched its largest autumn conscription since 2016, drafting 135,000 men. Officially, conscripts are not supposed to be sent into combat, yet
previous admissions of “mistaken deployments” raise questions about whether the new recruits will eventually find themselves on the frontlines. Putin has ordered the military to expand to 1.5 million active personnel by 2026, signaling his long-term preparation for confrontation with the West.
Across the Atlantic, Trump has sharpened his rhetoric as well. In a recent social media post, he likened Ukraine’s predicament to a sports team forbidden from attacking. “It is very hard to win a war if you are not allowed to strike the invader’s country,” he wrote, blaming his predecessor Joe Biden for “tying Kyiv’s hands.” Trump insists that the war would never have started under his leadership and maintains that Ukraine can not only reclaim occupied territory but potentially push even deeper if given
the right tools. European leaders are also intensifying their support. In Brussels, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced an agreement with Ukraine to allocate €2 billion for drones, hailing the technology as central to Ukraine’s defense and Europe’s own security. “This allows Ukraine to scale up and use its full capacity,” she said alongside NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte. The EU sees drones not only as weapons for Ukraine but also as a foundation for building what it calls a “drone wall” along its eastern border, intended to counter Russian incursions. This initiative follows earlier announcements of €6 billion in EU funds, drawn from profits on frozen Russian assets, earmarked for drone production.
Continued on page 4
President Putin has ordered Russia’s military to expand to 1.5 million active servicemen by 2026. Source: GETTY IMAGES
Andrei Curararu:
“What we feared most, and still do, is a repeat of the Georgian scenario in Moldova”
And also the expansionist vision of Russia, which regards Moldova as part of its zone of influence. For Moscow, Moldova is a key element in its future strategies to influence Ukraine, perhaps by deploying troops in Transnistria in order to draw some Ukrainian manpower away from the actual war zones, to weaken the front elsewhere.
There are also the 1.5 million EU passport holders, EU citizens, who can influence political processes in Romania, our neighboring country, and who could also be used to carry out malign operations elsewhere. Russia sees Moldova as part of its playground, one it has no intention of sharing.
Another layer of Russian influence is the Church. Priests were actively delivering sermons ahead of the elections, telling people not to vote for pro-European parties, because “they will close the churches.” In the week before the vote, 200,000 copies of a newspaper were seized; the message was the same: do not vote for the government, otherwise the churches will be shut down. This is a deeply painful issue for many, especially the elderly who go to church every Sunday and may well believe what they are told. And these priests are rewarded: sent on so-called pilgrimages to Serbia, Israel, Turkey, and given money for their sermons.
YOUR FORMER FOREIGN MINISTER SAID THE FATE OF MOLDOVA’S EU MEMBERSHIP DEPENDED ON THESE ELECTIONS. ANOTHER MINISTER CALLED IT THE GREATEST BREAKING POINT IN THE COUNTRY’S HISTORY, THE MOST IMPORTANT ELECTIONS SINCE INDEPENDENCE. DO YOU AGREE?
Yes. To put it bluntly, however slim Moldova’s chance may be, it has to be seized by this government while the window of opportunity is still open. We should be using the opportunity the EU is offering right now, because there are too many uncertainties to assume we can do it later. Look at the Balkans – their path has dragged on, and still there is no certainty.
What we feared most, and still do, is a repeat of the Georgian scenario in Moldova: pro-Russian forces taking power, making decisions that would force Brussels to freeze and eventually cut off relations with us. For Moldova, that would mean a huge hole in the budget. We rely on nearly €2 billion in EU financial aid,
and losing that would plunge the country into recession. Poverty would deepen, vulnerability would grow, and we would be pushed towards Russia.
That is exactly the path they want: secure a loan from Moscow, on Moscow’s terms – creating a crisis that makes people more dependent on Russia, offering cheap gas or other discounts to keep us in line. That would shut the window towards Brussels for good. It would make us slaves to Russia, essentially.
LET’S LOOK AT RUSSIA ITSELF – HOW CRUCIAL WAS THIS FOR THEM? HOW MUCH WAS AT STAKE?
I think this was one of the last chances for Russia to take over Moldova through soft power. Because if Moldova continues on its European path, if new jobs are created thanks to EU money, if even the skeptics begin to see personal benefits, to see that life improves – then it becomes much harder to buy people off.
And a quick win in Moldova would
have given Moscow a badly needed respite, both domestically and internationally: they could say, “Look, things are not that bad. We got Moldova. We’re working towards hitting Odesa from Moldova now, disrupting the logistics flowing from Moldova to Ukraine.”
IF THIS REALLY WAS RUSSIA’S LAST CHANCE TO BRING MOLDOVA BACK INTO ITS FOLD THROUGH SOFT POWER, AND IT FAILED, SHOULD WE NOW EXPECT MOSCOW TO RESORT TO HARD POWER?
That depends entirely on their progress in Ukraine. If they establish a logistical chain that makes it possible to attack Moldova, or to “liberate” Moldova, as they would put it, then yes, they would surely try. Our only geopolitical asset is that we don’t share a direct border with Russia. If we did, we’d already be in a situation similar to Belarus or Georgia’s occupied territories.
But if the situation on the Ukrainian
front remains unchanged, and it likely will, then Russia simply won’t have the logistics to support a military contingent in Moldova. On top of that, such a move would bring more sanctions, push the American administration to strengthen its support for Ukraine, and kill any remaining claim that Russia is even remotely interested in peace.
People often draw parallels with Czechoslovakia – it would be the second step that was seen in 1939, convincing even those who argue “let Putin have some parts of Ukraine, that’s all he wants,” that he will not stop.
PRESIDENT ZELENSKY SAID AT THE UN: “WE HAVE ALREADY LOST GEORGIA TO EUROPE, AND EUROPE CANNOT AFFORD TO LOSE MOLDOVA TOO.” WHAT WOULD A PRORUSSIAN MOLDOVA MEAN FOR UKRAINE’S SURVIVAL?
To start with what would certainly happen: it would mean limiting the
logistical supplies coming through Moldova. It would create uncertainty for the Ukrainian refugees still here. There would be less diplomatic support – Moldova voting differently in the UN, in the Council of Europe, or other bodies.
A pro-Russian government in Moldova could also give the green light for troop movements into Transnistria. There is plenty of military equipment already there – the problem is manpower. Sending in 10,000 troops and arming them would force Ukraine to redeploy forces to secure that part of the border, to guard against incursions from Transnistria.
WOULD THAT MEAN THE OPENING OF A SECOND FRONT?
Not necessarily. The frontline as it stands isn’t conducive to that, and the manpower and capabilities Russia currently has in Transnistria are far too limited. But creating pressure and a vulnerable point that forces Ukraine to tie down personnel – that is more viable. It would be similar to Belarus, where there has been no troop incursion into Ukraine, but whose mere presence still ties down Ukrainian forces.
BUT THERE ARE MISSILES BEING LAUNCHED FROM BELARUS INTO UKRAINE. COULD THE SAME HAPPEN FROM TRANSNISTRIA?
It could, but it would be more of a Mexican standoff. If Transnistria were to move against Ukraine, Kyiv could legitimately declare it Russian-occupied territory and strike it directly. Transnistria would not be able to withstand that. So I would expect instead low-intensity diversions – drones launched from Transnistria, for example.
I don’t think a full-scale war is on the cards right now, given the logistics on other frontlines. But we’ve all seen the maps on the walls of Russia’s military headquarters, where Odesa and Kherson are drawn as occupied by Russia. And we remember when President Lukashenko presented maps that marked Transnistria as a target. The plan to create a land corridor to Transnistria has always been there – and controlling that corridor would effectively mean controlling Moldova.
But at present, the frontline situation doesn’t allow for that. And if things remain largely the same, I don’t think Russia will be able to amass the forces needed to take Odesa. Odesa is crucial for Ukraine, heavily defended, and it also serves as a shield for Moldova.
Ukraine Latest: Long-range Strikes in the Offing for Ukraine
Continued from page 3
Despite these developments, there is little progress on diplomacy. The Kremlin has said it is no longer in contact with Kyiv over possible peace talks, and spokesman Dmitry Peskov confirmed there are no plans to revive negotiations. Russian and Ukrainian negotiators last met in July, but prospects for dialogue appear remote. Kellogg, speaking at the Warsaw Security Forum this week, admitted to a “level of frustration” over the lack of talks, though he insisted that Russia is not winning the war and that Ukraine has fought “boldly and exceptionally well.” Still, he acknowledged the uncertainty surrounding Putin’s intentions, saying, “No one in this room can figure out what Vladimir Putin is thinking.” He added that while he remains an optimist, the Russian leader may already recognize “in his heart of hearts” that he cannot ultimately win.
A wave of Ukrainian drone attacks on Russian oil refineries has sparked a fuel market crisis, forcing Moscow to impose export bans and prepare for emergency imports. Based on the data from the Siala news agency, cited by Russia’s RBC, more than twenty major refineries have come under attack since early August. The strikes have cut Russia’s refining capacity by 38%, equivalent to around 338,000 tons per day. Russian media report that capacity for gasoline and diesel production dropped by 6% in August and a further 18% in September, calling the scale of the disruption historically unprecedented. By late September, about a quarter of Russia’s oil refining capacity was offline, with Siala attributing roughly 70% of the outages to drone strikes. Four refineries were forced to halt production last month alone, including “Kinef” in the Leningrad region—the country’s secondlargest plant—and Rosneft’s Ryazan
facility, one of Russia’s top five. The disruption has translated into acute fuel shortages at home. Business daily Kommersant reported that in September, shortages reached 20% of domestic consumption, hitting Crimea and the Far East hardest. In some regions, authorities introduced restrictions, banning the sale of more than 30 liters of gasoline per person. Shortages have now been recorded in over 20 regions across the country. Economists quoted by Russian outlets warn that oil companies are largely powerless to resolve the crisis quickly, since repairs at damaged facilities could take months—especially under the weight of Western sanctions, which restrict access to vital equipment and technology. In response, the Russian government has banned gasoline exports and moved to secure supplies abroad. To facilitate imports, the Eurasian Economic Union has lifted duties on gasoline, diesel, and jet fuel.
Ukraine. Source: Getty Images
Andrei Curararu. Source: svidomi
The Linguistic Impact on Georgia’s Revolutionary Mood
Illustration by Leigh Guldig/New Yorker
OP-ED BY NUGZAR B. RUHADZE
Ihave always wondered how much a communication style, in other words, the manner of using a tongue, influences society and its way of life. It shapes our social actuality, dynamics of interpersonal relations, the power of interaction between various social layers and forces, the cultural and educational characteristics of people and communicative arrangements.
The vocabulary we use, the tone we entertain and the accents we make while conversing with our fellow citizens, especially in the political arena, determines the level of social unity and reliability – it either creates societal uniformity or gives impetus to social division, thus building the stereotypes in every walk of life that become deeply rooted in our lives for years if not for generations.
There is a perpetual interplay between society and the language it uses to keep itself going, influencing the way we are trying to distinguish right from wrong and find our niche in a bad-language ridden and ominously churning live-and-letme-live mechanism.
There exists a constant interplay between society and the language it employs to sustain itself, shaping how we attempt to discern right from wrong and find our footing in a world plagued by corrosive language and a dangerously spinning
live-and-let-me-live mechanism. Sometimes, the influence of language becomes so intense that it determines the pace and quality of national development. At other times, it completely loses its grip on people. Consider the words “Treason” and “Traitor,” for example. In Georgia’s socio-political exchanges, these terms are so frequently deployed that they’ve been stripped of their original force. Nearly every political figure is branded with one or both, in hopes of damaging their public image. Yet, due to relentless overuse, these terms have lost their essence and the power to truly move hearts and minds. They’ve even taken on an air of mockery. And that’s just one instance. A host of other expressions from our daily political lexicon are so worn out that they’ve become meaningless in the ideological landscape.
Judging by the everyday political discourse reflected through our mass media, there is a clearly revolutionary undertone among forces keen on seizing control of national governance. So much so, that the revolution’s very date has been loudly and widely proclaimed—October 4th—coinciding with the day of local elections. Of course, in an era of free speech and democratic politicking, such developments are not beyond the realm of possibility. We are all entitled to express and act upon our ideas, so long as we remain within the bounds of the thoroughly enforced rule of law. What stands out, however, is the style of language being used to articulate this potentially emerging revolutionary metamorphosis.
Apart from that, the revolutionary mood, including the harsh and funny language of communication of the revolutionaries, is often in direct contradiction with the ideology of those oppositional leaders who hate revolutions and are peacefully, fairly, honestly and scrupulously getting ready for the upcoming elections, harboring certain political chances for them.
Paradoxically, the very vocabulary intended to galvanize revolutionary sentiment is often so odd and laughable that it’s hard to believe a serious upheaval could be orchestrated through such linguistic efforts. Some of these pre-revolutionary speeches are so absurd and comedic that one cannot help but wonder: how exactly do these aspiring revolutionaries expect to effectively communicate their message and inspire meaningful change?
It is a well-known and commonly accepted notion and the linguistic style and content have an uncanny effect on the revolutionary mood and prospect. So, why can’t those valiant and openly boasting revolutionaries maintain the linguistic norm that works not to the detriment, but to the benefit of their final goal? They hopefully know why!
UNM: “All Red Lines Erased” After Arrest of Tbilisi Councillor Zviad Kuprava Ahead of October 4 Rally
BY TEAM GT
The United National Movement has condemned the arrest of Zviad Kuprava, a member of its Tbilisi City Council faction, calling the detention further proof that “all red lines have been erased” by the government led by Bidzina Ivanishvili.
The party’s statement accuses what it calls a “Russian gang of traitorous criminals” of continuing political repression and says Kuprava’s arrest is part of a broader campaign to intimidate opponents in the run-up to the planned October 4 rally on Rustaveli Avenue.
UNM warned supporters not to fall for “provocations organized by the government” in the final days before the demonstration and vowed that on October 4 Georgians will gather peacefully to tell what the party calls “Russia’s puppet government” that its rule must end and political prisoners must be freed.
State Security Service officers detained Kuprava after opening proceedings related to a social-media video he posted on September 30 in which, referring to the October 4 rally, he said: “On October 4, we will definitely break through one special operations point out of 500, after which we will get the domino principle and Ivanishvili will fall.”
Authorities say the case concerns public calls for overthrowing state authority and resistance against representatives of power. The arrest was announced at a briefing held by the State Security Service.
The detention comes amid rising tensions between the Georgian authorities and the opposition as the October 4 date approaches. Opposition leaders have framed the rally as a peaceful, legal pro-
test against the government’s crackdown on dissent, while state institutions have increasingly responded with arrests and criminal charges against prominent opposition figures.
UNM and allied groups say the arrests reflect the government’s fear of the mass gathering and amount to an attempt to suppress dissent ahead of a pivotal day of protest.
Kuprava’s arrest revives old flashpoints: he has previously been involved in highprofile clashes with authorities, and critics say repeated prosecutions of opposition activists signal a pattern of using the justice system for political ends.
UNM’s statement reiterated its pledge that the movement will continue to mobilize peacefully and constitutionally, promising that the struggle will end with the release of political prisoners and a return to what it called a united, free, European Georgia.
For now, Kuprava’s detention adds to mounting concern among opposition circles and international monitors about the shrinking space for political dissent in the country.
Zviad Kuprava. Source: Publika
A Leap from the Third to the First World: How? By What Means? Is it Possible?
ANALYSIS BY VICTOR KIPIANI, GEOCASE CHAIRMAN
Acountry’s leap from the third to the first world is an ambitious undertaking. For some, it’s unbelievable, inconceivable, even unrealistic. Yet, overcoming the current situation requires bold thinking, an ambitious goal, a high bar, and the corresponding mindset. Otherwise—by halfway measures, procrastination, slowed actions, routine gradualism, and undue modesty for the moment—neither overcoming the crisis nor developing into a mobile, competitive, and future-oriented national state organization is possible. And if this transformation does not happen, remaining an “ordinary,” “ongoing,” or “one of many” countries is nothing but an unconscious (?) declaration of gradual disappearance.
Detailing a precise “roadmap” for such a leap is a separate stage’s task. Hopefully, that time will come soon. For now, I will highlight, from my subjective perspective, several key components that could enable this leap. I know I won’t reinvent the wheel here; in some cases, what I voice has been said and thought of multiple times by others. Nevertheless, I allow myself to share with readers, in my own version, the necessary conditions for Georgia’s leap from the third world to the first.
1.
BE SECURE
National security is fundamentally different from “peacefulness in the country.” While “peace” often means resignation and passivity (not to mention the use of “peace” in misguided propaganda)— genuine national security equates to a broad complex of active and continuous measures.
To be objective, it must be recognized that absolute security is unattainable in today's world. Therefore, speaking of invulnerability is hypocrisy. However, the diversity of modern security models and the transformation of the very notion of security provide many interesting approaches and solutions. From varied system alliances and so-called compensatory security models (thematic, geographic, bilateral, etc.), to the broadest sense, a nation’s security is linked to active political-diplomatic, military, intelligence, and economic measures built on existing experience and connections. There is substantial experience of such activity in our country. Therefore, before this experience shifts from "dormant" to "forgotten" status, reviving and updating it promises fundamentally new opportunities for us.
2. BE ECONOMICALLY SELF-SUFFICIENT
It’s hardly a revelation to say that without a “full pocket”—meaning a robust economy that satisfies national needs so we don’t look outward with a begging hand—the leap in question is entirely impossible.
Spelling out each specific area would go beyond this format, but I will mention what I see as some desirable systemforming aspects of a Georgian self-sufficient economic system:
(1) In a world of fierce competition, excessive egoism, and economic nationalism, compact Georgia must always express its voice and position to its own functional benefit. Being necessary and useful not just for itself, but for others too, is a critical prerequisite for both economic and general sovereign sustainability and existence.
Our country has past experience and practice to serve as a basis for this. Now, what is required is to reactivate that experience, transforming it to our reality, to search for new paths of functional utility, and thus strengthen the practical foundations for much-needed self-affirmation.
(2) A “culture of mobile thinking” (and a free political environment!), which manifests in practical scientific research, breakthrough-focused innovation, and development-oriented education.
In reality, from an innovation and research perspective, we must become a “start-up” nation, where talent for searching, research, and discovery directly serves the practical development needs of the country and is properly valued. Georgians today need to take a leap forward to not fall behind global civilization, not drift towards empire, and not find the state’s very existence in peril.
(3) Mobilizing the capital needed for the leap—making the most of both the domestic capital market and external resource channels.
Beyond traditional instruments and tools, the introduction of new financial technologies and support for fintech are powerful signals for a leap to the first world. Sticking with only time-worn, “tested” routes means Georgia risks being stuck forever among third (developing) world countries.
It’s important that the country, today (and still…), has the human capital, drive, and “energy” needed for such breakthroughs. Failing to use these threatens not only to quench this drive, but to ultimately lose our human capital.
Alongside other aspects, speaking of human capital, the most pressing current objective seems to be the intellectual security of the country. Without securing talented (and dignified!), development-focused (and free!) people in the country, the leap from the third to first world is utterly unrealistic.
(4) Integrating a “welfare state” into Georgia’s economic formation is—as I see it—not optional, but a purely practical task.
First of all, this is about realizing security in the broadest sense, which is impossible amidst severe disparities between “rich” and “poor,” especially without a safety net for the latter from the state. Such a situation makes the country vul-
nerable not only to external, but also internal threats, as nothing serves our ill-wishers more than poverty, injustice, or inequality. Discussing injustice and inequality makes it crucial for the state to maintain the right “golden mean” balance between a market economy and a welfare economy. Among other approaches, including such a “mean” would let people feel coownership and co-participation in public processes. Without this sentiment, the leap is impossible. The point is that the current societal fabric and its cohesion provides a good basis for a leap. This foundation must now be solidly reinforced by a sense of ownership of the country.
3. BE A COUNTRY OF GOOD GOVERNANCE
The word “good” was chosen deliberately, as it best and most succinctly captures the essence.
For the leap from third to first world, good governance, to me, means rule “for all,” not just “one group.” Alongside wellknown expectations of openness and accountability, a vital trait of good governance is its simplicity and directness— in other words, its human face, such that it doesn’t distinguish “them” from “us,” and makes them “one of us.”
Good governance is closely tied to normalizing the country, which, among other things, comes down to institutional management.
Two mutually reinforcing currents form the strong foundation of institutional management: policy-making “topdown” and “bottom-up.” Signs of the latter can already be seen; signs of the former are yet to appear.
For the desired leap, the following should become part of the country’s established style of governance: demystification, demythologization, depersonification, and desentimentalization.
4. BE “ONE STEP AHEAD”
This means taking the initiative on regional and global stages, and offering
creative, solution-oriented strategies. Our minds and thinking belong to us alone. Only our own laziness or despair can conquer them. In today's world, multiplying limited material resources is only possible with intellectual resources.
This also connects to projecting Georgian “soft power” and, through it, achieving self-affirmation both in our own and others’ eyes. That’s the lot of every small nation: to constantly prove their right to exist, to equality, to prospects. This process does not tolerate fatigue but demands continual movement and striving beyond one’s limits.
The distinctive Georgian “thinking hub,” manifested in various initiatives, still serves the country’s leap to the first world.
5. BE ACCEPTING AND UNDERSTANDABLE
In practice, this means working with different geopolitical, geo-economic centers, hubs, or regions without dividing the world into black and white. It is important to note that such cooperation must be grounded in respect for basic norms of international law.
Thus, an “open door” foreign policy, implemented with pragmatism and deideologized decisions, means that the confluence of interests and harmonization of rights and responsibilities between “us” and “them” become the key determinants.
Depending on the format, such cooperation could advance Georgia’s agenda in frameworks of strategic partnerships, tactical partnerships, situational partnerships, or just working contacts. The geographical limitations stemming from our location must be transformed into opportunities to the greatest extent possible.
6. BE MODERN, BE UP-TO-DATE
This requires rethinking and redefining the connection between the state and the citizen at a fundamentally new level. It’s about bringing the abstract concept
of “the state” noticeably closer to the individual. The relationship between the state and citizens should be shown as a horizontal connection between equals. Highlighting the state’s function as a provider of services makes this possible, with the most important services being physical security, equal economic opportunities, and social equality among citizens. This is not about “etatism”—an exaggerated view of the state’s role—but about the need for a well-organized, reliable national state to be a partner for citizens in this new world of disorder. This partnership means walking forward together, managing risks, and carrying out constant modernization to keep up with the times, so as to always be among the “first world” countries.
7. BE STATE-CORPORATE MINDED
Some might be surprised by my putting these two concepts together. Yet, in light of global trends, it makes perfect sense, especially for us: blending state and corporate approaches gives the country a better shot at being more competitive, resilient, and adaptive to rapid changes. Combined with the rethinking of the state’s role, shifting national-state organization to corporate foundations at a minimum helps Georgia exist, and at a maximum helps it to join the ranks of leading countries.
When discussing the transformation of the Georgian state, it is also crucial to note that moving from playing “statehood” to operational systems of decisionmaking and implementation forms the basis for citizens to better exercise their “shareholder” voice.
IN CONCLUSION...
All that remains to be said is that everything outlined here—briefly (and hopefully clearly)—requires what? Yes—work. Now and in the future. Relentlessly and tirelessly. Otherwise, the leap from the third to the first world, and then maintaining a place among the first, will be impossible.
Tbilisi has a a new premium venue that is fast becoming the city’s most popular address for big events. ‘Hi Tbilisi’ is more than just a multifunctional hall: it is a new standard for refined and high-quality gatherings in the capital.
From the very first glance, Hi Tbilisi impresses with its panoramic views of the city, offering a backdrop that transforms every event into a memorable occasion. Yet this is not the only the only signature feature of this space, as it also offers the perfect balance between technical precision, excellent service, and a memorable atmosphere.
Whether you are hosting an intimate corporate meeting or a large-scale celebration, Hi Tbilisi can be adapted to any vision. The venue can accommodate
from 100 to 700 guests in seated format, and up to 2500 in standing reception style. This flexibility makes it one of the most versatile event spaces in Georgia.
WEDDINGS
For couples, Hi Tbilisi offers the perfect stage to tell their love story, in a setting that mixes elegance with emotion. With a premium hall, ceremony space, a dedicated wedding coordinator, and the option to design entirely unique décor concepts, every detail is set to create an unforgettable celebration. A wedding at Hi Tbilisi is not simply an event; it promises a lifelong memory.
CORPORATE EVENTS
Hi Tbilisi has quickly become synonymous with professionalism in corporate hospitality. Conferences, seminars, gala dinners, product launches and board meetings are accompanied by immaculate staging, screens, lighting and acoustics. Hi Tbilisi’s professional team ensures precise organ-
Georgia’s Foreign Economic Dependence Index Climbs in Q2 2025
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
ICC-Georgia, in partnership with EBIT Group, published data revealing that Georgia’s Foreign Economic Dependence Index increased from 9.27 million to 10.23 million in the second quarter of 2025. The rise reflects stronger exports, big tourism revenues and a rebound in foreign direct investment (FDI), even as remittance flows into the country declined.
Performance varied across trading partners:
• European Union (EU): Imports and exports both rose, with growth also seen in tourism and investment.
• Russia: Imports fell but exports and tourism revenues increased. Money transfers declined, while FDI posted
ization, from registration and coffee breaks to closing ceremonies, allowing organizers to focus on the content while the venue takes care of the logistics.
CULINARY EXCELLENCE, GEORGIAN AND EUROPEAN
The venue’s culinary variety combines the best of Georgian and European traditions, presented with a contemporary edge. Guests enjoy both familiar flavors and innovative gastronomic experiences. With premium ingredients, classic plating and attentive service, the menu deserves a spotlight in its own right.
MUSIC AND CULTURE
Hi Tbilisi is already a favorite platform for both Georgian and international artists. Live concerts, jazz evenings, DJ performances and festivals find their perfect home here, supported by professional acoustics, stage design, lighting and backstage facilities. For audiences, the combination of music and atmosphere creates an experience that feels both exclusive and unforgettable.
THE VENUE’S SPECIAL ATTRIBUTES INCLUDE:
• Premium hall for up to 700 seated guests
• Standing capacity for up to 2500
• Unique central location with panoramic views of Tbilisi
• Ceremony, reception, dining, and entertainment — all in one space
• Professional event management and technical support
• Tailored design concepts and décor services
• Georgian-European fine dining experience
• Parking and guest-friendly infrastructure
Hi Tbilisi is not just a venue — it is an atmosphere, an emotion and a memory. For weddings, corporate events, cultural festivals, or grand celebrations, it offers
the rare combination of entertainment and sophistication, where success is celebrated, love is honored, and every occasion becomes unforgettable.
Tbilisi to Build Region’s Largest Amusement Park in Dendrological Park
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
Tbilisi will welcome the region’s largest amusement park, a major project planned within the city’s Dendrological Park. Modeled after international attractions such as Disneyland, Legoland, and Universal Studios, the park aims to become a primary recreational destination for families, children and pleasure-seekers alike.
The development will feature themed zones with rides and entertainment for all ages, along with shops, dining areas, relaxation spaces and a dedicated celebration center. Safety standards, environmental preservation and new landscaping are central to the project, ensuring that the park integrates into the city’s growing green recreation zone. The initiative follows the 2017 reloca-
tion of the old Tbilisi Zoo to the Tbilisi Sea area, which now borders the dendrological park. Together, the zoo and the planned amusement park are expected to form one of the largest leisure and tourism hubs in the South Caucasus.
Tbilisi Mayor Kakha Kaladze stated that the park will attract not only local
residents but also tourists from neighboring countries and further abroad.
Tbilisi Mayor Kakha Kaladze stated that the project, backed by contributions from Bidzina Ivanishvili’s family and the Cartu Foundation, will attract not only local residents but also tourists from neighboring countries and further abroad.
modest gains.
• Turkey: Trade volumes and FDI strengthened, though tourism income and remittances contracted.
• Azerbaijan & Armenia: Exports increased and imports dropped, but investment flows weakened.
• China: Both imports and exports surged, though FDI turned negative.
• United Kingdom: Exports doubled and FDI rebounded strongly, contrasting with collapsing imports.
• United States: Exports rose and remittances improved, but FDI slipped into negative territory.
• Other partners: Broad-based gains in trade, tourism, and FDI provided a key boost.
The report shows Georgia’s growing integration into global markets, supported by trade and tourism but notes ongoing vulnerabilities due to declining money flows and uneven investment patterns.
Georgians Spend Record GEL 521 mln on Mobile Services in 2025
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
The Communications Commission (ComCom) reports that Georgian consumers spent a record GEL 521 million on mobile communication services in the first seven months of 2025. The total is GEL 31 million, or 6%, higher than in the same period last year. Three operators dominate the market, with Magti maintaining the largest share
at 40.7%, generating GEL 245.3 million in revenue from 2.39 million subscribers. Silknet followed with 35.8% of the market and GEL 183.5 million in revenue from just over 2.09 million users. Celfie Mobile, the youngest player, accounted for 23.2% of the market, earning GEL 91.3 million from 1.36 million subscribers. Celfie posted the fastest growth at 8.7% year-on-year. The total number of active mobile subscribers climbed to nearly 5.87 million, up 191,000 compared to 2024.
MIXED ARPU TRENDS
Average revenue per user (ARPU) showed divergent results across providers. Magti reported the highest ARPU at GEL 16.25 per month, up 0.86 GEL year-on-year. Silknet’s ARPU fell slightly to GEL 13.97, while Celfie Mobile improved to GEL 10.58.
DATA USAGE ON THE RISE Mobile internet penetration also expanded, with 4.34 million subscribers, 73.9% of all users, accessing mobile internet monthly. Average monthly data usage per subscriber increased to 17.2 GB, up by 2.3 GB compared to last year.
Photo: Export Experts Global.
Photo: Daily Hive.
The Road Now Traveled
BY TONY HANMER
Roads… a constant issue in Svaneti. In my 26 years here, I have seen huge changes on them. These continue as I write, because this mountain region’s roads are under constant attack by the forces above and under them, needing equally vigilant attention and maintenance.
My first years of trips up, from 1999 into the early 2010s, have two parts: the dangerous years and the safe(r), later ones. Early, some of the Aprasidzes based in Etseri were infamous for various armed shenanigans against passers-through, foreign and local. Then, after the Rose Revolution, the rule of law was forcibly returned to Svaneti, and it became much less risky even for single young women to trek through.
The road itself took a while to catch up, but energetic young President Saakashvili was determined to improve things here. He had the whole thing from Jvari to Mestia re-done with rebarreinforced cement, with asphalt over this as high up as between the villages of Lakhani and Jorkvali. This all was a huge improvement. NOW we could have daily distribution to Mestia’s burgeoning collection of shops, hotels and guest houses; two 24-hour petrol stations opened; an old ski resort was completely redone, and another made from nothing. Winter tourism became a thing again. What used to take six hours, on a dirt road in 1st and 2nd gear, became a three-hour race. Alas, avalanches, rockfalls and frost
heave give us no rest. The first are cleaned up as soon as possible. The heave comes from underneath, and its damage needs much more serious work to repair. Most of this is not being touched. Also, there are quite a few sections where, say, a 10- or 50-m stretch of road has fallen away towards the raging Enguri, cutting the width of the road in half. These places, too, need a huge amount of work to rebuild. It’s noticeable in an election year, one must note.
And the cementing and asphalting continue upwards too. The hard and fast rule of “no asphalt past Lakhani” is certainly no longer applicable. Past Mestia, all the way to Ushguli (except for a 2-km stretch near the village), there is new rebar-cement on the whole road. Up through Ushguli itself, and down the other side from the 2800m of altitude to Lentekhi, the capital of Lower Svaneti, is a similar mix of at least cement and also asphalt, lower down. I remember such bad potholes in the zig-zags into Ipari, and from then to Ushguli, slow torture to drive… no longer. Yesterday I made my fastest drive down from Etseri to Zugdidi: about two hours. Maximum average speed in Svaneti: 55 km/h, speeding up a further 5 km/h once we were in flatter Samegrelo proper.
2012 was the year I first saw several newly returned forms of transport on our roads: buses, taxis, motorbikes and pedal bikes.
There may be no plans to keep the pass above Ushguli open through winter, which would be a huge endeavor of regular snow-clearing. But there is now a point (maybe Etseri?) from which you now have equal driving times to Tbilisi: down through Zugdidi, or up through
Ushguli. The latter way allows you not to backtrack, and also to see the whole other side of Svaneti. This late October, if it’s still open, that is the way my wife and I will take when we return to Tbilisi for the winter.
(The first time we took that road, joining other foreign visitors in their car, Lali got out at least one long section and walked, preferring this to seeing what the road’s ruts and holes were like from inside the car. Now: a whole different game, everyone says).
There are 10 tunnels on the Jvari section of the road, the one we usually take, all but two of them with new round walls of reinforced cement. While I still dread meeting a resting cow in one of these dark places, and drive slower with highbeams on, this would be a rare event. All in all, the perspective of a quartercentury gives one the opportunity to look back, see all the road improvements, note what still needs doing, and hope for the best.
(Note: since I wrote this, all of Svaneti has once again been plunged into mourning over the death of a couple from Chuberi, in an accident which saw their car fall off an unprotected road section into the river. Four children are now orphans, the youngest not yet three years old.)
Tony Hanmer has lived in Georgia since 1999, in Svaneti since 2007, and been a weekly writer and photographer for GT since early 2011. He runs the “Svaneti Renaissance” Facebook group, now with over 2000 members, at www.facebook.com/groups/ SvanetiRenaissance/ He and his wife also run their own guest house in Etseri: www.facebook.com/hanmer.house.svaneti
The European Day of Languages: Celebrating 25 Years of Motivating Europe to Learn Languages
BY TEAM GT
The Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Alain Berset, made the following statement, ahead of the European Day of Languages marked on 26 September:
“2025 marks the 25th anniversary of the European Day of Languages, a celebration of Europe’s rich linguistic and cultural diversity and a powerful reminder of the importance of language learning for democratic participation, inclusion, and mutual understanding.
“Europe’s multilingual heritage is one of its greatest strengths. The Council of Europe actively promotes and protects this diversity, recognizing that the teaching and learning of multiple languages is not a cultural luxury, but a political necessity—a vital means of bringing the European ideal to life and reinforcing the pluralistic, inclusive, and forwardlooking values at the heart of the European project. This is underpinned by instruments such as the Council’s Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR) and its Companion Volume which have revolutionized language education and have been taken up worldwide.
“Both the CEFR and the European Day of Languages were born out of the European Year of Languages 2001, a joint initiative of the Council of Europe and
the European Commission aimed at raising awareness of Europe’s linguistic wealth and encouraging lifelong language learning. Since then, 26 September has become a yearly celebration of all languages—large and small, spoken and signed, regional and migrant—highlighting the role of languages in education, society, and personal development.
“To mark this special anniversary, the Council of Europe will launch a Motivation Manifesto, developed with the support of the European Commission, to spotlight the critical role of motivation in successful language learning. Motivation is widely recognized as one of the most reliable predictors of learner achievement and addressing it is key to fostering engagement and educational success.
“As we celebrate 25 years of the European Day of Languages, the Council of Europe reaffirms its commitment to plurilingual and intercultural language education, founded on shared democratic values. It will continue to work with its member states to bring the benefits of Europe’s linguistic diversity closer to its citizens—enhancing mutual respect and understanding, strengthening social cohesion and democratic citizenship. In doing so language education makes an important contribution to the New Democratic Pact.
“This anniversary is not only a celebration, but a call to action: to support motivated, empowered learners who are ready to contribute to an open, democratic, and multilingual Europe.”
BLOG
Georgia Launches Rehabilitation of Five Major Museums
BY MARIAM RAZMADZE
The Ministry of Culture has announced the launch of a large infrastructure program focused on the rehabilitation of five major museums in Georgia. The project will cover: Ilia Chavchavadze House-Museum in Saguramo Vazha-Pshavela Museum and House-Museum in Chargali Galaktion and Titsian Tabidze House-Museum in Vani Giorgi Leonidze Museum of Georgian Literature in Tbilisi Dadiani Palace Queen’s Residence in Zugdidi.
The Silence That Listens Back: Giya Kancheli’s
90th,
and the Georgian Memory of Sound
REVIEW BY IVAN NECHAEV
On September 28, the Djansug Kakhidze Tbilisi Music and Culture Center hosted an evening that transcended the conventions of a concert. Part of the international festival Autumn Tbilisi, the program honored what would have been the ninetieth birthday of Giya Kancheli — Georgia’s most enigmatic and universally celebrated composer of the late twentieth century. The Tbilisi Symphony Orchestra, the Georgian State Choir, and the remarkable young violist Georgy Kovalev performed under the baton of Vakhtang Kakhidze, whose intimate understanding of Kancheli’s language imbued the evening with filial devotion. The program was structured in two distinct phases. The first half presented the Largo and the Fifth Symphony, establishing a trajectory from meditative stillness to existential tumult. The second half culminated in Styx for viola, choir, and orchestra — a work that stands as Kancheli’s most intense reflection on mortality and collective memory.
KANCHELI’S AESTHETIC OF ABSENCE
Kancheli was never merely a composer of notes; he composed absences, lacunae charged with metaphysical tension. While
Western critics have categorized his style as “post-Soviet minimalism” or “sacred austerity,” Georgians perceive a more intimate dimension: a sound-world attuned to the ruins and rituals of a small nation negotiating survival under the shadow of empires.
The Largo opened the evening with the serenity of a suspended breath. Time itself seemed stretched toward eternity, with orchestral lines dissolving into near-inaudible spaces. Under Vakhtang Kakhidze’s guidance, the orchestra balanced gravity with fragility, allowing every phrase to linger as if it were waiting to be absorbed by memory itself.
THE FIFTH SYMPHONY: BETWEEN CATASTROPHE AND CONSOLATION
The Fifth Symphony followed, unfolding the paradoxical voice of Soviet-era Georgian art: how to articulate dissent and spiritual yearning under ideological constraints. The work alternates between fragile lyricism and sudden, almost violent, orchestral outbursts. These eruptions are not merely structural; they are existential intrusions, historical tremors captured in sound.
Kakhidze’s interpretation emphasized both the collective and the intimate: the orchestra responded with precision, yet each passage conveyed vulnerability, as if the musicians themselves were carrying the weight of national memory. The symphony’s long, introspective lines
interspersed with sudden climactic bursts created a musical landscape where grief, hope, and resilience coexist uneasily but inexorably.
STYX: MUSIC AS RITUAL FOR THE DEAD
The concert’s second half culminated in Styx, Kancheli’s profound meditation on mortality, mourning, and the metaphysical threshold between life and death. Georgy Kovalev’s viola assumed a role of both human voice and archetypal witness, navigating a fragile trajectory between the orchestral mass and the choir’s near-monastic whispers.
The Georgian State Choir, entering with disciplined restraint, did not so much sing as articulate collective memory. Each choral utterance felt like an invocation; each pause, an acknowledgment of the void. In a country still resonating with the echoes of war, exile, and cultural survival, Styx functioned as a civic ritual, translating grief into sound. Kancheli described music as “the silence that listens back,” and in Styx, this principle becomes palpable. Silence is not neutral; it is an active, almost sentient presence. The long gaps between Kovalev’s fragile lines and the choir’s responses felt like temporal fissures, where the listener is invited to confront absence itself.
THE VIOLA AS WITNESS
If Styx demanded a solitary voice capable of embodying both human fragility and archetypal resonance, Georgy Kovalev delivered it with a mastery that was impossible to ignore. His playing transcended technical brilliance; every phrase seemed to inhabit a liminal space between vulnerability and inevitability. Kovalev’s tone was simultaneously raw and refined, capable of expressing intimate lament while articulating the work’s cosmic gravitas.
His interpretation was not merely a performance but a profound act of listening and responding. In passages where the viola traces slow, aching arcs against the orchestral mass, Kovalev maintained perfect equilibrium: every note was suspended in memory, every silence pregnant with implication. When the choir entered, he neither competed nor receded; he inhabited the threshold between the individual and the collective, bridging the human and the mythic.
Kovalev’s work on this evening reaffirmed a simple truth about Kancheli’s music: the instrument is not a vehicle for virtuosity alone but a medium for ethical, existential expression. The audience’s engagement — a silent, almost reverent stillness — testified to the impact of his artistry. Here, the viola became more than an instrument; it became a conscience, a witness, a vessel of remembrance.
In an era when technical perfection can often overshadow interpretive depth, Kovalev reminded listeners that true mastery lies in inhabiting the music, not
merely performing it. In
and
became
leading the audience into the very spaces where Kancheli’s silence listens back.
THE FUTURE OF LISTENING
Why celebrate Kancheli at ninety? His work, haunted by silence and rupture, resonates with contemporary anxieties.
In a Georgia negotiating political and existential turbulence, Kancheli’s compositions act as reflective spaces where private grief intersects with collective history.
Globally, Kancheli defies easy categorization. His music is neither Western minimalism nor nationalistic folklore; it inhabits a liminal space between liturgy and avant-garde, between intimate lament and public ritual. This liminality makes his legacy urgent for the twenty-first century, offering a model of listening that is contemplative, patient, and ethically aware.
September 28 was not just a commemoration but a test of our capacity to hear Kancheli’s demands: to dwell in silence, to confront rupture, to wait for consolation that may never arrive.
As Georgy Kovalev’s viola dissolved into stillness at the end of Styx, one realized that Kancheli’s legacy resides not in the notes themselves but in the spaces between them — where history, memory, and transcendence converge. In that silence, Georgia’s past and future listened to one another.
Photo: Wander-Lush.
Styx, he
both guide
interlocutor,
Photo by the author
Photo by the author
Photo by the author
Echoes over the Alazani: Telavi’s Festival Between Memory and Future
Photo by the author
REVIEW BY IVAN NECHAEV
The medieval walls of Telavi rise above the vineyards of Kakheti like the ribs of a vast, weathered instrument. For centuries they have absorbed liturgy and battle song, the verses of Vazha-Pshavela, the winding lines of Georgian polyphony that UNESCO has called a masterpiece of humanity’s intangible heritage. In late September, the Telavi International Music Festival once again turned this city into
a resonating body. The closing concert on the 25th became not only the festival’s culmination, but also a moment of concentrated listening, in which tradition and renewal stood in the same light.
Telavi is neither a capital nor a resort town; it is a provincial city carrying the memory of King Erekle II’s court and the autumnal cycle of the vineyard. To convene an international festival here is to propose that cultural dialogue belongs as much to the regions as to the capital.
Since its founding, the festival has acted as a space of exchange. Masterclasses flow into afternoon rehearsals and on into evening performances; visiting solo-
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ists become teachers; students appear as chamber partners. The arrangement recalls the European festivals of an earlier century—before tourist branding reduced them to seasonal attractions— when such gatherings served as workshops of style and continuity.
This year, the Giya Kancheli Tbilisi Youth Orchestra provided the festival’s backbone. The choice of name is significant: Kancheli’s scores, with their luminous stillness disrupted by sudden seismic rhythm, capture something of Georgia’s own cultural pulse. The young ensemble carried that duality—ardor and restraint—throughout the week.
Journalists: Ana Dumbadze
Vazha Tavberidze
Tony Hanmer
Nugzar B. Ruhadze
Ivan Nechaev
Mariam Razmadze
Layout: Misha Mchedlishvili
Photographer: Aleksei Serov
The concert of September 23 introduced two soloists to this laboratory.
Yibai Chen, the young Chinese cellist with major competition laurels, approached Tchaikovsky’s Rococo Variations with a chamber musician’s inward focus. In the court-like acoustics of Telavi’s state theater his tone seemed to settle on the air like dew, the phrases breathing in long arches that gave the woodwinds room to answer. Display yielded to dialogue.
Philipp Lynov, a pianist already shaping a distinctive post-competition identity, played with classical transparency and an ear for inner voices. The orchestra did not merely support him; it entered into a supple give-and-take that revealed motifs as episodes in a narrative.
Under Kakhi Solomnishvili, the orchestra showed discipline that belied its youth. Winds shaped their lines with independence; textures opened like pages in a collective biography of the score. Virtuosity here became a mode of listening.
The final night on September 25 changed the atmosphere. The audience entered the theater with the attentiveness that often precedes a ritual.
At the center stood Eliso Virsaladze, whose presence carries the authority of a living lineage of the Russian-Georgian piano school. She treats the score as an ethical document: in Mozart’s Piano Concerto No. 21 her playing revealed a long-practiced lucidity. Phrases unfolded as if following the logic of speech; rubato appeared as punctuation, not ornament.
The celebrated Andante, with its poised balance of line and repose, emerged as an intimate colloquy among soloist, bass, and inner voices.
Behind her, Mirian Khukhunaishvili provided the evening’s decisive gravitational center. A conductor, with experience in European opera houses and symphonic halls, he led with a balance of intellectual precision and physical clarity that immediately steadied the youth orchestra.
His reading of Saint-Saëns’s Symphony No. 2 revealed a lean, articulate wit often
lost under heavier batons. The taut strings outlined structure without weight; the winds acted as rhetorical partners, exchanging ideas in a clear contrapuntal texture; brass and timpani entered like punctuation marks in an orator’s cadence.
The finale, driven by rhythm rather than grandiose sweep, displayed Khukhunaishvili’s instinct for proportion—he shaped climaxes to release energy rather than accumulate mass.
Between these pillars, the program placed Nodar Mamisashvili’s Three Pieces, whose translucent modernism asked the orchestra for a different kind of attentiveness. The young players responded with a focused concentration that transformed the performance into a lesson in the discipline of listening.
The evening’s arc—Saint-Saëns’s quickwitted classicism, Mamisashvili’s exploratory textures, Mozart’s classical measure—showed Khukhunaishvili’s capacity as an artistic director. He forged coherence without smoothing differences, revealing that the dialogue among idioms can be sustained by the baton’s steadiness as much as by any thematic conceit.
The true work of a festival unfolds after the applause: in the growth of a youth orchestra, in the weaving of Georgian repertoire into continuing programs, in the audience’s gradual cultivation of a more demanding ear.
Telavi’s festival demonstrated a curatorial maturity that joins pedagogy to artistry. The presence of a pianist like Virsaladze lent the concerts a sense of lineage; the discipline and interpretive poise of competition-tempered soloists returned as a resource for the next generation; Khukhunaishvili’s leadership offered the orchestra both a standard and a direction.
In a city of fortress walls and vineyard slopes, music became a civic act of listening. The last chord of the closing night lingered in the theater as if the stone itself had taken up the vibration— a reminder that in this part of the Caucasus the future of classical music may depend less on spectacle than on the patient work of shared attention.
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